Early Saivism and the Skandapuriil)a

GRONINGEN ORIENTAL STUDIES

VOLUME XXI

Published under the auspices of the J. Gonda Foundation

Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences

Editor

H.T. Bakker, Groningen

Editorial Board

H.W. Bodewitz . D.D.S. GoodaII

H. Isaacson • G.J. Meulenbeld

Advisory Board

e. CaiIIat, Paris • R. F. Gombrich, Oxford

J.e. Heesterman, Leiden • D. Shulman, Jerusalem

J. WiIIiams, Berkeley
 Peter C. Bisschop

Early Saivism and the Skandapural!a

Sects and Centres

EGBERT FORSTEN . GRONINGEN

2006
 This book was printed with financial support from the
Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO)

ISBN 90 6980 1507

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Copyright © 2006 Egbert Forsten, Groningen, the Netherlands

All rights reserved. No part ofthis publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
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 Preface

The present work is a slightly revised version of my thesis submitted to

the University of Groningen in 2004. It is one of the outcomes of the
Skandapural)a project at the Institute of Indian Studies in Groningen,
financed by the Dutch Research Council (NWO). It would never have been
written had I not received the help of all those involved in this project.
In the first place I should like to thank Prof. Hans Bakker, who first
taught me Sanskrit and has guided me through my subsequent studies. It
is he who first suggested the study of the topography of the Skandapural)a
to me as a research topic. I also consider myself fortunate to have had
Prof. Harunaga Isaacson as my second promotor. It is no exaggeration to
say that his notes and corrections are present on nearly every page of this
work.
The start of my study of the Skandapural)a was overshadowed by the
sickness and eventual death of Rob Adriaensen. Until the last weeks of
his life he sent me his critical notes from his sickbed and I am convinced
that if he had lived to see this work he would be one of my severest critics.
I very much miss his wisdom and good nature.
Among the other members of the Skandapural)a project I should men-
tion Prof. Yuko Yokochi, who, during (and after) the yearly August ses-
sions in which drafts of my edition were discussed with all the members
of the team, has suggested many emendations and conjectures. Dr. Judit
T6rzs6k, Dr. Kengo Harimoto, Prof. Arlo Griffiths, Dr. Dominic Goodall
and Dr. Diwakar Acharya were present at some of these sessions as well
and have each likewise made valuable suggestions for improvement of the
text. Judit T6rzs6k's summaries of the contents of the chapters of the
Skandapural)a in its various recensions have been a great help in locating
relevant text-passages. Arlo Griffiths has given me numerous suggestions
for improvement of the style and layout and Kengo Harimoto has been
very helpful in solving a number of computer problems.
During my stay in Oxford in November-December 2001, Prof. Alexis
Sanderson kindly provided me with a draft of his notes on Saiva topo-
graphy, from which I have greatly benefitted.
In preparing this work I have made extensive use of the large body
of electronic texts availabe on the internet. I should at least mention the

v
VI Preface

following sites:
<http://www.uc1.ac.uk/-ucgadkw/indo1ogy>
<ftp://ccftp.kyoto-su.ac.jp/pub/doc/sanskrit>
<http://www.sub.unigoettingen.de/ebene_l/fiindo1o/greti1>
<http://www.sansknet.org>
In addition I had access to a number of electronic texts of Pura'.las
at the Institute of Groningen, La. the entire text of the editio princeps of
the SkandapuralJa, entered by Rob Adriaensen and Harunaga Isaacson.
The importance of searchable electronic texts for studies such as the one
undertaken here needs no explanation, and I am indebted to all those who
have contributed to this revolution in Indology.
The layout of this work follows the example set by SP Vol. I and IIA:
the edition has been prepared in EDMAC and the English parts have been
typeset in Jg.'I'gX. To have had the electronic files of SP Vol. I and IIA as
an example before me was a major advantage, which I duly acknowledge.
I am grateful to Prof. Hans Bakker and the editorial board of the
Groningen Oriental Series for accepting this book in their splendid series
and to Egbert Forsten for making its publication possible.
On a more personal note I thank Jannet, Rasmus and Elva, for being
with me.

Peter Bisschop
Edinburgh, April 2006
 Contents

PREFACE v

CONTENTS vii

INTRODUCTION 1

Saiva Topography and the Skandapura1)a 3

The Skandapural).a 3
The two versions compared 7
What does this list tell us about early Saiva topography? 12
An additional list in SPs 15
Topography in other parts of the Skandapural).a 17
Other Sources on Saiva Topography 19
The Mahabharata 19
Pural!as . 22
The paiiciUitaka 27
Cambodian inscriptions 34
The Pasupatas 37
Pasupatas and the Skandapural).a 38
The twenty-eight incarnations 41
The four pupils of Lakullsa 44
Editorial Principles . 51
One, two or three editions? 51
The archetype of the Reva- and Ambikakhal).<;la 53
Presentation of the edition, annotation and synopsis 60

SYNOPSIS 63
65
SPRA 1 74
SPRA 2 76
SPRA 3 78

Vll
viii Contents

81
82

EDITION 87
Symbols and Abbreviations in the Critical Apparatns 89
SPs 91
SP RA 1 112
SP RA 2 122
SPRA 3 131
SP RA 4 146
SP RA 5 154

ANNOTATION 171
SPs 173
SP RA 1 224
SP RA 2 235
SP RA 3 248
SP RA 4 270
SP RA 5 278

ApPENDIX 299
Concordance of SPs and SP RA 301

BIBLIOGRAPHY 303
Abbreviations 305
Manuscripts 307
Printed Sources 308

INDEXES 333
Index of Names and Subjects 335
Index of Text Passages . 349
Introduction
 Saiva Topography and the

The study of the sacred topography of early Saivism, important for our
understanding of the history of Saiva religion, is still in its infancy. A
systematic exploration of the many lists of Saiva places in Sanskrit litera-
ture has never been undertaken. 1 The present study does not remove this
lacuna in scholarship but concentrates on one such list, contained in the
original Skandapura1)a. The importance of this text which has been as
good as forgotten since the fourteenth century' for the study of early
Saivism, including its topography, is undeniable.

THE

The edito princeps of the Skandapura1)a (SPBh) was published in 1988 by

BhaHaraL In vol. 37 of the Indo-Iranian Journal a team
of scholars from Groningen announced their intention to publish a critical
edition (Adriaensen, Bakker, Isaacson 1994), of which the first volume
comprising the first twenty-five chapters came out in 1998 (SP I), followed

1 Sanderson (2003-04, pp. 403-409) refers to four such lists: 1) the five lingas
A vimukta, Kedara, Orp.kara, Amara and Mahakala - mentioned in an inscription
of 1063 AD on the Ardhamal).9.apa of the Amaresvara temple at Mandhata (El 25,
p. 185); 2) the forty Saiva sites, in five sets of eight (paiica§taka) , taught in the
Sivadharma and the literature of the Saiva Mantramarga; 3) the forty-eight Siva
sites taught in Skandapurii.{la (SP Bh ) 167, the subject of the present work; 4) the
sixty-eight Siva sites taught in the Tfrthamlihatmya of the Nagarakhal.lr;la of the
Skandapural.la (SkP Nagarakhal.lc;la 108-109). Regarding item 3, I wonder whether
the number forty-eight is significant; it is not stated in the text itself, as Sanderson
also observes. To arrive at the number forty-eight one has to count the toponyms
mentioned and not the sanctuaries. Thus Sanderson counts Kumbhakaresvara,
Utkutukesvara and ChagalaI).Q.esvara as separate items, three toponyms which are
in fact all subsumed under Mahabhairava (SPs 69). On the other hand, eight
places in Magadha connected with LakulIsa (SPs 169) are not counted among the
forty-eight but included together with Prahasitesvara in Pataliputra in Magadha
(Sanderson 2003-04, p. 406, n. 204).
2 The last author who quotes from our text appears to be CaI).Q.esvara, the minister of
Hari!?el).a, the Karl).ata king of Tirhut, and writer of several Dharmanibandha Ra-
tnakal'as. Cf. SP Vol. I, pp. 11-13, 18. For detailed discussions of the version of the
SkandapuraI}a known to Cal).Q.esvara see Torzsok 2004, pp. 31-39, and Harimoto
2004a, pp. 48-55.

3
4 Introduction

by a second volume in 2004 (SP IIA), which contains the Varalfasl cycle
told in chapters 26-31.14. A volume of individual studies of the Skanda-
pura1).a was published in 2004 as well (Bakker 2004).
The text is to be distinguished from the Skandapura1).a (SkP) pub-
lished by the Veilkatesvara Press in 1910. An examination of the quo-
tations from the Skandapura1).a in the Dharmanibandha literature estab-
lishes that we are concerned here with the original Skandapura1).a. In
the course of history the name Skandapura1).a became a locus of attribu-
tion which could accomodate various texts seeking to authenticate their
authority, by attaching to them the label skandapuriif!asya x-kharpjalJ.3
The text has come down to us in three different recensions: a Nepalese (S)
recension, a Revakha1).Qa (R) recension and an Ambikal<ha1).Qa (A) recen-
sion. The latter two, although bearing a khaw!a name, in fact transmit a
version of the original Skandapura1).a and are thns not on a par with other
khaf!ljas such as e.g. the Kasfkha1).Qa or the Kedarakha1).Qa. The S recen-
sion is transmitted in four Nepalese palm-leaf manuscripts, 4 the earliest of
which (SI) is dated 810 AD. This recension is in principle the text that is
edited in the critical edition of the Skandapuriil).a (SP Vol. I, p. 41). The
recension which styles itself Revakha1).Qa of the Skandapuriil).a is trans-
mitted in a single Bengali paper manuscript dated 1682 AD. The Ambi-
kakha1).Qa recension has been transmitted in a number of recent paper
manuscripts which all descend from a single hyparchetype. Four manu-
scripts of this recension had been used in SP Vol. I; in SP Vol. IIA and
the present work an additional Ambikakha1).Qa manuscript from Dhaka
(A,), of which a copy has been acquired by Dr. Kengo Harimoto, has been
used as well. 5 The additional manuscript from Dhaka (Dhaka University
Library No. 3376), is a paper manuscript written in Bengali script and is
clearly the oldest of the A manuscripts, although no date is given in the
manuscript itself. Its script at times shows some similarity with that of R.

3 Cf. SP Vol. I, pp. 5-19.

4 Two of them (8 3 and 8 4 ) are in fact two parts of what was once a single codex, so
that for text-critical purposes there are in fact only three palm-leaf manuscripts.
5 For a more detailed description of the recensions and manuscripts see SP Vol. I,
pp. 32-38. Besides the mentioned five manuscripts there exist
at least two other Ambikakhar;uja manuscripts. One of them (As), dated 1877
V.S. (1819/20 AD), belongs to the collection of the Maharaja Mansingh Pustak
Prakash in Jodhpur (Vyas & Kshirsagar 1986, No. 1053, p. 122f) and, according
to Dr. Harimoto, who has studied this manuscript, appears to be a copy of A41
one of the four A manuscripts used in SP Vol. I (cf. also SP Vol. IIA, p. 10). The
existence of this manuscript was first noticed by Dr. Christophe Vielle (Louvain-
la-Neuve). Another Ambikiikha.IJga. manuscript (A6) belongs to the library of the
Sanskrit College in Calcutta: see SP Vol. I, p. 37, n. 146, and SP Vol. IIA, p. 10.
According to Dr. Harimoto, who has acquired a copy of this manuscript as well,
it is closely related to our A 3 . These two manuscripts (A5 and A 6 ) have not been
used in the editions prepared for the present work.
Saiva Topography and the SkandapuralJB 5

It has preserved a number of original readings that are not transmitted in

any of the other A manuscripts, and so proved to be of great importance
for the constitution of the text of the R and A recensions. 6
The manuscript situation allows for a unique glimpse into the trans-
mission of Puralfic literature. While the manuscript 8, is "probably the
oldest manuscript of a Puralfic text,'" we also have access to manuscripts
from many centuries later. The extent to which the text of a Puralfa can
change in the transmission is perfectly illustrated by the ayatana account
that forms the subject of this book. While it forms a single chapter -
corresponding to 8P B h 167 - in the 8 recension (8Ps), 8 the same material
is greatly augmented and divided into five sub-chapters in the R and A
recensions. These five sub-chapters of uneqnallength run to a total nnm-
bel' of 411 verses in the critical edition of these recensions (8PRA 1-5).'
Three A manuscripts give adhyaya numbers to these five snb-chapters,
but these numbers do not agree, as can be observed from the following
table (that no number is given for 8PRA 4 is due to loss of part of the text
in the A manuscripts): 10

SP RA A, A2 A3 A, A, R
1 170 170 179
2 171 171 180
3 172 172 181
4
5 173 173 182

table 1: adhyiiya numbers of SFRA 1-5

In order to give a general idea about the amount of change, I have listed
the sanctuaries mentioned in the ayatana account of 8Ps and 8PRA in
table 2 below. The fourth column enumerates the number of verses in
8P RA in comparison to 8Ps:

6 See below, n.151 on p.53, for some preliminary observations on the value of this
manuscript.
7 Adriaensen, Bakker, Isaacson 1994, p. 326.
8 BhaHaraI only used the S manuscripts for the constitution of this chapter in the
editio princeps. The siglum SPS is used throughout the present work to refer to
the critical edition of the Nepalese recension of the chapter corresponding to SFBh
167.
9 The text of the R and A recensions has not been edited before. For references to
this text I use the siglum SPRA; the number immediately following this siglum
refers to one of the five sub-chapters, while the subsequent number refers to the
relevant verse in that sub-chapter. For a discussion of the editorial principles
adopted in establishing the editions of SFS and SFRA see below, pp. 51 ff.
10 Cf. Harimoto 2004a, pp. for a discussion of the different adhyaya numbers
in the A manuscripts.
6 Introduction

Subject SPs +/-

Introduction 1-6 1.1-7 +1
Adityabandhana 7 1.8-10 +2
Naubandhana 1.11-18 +8
Hemasomodbhava 8-9 1.19-21 +1
Udayagiri (Satyahrada) 10-13 1.22-26 +2
Us"frablja 14-15 1.27-30 +2
Ivleru 16-18 1.31-35 +2
Asta 19-20 1.36-42 +5
Nandana 21 1.43-50 +7
Kl?Iroda 22-23 1.51-54 +2
Gandhamadana I KaiHisa 24-26 1.55-61 +4
Audaka 1.62-65 +4
Transition 27 1.66-69, 2.1 +4
IVlahalaya 28-35 2.2-10 +1
Kedara 36-42 -7
Madhyamesvara 43-48 -6
GaurTsikhara 49-51 2.11-16 +3
&abha 52-53 2.17-21 +3
Bhastresvara 54-56 2.22-57 +33
Gangadvara (Kanakhala) 57-61 2.58-65 +3
Japyesvara 62-63 3.1-3 +1
Mahabhairava 11 64-69 3.4-28 +19
Rudrakoti 70-71 3.29-35 +5
Devadaruvana 72-80 3.36-109 +65
Sthanesvara 81-82 4.10-21 +10
Takl?akesvara 83-84 4.22-26 +3
'Amrat(ak)esvara 85-86 4.27-52 +24
Kalaiijara 87 5.1-7 +6
PUl?pabhadra 88-91 5.8-11
Citraratha 92-94 5.12-16 +2
Uktaratha / Yuktaratha 95 5.17-20 +3
SrTparvata 96-100 5.21-24 -1
Uttaragokarl).a 101-103 5.28-32 +2
Dakl?il::mgokarr:m 104-106 5.25-27
Hariscandra 107-109 5.33-38 +3
Karohar:m 110-138 5.39-108 +41
Varal)asI (Avimukta) 139-162 4.1-9 -16
Additional list 12 163-187 -25
Conclusion 188-191 5.108-115 +4

table 2: contents of SPs and SPRA

11 Three more sanctuaries are included in this section: Kumbhakaresvara /

Kumbhakarl.lesvara, Utkutukesvara and Chagalal).Qesvara.
12 Only in SPs: Prayaga, Devadevesa in Naimisa, Yogesvara in Kuruk!?etra,
G:rdhrakutesvara in Gaya, Prahasitesvara in Patallputra, eight sanctuaries
in Magadha, a sanctuary in Yavana, Hemaciic;lesvara in Angaciesa, Ganga-
sagarasarpgama, Prabhasa, Pu!?kara, Mahendra, :tvIahakalesvara in UjjayanT,
Sankukarl).esvara, Qingesvara, Suvarl).akl?a, Saptagociavara,
Bhadresvara, Ekamra, Viraja, pa§upati in Nepala, Naikatungadhipesvara.
Saiva Topography and the SkandapuraI.Ja 7

A substantial part of the annotation accompanying the two editions is

devoted to discussing differences between the transmissions of this iiyata-
na list. Here I would like to make a few observations of a more general
nature. 13

THE TWO VERSIONS COMPARED

The Nepalese recension opens with a question of Vyasa to Sanatkuma-

ra concerning Siva's sanctuaries. Sanatkumara starts his account with
a description of those sanctuaries which may be termed mythical places.
From SPs 27 onwards, Sanatkumara continues with a description of sanc-
tuaries on earth, which - as he explicitly states - are accessible to men.
Starting with Himalayan peaks, the account seems to move from the north
to the south and back along the western coast in a clockwise direction.
The last two places mentioned in this section, Karohalfa and VaralfasI,
are dealt with in more detail. In the case of Karohat,a, the story of Si-
va's descent there and the subsequent spreading of the PMupata doctrine
through his four pupils, is narrated (SPs 110-138). VaralfasI, with its
sanctuary Avimuktesvara, is praised as the most sacred place on earth
and as a place where one attains release at the moment of death (SPs
139-162). The chapter concludes with a list of iiyatanas without a clear
order, although it seems significant that all of them are located in the
north (SPs 163-187).
When we turn to the Revakhal)c;la and Ambikakhal)c;la recensions, the
first striking difference with the Nepalese recension is the addition of a
frame story. After Vyasa's question about Siva's sanctuaries, Sanatku-
mara tells him that the Goddess one day put the same question to her
husband, Mahesa, when they were sitting on a rock of mount Mandara.
Sanatkumara promises to teach Vyasa just as Hara taught his wife. This
additional frame in which Siva instructs Dev! is not unique to this chapter
but occurs in many other parts of the R and A recensions as well. 14 It
is a way of lending authority to the iiyatana teaching: this is not just
Sanatkumara instructing Vyasa, but God himself teaching the Goddess. 15
Quite revealing is the epithet with which Sanatkumara addresses Vya-
sa in the introduction (SPRA 1.4): he calls him Kalinandana ('son of Ka-
II'). This name refers to Vyasa's birth from KalI ('the black one'), a story

13 The following section partly reproduces some remarks made by me in a paper pre-
sented at the XIIth World Sanskrit Conference in Helsinki 2003 (Bisschop 2004).
14 Cf. T6rzs6k 2004, p. 18, and Harimoto 2004a, p. 45.
15 A similar frame is used only sporadically in the S recension. A fine example is the
Viira1;lasfmaha-tmya (SP 26-31.14), in which Siva shows the Goddess the sacred
lingas of Varar:lasI.
8 Introduction

which is told in the Mallabhiirata and in the Skandapuraqa. 16 The epithet

Kalinandana, however, is not attested in the Nepalese recension nor have
I been able to trace it in any other source. It occurs twice in the five sub-
chapters of SPRA, while two similar epithets, Kaleya and Kalija, occur
respectively three and four times. 17 Moreover, these epithets are attested
in other parts of the R and A recensions as well. For example, we find
Kalinandana in 4* in the Appendix to SP Vol. I, 18 SPBh 112.102 and SPBh
112.118,19 and Kaleya in SPBh 171.82. Although it is not always clear from
Bhattarm's apparatus, all these attestations in fact occur in interpolated
passages for which there is no parallel in the Nepalese manuscripts. The
use of these epithets is thus restricted to the R and A recensions, from
which we can infer the hand of a different author who must have been at
work throughout the text. It is significant that the first attestation of the
epithet Kalinandana (SP 19.224*,1.19) occurs in an additional passage
in R and A just a few verses after the birth-story of Vyasa has been told.
This strongly suggests that the redactor( s) of the archetype of the Rand
A recensions came up with these epithets on the basis of the birth-story
in SP 19.1-13. This in itself is sufficient proof that SPRA is secondary in
comparison to SPs.
A number of individual cases can be cited which tend to show that
the text transmitted in the RevakbaI.l';1a and AmbileakhaI.";ia manuscripts
is secondary and has gone through a process of conscious revision, while
the Nepalese manuscripts (SPs) transmit the presumably 'original' text.
For example, in SPRA 1.51a the ambiguous location k$frode sag are divye
'in / near the divine milk ocean' (SPs 22a) has been replaced by the
explicit expression k$frododadhivelayam 'on the shore of the milk ocean.'
A curious instance is SPRA 1.18-19, where two parallel verses, SPs 8-9,
became reversed in the course of transmission, which has led to the loss of
the word-play on Cyavana that is found in the original. Subsequently the

16 MBh 1.57 and SP 19.1-13. Cf. SP Vol. I, p. 95, n. 107. For the three accounts of
Vyasa's birth in the l\1ahi'ibharata see Sullivan 1990, pp. 27-29.
17 Kalinandana: SPRA 1.4a, SPRA 4.52d; Kalija: SPRA 1.8d, SPRA 2.21b, SPRA
5.23b, SP RA 5.26d; Kiileya: SPRA 2.1d, SPRA 3.lb, SP RA 5.28a. A testimonium
for one of these epithets (Kaleya) is Cal).<;iesvara's Krtyaratnakara, where a long
passage is quoted from the Bhairavotsava (on which see Torzsok 2004, pp. 31-39)
which starts as follows: srutva kiileyavacanar[L kiilavedf tapodhanaf:t I sanatkumaraiy,
provaca vyiisam ambudaniJ:tsvanaJ:t II nflotpaladalasyiimaJ;, syiimiimbujasamanvital} I
811'U ki"ileya ki"ili"ibha ki"ilaka1.'!havicee!itam II (KR p. 386, ll. 19-22). These two verses
are absent in the Krtyakalpataru's quotation of the Bhairavotsava (NK pp. 413-
421).
18 SP 19.22 4*, 1.19. In the same passage, SP 19,224*,1. 37, R reads kiileccha which
is probably a corruption of kiileya.
19 Cf. also the additional passage quoted as occuring "gha-pustake" (Le. A 3 ) by
Bhattarru after SPBh 112.120, in which the first verse has Kaleya and the last
Kalija.
Saiva Topography and the SkandapuraI.Ja 9

redactor(s) of SPRA seem to have tried to adapt the verb cyavanti, orig-
inally belonging to the word-play, to the new context (cf. annotation ad
SP RA 1.18-19). In SPRA 3.1 an apparent contradiction has been obliterat-
ed by clever rewriting: in SPs 62 an unspecified twice-born (dvija) is said
to have performed japa at J apyesvara, which seems to contradict a story
told in SP 21-22, according to which Nandin did japa there (cf. ad SPs
62d). In the parallel SPRA 3.1 the nominative dvija1;t has been replaced
by a vocative and a nominative Nandi(n) has been introduced, making
him the subject of the japa (cf. ad SPRA 3.1). A final example is the
metrical problem in SPRA 4.20f (cf. ad lac.), which is very probably the
result of the transformation of SPs 8lf into a popular emology (ni7'ukti).
In the annotation the reader will find many more instances pointing to
the secondary nature of SPRA in comparison to SPs.
In general, we can observe that the order of the ayatanas listed in
SPRA is the same as in SPs. The most significant difference in this respect
is Varal).asT, which is mentioned earlier, somewhere in the middle of the
ayatana account in SPRA (4.1-9), and thus occupies a less prominent
position (cf. annotation ad SPRA 4.1a). This is also one of the few places
where SPRA has fewer verses than SPs. Only two ayatanas mentioned in
SPRA have no parallel in SPs: the Himalayan peak Naubandhana (SPRA
1.11-18)20 and Audaka, the oceanic city ofVarul).a (SPRA 1.62-65). Two
toponyms in SPs on the other hand, Kedara and Madhyamesvara, find no
mention in SPRA. The last toponym in SPRA is Karohal).a, to which an
elaborate account of Siva's descent there is added (SPRA 5.39-108). In
the concluding verses (SPRA 5.109-116), the frame structure is referred to
again, in that the Goddess is addressed in the vocative (ambike, anaghe).
The ayatanas are divided over the five sub-chapters in a more or
less logical way, while each sub-chapter is concluded with a few verses
in non-sloka metre. The text distinguishes between supramundane sanc-
tuaries dealt with in SPRA 1 and Himalayan mountains in SPRA 2, but
no distinction is made in the text itself between the sanctuaries listed
in SPRA 3-5. The last four sub-chapters all end with a sanctuary to
which a rather elaborate story is added (Bhastresvara, Devadaruvana,
Amratakesvara and Karohal).a). That this underlies the division is made
explicit by the colophons of SPRA 2-4: devatayatanoddeSa1;t (SPRA 1); bha-
streSvarakhyanam (SPRA 2); devadaruvane mahadevasthana1!' mahatmya-
va'T"1,1ane (SPRA 3); amratakesvaranusa1!'sanam (SPRA 4); ayatanava'T"1,1ane
(SPRA 5).
Although the distinction between two kinds of sanctuaries, mundane

20 Naubandhana is inserted after Adityabandhana, the first toponym on the list.

The obvious reason why it came to be included here is that its name also ends in
-bandhana.
10 Introduction

(gamya) and supramundane (agamya) , is also made in SPs 27, the con-
trast is made more explicit in SPRA by listing all the supramundane aya-
tanas in a separate, initial chapter. In addition, SPRA has made the text
more consistent in this respect, as can be observed from the following cas-
es in the part about the supramundane sanctuaries: SPRA 1.lOa has devo
va purvadevo where SPs 7c has manujo; SPRA 1.1Sa has tad ayatanarf'
divyam instead of tad ayatanarf' sambhor (SPs 9a); manava/:t (SPs 9b)
is omitted in SPRA 1.1Sb, which instead reads vai dvija; according to
SPRA 1.21d (no parallel) gods obtain the fruit of a thousand asvamedhas
when they go to Cyavana's sanctuary; SPRA 1.30a has tasminn ayatane
divye instead of tasminn ayatane rvdmrf' (SPs 15a); manuja (SPs 20c)
is omitted in SPRA 1.41; SPRA 1.43c mahad ayatanarf' divyarf' has no
parallel in SPs. In addition one may note the clarification of the expres-
sion yani gamyani manu§ai/:t (SPs 27b), referring to mundane sanctuar-
ies, in SPRA 1.6Sab manu§yagamyani ca yani yani kale§u pU'f}yayatanany
avanyam, and the first verse of the conclusion of SPRA, where the distinc-
tion between sanctuaries located on earth and those in heaven is once more
recalled (SPRA 5.109ab [no parallel]). We can thus observe a tendency in
SPRA to elaborate upon a point made only in passing in SPs. 21
The descriptions of the various ayatanas generally have one or more
verses in common with SPs, but the accounts given in SPRA are much
more elaborate. It is conspicuous that the longer parallels (eight padas or
more) are found relatively fi'equently at the beginning or end of an ayatana
description. 22 Thus it seems that the redactor(s) of SPRA used the original
text as the starting point and end for each toponym. In a number of
cases the additional material is placed in between these two points. The
additions are mainly mythological and can be classified broadly into two
categories.
The first category consists of what I would call text-internal cross-
references. These are re-tellings of or allusions to myths related earlier
in the text. A few examples should suffice (more detailed discussions of
these and other additions can be found in the annotation on the relevant
verses):
Gaurlsikhara: SPRA 2.13 adds a reference to the story of Somanandin, a
tiger who became a GaI,lesvara thanks to Dev!'s tapas. This story is
narrated in full in SPy 55 (ef. also SPy 69).23

21 For a similar idea in the Nlahabharata cf. MBh 3.83.88-89, which distinguish-
es between accessible (gamya) and inaccessible (agamya) tfrthas, which can be
reached by thought (manasa) alone and are occupied by Vasus, Sadhyas, Adityas
etc.
22 Cf. the concordance of SPs and SPRA in the appendix, where the number of padas
in common between the two recensions is given in the last column.
23 The critical editions of these chapters have been prepared by Prof. Yuko Yokochi
Saiva Topography and the SkandapuriiJJa 11

Bhastresvara: The three-verse description of this mountain in SPs 54-

56, which merely gives the name of the ayatana and lists the results
obtained from visiting it in a rather stereotypical manner, is expand-
ed to thirty-six verses (SPRA 2.22-57) in which the Gangavata-
ra1).a myth is told. The same myth is narrated in the context of a
Mahatmya of Bhastrapada in SPBh 127-128. In both versions Bha-
stresvara (or Bhastrapada) is identified as the site of the descent of
the Ganges.
Sthanesvara: The additional material in SPRA 4.10-21 recounts the story
of the enmity between Dadhlca and which forms the subject
of SP Bh 31. No such story is told in SPs 81-82, which just mentions
that the ayatana Sthanesvara was created by DadhIca.
Kalaiijara: SPRA 5.1-7 refer to the episode of Siva's crushing of Yama
in order to save his devotee Sveta from death, mentioning that this
event took place on mount Kalaiijara. SPs 87 does not connect the
event with this mountain. The Sveta story is in fact narrated in
the preceding chapter of the Nepalese recension (SP Bh 166.34 If.).
In the R/ A recensions the main Sveta story is divided into five sub-
chapters; the third sub-chapter mentions Kalaiijara as the site of the
crushing of Yama (Torzsok *2001, p. 13).
While the S recension mostly follows the relatively simple pattern of giving
the name of the ayatana or liriga, the person or god who established it,
those worshipping it and the fruits to be obtained from visiting it,24 the
above-mentioned mythological additions in SPRA serve to integrate the
listed sanctuaries within the cycle of myths narrated in the entire work.
In many instances verses or phrases similar or identical to those found in
the earlier telling of the same myth are used.
The second category of additional material consists of the opposite of
the first, viz. mythological additions that have no parallel in the rest of
the Skandapural)a. Examples of these are the following:
Devadaruvana: SPs 72-80 contains a short account of the well-known De-
vadaruvana myth, in which Siva enters the pine-forest as a naked

in her thesis on the worship of the Goddess in the Vindhya mountains (Yokochi
*2004).
24 There is some similarity with the tfrtha descriptions in the tfrthayiitrii accounts of
the Mallabharata. Cf. Griinendahl 2002, pp. More extensive descriptions
are given in the case of MahaIaya (SPs 28-35), Kedal'a (SPs 36-42), Mahabhairava
(SPs 64-69), Devadaruvana (SP s 72-80), Karohal,la (SPs 110-138) and Avimu-
kta (SPs It is noteworthy that the myths told in connection with these
sanctuaries have no parallel in the rest of the SkandapuraI}a, with the exception
of A vimukta, whose description is reminiscent of the Vara-QasYmahatmya in SP
26-31.14.
12 Introduction

mendicant and his ling a is struck down by the angry sages. This is
the only passage in the entire Skandapural)a in which this myth is
narrated and it seems to be the earliest known version. The parallel
in SPRA 3.36-109 contains a much more elaborate version of the
same myth. It had probably attained major importance among the
Saivas by the time of the redaction of SPRA, and the need was felt
to add more details.
Amrat(ak)esvara: SPRA 4.27-52 adds a unique myth in which the God-
dess turns Nandi's face into that of a monkey. From the triple laugh-
ter produced by Siva, Parvatl and Nandi at the sight of his monkey
face a white goddess is born whose moonlight lustre is said always
to be present at the sanctuary of Amratakesvara. No such myth is
told in the SPBl, nor do I know it from any other source. 25
Karohal).a: In addition to the elaborate account of Karohal).a and Siva's
descent there in SPs 110-138, many extra elements are found in
SPRA 5.39-107, such as the creation of the universe by Brahma, a
description of the evils of the Kaliyuga and a praise of dharma.
What unifies the additional material in SPRA is its mythological char-
acter, with a tendency to add hyperbolic imagery, suggesting that the
sanctuaries belong to a mythical sphere. By contrast, the descriptions in
the Nepalese recension appear much more 'down-to-earth' and exhibit real
topographical knowledge.

WHAT DOES THIS LIST TELL US ABOUT EARLY SAlVA

TOPOGRAPHY?

Having established that the additional material in SPRA belongs to the

mythological sphere, I would like to concentrate now on SPs and consider
the relevance of this account for the study of early Saiva topography. First
we should consider whether there is any pattern in the ayatanas listed in
SPs. Although our text does not explicitly say so, it seems to me that we
can deduce a geographical order from the way the ayatanas are listed and
this order is the first step in locating the ayatanas on the map of ancient
India.
Initially the text deals with mythical sanctuaries - Adityabandha-
na, Hemasomodbhava, Satyahrada, Uslrablja, Merusplga, Asta, Nandana,

25 The story is, however, nicely integrated into the cycle of myths of the Skandapura1).a
by a cryptic reference in SPRA 4.47, in which it is said that 'the powerful one
who restrained the sound and agitation of will become the wife of this white
goddess. This saying refers to a story narrated in SP Bh 33.104-117: cf. annotation
ad SP RA 4.47b.
Saiva Topography and the SkandapuriiI.Ja 13

and Gandhamadana - which are obviously not historical places.

Nonetheless it is important to notice that the author(s) did not list these
divine sanctuaries at random but seem(s) to have had a location in mind
which informs the order of presentation. Adityabandhana is located on
the Vindhya mountain, possibly connected with the famous Agastya myth
(cf. annotation ad SPs 7a), and thus indicates the southern direction. He-
masomodbhava, a name not known from any other source, is said to be
a peak of the Himavat, i.e. in the northern region. Satyahrada is located
on Udayagiri, Mount Sunrise, in the east. The text then mentions two
toponyms, Uslrablja and the peak of Meru, that are both located in the
far north, but which may be thought to represent respectively the nadir
and the zenith.26 The next toponym is Asta, Mount Sunset, in the west.
If this interpretation is correct, all six directions of cosmic space have been
introduced with the first six sanctuaries.
After the transitional verse SPs 27, in which Sanatkumara announces
that he will speak about mundane places, accessible to men, a new section
is started, continuing up to SPs 162. The first sanctuary mentioned in this
section is Mahalaya, located on a peak of the Himavat which is considered
to be holy because Mahadeva planted his footprint there. The image of
the footprint is suggestive of the transition from the supramundane to the
mundane sphere and may be thought to represent God's descent on earth.
The text continues with a number of other Himalayan mountains - Ke-
dara, Madhyamesvara, GaurIsikhara, Bhastresvara, Gailgadvara,
Japyesvara, Mahabhairava, Rudrakoti and Devadaruvana -, descending
along the Ganges into the Kuru plain (Sthanesvara). With Sthanesvara
we have left the Himalayan region and continue via Amra-
takesvara and Kalaiijara across the Vindhyas to Andhra Pradesh. Our
text locates four places in this region: Citraratha, Uktara-
tha and Srlparvata. The next two places on the list are the two Gokan.las,
Uttaragokarl).a and of which the second is probably the
famous pilgrimage centre on the westcoast. Here we have reached the
southernmost point on the route and move along the westcoast via Ha-
riscandra to KarohaJ.la, on the northern bank of the Narmada, the place
of Siva's descent. Thus we have made a kind of which is

26 Although the text does not explicitly say so, Uslrablja could represent the nadir,
in that the word bfja ('seed') suggests a downward direction. Alternatively, Meru
may be considered to be the axis mundi and as such represent the centre, but in
that case the presence of USIrablja cannot be explained. As Prof. Henk Bodewitz
has pointed out to me, the order south, north, east, nadir, zenit, west, suggested
here, is awkward, and there seems to be indeed no parallel for this (cf. Bodewitz
2000). Although the classification need not be as rigid as proposed here, there can
be no doubt that some sense of different directions of cosmic space underlies the
presentation of the initial toponyms.
14 Introduction

concluded in the centre of Saivism, VaraJ.lasl with its sanctuary Avimu-

ktesvara.
A few things strike me as significant. First, the absence of any place
south of the Deccan. The north-east is likewise conspicuously absent. 27
The Himalaya, by contrast, takes up a prominent position. Siva's long-
standing connection with mountains in general, and the Himalaya in par-
ticular, is well-known. 28 A similar picture arises from the mythology of
Siva in the entire SkandapuraI}a. It is especially the present Garhwal
region down to which is richly endowed with sanctuaries: pos-
sibly all sanctuaries listed from Mahalaya up to are to be
29
located in this area. If so, more than half of the mundane sanctuaries
mentioned (thirteen out of twenty-four) belong to this area, which indi-
cates its prominent position for early Saivism. Ancient Kashmir, on the
other hand, is another area conspicuous by its absence.
Of particular interest are the names and Citraratha,
because we have two early epigraphical references to these names and
they are not known from any other source. is mentioned
in an early inscription, dated to the sixteenth year of Ehuvala
CantamUla (277 AD?), found at NagarjunakoJ.lqa in Andhra Pradesh. The
inscription records the establishment of a temple (devakula) of Mahadeva
The foundations of this temple have been excavat-
ed on the bank of the Krishna river. 30 Citrarathasvamin is known as
the family deity of the Salankayanas of Venglpura, who ruled around the
fourth to fifth century AD. If the places mentioned in these inscriptions
are identical with the ones mentioned in the SkandapuraI}a, these data
provide us with a post quem date of the fourth century, because of the
mention of the establishment of the temple complex in the
former inscription. At the same time, the absence of both names in later
sources seems to indicate their decline in the following centuries. Under
these circumstances a sixth century date of the topographical list does not
seem unlikely. 31

27 It is possible, however, that some toponyms are in fact to be located in the north-
east. See the annotation on SPS 62 (Japyesvara) and SPS 69 (Kumbhakaresvara,
Utkutukesvara, Chagala1).<;I.esvara).
28 Cf. e.g. Arbman 1922, pp. 35-47.
29 See the annotation on individual places for details.
30 See annotation on SPS 88a for details.
31 The same dating is suggested as the origin of the SkandapuraIJa by Yokochi (1999,
p. 68) on the basis of a comparison of the mythology of Mahi::;asuramardinI and
iconographical evidence. Bakker and Isaacson date the composition of the original
SkandapuraI)a to "the 6th or, maybe, first half of the 7th century" (SP HA, p. 52,
with n. 174). Cf. also below, p.33, p. 37 and n. 266 on p. 205.
Saiva Topography and the Skandapura1)a 15

AN ADDITIONAL LIST IN SP s

After the praise of Avimukta as the most holy sanctuary on earth, where
one attains liberation at death, one would expect that the chapter on Si-
va's sanctuaries is finished. However, SPs continues with an additional list
(SPs 163-187) in which a number of sanctuaries in northern, western and
eastern India are mentioned. The character of this list differs significantly
from the preceding in that it just introduces the name of a sanctuary
and then continues with another in the next verse. 32 The list is free
from mythological elements and in many cases a topographical location
of the sanctuary at issue is given, e.g. 'in Pataliputra,' 'in Magadha,' 'in
Angadesa,' etc. Another peculiarity of this additional list is the apparent
absence of a topographical pattern: at times the text seems to switch from
the extreme east to the west and back again. There are indications that
this additional list did not belong to the text originally but was added
at a later stage, probably in the transmission of the Skandapura1)a in the
Nepalese recension.
Most significant in this respect is the absence of this list in the parallel
text of SPRA, which concludes with a long praise of That
this recension does not finish with Avimukta is due to the fact that this
sanctuary has been transposed to an earlier part of the text (SPRA 4.1-
9). The additional list in SPs only mentions sanctuaries located in the
north; South India is conspicuously absent. The last two toponyms are
both in the Himalaya: Nepala, where Siva is known as PaSupati, and
an unidentified sanctuary with the illustrious name Naikatungadhipesva-
ra ('Overlord of many peaks'). The mentioning of Nepala at the end
of the list indicates that it may have been added in the transmission of
the Nepalese recension. 33 Admittedly, PasupatTsvara, the name of Siva's
sanctuary in Nepala, is already attested in the Viira1)asfmahatmya (SP
29.82d) in a list of ling as which are said to enter KasI on parvan days.
Six of the lingas mentioned in this passage (SP 29.81-85) occur also in
the additional list found at the end of SPS. 34 The Viira1)asfmahatmya

32 For the names of sanctuaries listed in this part of the text see ll. 12 on p. 6.
33 The list also has a significant number of places located in the north-east, espe-
cially Magadha: cf. annotation ad SPS 169. The latter verse contains a curious
reference to eight sites in Magadha visited by LakulTsa with his pupils. Cf. also SP
Vol. IIA, p. 54, n. 175, for a proposed connection between this additional part and
the possible bringing of the Skandapura1).a to Nepal under the Maukhari princess
VatsadevI, or someone of her entourage.
34 PaSupatIsvara, SankukarI).e.svara, DrimicaI).Qesvara, Bhadresvara, Ekamra, {Ma-
ha- )Kalesvara. The other names mentioned, Kedara, Mahalaya, Madhyamesvara,
the two GokarI,).as, Sthanesvara, Ajesvara (= Bhastresvara?), Bhairavesvara (=
Mahabhairava) and KarohaI,).a, are all attested in the first part of SPs. This
testifies to the unitary character of the SkandapuraI)a. Cf. also the list of lingas in
16 Introduction

is transmitted in all three recensions, which indicates that the toponyms

mentioned there must have been known at least to the composer(s) of the
original. But because of its markedly different character and its absence in
the text of the R and A recensions I think it most likely that the additional
list at the end of SPs was adopted into the transmission of the S recension
from another source. This is also suggested by the last toponym in the
list, Naikatmigadhipesvara. Although this toponym cannot be identified,
the fact that it is mentioned after Pasupati in Nepala, suggests that it
may well have to be located in the same area. Possibly, this name refers
to a local sanctuary of the Nepalese king under whose reign this list was
added to the text. 35
There is another argument in favour of the view that the list at the
end of SPs is not original. The iiyatana account is really finished with
the eulogy of ViiraJ.lasl, and the incorporation of an elaborate Vara1)8sf-
mahatmya is testimony to the town's importance for the composer(s) of
the Skandapural)a. Moreover, after mentioning the fruit one obtains from
reciting the names of Siva's iiyatanas, the Nepalese recension has a curious
last verse which refers to a place:
iti gir-ivaraputrzvi$f!ugangiidharasya
jagati vasatir e$ii sarvakiimapradii te I
munivarasuta si$tii piipaSa'f!18Uddhakartrf
vada kim aparam anyad vyiisa tubhya'f!1 vadiimi II 191 II
Thus this dwelling on earth of the Bearer of the Mountain-king's
daughter, and the Ganga,36 granting all desires, causing the

SPBh 183.47-49: Kedara, Madhyama, Mahiilaya, Catul)s:pigesvara (?), SrTgiri (=

SrTparvata), KarohaIfa, Gailgadvara, Bhadresa, Sankukar1)-esvara, Mahakalesvara,
the two Gokan)us and A vimuktesvara.
35 Cf. also SP Vol. IIA, p. 54, n. 175. Elsewhere (Bisschop 2004, p. 74) I have suggest-
ed an alternative explanation for the presence of this list in SPS and its absence in
SPRA' One could hypothesize that it has been omitted by the redactor(s) of the
archetype of the R and A recensions because it has no mythological setting and as
such did not fit into the general character of the ayatana account in SPRA' Many
of the sites listed in this passage do not playa role in the rest of the text and
so it would have been difficult to link them to the mythological events narrated
in the SkandapuriilJ-a. It should be observed, however, that some of the ayatanas
mentioned in this list do playa role in the text. Examples are Sankukan)esvara
(SP Bh 73), SuvarI)akea (SP 9.22-29) and Bhadresvara (SP Bh 32.163-167). On the
other hand, no attempt is made in SPs to connect these names with the
Mahatmyas contained in these chapters.
36 The ending -dhara applies to all three items of the preceding dvandva. Three
aspects of Siva's iconography are expressed here: ArdhanarTsvara, Harihara and
Gangadhara. For ArdhanarTsvara in the SkandapuriilJ-a cf. SPBh 155.22, for Ha-
rihara cf. SPBh 121.20 and for Gailgadhara cf. annotation ad SPs 54c and SPBh
155.23.
Saiva Topography and the Skandapural}a 17

purification of sins, has been taught to you, son of the best of sages.
Tell [me] Vyasa, what more [shall] I tell you?
A possible candidate for this place could be NaikatUl1gadhipesvara, the
last item on the list, which shares the qualification sarvakamaprada (SPs
187f). However, in that case one would expect the verse to be immediately
after SPs 187, whereas now it follows upon a general statement concerning
the entire chapter. Considering the fact that there are indications that
the portion of the text after VaraJ.1asI has been added later, another, more
likely candidate is VaraJ.1asL The verse indeed fits with the conclusion of
the large VaraJ.1asI eulogy, which in the present state of the text also ends
with a non-sloka verse. Thus its presence here can be explained by the
fact that initially it followed immediately after SPs 162. For these reasons
my hypothesis is that the chapter originally ended with the mahatmya of
VaraJ.1asI and that the additional list in SPs in between SPs 162 and SPs
191 is an early interpolation. 37

TOPOGRAPHY IN OTHER PARTS OF THE

Besides the ayatana account, which forms the subject of the present study,
the Skandapural}a contains many more chapters in which sacred topogra-
phy plays a role. A brief glance at indexes 3 (sthiinavise$e$u prati$thitani
lingani) and 4 (pu7.'yak$etra7.'i) in BhaHaral's edition reveals the large
number of lingas and holy places mentioned in the text. 38 In this para-
graph I present some of the material relevant to the study of its sacred
topography.
One who reads the text carefully is struck by the way the topograph-
ical references are intrinsically linked with the mythology of the PuraJ.1a.
As has been noted above, this tendency is even stronger in the case of
the ayatana account transmitted in the RevaklJal}ga and AmbikaklJal}ga
recensions. In general, the sacred topography is found at the end of a
chapter, and consists of a eulogy of the sacred site at which the event
narrated earlier is supposed to have taken place and has left traces. 39

37 Another indication of the secondary nature of this list is the double occurrence of
UjjayanI in SPS: first as the place where Siva's first pupil Kausika was initiated
as a PMupata (SP s 122), a second time as the sanctuary of Mahakalesvara (SPs
176).
38 Of the forty-eight (!) indexes given at the end of Bhattarru's edition the follow-
ing also contain relevant topographical references: 2 (sthiinaviSe§iil} [loka de§iib
purii'(1-i ca]), 5 (nepii1avi§ayiintarvarttfni katipayapu1}yasthaliini), 6 (parvaUily.) , 7
(nadfjaliisayalJ,) and 22 (deiavise§e§u sarrmivesitli devyaly,
39 Examples in SP Vol. I are: Naimisa (SP 4); Mahakapala (SP 7); Mount Mainaka
and SvarQaS,Qga (SP 9); Japyesvara and Paiicanada (SP 22). Cf. also SP 12.25
(Citrakii\a) and SP 25.22 (Srlparvata).
18 Introduction

Very often a popular etymology (nirukti) of the name of a site is added,

which connects the toponym with the mythical event. Thus, for example,
SP 4 tells about Brahma's creation of the Naimisa forest. Brahma pro-
duces a mental wheel (cakra) which the seers of his six clans ($atkulfya)
should follow: they hold a sacrificial session at the place where its rim
(nemi) breaks (Sfryate) , hence it is called Naimisa (SP 4.39).40 Some oth-
er, random examples of such aetiological myths are 1) Sthanesvara (SP Bh
31.114), the place where the battle between and Dadhlca took place
(sthita),<l 2) Sankukar,!a (SPBI, 73.62), a place which Sankukar,!a guard-
ed for thousands of years while Siva was practising tapas, and, last but
not least, 3) Avimukta (SP 29.37), the place which is not abandoned (na
vimukta) by Siva.
There can be no doubt that A vimukta, the sacred site of Vara,!asl, was
considered to be the most holy sanctuary on earth by the composer( s) of
the SkandapuralJa. In the first place this is evinced by the inclusion in
the Pura,!a of a VaralJasfmalJatmya, stretching over five chapters (SP 26-
31.14). The sanctity of Avimukta is said to exceed all other holy places.
Two instances illustrating the supremacy of Avimukta are the lists of sanc-
tuaries given in SP 29.53-55 and SP 29.79-85. The first one distinguishes
Avimukta from three other major holy places on earth (Mahalaya, Keda-
ra and Madhyama) to the effect that only Avimukta grants final release.
The second one mentions that all holy rivers and places enter Kasipurl
on parvan days. In addition to this VaralJasfmalJatmya there are other
instances from which it is clear that Avimukta is the one sanctuary on
earth where one must go. A telling example is SP Bh 114.145cd-146ab;
after a long parallel with VaP 1.54 and Bc;lP 1.2.25, in which the Skanda-
puralJa has evidently copied a large portion of the original VayupuralJa, 42
we find the following verse: yathiivimuktar[! k$etre$u k$etrar[! sre$thar[!
prakalpitam II tathii stavo vari$tho 'yar[! staviiniir[! brahmanirmitaly, I 'Just
as Avimukta is established as the best field among [holy] fields, so this

40 The editors of SP Vol. I (p. 67, n. 23) note that the same etymology occurs in YaP
1.2.8 (= B<;lP 1.1.2.8).
41 Cf. SPRA 4.20.
42 I will deal with this parallel in a separate study and so I will not present here all
the arguments why I consider the Skandapura1)8 to be the borrower. Let me just
draw attention here to the naJ:t in SP Bh 114.4ab (etad akhyahi naT). samyag yathii-
vrtta7[t tapodhana) , a first person plural, naturally referring to the seefS questioning
the suta in YaP 1.54.1, but out of place in the SkandapuraI}8, where it refers to
Sanatkumara who is suddenly questioning and addressing an unintroduced silta.
Cf. also the vocative in SP Bh 114.5c (VaP 1.54.2c) and s'f'T)udhva'f[t
sa'f[tsitavmtiil;t in SP Bh 114.6d (VaP 1.54.3d). For the last verses preceding the Avi-
mukta verse there is no parallel in YaP 1.54, but Bc;lP is parallel
to SP Bh indicating that there is a lacuna in the text of the YaP. A
study of these parallels may throw new light on the text of the original Vayupura{la
(on which see Kirfel1927, pp.
Other Sources on Saiva Topography 19

[foregoing] hymn, composed by Brahma, is the best of hymns.' The addi-

tion of such a verse reveals that the praise of Avimukta is not accidental,
but a genuine token of the hand of the redactor( s) of the Skandapura1J.a.43
For many of the sites listed in SPs and SPRA there are mahatmyas
in other parts of the text, linking the mythological cycle with the topog-
raphy. Examples are, besides the Vara1J.8sfmahatmya already mentioned,
the mahatmyas of Sthanesvara (SP Eh 31), Kanakhala and Bhadresvara
(SP Eh 32), Madhyama (SPEh 33), the two Gokarl}as (SPy 60), GaurTsikha-
ra (SPy 69), SrTparvata (SP Eh 70), Sankukarl}a (SPEh 73), Hariscandra
(SPm, 122) and Bhastrapada (SP Eh 127). A number of other holy places
are mentioned in the text, but two sanctuaries which have quite extensive
mahatmyas, and yet are absent in the ayatana account, are noticeable.
One of them is Mal}c;lalesvara (SPy 62), a site on the Vindhya mountain.
It is connected with the Tilottama myth, which accounts for the origin of
the Caturmukhalinga (see Bakker 2002).44 The second site is
(SPEh 171), a place sacred to the Mothers (matT), and the spot where the
so-called matrtantras were created. It has been identified by Sanderson
(2002, p. 6f, n. 4) with Bangarh on the bank of the Punarbhava river in
the west Dinajpur district of Bengal (cf. annotation ad SPs 69c).

Other Sources on Saiva Topography

A study of the sanctuaries mentioned in the Skandapura1J.a cannot be com-

plete without taking into account similar lists in other sources. Although
an exhaustive survey cannot be given here, some of the more important
texts may be considered. The amount of material has been restricted
by two criteria: 1) the sources should be of early or comparable age,
i.e. lists in various indisputably late Pural}as are not taken into account,
or 2) they should contain a substantial number of toponyms identical with
those mentioned in the Skandapura1J.a.

THE MAHABHARATA

The tirthayatra accounts in the Mahabharata are among our earliest

sources for studying the practice of pilgrimage and for that reason are

43 Cf. also the eulogy of Avimukta contained in SPs 139-162.

44 The name Mal).qalesvara is recorded in an inscription on the MUJ)'gesvarT temple,
dated Saqwat 30 (ca. 636 AD), in the Shahabad District in Bihar (EJ g,
p. 289f). Ma1f<J.alesvara is also the name of a place on the northern bank of the
Narmada, near Maheshwar.
20 Introduction

important in the present context. The presence of a particular toponym

in these descriptions indicates its prominence at the time of redaction of
the Ivlahabharata. 45 In a few cases the only way of locating certain iiya-
tan as has been by looking at their position on the route described in the
itinerary accounts of the Mahabharata. 46 Although they deal with a wide
range of places and are not restricted to Saivism, many Saiva toponyms
are attested for the first time in these tirthayiitrii descriptions and their
style must have had a considerable influence upon the iiyatana list of
the SkandapuralJa. As a random but significant example we may quote
the topic indication pU7.'yiiny iiyataniini (SPs 2a and SPs lSSb), which is
in fact a stock expression attested for the first time in these tirthayiitrii
lists. 47
A few toponyms common to both texts deserve special mention.
Most noteworthy is Gaya, with its sanctuary Grdhrakutesvara, in SPs
166-167. The content of these two verses is nearly identical with MBh
3.S2.79-S0, dealing with G,dhravata in Gaya, and it seems likely that
the SkandapuralJa adapted these verses from the Mahabharata (see
annotation ad IDe.). Drimica1f<;i.esvara and Sankukar1fesvara (SPs 177)
are two rare toponyms that are also found in Pulastya's tirthayiitrii, the
first one under the name of D,mitlrtha (MBh 3.80.87-91). The location
'near the confluence of the ocean and the Sindhu' (MBh 3.80.85a) accords
with the location of Sankukar1fesvara in the Mahatmya of SP Bh 73.
Another interesting passage is SPs 140ab, according to which Vara1fasl
lies at the spot 'where the Bhaglrathl Ganga turns northwards.' The
two padas are nearly identical with MBh 13.26.14ab, although in that
passage the identification of this particular spot with Vara1fasl is not
made explicit. Among the mundane sanctuaries mentioned the following
names are also attested in the critical edition of the Mahabharata:
Mahalaya, Gaurlsikhara, Kanakhala, Rudrakoti, Devadaruvana,
Sthanesvara (Stha1futirtha), Uttara- and (Gokar1fa),

45 To be sure, the dating of the lVIahlibl1arata is a much debated issue and one should
always take into account the specific place in relative chronology of the part of
the text in which a particular passage occurs. It is generally agreed that the
major Tfrthayatraparvan - the book in which the U}rthayiitrii accounts are most
prominent - is a relatively late part of the text. Cf. Brockington 1998, p. 135,
144-145. On the problems involved in dating the 'normative redaction' of the
1vlahablliirata see Bigger 2002.
46 Some initial research into the directions of the pilgrim routes described in the Ma-
habharata has been undertaken by Bhardwaj (1973, pp. but much remains
to be done in this field. For a comprehensive list of the tfrthayatra texts in the lvla-
hiiibharata and the occurrences of the word tfrtha in the great Epic, see Vassilkov
2002. Cf. also Grlinendahl 1993, 2002; Oberlies 1995; Bigger 200l.
47 Cf. MBh l.207.4d, l.207.14b, l.210.1a, 3.81.169b, 3.85.22b, 3.85.23d, 3.86.16b,
3.87.1d, 3.88.1b and 3.92.13d.
Other Sources on Saiva Topography 21

Prayaga, Yogesvara in G,dhrakutesvara in Gaya (G,dhra-

vata), Saptagodavara, Bhadresvara (BhadrakarIfesvara) and
Viraja.
Perhaps more significant than the toponyms that are shared with the
Mahabharata are those that do not occur in the great Epic, as these could
help to determine the time of composition of the ayatana list. I shall not
discuss them all, but will consider some of the more significant ones. An
important toponym, absent in the Mahabharata but mentioned in SPs
36-42, is Kedara, well-known from later literature as the home of one of
the twelve jyotirlingas. 48 Although the word kedara does occur in some
tirthayatra texts in the MahabiJarata, it is not used as a toponym but as a
common noun. The only attestation of the toponym Kedara in the Maha-
bharata occurs in an interpolation after MBh 17.2.1 (cf. annotation ad SPs
36b). It is therefore likely that it attained a high status only after the time
of the major redaction of the Mahabharata. The most holy sanctuary for
the author(s) of the Skandapura1)a, Avimukta (= VaraIfasI):9 is likewise
conspicuously absent in the itinerary lists of the Mahabharata. It does,
however, occur in an interpolated verse of the Tlrthayatraparvan, just
after MBh 3.82.69, which is about VaraIfasI (cf. ad SPs 140e). Another
significant toponym not mentioned in the Mahabharata is Ekamra, present
Bhubaneswar in Orissa (SPs 185). The verse of the Skandapurajla, which
occurs in the interpolation of the S recension (see above), seems to be
one of the earliest attestations of this important Saiva sanctuary. The
nearby Viraja, present Jajpur, which is mentioned in the same verse, does
however feature in MBh 3.85.6. Finally we may mention PaSupati (= Pa-
supatinath) in Nepal. Axel Michaels (1990, p. 131) has drawn attention
to the absence of this sanctuary in the longer lists of tirthas, including
the Mahabharata; it is, however, mentioned in SPs 186. Again this is a
verse belonging to the additional list in SPs. The following are the names
of sanctuaries not attested in the main text of the critical edition of the
Mahabharata: Kedara, Madhyamesvara, Bhastresvara, Japyesvara, Ma-
habhairava, Kumbhakaresvara, Utkutukesvara, ChagalaIfgesvara,
kesvara, A.mratakesvara, Kalaiijara, Citraratha, Uktaratha,
Hariscandra, KarohaIfa, Avimukta, Devadevesa in Naimisa, Prahasitesva-

48 The classification of twelve jyotirlingas does not seem to be attested before the
SivapuraJ;:Ja (SiP Satarudrasarphita 42.2-4). In an inscription on the Amaresvara
temple at Mandhata, dated 1063 AD (see n.l on p.3), which also records the
Halayudhastotra and the Sivadvadasanamastotra, occurs a verse enumerating a
set of five lirigas, Avimukta, Kedara, Orp.kara, Amara and Mahakala. The last
four are included in the traditional list of twelve jyotirlingas; in fact Amaresva-
ra is the liriga in Orpkara. Instead of A vimukta the jyotirlinga list includes the
historically later sanctuary Visvesvara in Varal].asT. Cf. also the related list in SkP
KedarakhaQQa 7.30-35.
49 See above) p. 18.
22 Introduction

ra in Pataliputra, piilgesvara, Ekamra, Pasupati in Nepala and Naika-

tuilgadhipesvara. The last seven belong to the additional list in SPs.
For a discussion of the individual iiyatanas shared by the Skanda-
pura1J.a and the lvIahabharata I refer the reader to my annotation.
Although the author( s) of the iiyatana list have no doubt been influenced
by the tirthayiitrii descriptions in the lvIahabllarata in their treatment of
the iiyatanas, they must have drawn their information from other sources
as well, as the large number of places not mentioned in the great Epic
shows.

With respect to Pural).ic literature most relevant is the Vayupural)a,

because it is almost certain that an early version of that text was known
to the composers of the Skandapural)a. 50 A problem with this Pural).a
is that it has been subject to extensive addition and consequently one
has to keep in mind the different chronological layers contained in the
material. The absence of a reliable critical edition also forms a major
drawback. Nevertheless, as Kirfel and others have shown, we may assume
that the core of the original work consisted of paiicalak?ana material
and that part of this core can be identified by looking at parallels in the
Brahmal)<;iapural)a, which is basically a recension of the same text. 51
One of the places in which it is conceivable that our iiyatana account
was influenced by the original Vayupural)a is SPs 30, where it is said that
Mahadeva planted his own footprint (at Mahalaya) and that by worship-
ping it all men are released from all sins:

yatra siik?iin mahiidevo nyastaviin padam iitmana/} I

va'!' pra7Jamya narii/} sarve mucyante sarvakilbi?ai/} II

The planting of the footprint is also mentioned in the descriptions of Maha-

laya in KuP 2.36.1-4 (tatra deviididevena rudre7Ja tripuriiri7Jiil iiliitale
pada,!, nyasta,!, niistikiinii'!' nidarianam 11211) and B<;lP 2.3.13.83-85b
(mahiilaye pada,!, nyasta,!, mahiidevena dhimatiil bhutiiniim anukampii-

50 Cf. SP Vol. I, pp. 20-22. See also above, n.42 on p. 18, and Bisschop 2004, p. 75f.
51 See e.g. Kirfel 1927, pp. x-xix, Hazra 1987, pp. 13-19, and Vielle 2005.
The five topics are: sarga, pratisarga, va'Tf1sa, manvantara and
var[l'siinucarita.
Other Sources on Saiva Topography 23

rtharJ1 niistikiiniirJ1 nidarsanam 118311)52 In YaP 2.15,53 a chapter parallel

to B<;lP 2.3.13, only the first two padas of this verse occur (VaP 2.15.80cd),
and there is an omission of seven lines (= B<;lP 2.3.13.83cd-86) after
these two padas. Because this passage is common to both Pural,as we
can conclude that it probably formed part of an early version of the
Vayupural)a, i.e. before the break of this text into YaP and B<;lP. And
since we know that the Skandapural)a composers were acquainted with
the Vayupural)a the reference to the footprint at Mahalaya may go back
to this very passage.
A number of toponyms are shared with the chapter on places for per-
forming funeral sacrifices (sriiddha) in the Vayupural)a (VaP 2.15 = B<;lP
2.3.13),54 the same chapter to which the above verse on Mahalaya belongs,
but I could trace no other significant parallels. Another important list of
places is contained in YaP 1.23, a chapter for which there is no parallel
in the Brahmal)c;lapural)a, and which was very probably added at a later

52 The verse from the B<;lP is strikingly similar to KuF 2.36.37, which deals with a
footprint in Gaya: muiijap'(?the padarp, nyastaT['L mahiidevena dhfmaUi I hitaya sa-
rvabhutanti1Jl. ntistiktiniiTfL nidarsanam II. The first half of this verse is parallel again
to 2.3.13.110 (= YaP 2.15.102): mU7J¢apT?!he pada,!, nyasta,!, mahiidevena
dhfmatii I bahudevayugtiTf1,s taptva tapas tfvrar[t suduscaram II. This last verse is
quoted from the VayupuralJ-a at TVK p. 168, II. 13-14. is the hill in
Gaya which has the (Kane IV, p. 782). Jacques 1962, discusses
the TVK quotation, but does not notice the parallel of the B<;lP (and the KuP) for
this passage, which is important for the early history of Gaya, because it pushes
the date of the tradition of the Murp;iapr:'?tha footprint further back in time. The
fact that the passage is shared by the BqP and the YaP indicates that it probably
already existed by the time of the original Vayupura{la, Cf. Jacques 1962, xliv-xlv,
with regard to the quotation: "On y trouve rattestation de quelques empreintes de
pied, notamment de celles de Matanga dans Ie Bharatasrama et celles de Mahadeva
sur Ie MUl,lqapr:'?tha, ce qui confirme notre hypothese qu'a l'origine, ces empreintes
de pied etaient dispersees sur tout Ie territoire de Gayaj eIles devaient provenir tres
vraisemblablement de Bodh-Gaya. On remarque rabsence du Vi.?1;/'upada dans ce
passage comme dans tout Ie chapitre du Kalpataru consacre a Gaya. Le MUl,lQa-
pr:'?tha semble avoil' l'importance qu'il a dans Ie Gayamahatmya du Vayu-pul'a.{Ja,
c'est-a-dire etre en fait Ie point central du Gayak:,?etra. L'objet de culte sur cette
colline n'aurait donc pas ete alors Ie Vi§1,tupada, mais Ie Mahadeva-pada." The
variant name in the KliP is also found in MBh 12.122.2c, MBh 12.122.4c and
MBh 13.26.40a, referring, however, to a peak of the Himavat. Cf. Falk 2003 on the
location of mount Munjavat or MufijaSikhara, which has a cave called the Kashmir
Smast. Possibly Siva was called there (Falk 2003, pp. 15 and 17). In this
connection it is interesting to observe that in MBh 12.122 not discussed by Falk
a story is told in which the Anga king Vasuhoma, who resides at Mufijapr:'?tha,
tells king Mandhata about the origin of da1,tq,a (punishment).
53 The Venkatesvara edition, which I refer to here, divides the Vayupura{la into two
parts, Plirvarddha and Uttararddha.
54 I have noted the following toponyms in common: Mahendra, Saptagodavara, Go-
karl,la, Srlparvata, Pu:,?kara, Prabhasa, Viraja, Kuruk:,?etra, Mahalaya, Devadaru-
vana, Prayaga, Kalafijara, Naimisa, Varal,lasI and Gaya.
24 Introduction

time. The contents of this list is discussed below in the section on the
Pasupatas (pp. 41 If.).
The MatsyapuralJa also contains a list of sriiddha places (MtP 22), but
probably this chapter stems from a later date. 55 The VaralJaslmallatmya
of the MatsyapuralJa (MtP 180-185) seems to be relatively close in time
to SPRA. It has one of the earliest Pural)ic descriptions of the cremation
ground (smasiina), treated as holy ground and identified with Avimu-
kta,56 which is a feature shared with SPRA. While the cremation ground
is conspicuously absent in the eulogy of Varal!asl in SPs 139-162, the
eulogy in SPRA 4.1-9 is entirely devoted to VaraI!asl's cremation ground
Avimuktaka. 57 Interestingly, both texts share a common verse in praise
of VaraI!asl (SPRA 4.9 MtP 185.38).58
The DevlpuralJa (DeP 63) and the NagarakllalJ<ja of the SkandapuralJa
(SkP NagarakllalJ<ja 109) contain a list of sixty-eight Siva sites together
with the particular name of Siva at each site. Although there is little
evidence to date this material, some of its features look relatively archa-
ic. 59 Sanderson (2003-04, p. 407f), who only refers to the
version) observes:

This list, though appearing in a composite text of uncertain date,

is ancient enough to have provided the sixty-eight Rudras of the
nine cremation grounds of the initiation MaI!<;Iala of the Picumata
(BrallmayamaJa), a work whose earliest surviving manuscript is from
1052 AD, and to have been mentioned by the Kashmirian scholar
(ft. c. 1000-1050 AD).60
A number of places are shared with SPs and a few of the names of Si-
va tally with those given in SPs. The latter point has implications for
the interpretation of the names of Siva at some of these sites in SPs,
because it suggests that they are not random epithets but were probably
specifically connected with particular sites. At the same time such a rigid

55 Hazra (1987, p. 73) dates the section on sraddha (MtP 16-22) to ca. 850 AD.
56 MtP 184.19: smaSanam iti vikhylitam avimuktarp, iivalayam I tad guhyaT(t
devadevasya tat tfrtha7[t tat tapovanam II.
57 Cf. also Bisschop 2002 and SP Vol. IIA, pp. 288-292.
58 The Vara{lasfmalultmya of the MtP also has a few verses (MtP which
show familiarity with the paiicii#aka (on which see below, pp.27ff.).
59 On rather weak grounds, Hazra (1963, p. 94f) dates the present to
the sixth century AD, which seems much too early. None of the Dharmanibandha
authors listed by Hazra (pp. 92-94) quote from the sixty-third chapter. Parts of
the Nagaraklla1).Qa must have been in existence at least by the twelfth century AD
(Hazra 1987, p. 165).
60 The relevant passage from the Picumata (f. is quoted by Sanderson at
p. 407, n. 208; refers to the list in the Svaccllandoddyota, his commen-
tary on the Svaccllandatantra (Sanderson p. 408, n. 209).
Other Sources on Saiva Topography 25

classification as is given in this list is totally absent in SPs, which very

often does not give any name at all. In table 3 the sixty-eight Siva sites are
classified according to the order of the Nagarakhal)Qa; the DevTpul'al)a has
some sites in a different position and does not enumerate all sixty-eight,
although the remark at the end of the list implies that sixty-eight places
must have been intended. 61 There are six sites with corresponding Sivas in
the DevTpul'al)a for which I could find no parallel in the Nagarakhal)Qa.62
Quite a few names have clearly become corrupted; I give them here as
they are found in the editions of the two texts:
No. toponym (SkP / DeP) name (SkP / DeP)
1 VaralJasl Mahadeva
2 Prayaga / Prayoga Mahesvara
3 Naimh;;a Devadeva
4 Gaya Prapitamaha
5 / Sthana
6 Prabhasa SaSisekhara / Visvarupin
7 Ajagandhi / Ayogandhi
8 Visvesvara / Vimalesvara Visva
9 Attahasa Mahanada
10 Mahendra Mahavrata
11 UjjayinT lvlahakala
12 lvlarukota / lvlakota Mahotkata
13 Sarikukarl).a Mahateja(s)
14 Gokal'l).a / Gaukafl).a lvlahabala
15 Rudrakot i Mahayoga / Mahayogin
16 Sthalesvara Mahaliilga
17 / Harl?a Harl?ft / Han?ita
18 Vp;;abhadhvaja / Vr:;mbha /
19 Kedara Isana
20 Madhyamakesvara Sarva / Sarva
21 Suvarnaksa Sahasrak9a
22 / Ambhratikesvara 63 Susilkl?ma / Suk;;ma
23 Vastrapatha / Sastrapada 64 Bhava
24 Kanakhala Ugra

61 DeP 63.17-18: a$ta$a$1is tu namani devadevasya purii:ry,e copag'itiini bra-

hma1Jii ca svayambhuvii II pathet pratar utthaya sniito va yadi vii sucily, I mucyate
sivaloka7J1- ca gacchati II.
62 Their names are: Rudramahalaya (Rudra), Dhyanasiddhesvara (Yogin), Uttare-
svara (GayatrI), Karikaya Jalalinga (Kala) and AkMa (Siddhesvara).
Of these at least Rudramahalaya with Rudra might very well be original to the
list, because this name also occurs in SPS and is included among the paiicii$taka,
to which this list is partly related (see below, pp.27ff.).
63 Probably Amratakesvara, since and are the names of Deva
and DevT at Amratakesvara according to SutaS Yajiiavaibhavakhal)ga 43.25c (on
which see n. 72 on p. 28 below).
64 Instead of sastrapade a variant reading vastriipade is reported for two manuscripts
in the DeP edition. This reading is more likely to be original. Vastrapada is a very
common variant of Bhastrapada: see below, n.75 on p. 31.
26 Introduction

25 Siva
26 DaIfqaka / Devadaruvana Dal)q.in / Dil).c;li
27 / Urdhvareta(s)
28 Krmijangala / rVladhyamajangala /
29 Ekamra / Ekagra Krttivasa
30 Chagaleya / Sukalanta Kapardin
31 Kalaiijara NIlakal).tha
32 MaIf9-alesvara / Mal).9-akesvara SrfkaIftha
33 KasmIra Vijaya
34 Marukesvara Jayanta
35 Hariscandra Hara / Hari
36 Puraiicandra / Puriscandra Sailkara
37 VameSvara / Ramesvara Jatin
38 Kukkutesvara / Kukkutakesvara Saumya
39 Bhasmagatra / Bhutesvara Bhasmagotra / Bhutesvara
40 Orpkara / Amarakal).thaka AmarakaI).taka / Orpkara
41 Trisandhya / PaScimasandhya Tryambaka / Tamra
42 Viraja Trilocana
43 Arkesvara / Dlptacakresvara DIpta / Veda
44 Nepala PaSupalaka / PaSupati
45 / - Yamalinga / -
46 Karavlraka Kapalin
47 Jagesvara / T!'ptesvara TrisUlin
48 SrTsaila 'n'ipurantaka
49 Ayodhya Roha1).a
50 Pa:tala Hatakesvara
51 KarohaI).a / Kayarohal).a(?) 65 NakulIsa / Laku\i
52 Devika / Vedlka 66 Umapati
53 Bhairava Bhairavakara
54 Purvasagara / Gangasagara Amara / Amaya
55 Saptagodavara BhIma
56 Nirmalesvara / Nakulesvara Svayambhu
57 Karl).ikara
58 Kailasa / - / -
59 Gangadvara / Himasthana / -
60 Jalalinga Jalapriya / Jalesvara
61 Vac)avagni / - Anala /-
62 Badarikasrama / - Bhlma /-
63 / - KotIsvara / -
64 Vindhyaparvata Varaha
65 Hemaku\a /-
66 Gandhamadana BhUrbhuva(s)
67 Lingesvara / - Varada /-
68 Lanka Narantaka
table 3: sixty-eight Siva sites

At least thirty-two places of this list are included among the iiyatanas of
SPs, the majority of them belonging to the first thirty: nos. 1-7, 10-11,

65 DeP 63.14c reads srikii:rii roha'(te lakutim which is hypermetrical and non-sensical.
66 Variant reading devikiiyiim instead of vedfkiiyiim.
Other Sources on Saiva Topography 27

13-16,19-21,23-26,29,31,35,42,44,48,51,53-55 and 58-59. Four more

names are suggestive of sites mentioned in SPs: nos. 18 22
(Amratesvara?), 30 (Chagalal}<;Iesvara?) and 38 (Utkutukesvara?). No. 36
(Puriscandra), although not included among the iiyatanas of SPs, has an
extensive miihiitmya told in SP Bh 122: see the annotation ad SPs 107a.
The same is the case with no. 32 (Mal}<;Ialesvara): see p. 19. The names
of Siva of nos. 3, 11, 44. 51 and 53 correspond to the names of Siva at
these sites according to SPs. Furthermore, Sanderson (2003-04, p. 407,
n. 207) suggests that Ugra (no. 24) and Bahurupesvara, the name of Siva
at Kanakhala in SPs 59c, are equivalent (via Aghora). Of the remaining
place names six (nos. 8, 9, 12, 16, 27, 32) are reckoned among the pancii-
§taka, the subject of the following paragraph. To sum up, it may be said
that this list continues a tradition closely related to the iiyatana account
of the SkandapuraI}a.

THE PANCA.$TAKA

In many Saiva scriptures we come across a list of so-called a§takas

('ogdoads'), groups of eight worlds that are placed in a hierarchical
order of the five tattvas Water, Fire, Wind, Ether and the Ego-principle
(aharp,kiim) 67 Our concern with these ogdoads is with the lowest five
groups of eight, called pancii§taka. These five ogdoads (pmtyiitmika,
guhyiitiguhya, guhya, pavitm, sthiie!U) bear the names of Saiva sanctuaries
and about thirty of them are mentioned in the iiyatana list of the
SkandapuraI}a. They form a distinct unit among the other ogdoads: 68
Goodall (2004, p. 315) observes that it is likely that these five sets of eight
form "an earlier, not exclusively tantric structure." In this connection it
is especially significant that the Sivadbarma corpus 69 also lists these five

67 For recent discussions of the ogdoad doctrine see Goodall 2004, pp. n. 620,
and Sanderson 2003-04, pp. 403-406. Cf. also Brunner-Lachaux 1977, pp. 299-303
and plate VII. In translating a$taka with 'ogdoad' I follow Goodall.
68 The other ones rather seem to bear the names of particular Rudras or forms of
Siva. cr. the names on the lists reproduced in plate VII in Brunner-Lachaux 1977.
69 The Sivadharma corpus is a collection of texts intended for the lay Saivas. Various
texts of this kind exist, of which only the Siva- Upani$ad has so far been published.
Two early Nepalese palm-leaf manuscripts consist of a group of such texts, the most
important of which are the Sivadbarma and the Sivadbarmottara: cf. Goodall 1995,
p. 375f, n. 616, and Sanderson forthc. The Sivadl1arma and the Sivadbarmotta-
ra have been summarized by Hazra (19S3 and 19S5). In a recent article Magnone
argues for a southern origin of the Sivadharmottara and argues vehemently against
Hazra's eighth century dating of the text, himself advocating a twelfth or post
twelfth century date (Magnone 2005, pp. 58S-591). This is certainly wrong, as the
existence of a ca. ninth century, fragmented palm-leaf manuscript (NAK MS 5-
S92, NGMPP Reel No. A 12/3) of the Sivadl1armottara written in Licchavi script
28 Introduction

ogdoads and mentions no others. It may thus represent an archaic stage.

Sanderson (2003-04, p. 405f) argues that the list of forty sites "was
already current when the first scriptures of the Mantramarga came into
existence, which is not likely to be later than the sixth century. In any
case it is earlier than the ninth." 70 A noteworthy feature of the doctrine
given in some of the sources is that people who die at one of these places
go to the world of the same name. 71
The list below gives the names of the pafica§taka as I have extracted
them from the relevant sources 72 in an attempt to restore the origi-

shows; cf. Sanderson 2003-04, p. 406, and SP Vol. IIA, p. 197, n. 9.

70 The ninth-century ante quem date is based on the manuscript evidence of the ninth-
century Nepalese Licchavi manuscript of the Sivadllarmottara mentioned above, a
text itself very probably later than the Sivadharma. In addition there are early
Nepalese manuscripts of some of the Mantramargic (or Saiddhalltika) sources for
this list too. Cf. Sanderson 2003-04, p. 406. Regarding Sanderson's arguments for
dating the existence of a scriptural corpus of Tantric Saivism to the beginning of
the seventh century see Sanderson 2002, pp. 7-11.
71 E.g. Nisvasaguhya f. 64v , 1. 3: ete$v api mrtiif:i, samyag bhittvii lokam ase$ataJ;, I
dfpyamiiniis tu gacchanti atra sthiine$u ye I. Cf. also the lost Br1wddadhfca
quoted by Ramakal)tha in the Matarigavrtti ad Vidyapada 18.112c-1l3b (Goodall
2004, p. 314, n. 620): ye tyajanti svakiin priiTJiin sthiine$v ete$u miinaviiJ;, 1
brahmiiTJejaf[t te vinirbhidya yiinti paiicii$takaf[t padam I. The Sivadlwrma does not
contain this doctrine, but promises Rudraloka as a reward to the people who die at
these places: atra yiinti mrtiiJ;, sarve rudrasya paramaf[t padam (f. 3W). According
to the introductory verse to the list of forty places in the Sivadharma (f. 37V) these
are 'the sites of Rudra's avatiiras:' rudriivatiirasthiiniini pU7}yak$etriiTJi nirdiset 1
mrtiiniif[t te$u rudratvaf[t sivak$etre$u dehiniim I·
72 Most of the passages have been identified in Goodall 2004, pp. 314-316, n. 620.
See also Sanderson 2003-04, p. 404f, n. 200. Sanderson also quotes an interesting
passage from the Sarvajiianottara, which instead of the names of the sites them-
selves gives the names of the presiding Sivas there. These names correspond for the
major part with those given in SutaS Yajiiavaibhavakha1.Jc;Ja 43, which enumerates
forty-one Saiva sites together with the names of Siva and the Goddess at these
sites. After each site the same verse follows: tatra devaf[t ea devff[t ea sraddhayii
parayii saha 1tattanniimnii tu saf[tpujya mueyate sarvapiitakaiJ;, II. Sanderson has
reconstructed the individual names of the Sivas mentioned in the Sarvajiianottara
with the individual sites mentioned in the paiicii$taka lists. In general his recon-
struction agrees with the list from the Siitasarphita, but there are some noteworthy
differences. The following are the names of the sites, with their presiding god and
goddess in brackets, according to the 8atasarphita (differences with Sanderson's
reconstruction are marked by an asterisk after the name of the Siva): 1) Amaresa
(OIjlkara / Cal,lc,lika), 2) Prabhasa (Somanatha / 3)
(Devadeva / LiilgadhariI)I), 4) (Rajogandhi / Puruhiita), 5)
/ Rati), 6) Cal)<;lamul)c,lin [sicl (Dal,l<;lin, Dal)<;linI), 7) Bharabhiiti
(Bharabhiiti, Bhiimi), 8) Nakula (NakulIsa, Siva), 9) Hariscandra (Hara, Cal,l<;lika),
10) SrTparvata (Tripurantaka, MayavI), 11) Japyesvara (Trisulin*, TrisaIa), 12)
Amratakesval'a 13) Mahakala (Mahakala, SaIjlkal'I), 14)
Madhyama (Sarva*, Sarva1).I), 15) Kedara (Isana, MargadayinI), 16) Bhaira-
va (Bhairava, BhairavI), 17) Gaya (Prapitamaha, Mailgala), 18) Kuruk:;;etra
Other Sources on Saiva Topography 29

nal names. The following passages have been included: KiralJagama

Vidyapada (KiVP 8.109-112; MaiinYvijayottaratantra (MaViT 5.15-
22ab); Matangaparamesval'agama Vidyapada (MatVP 18.108-112,
MatVP 19.34-38, MatVP 20.51-55, MatVP 21.16-19, MatVP 22.12-16);
Mrgendl'atantra Vidyapada (JVh;gVP 13.136-142ab); Nisvasamuki1a NAK
MS 1-227, NGMPP Reel No. A 41/14, f. 10' (NiM); Nisvasagui1ya
NAK MS 1-227, NGMPP Reel No. A 41/14, f. 63 v-64' (NiG); Rau-
ravagama Kl'iyapada (RauKP 47.78-82); Sivadi1al'ma Cambridge MS
Add. 1645, ff. 37v-38' (SiDh); Somasambi1upaddi1ati (SoSP 2.3.120-
124ab); Svacci1andatantra (SvT 10.853-890); Svayambi1uvasiitl'asalp-
grai1a (SvSiiS 4.47-55), Abhinavagupta's Tantrasara (TSa 10.3-8). It
should be noted here that there is considerable variation, which I have
not taken into account, in the order of names in the various sources. 73
My main objective has been to restore the most likely original names. A
bullet (e) marks the presence of a (similar) name in SPs and a circle (0)
its absence:
(Stha(lU*, Stha(lupriya), 19) Lakula (Svayambhii*, SvayambhuvT), 20) Kanakhala
(Ugra*, Sivagra), 21) Vimalesvara (Visva*, Visvesa), 22) AHahasa (Mahanancia,
Mahananda), 23) Mahendra (Mahantaka, Mahantaka), 24) BhTma (BhTmesvara,
BhTmesvara), 25) Vastrapatha (Bhava, BhavanT), 26) Ardhakoti [sic] (Mahayogin,
MahesvarT), 27) Avimukta (Mahadeva*, Visa!aksT), 28) Mahalaya (Rudra,
Mahabhaga), 29) Gokar(la (Mahabala, Bhadrakar(lika), 30) Bhadrakar(la (Siva,
Bhadra), 31) SuvarI).ak:;;a (Sahasrak;ia, Utpakak:;;I), 32) Sthal).u (Stha:gvTsvara,
Stha(lvTsvarT), 33) Kamalalaya (Kamala', Kamala), 34) Chagala(lqa (Kapardin,
Praca(lqa), 35) Kura(l<ia (Drdhvaretas, Trisal]1dhya), 36) Makota (Mahotkata,
MukutesvarT), 37) Mar.u;lalesvara (Srlkal).tha, Sal).t;iakI), 38) Kalafijara (NIlakal).tha,
KalI), 39) Sm\kukar(la (Mahatejas, Dhvani), 40) Sthiilesvara (Sthiila, Sthiila), 41)
Vyaghrapura (Sabhapati, Dabhrasabhapati). Although the text does not divide
these sites into five groups of eight the first forty clearly go back to the
the additional 41st site Vyaghrapura is Cidambaram, to which the eulogy at the
end of the chapter is devoted (vss. 84-107).
I have come across another instance of the in a manuscript of the
unpublished Piisupatatantra (p. 12), but the passage is too corrupt to be taken
into account. From a cursory look at this manuscript, which is a late DevanagarT
transcript, the contents of the work appears similar to the Saiddhantika corpus.
It is divided into 12 patalas. The setting is that of Nandikesvara teaching DadhT-
ca, who asks about the origin (utpatti) of all dharmas. The title of the work is
explained on p. 4 of the manuscript: pra1}etrtvat pasupates tadryajiianakarma1}oJ;, I
sadhakatvena vti stistram idarrt paBupata7[l> viduJ;,. The text may be an important
document for establishing the relationship between ascetic forms of PMupatism
on the one hand and more worldly oriented forms on the other. Cf. Sanderson
forthc., pp. 8-10, for evidence of the existence from early times of two groups of
practitioners among the; Atimarga.' For other manuscripts of the PiiSupatatantra
see the New Catalogus Catalogorum s.v.
73 There are, allowing for some variation, basically three kramas: one following the
order outlined here (KiVP, NiMfG, SoSP, SvSuS, RauKP), one in the reverse
direction in the case of each separate a§taka (MaViT, MrgVP, TSa) and one which
has the paiica§taka entirely reversed (MatVP, SiDh, TSa).
30 Introduction

pratyiitmika Ma:ViT, NiG, SiDh, SvSuS, TSa:

atiguhya KiVP; guhya MmVP, SvT; no name NiM, RauKP, SoSP
o Amaresa KiVP, Ma:ViT, NiM/G, RauKP, SoSP, SvSuS, SvT
Amara MatVP, MrgVP; Amresvara SiDh; Suresa TSa
• Prabhasa KiVP, MatVP, MiiViT, M,gVP, NiM, RauKP, SiDh, SoSP, SvSuS,
SvT, TSa; Prahasa NiG
• I<iVP, MatVP, MiiViT, M,gVP, NiM/G, RauKP, SiDh, SoSP,
SvSUS, SvT; Nime::;a TSa
• KiVP, MatVP, M"ViT, M,gVP, NiM/G, SiDh, SoSP, SvSuS, SvT,
TSii
• MaViT, SiDh, TS"
KiVP, M,gVP, SoSP; Mat VP, SvSuS; NiM, SvT;
NiG; RauKP
• Dh).<;Iimul).<;Ii NiM/G, RauKP, SiDh
Dir:HJi KiVP, MatVP, MmVP, SoSP, TSa; Dil).qhin MaViT; Cal).QIsa SvSfiS;
Qil).<;Iimul).<;li SvT
• Bharabhliti KiVP, MatVP, M"ViT, M,gVP, NiM/G, RauKP, SiDh, SoSP,
SvSuS, SvT, TS[
• Lakuli KiVP, M,gVP, NiM/G
Lakulin MliViT; Lakula MatVP, SvSilS, SvT; LakulIsvara RauKP; NakulIsvara
SiDh; LakulIsa SoSP, TS[

guhyiitiguhya MiiViT, SiDh, SvSuS

atiguhya KiVP, SvT; no name MrgVP, NiM, RauKP, SoSP; guhya NiG, TSa
• Hariscandra KiVP, MatVP, MrgVP, NiG, RauKP, SiDh, SoSP, SvT, TS"
Harlndava MaViT; illegible NiM; Hariscanda SvSilS
• Srlparvata 74 NiM/G, SiDh
SrTsaila KiVP, MatVP, MaViT, MrgVP, RauKP, SoSP, SvT, TSa; Susaila SvSD.S
o Jalpa KiVP, M,gVP, SiDh, SvSuS, SvT, TS;;:
Jaipesvara MatVP, Ma:ViT, NiM/G; Jaipesa RauKP; JaipTsa SoSP
• Amratikesvara KiVP, MatVP, MiiViT, NiM, SiDh, SvSuS
Amratakesvara MrgVP, RauKP, SvT; illegible NiGj Amratakesa SoSP; Asra
TS"
• Madhyama KiVP, lvIatVP, MaViT, SiDh, SoSP, SvSuS, SvT
Madhya M:rgVPj TSa; Madhyamakesvara NUvI; illegible NiGj Madhyamesa
RauKP
• Mahakala KiVP, lvIatVP, MaViT, Ml'gVP, NiM/G, RauKP, SiDh, SoSP,
SvSuS, SvT, TS"

74 Srlparvata - rather than SrIsaila - is the name found in the texts transmitted
in the oldest manuscripts and also the name of the sanctuary in SPs 96.
Other Sources on Saiva Topography 31

• Kedara KiVP, MatVP, MiWiT, MrgVP, NiM/G, RauKP, SiDh, SaSP,

SvSuS, SvT, TSa
• Bhairava KiVP, MatVP, MaViT, MrgVP, RauKP, SiDh, SaSP, SvSuS, SvT,
TSa; Mahabhairava NiM/G

guhya MaViT, SiDh, SvSuS

guhyad guhyatara KiVP, SvT; no name MatVP, MrgVP, NiM, RauKP, SaSP;
atiguhya NiG, TSa
• Gaya KiVP, MatVP, MiWiT, MrgVP, NiM/G, RauKP, SiDh, SaSP, SvSuS,
SvT, TSa
• KiVP, MatVP, MaViT, MrgVP, NiM/G, RauKP, SiDh, SaSP,
SvSuS, SvT; Kurusthiti TSa
o Nakhala NiM/G, SiDh, SaSP, SvSuS
Nakhala KiVP, MatVP, MaViT, MrgVP, RauKP, SvT, TSa
• Kanakhala MaViT, NiM/G, SiDh, SaSP, SvT, TSa
Nakhala KiVP, MatVP, RauKP; Khala MrgVP; Kakhala SvSuS
o Vimala Vimala, KiVP, MatVP, MrgVP, NiM/G, SaSP, SvSuS, SvT, TSa
Vimalesvara MaViT, SiDh; Vimalesa RauKP
o Attahasa j<iVP, MaViT, MatVP, MrgVP, NiM/G, RauKP, SiDh, SaSP, SvT,
TSa
A,,\ahfula SvSuS
• Mahendra KiVP, MaViT, MatVP, MrgVP, SiDh, SaSP
Mahesa RauKP; NiM/G, SvSuS, SvT; Indra TSa
o Bhlma KiVP, MatVP, MrgVP, NiM/G, SiDh, SaSP, SvT, TSa
BhTmesvara MaViT, RauKP; BhTmakesvara SvSuS

pavitra KiVP, MaViT, MrgVP, NiG, SvSuS, SvT, Tsa

no name NiM, RauKP, SaSP; sthlina SiDh
• Bhastrapada 75 SiDh
Vastrapada KiVP, SvSuS; Vastrapada IvlatVP, MrgVP, NiM, RauKP, SiDh,
SaSP, SvT, TSa; Bhadrapada NiG; Ambarapada MaViT
• Rudrakoti KiVP, MatVP, MaViT, MrgVP, NiM/G, RauKP, SiDh, SaSP,
SvSuS, SvT, TSa
• Avimukta KiVP, MatVP, NiM/G, RauKP, SiDh, SaSP, SvSuS, SvT, TSa
Avimukhahva MrgVP; Avimuktesa Ma:ViT

75 Although the name Bhastrapada occurs in only one of the sources of the paficii-
$taka (the Sivadharma) it is likely that this was in fact the original name and that
Vastrapada, the name found in most other sources, is an early corruption. This is
suggested by the combined evidence of the Sivadharma, the SkandapuraI)a and a
passage from Bhojadeva's Siddhantasarapaddhati: see the annotation ad SPs 54c.
Note that the Nisvasamukha and the Nisvasaguhya vary between Vastrapada and
Bhadrapada.
32 Introduction

• Mahalaya KiVP, MatVP, MrgVP, NiM, RauKP, SiDh, SoSP, SvSuS, SvT,
TSa
Maha:kllla MaViT; Mahabala NiG
• Gokan;a KiVP, MiWiT, MatVP, MrgVP, NiG, RauKP, SiDh, SoSP, SvSuS,
SvT 1 TSa; illegible NiM
• Bhadrakan;a KiVP, MaViT, MatVP, MrgVP, NiM, RauKP, SiDh, SoSP,
SvSuS, SvT, TSa; illegible NiG
• Suvarl!akf?a MatVP, SiDh; KiVP, lvDiViT, MmVP, NiM, RauKP,
8oSP, SvT; illegible NiG; SuvarI).a SvSuS, TSa
• Sthal,lu KiVP, MaViT, MatVP, MrgVP, NiM, RauKP, SoSP, SvSuS, SvT,
TSa
illegible NiG; SthaI).vfsvara SiDh

sthii:T!U KiVP, MaViT, MrgVP, SvSuS, SvT

no name MatVP, NEVI, RauKP, 8oSP, TSa; sthiina NiG; pavitra SiDh
• ChagalaJ;H;1a KiVP, RauKP, SiDh, SvSuS
Chagalal!1aka MaViT; Chagalal!1a MatVP, SoSP, SvT, TSa; Chagalal!1aka
MrgVP; Chagaral!1a NiM/G
o Dural,l<;Ja MiWiT, SiDh, SoSP, SvSuS, SvT
Dviral!1a IGVP, MatVP, MrgVP, NiM/G, RauKP; Al!1advitaya TSa
o Makota MaViT, MatVP, MrgVP, NiM/G, RauKP, SiDh, SoSP, SvSuS, SvT,
TSa; Makola KiVP
o Mal,l<;Jalesvara KiVP, MaViT, NiM/G, RauKP, SiDh, SoSP, SvT
ivIal)Q.alesa MatVP; Mal.).Q.alesana MrgVP; Mal).qalesvata SvSuS; MaI).c;lalabhrt
TSa
• Kalai'ijara KiVP, MatVP, MaViT, MrgVP, NiG, RauKP, SiDh, SoSP, SvT
Kalaiijara KiVP; Karaiijara NiM; Kalarp.cara SvSu8; Kala TSa
• Sankukarl,la KiVP, MatVP, MaViT, MrgVP, NiM/G, RauKP, SiDh, SoSP,
SvSuS, SvT; Sailkusruti TSa
o Sthillesvara KiVP, MatVP, MaViT, MrgVP, RauKP, SiDh, SoSP, SvSuS,
SvT; Devadaruvana NiM/G; SthUlesa TSa
o Sthalesvara KiVP, MatVP, NiG, RauKP, SoSP, SvSuS, SvT
SthUla MaViT, MrgVP, SiDh, TSa; Thalesvara NiM

It can be observed from the list above that there is considerable variation
in the names of the forty sites as in the names given to the individu-
al ogdoads. In general, I have given preference to the presumably older
sources 76 or the ones that are transmitted in old Nepalese palm-leaf manu-
scripts.

76 For the Agamas I follow the classification of demonstrably early Saiddhantika

scriptures in Goodall 1998, pp. xxxvi-xlvii. Among such early works are counted
Other Sources on Saiva Topography 33

One of the most striking features of the paiicii1;Jtaka list is the inclusion
of the names of the four incarnations of Siva at KarohaJ.1a, as narrated in
SPs 115 If., viz. Bharabhilti, DiJ.1<;1imuJ.1<;1a, and Lagu<;li (Lakuli).
These are the only names among the paiicii1;Jtaka that are not so much
toponyms as personal names. 77 The four do not occur together as a group
in any other source, and it is conceivable therefore that these names have
in fact been adopted from SPs. 78 If the list was indeed already current
in or soon after the sixth century, as Sanderson has suggested (d. above,
p. 28), this would strengthen the hypothesis that the original Skanda-
puri4la was composed in the sixth century. Alternatively, both traditions
may go back to an earlier source. It seems significant that KarohaJ.1a,
evidently an important toponym in early Saivism, is absent in these lists.
For a discussion of particular names of the paiicii1;Jtaka occurring in SPs I
refer the reader to the annotation on the relevant passages in SPs.
The distribution among the five ogdoads of the names of sites not
mentioned in the iiyatana account of the Skandapuralfa is unequal. Of
the pavitrii1;Jtaka only Amaresa is absent in SPs, and among the guhyiiti-
guhyii1;Jtaka only Jalpa is not mentioned. Moreover, it is very likely that the
latter is identical with or an early corruption of Japyesvara, a sanctuary
mentioned in the iiyatana account (see the annotation ad SPs 62a). If
so, among the first two ogdoads only Amaresa is absent.79 Among the
guhyii1;Jtaka Nakhala, Vimala, Attahasa and Bhlma do not occur in SPs.
Of these the name Nakhala, which is not known from other sources, gives
the impression of being a mere alliteration of Kanakhala, with which it is
always found juxtaposed. The names included among the pavitrii1;Jtaka are
all mentioned in SPs. Of the five names of the sthii7Jva1;Jtaka that are not
mentioned in SPs - Dural]<;Ia, Makota, Mal]<;Ialesvara, Sthillesvara and
Sthalesvara - two occur in other chapters of the Skandapuralfa. One is

there: the Rauravasatrasarpgraha (no paiicii$taka), the Svayambl1Uvasfitrasarpgra-

ha, the Kira1)a, the Parakhya (no pancii$taka) and the Nisvasatattv8sarphita..
77 Note, however, that SPs 118 does indicate that there were different shrines of
these incarnations. There are still places connected with the first three names
on the northern bank of the Narmada in the neighbourhood of modern Broach.
Cf. annotation ad SPs 115a, 116a and 116c.
78 Brunner-Lachaux (1977, p. 300, ll. 288) expressed her doubts regarding the name
LakulTsa in the SomaAambhupaddhati's version of the list because it is not a geo-
graphical name. However, the avaUim story in SPS corroborates that these names,
including one of the variants of Lakulfsa, are original to the
79 Amaresa is identified with Amaresvara, on the opposite site of Orp.karanatha, on
the southern bank of the Narmada (Dey 1971, s.v. Amaresvara). The place has
Pasupata connections: cf. the Halayudha Stotra on the Amaresvara temple at
Mandhata, dated Sarp.vat 1120 (= 1063 AD), which records the name of a Pasupa-
ta teacher Bhavavalmfka whose disciple was Bhavasamudra, and one Bhavavirinci.
The writer of the inscription is GaI).Qadhvaja of the Chapala-gotra, the disciple of
Vivekarasi, himself the disciple of Supiijitarasi. EI 25, pp. 183-185.
34 Introduction

Mal]c;lalesvara on the Vindhya mountain (see above, p. 19), the other one,
Sthillesvara, is identified with Sailkukarl]a in SPBh 73.62, at the confluence
of the Sindhu and the ocean (ef. annotation ad SPs 177e). Note, however,
that Sailkukarl]a is included as a separate name among the same ogdoad
as Sthillesvara.
Sanderson (2003-04, p. 405, n. 201) has suggested that six of the pa-
vit.,.ii#aka, the first ogdoad, namely Bharabhuti, Dil]c;limul]c;li,
Lakuli, Amaresa and Prabhasa, were Pasupata strongholds. The first four
because they are the four sites at Karohal]a near the Narmada, where Si-
va incarnated in the four respective yugas (SPs 112 ff.) and the last two
because of inscriptions surviving at these two sites. It seems that we can
go one step further and conclude that in fact most, if not all, of the forty
sites listed belonged to the Pasupata tradition. Thus, for example, Avi-
mukta is evidently an important early Pasupata site, and is described as
such in the SP's Viil'iilJ8Sfmiihii:tmya (SP 26-31.14).80 Mahalaya, heading
the list of mundane sanctuaries in SPs, was probably a Pasupata site, as
its occurrence in the list of avatiims preceding Lakulfsa 81 suggests; other
descriptions of this site confirm this impression (ef. annotation ad SPs
30b and SPRA 2.6). According to the miihiitmya of Srfparvata told in
SP Bh 70.42 ff., yogasiddhas are practising Pasupata yoga at SrTparvata.
The SkandapuriilJa and the Mahiibhiil'ata exhort one to bathe in ashes
at the sanctuary G,dhrakutesvara or G,dhravata in Gaya (see ad SPs
167). All of these references point to a Pasupata background of these
places.82 In addition the inclusion of the name Vimala could indicate a
connection with the mysterious Vaimalas, an early group of Pasupatas
known La. from the Svacchandatantra (SvT 11.72)83

CAMBODIAN INSCRIPTIONS

Another important source for the study of early Saiva topography consists
of the epigraphic records of the Khmers from ancient Cambodia (Kambu-
jadesa).84 Among these records those dating from the pre-Angkorean
period, Le. before the ninth century, are evidently the most crucial. They
present a picture of early India which in India itself has sometimes become

80 Cf. SP 29.60-70 and Bakker 2004a.

81 See table 4 (twenty-eight incarnations) below (p.42).
82 See also the paragraph on PMupatas and the SkandapuraI)a below (pp. 37 ff.)
83 On the possible identification of these Vaimalas with the so-called Alepakas, known
from Old Javanese sources, see Zieseniss 1958, pp. 15-20.
84 Sanderson 2003-04, p. 349: "the area of Khmer settlement that extended southeast
through modern Kampuchea from the Angkor region north of the Great Lake into
the delta of the Mekong river in southern Vietnam, and to the north, through
north-eastern Thailand and the Champasak province of southern Laos."
Other Sources on Saiva Topography 35

obscured by later sources. Sanderson's study of the Saiva religion among

the Khmers as evidenced by their epigraphic records shows to what extent
these records can be used, not only for reconstructing the religion of the
Khmers, but also for enhancing our knowledge of early Indian religion
(Sanderson 2003-04). For the present study the pre-Angkorean inscrip-
tions that mention the names of lingas installed in the Khmer kingdom are
most relevant, because they present a picture of early Saiva topography
that corresponds to a large extent to that of the Skandapura1}a:
In the pre-Angkorean period most of the Sivas whose installation
in Liti.gas is recorded in our inscriptions, at least two thirds, were
given the names of the Sivas of venerable Saiva sites of pilgrimage
in India. They have a name in -Tsvara preceded by the name of one
of those sites, meaning, therefore, 'the Siva of X,' or the name (in
-Tsvara) of the deity that presides there. The effect of the practice is
to transfigure the Khmer realm by creating a Saiva landscape whose
sacred enclaves could be seen as doubles of those of the religion's
homeland. 85
Thirteen of the names of lingas mentioned in these inscriptions feature
among the sanctuaries listed in SPs: 86
1 Avimuktakesvara;·87
2 Amratakesvara (or Amratakesa, Amrataka, Amrata);88
3 Kanakalesvara (for Kanakhalesvara);89
4 Kalaiijalesvara (for Kalaiijaresvara);90
5 Kedaresvara; 91

85 Sanderson 2003-04, p. 403.

86 The following list draws on two inventories of lingas whose names have equivalents
in India, occurring in pre-Angkorean inscriptions: Bhattacharya 1961, pp. 50-56,
and Sanderson 2003-04, p. 408f.
87 K. 648 (Ie 6, p. 16f). The inscription is dated to the seventh century.
88 Attested in six inscriptions along the Kratie down to the Delta: Sanderson 2003-
04, p. 408. The earliest instance is the Tuol K6k PniJ:! Inscription of Jayavarman I,
dated 579 Saka (= 657 AD), and records installation of the linga Amratakesvara;
the same inscription mentions Ruciramahalaya (K. 493: Ie 2, pp. 149-152). Cf.IC
1, p. 35, n. 10: ecCe nom a ete porte par plusieurs monuments anciens. (... ) II
s'agirait aIOl's de fondations faites dans la region de Sarpb6r."
89 Dated Saka 619 (= 697 AD): K. 74 (IC 6, p. 18).
90 Stele de Prasat Preah Theat: NIC 2-3, pp. 211-213.
91 Attested in a number of inscriptions. Cf. Ccedes (IC 5, p. 49), quoted by Bha-
ttacharya (1961, p. 50f): "Kedaresvara est une forme de Siva qui etait adoree it
l'epoque preangkorienne dans plusiers sanctuaires repartis sur toute la surface du
Cambodge." The earliest instance seems to be the Inscription of Tuol An Sral;l
That, dated 573 Saka (= 651 AD): K. 910 (IC 5, p. 39f).
36 Introduction

6 N aimisesvara; 92

7 (or 93

8 Prabhasasomesvara (or Prabhasomesvara); 94

9 Prahasi tesvara; 95

10 Bhadresvara; 96

11 Rudramahalaya; 97

12 -trapadesvara (= Bhastrapadesvara?);98

13 -rJ.lesvara (GokarJ.le-, BhadrakarJ.l8- or SankukarJ.lesvara?) 99

Of this list of lingas one of the most intriguing is undoubtedly Prahasi-

tesvara. With the possible exception of the Picumata from the Brahma-

92 Mentioned in two inscriptions: Bhattacharya 1961, p. 52.

93 In three inscriptions: Bhattacharya 1961, p. 52.
94 In three inscriptions: Bhattacharya, p. 53. The earliest of them (of Prasat Toe) is
dated 542 Saka (= 620 AD): K. 138 (IC 5, p.18-19).
95 Mentioned in three inscriptions belonging to the reign of Isanavarman I (ca. 610-
628), in Isanavarman's capital Isallapura (SambaI' Prei KUk): K. 440 (Ie 4, pp. 5-
11); K. 442 (IC 4, pp. 11-14); K. 90, 428 (IC 5, pp. 25-27). See also Sanderson
2003-04, p. 436.
96 The inscriptions record the existence of several Bhadresvaras: Sanderson 2003-04,
pp. 409-421 (p. 409, n. 235 for references). The Bhadresvara linga located at the
foot of Mount Phu Kao (= Lingaparvata) was conceived of as the national deity
of the Khmers. Already in the second part of the fourth century there existed a
Bhadresvara at NIt-son, installed during the reign of Bhadravarman, which was the
national deity of the Chams (Bhattacharya 1961, p. 21). Its installation by Bhadra-
varman indicates that it need not be connected with the original Bhadresvara in
India, but may have been named after the king who installed it. The Champa
kings often named the lirigas they installed after themselves (d. Majumdar 1927,
pp. 181-185).
97 Mentioned in two inscriptions: K. 493 (IC 2, pp. 149-152) and K. 109 (IC 5, pp. 41-
44). The first one, recording installation of a liriga Rudramahalaya, at Prasat Prag
That, is dated 577 Saka (655 AD). The second one, from Tilol K6k Prig, dated
579 Saka (657 AD), records installation of Amratakesvara, adding that at the same
spot there is the ancient (7) Lord Rudramahalaya: teneha sthtipito bhaktyti srimtin
I yathti mama sive bhaktif:t pratijanma bhaved iti I ihapi bhagavan
srimtin rudramahalayaly.1 ubhayor devakulayor ekatvam I.
9B Stele de Phnol)l N6k: K. 46 (IC 6, pp. 34-36). The syllables preceding -
trapadesvara are reported to be illegible by Ccedes.
99 In the second of the two inscriptions at Popel: K. 718, 719 (IC 6, p. 52f). These
inscriptions are dated to the seventh century; the syllables preceding -rl).l).esvara
are reported to be illegible by Coedes. Cf. also Sanderson 2003-04, p. 408.
The Pasupatas 37

yamala 100 and a different sanctuary by the same name in Varal)asT,101

this name is only attested in SPs 168 (in the additional list), where it is
said to be Siva's sanctuary in Pataliputra. Because the name Prahasi-
tesvara already features in Cambodian inscriptions dating from the early
seventh century onwards, it is likely that this sanctuary in Pataliputra -
the presumptive name-giver of the Cambodian Prahasitesvara - was in
existence at least by the end of the sixth century. Considering that it is
not mentioned in later literature we can hypothesize that its importance
may have waned soon afterwards; the SP's additional list, however, must
have been composed at a time when it was still recognized as an important
site. Bhattacharya (1961, p. 82) following Ccedes (IV, p. 4) assumes that
Prahasitesvara refers to an anthropomorphic image of 'Siva souriant,' but
it seems more likely that, as in other cases in Cambodia, the name of
an Indian linga was transpositioned to Cambodia. The same explanation
may acount for the existence of a linga named Prahasitesvara in Varal)asl.
Before concluding this section, let me add one remark regarding icono-
graphy in ancient Cambodia. Bhattacharya (1961, p. 81£), in his account
of brahmanical religion in ancient Cambodia, has noticed that pairs of
footprints are well attested both in Cambodian sculpture and epigraphy.
He writes that this theme is unknown to India and that it was a novelty
introduced in Cambodia. This observation does not seem to be correct.
The presence of the name Rudramahalaya in two pre-Angkorean inscrip-
tions leads one to assume that the tradition of Mahalaya and the footprint
implanted there by Siva (see annotation ad SPs 28cd and 30b) was known
to the brahmins arriving in Cambodia, and that these pairs of footprints
therefore represent another adoption of Indian culture.

The Pasupatas

In the first announcement of the critical edition of the Skandapural)a, the

following observation has been made:
The text, entirely permeated by ascetic and yogic values, of which

100 The Picumata gives a list of sixty-eight Rudras of the nine cremation grounds
of the inititation MaDqala; one of the Rudras is called Prahasita. Cf. Sanderson
2003-04, p. 407£, n. 208, quoting the relevant passage from the Picumata's earliest
surviving manuscript, dated 1052 AD. For a short description of the contents of
the Picumata see Goudriaan & Gupta 1981, pp. 42-44. The names of sixty-eight
Rudras are for the major part identical with the names of Siva at the sixty-eight
Siva sites taught in SkP Nagarakha.r;J(;ia 108-109 and DeP 63. See above, p.24.
101 TVK p. 89, 1. 17 (quoting a 'LiilgapuraQa'), SkP KiiSfkhaQ<;Ia 2.85.22 and SkP
KasTkhaQ<;Ia 2.97.167.
38 Introduction

Siva is made the supreme personification, contains numerous refer-

ences to 'Pasupata-yoga' or a Pasupata vraia and concludes with a
section on Pasupata yoga. 102
In this section I will take up the question of the identity of the Pasu-
patas, the main Saiva sect mentioned in the SicandapuralJa. The ayaia-
na account is embedded within the context of Pasupata Saivism by the
inclusion of the story of the mythical origin of this tradition in SP s 110-
138. Moreover, as mentioned above (p. 34), a number of places listed were
probably strongholds of pasupatas. Who were these Pasupatas?

PASUPATAS AND THE SKANDAPURAl'IA

The study of the Pasupata cult has received a great impulse in the first half
of the 20th century with the publication of two of its principal texts: the
GalJaicariica with the Ratnatlica attributed to Bhasarvajiia, and the Pasu-
patasutra with the Paiicarthabha?ya by KaUl).c;linya. Prior to the publica-
tion of these two texts the only available textual source for the doctrine of
the Pasupatas was the sixth chapter (Naicullsapasupatadarsana) of Ma-
dhava's 14th century Sarvadarsanasarpgraha. 103 The credit of disclosing
this material goes, to a large extent, to Minoru Hara, who has published
several articles dealing with various aspects of the doctrine, continuing the
subject of his *1966 Harvard thesis 'Materials for the study of Pasupata
Saivism.' 104 At the end of the introduction to this thesis Hara makes a
remark which is relevant for the study of the Pasupatas in the PuralJas:
Often we meet the term pasupaia-yoga in Pural).ic literature. The
meaning assigned to it, however, is not that of the original Pasupata
scriptures. The pasupaia-yoga of Pural).ic literature is a system of
disciplines such as breath-control, sitting postures, etc., and some-
times a group of supernatural powers. The yoga as defined in the
Pasupata Sutra and Kaul).c;linya's Bhii?ya, on the contrary, is the
union of the individual soul with God, and this original concept
seems to be foreign to the Pural).ic literature. 105

102 Adriaensen, Bakker, Isaacson 1994, p. 327.

103 For a survey of Pasupata studies until the early 20th century see Hara 1958, p. 8.
104 The English articles have now been collected in one volume under the title 'Pa-
5upata Studies/ (Vienna 2002). The dissertation has remained unpublished. It
includes La. an introduction on inscriptional and Pural).ic references to Pasupatas,
and translations of the Pancarthabhii?ya and the Ratnatfka. The Paiicarthabhii?ya
has also been translated by Chakraborti (1970): see Hara 1974 for a detailed review
of this translation. For references to studies on doctrinal aspects by other scholars
cf. Bisschop & Griffiths 2003, p. 318, ll. 14.
105 Hara *1966, p. 14f.
The PMupatas 39

When we consider the use of the term yoga and more particularly Pa-
supata yoga in the SkandapuralJa, this remark for the greater part holds
true. The final section of the SkandapuralJa (SP Bh 174-183), which is
devoted to PMupata yoga, indeed contains quite a number of descriptions
of various yogic practices. However, especially in SPBh 180 we come across
statements that yoga is not only something to practise, but also something
which is given by Siva, or which can be attained by the initiate.106 Such
a usage of the term yoga comes relatively close to the yoga of the Pa-
iiupatasiitra and its commentary. On the other hand, one of the most
peculiar practices described in the Sutras, namely the acting in such a
way as to court dishonour (avamana) in the second stage of the aspirant's
ascetic career,107 is conspicuously absent in the last ten chapters of the
SkandapuralJa. 108 An earlier passage, in which Siva is teaching the gods
the PMupata vrata (SPBh 122.81-84ab), has a verbal parallel to one of
the Sutras concerned with this peculiar practice,109 but significantly the
text does not mention how this dishonour is to be brought about by the
ascetic, as in the case of the PiiSupatasiitra. Rather dishonour seems to
be a kind of inner virtue pertaining to the PMupata ascetic as such, and
it has nothing to do with the particular ritual practice in the second stage
of the PMupata's career. One likewise looks in vain for this practice in
the sections in other Pura1Jas that purport to give a teaching of PMupata
yoga. llO This may reflect a difference between the esoteric doctrine of the
PiiSupatasiitra and its commentary, on the one hand, and the exoteric
aspects of the teaching in the Pura1Jas on the other.

106 Cf. e.g. SPBh 180.4 8vaT'{t yoga1Jt pradadau te§arp, tadti deva umtipatily, I sarviisa'f[L
mok§avidyanii:T}t vat tattvam atiricyate IIi SP Bh 180.13 dharmadharmaparityaktas
caret paBupataT'{t vratam! tato yogam ima'T[/> prapya mahad aiSvaryam iipnute II;
SP Bh 180.22cd-23ab dzk§ito brahmabhasmabhyii:rJ1. iivayiijf munir bhavet II sfghram
eva paraT'{t yogarp. prlipya mucyeta bandhaniit I. Cf. also e.g. SPs 125c and SP s
129c.
107 Cf. Ingalls 1962.
108 The anukrama'l}ika of the A recension adds a hemistich - thought to refer to
the PMupata yoga section (SP Vol. I, p. 55 and p. 64, n. 10) - of which the
first pada actually suggests a reference to the practice of courting dishonour: kiNe
viriJ,pakara1Jarr- yogasya ca paro vidhilJ, 1 'the putting on of a deformed figure (dis-
guise) in an act of deception and the supreme procedure of yoga.' There is, how-
ever, nothing in the last ten chapters that corresponds to this.
109 SPBh 122.81-84ab: yantrii'T}-ii'f{L parama'f{L yantram anyad yasmiin na vidyate 1
$a¢ariga1J1- sarvakiimfya1J1- sarvalokanamaskrtam II suci sarvapavitra1J1- ca sarvapiipii-
paha1J1- subham 1 tapaso vardhana'f}b caiva te carantu samiihitii/:t 1 yantra'f}b tv apiipa1J1-
vijiieya1J1- prakrtil;t sii ca sa1J1-smrtii II bandhas ca trividhaly, sanyiisaphalam
eva ca 1 tasmiit sarvaprahii1)iirtha'f}b yantram etat samiicaret II asa'f{Lmataly. sadii
loke yenajrryen na karhicit I. The reference to the 'supreme stratagem' (parama1J1-
yantram) calls to mind PilSfi 4.9: asa'f}bmiino hi yantrii1Jii1J1- sarve$iim uttamaly,
smrtaly,.
110 E.g. VaP 1.11-20, LiP 1.88-91 and KiiP 2.11.
40 Introduction

Besides Pasupata yoga the SkandapuraI}a contains a number of references

to the Pasupata vrata, which consists mainly of a bath in ashes. 111 A
person who practises such an observance is designated a 'Pasupata' (SPBh
180.23).112 A rather amusing story is told in SP Bh 32.109-120,. where the
gods, who are frightened by the emission of Kalakarl}! from Dev!'s mouth,
dive into a pile of ashes (bhasmarasi) next to Siva and are consequently
said to have become PMupatas by the Goddess. 113 This story is told
in the context of the Bhadresvara Mahatmya, which is connected with
Kanakhala and the important Saiva myth of the destruction of
sacrifice. Finally, in the last chapter the N aimisa sages of the frame-story
are exhorted to practise the Pasupata vrata they have heard about in the
preceding chapters as well (SPBh 183.65).
The most significant part for the study of Pasupatas in the Skanda-
puraI}a is undoubtedly the origin-story of the Pasupata sect told in SPs
110-138. The passage does not dwell much on points of doctrine but a
few significant concepts can be retrieved from this story. Thus, we hear
that Salllkara favoured SomaSarman, in whose house he is said to have
been born (cf. Bakker 2000), 'with the gift of perfection in yoga' (SPs
125c). The use of the verb anu-y'grah ('to favour') indicates the concept
of divine grace through initiation which is made clear also in the
subsequent verses, in which the four pupils are initiated as teachers of the
doctrine. 114 LaguQi gives them yoga which is said to be his own doctrine
(svasiddhiinta), i.e. PMupata yoga (SPs 129):
This supreme secret known as Paiicartha is given to you in order
to release the brahmins (vipra) from the bond of death. By this
initiation you shall lead the brahmins to the highest stage.
(SPs 130)

111 For a description of the Pa8upata vrata see especially SF Bh 180. This chapter
shows some similarities with LiP 1.34. Compare e.g. SPEh 180.18 prabhavanti
sura!y, somat pitaro vahnisaTJlbhavli?t I vahnisomiitmakarp. tasmiij jagat sarvaTJl prati-
$phitam II and LiP 1.34.6 fi$mapii?L pitaTO jiieya deVil vai somasafJlbhavii/:t I agnf-
$omiitmakarp, sarvaTf1 jagat sthavarajangamam II.
112 Cf. also SP 29.62d, where the Fasupatas in VaraI)-asT are described as 'having
a white radiance due to smearing [their bodies] with ashes' (bhasmiibhyarigasita-
prabhiiM·
113 '0 Kalakarl)l turn back, do not strike the best of the gods! They have become
Pasupatas, with their bodies smeared with ashes.' ktilakaT'f/,i nivartasva ma vadhi{t
surasattaman I ete pasupatfbhuta bhasmana digdhamurtayalJ II (SP Bh 32.115). The
word rtisi in SP Bh 32.1l3c may be significant. It could be a cryptic reference to
Pasupata initation at which one would bathe in ashes and receive a new name
ending in -rtisi. Many Pasupatas with names ending in -rtisi are known from
inscriptional records: see n. 259 on p.204 below.
114 SPs l30ef (see below) makes explicit that the four pupils have received initiation.
A central element of the Pasupata is the application of ashes: d. e.g. SPBh
180.22.
The PMupatas 41

The designation 'Pancartha' is significant, for this is the very name given
to the PMupata doctrine in KaUJ:'H;linya's PaiicarthabhEi{lya (cf. annotation
ad SPs 130b), and indicates familiarity with the Pancartha tradition.
Moreover this is the only place in this part of the text where the name
Lagw;li, viz. Lakulfsa, appears.115 It is noteworthy that the term Panca-
rtha as well as the incarnation's name have been left out of the parallel
version in SPRA 5.87 (see annotation ad loc.). The closest connection
between our text and the Paiicarthabha{lya is the story about the Lord's
descent (avatiira) as a teacher in Karohal,la (PBh: Kayavatara) and his
acceptance of Kusika as his first pupil at the cremation ground (smasiina)
of Ujjain. To this subject we will now turn our attention. In the following
paragraph I discuss some related material about Siva's descent as LakulIsa
at Karohal,la in other Pural,las.

THE TWENTY-EIGHT INCARNATIONS

The Vayupura(1a (VaP 1.23) contains a list of twenty-eight incarnations

(avatiira) of Siva, of which the last one is Lakulfsa, the propagator of the
PMupata doctrine. With each incarnation the names of four sons or pupils
and sometimes the place of descent are given. The same avatiira list is
transmitted in other Pural}as as well: KuP 1.51 (few place names), LiP 1.7
(no place names), LiP 1.24, SiP Satarudl'asarphita 4 (no place names), SiP
VayavfyasarplJita 2.9 (no place names), SkP Kaumal'ikakha(1<ja 40.211-
216 (only incarnations' names). Visuddhamuni's .Atmasamarpa(1a, a Pa-
supata scripture published as appendix 1 in the edition of the Ga(1akariica,
transmits the list as well, but only records the names of the twenty-eight
avatiiras. 116 Table 4 enumerates the names of the avatiiras together with
their respective place of descent acccording to YaP 1.23 and LiP 1.24.
The twenty-eight avatiiras are placed in different time periods (contra
Meinhard 1928, p. 21): according to LiP 1.7 they appear in twenty-eight
Kaliyugas of the present Vaivasvatamanvantara of the Varahakalpa, but
in YaP 1.23 they are distributed over twenty-eight different kalpas.117

115 Lakulfsa is mentioned a second time in this chapter, in the additional list, in SP s
169d (LagUt;lfsvara).
116 On these lists see also Meinhard 1928, pp. 20-34, and Dviveda 1982. A number
of manuscripts of the Gayamahatmya incorporate a similar list in place of Ga-
yamahatmya 2.33-34, in which a group of mental priests (miinasiin rtvija/:l-) is
enumerated. Jacques (1962, p. 42, n. 61) remarks: "Est-ce un souvenir d'une
influence pa§upata it Gaya?" Another, unpublished, source is the Jayadratha-
yamala. In it the list of twenty-eight avatiiras is grouped together with a list
of thirty-eight Rudras, together constituting sixty-six embodiments. See Bakker
2000, p. 11, quoting from an unpublished edition by Sanderson.
117 The following are the names of the sons or pupils of the twenty-eight incarnations
according to YaP 1.23 (variants in LiP 1.24 in parentheses): 1) Sveta, [Sveta-jsikha,
42 Introduction

no. incarnation (VaP / LiP) place (VaP / LiP)

1 Sveta Chagala
2 Sutara
3 Damana
4 Suhotra
5 Kailga / Kailka
6 /
7
8 - / Dadhivahana
9 J.)i;abha
10 Bh,gu Bhrgutunga
11 - / Ugra Gangadvara
12 Atri Haimaka(-vana) / Haituka(-vana)
13 Vali Gandhamadana
14 Gautama Gautama(-vana)
15 Veda8iras VedaSlq;as
16 Gokarl).a GokarQa(-vana)
17 Guh[vasin Mahalaya
18 Sikha:rp;lin SikhaQ<;!I( -parvata)
19 Jatamalin J -parvata)
20 / A\\ahasa himavatpf$tha / Attahasa(-parvata)
21 Daruka Devadaruvana
22 Langalin Varal).asI
23 Sveta Kalanjara( -parvata)
24 Bulin Naimil;;a
25 Dal).c;lin Mut;lc;iIsvara Kotivarl?a / -
26 Rudravana / Bhadravata

Svetasva (Svetasya), Svetalohita; 2) Dundubhi, Satarupa, B-cTka, Kratuman (Ketu-

man); 3) Visoka (Vikosa), Vikesa, Visapa (Vipasa), Sapanasana; 4) Sumukha, Du-
rmukha, Durdama, Duratikrama (Duritakrama); 5) Sana (Sanaka), Sanandana,
Sanatana, Sanatkumara; 6) Sudhaman, Virajas, Sankha, Padrava (Padraja);
7) Sarasvata, Sumedhas (Megha), Vasuvaha (Meghavaha), Suvahana; 8) Kapila,
Asuri, PaiicaSikha, Vagbali 9) Parasara, Gargya (Garga), Bhargava,
Angiras; 10) Balabandhu, Niramitra, Ketusrnga, Tapodhana; 11) Lambodara,
Lamba (Pralambaka), Lambakesaka (Lambakesa); 12) Sarvajiia, Sama-
buddhi, Sadhya, Sarva; 13) Sudhaman, Kasyapa, Virajas; 14) Atri,
Ugratapas (Devasada), Sraval)-a (Sraval)-a), 15) KUl)-i, KUl)-ibahu (Kul)-T-
balm), KusarTra, Kunetraka; 16) KaSyapa (Kasyapa), Usanas, Cyavana, Br1la-
spati; 17) Utathya, Vamadeva, Mahakala (Mahayoga), Mahalaya (Mahabala);
18) B-tlka (B-cTka), Savasa (Syava§va), Dr4havrata (Yatlvrata);
19) Hiral)-yanaman, Kausilya (Kausikya), Kuthumi; 20) Su-
mantu, Varvari (Barbarin), Subandhu (Kabandha), Kusikandhara; 21)
(DarbhayaQi), Ketumalin (Ketuman), Baka (Gautama); 22) Tulyarcis
(Bhallavin), Madhu (Madhupiilga), (Kusa), Svetaketu; 23) (Usi-
ka), Brhaduktha (BrhadaSva), Devala, Kavi; 24) Salihotra, Agnivesya (Agnivesa),
Yuvanasva, Saradvasu; 25) Chagala, (Kul)-4akarl)-a), Kumbha
(KumbhaQ<;!a), Prabahuka (Pravahaka); 26) UJuka, Vaidyuta (Vidyuta), Sarvaka
(Sambuka), Asvalayana; 27) KaQada (Kumara), UlUka, Vatsa; 28) Kusi-
ka, Gargya (Garga), Mitraka (Mitra),
The Pasupatas 43

27 SOffiaSarman Prabhasa
28 Nakulin / Lakulin Kayarohal}a / Kayavatara

table 4: twenty-eight incarnations

This list of twenty-eight avatliras belongs to the PMupata tradition.

Its presence in Visuddhamuni's AtmasamarpalJa and various PMupa-
ta-influenced Puralfas testifies to this, and so does the phrasing of the
material,118 yet no reference to this or a similar list is found in the
SkandapuralJa, although our text likewise belongs to a PMupata milieu.
This suggests that the SkandapuriilJa may predate those sections of the
above-mentioned Pural:>as in which this list is incorporated. Although
it is established that the KfirmapuriilJa, LiIigapuriilJa, SivapuriilJa and
Skandapurii1Ja (SkP) postdate our SP, the case of the ViiyupuriilJa is more
complex. 119 There can be no doubt that an early version of this Puralfa
was known to the composers of the SkandapuriilJa (see above, p.18).
However, I would argue that this list of twenty-eight avatliras did not yet
form part of that text at the time of composition of the SkandapuriilJa. '20
Not only would we expect some reference to it if it had been in existence
at that time, but the possibility that the Skandapurii1Ja in this respect
preserves an earlier state of things is also confirmed by the more archaic
character of the story of the origin of the PMupata tradition narrated in
SPs 110-138.
While the list of the ViiyupuriilJa presupposes a systematized theolog-
ical doctrine of twenty-eight avatliras beginning with Sveta and ending
with Lakullsa, the story of the origin of the PMupata tradition told in
SPs 110-138 is simpler. Basically it consists of two parts: the first part
tells of three previous incarnations at Karohalfa in the K,ta, 'D.·eta and
Dvapara yugas - respectively Bharabhilti, DiIf<;Jimulf<;Ja and -,
whereas the second part deals with the descent of the Lord in Karohalfa
in the present Kali yuga. Three myths are casually referred to in con-
nection with the three previous incarnations: 1) Bharabhiiti threw the
burden (bhlira) of the twice-born in the Narmada in the K,ta yuga, 2)

118 Cf. e.g. the phrase bhasmasniiniinulepanli!y. in YaP 1.23.145b. The yoga prac-
tised by the sons of the twenty-eight incarnations is described as miihesvara yoga
(132a, 142c, 174c, 178c, 182c, 190a, 193e, 199c, 201e, 205c, 213c). The phrase
punaravrttidurlabha, a stock-expression in this chapter, qualifying either rudraloka
or matsamfpa (61d, 67d, 88d, 110d, 114d, 117d, 123d, 132d, 213d), likewise seems
to be characteristic of the Pasupata tradition: cf. Bisschop & Griffiths 2003, p. 337,
n.113.
119 Cf. SP Vol. I, pp. 20-25, and SP Vol. IIA, pp. 8-9, on the intertextual relationship
of the Pural,lic text corpus.
120 Note that the list has no parallel in the BrabmaIJ-gapuraIJ-a, which is an indication
that it may be a later addition to the text. Cf. Kirfel 1927, pp. XII-XIV.
44 Introduction

Dilf<;limUl,l<;la cut off the heads - no victims specified - in the Treta yu-
ga, and 3) granted his favour by dancing in the Dvapara yuga (SPs
115-116).
The part about Siva's three previous incarnations at Karohal/a is not
known from other sources, with the exception of the Karava1,lamahatmya.
This text teaches that Siva descends in Karohalfa every yuga, yet the
names given there are different and no events are linked with these pre-
vious incarnations (d. annotation ad SPs 117a). The list of twenty-eight
incarnations, on the other hand, does seem to presuppose some of these
names. The 25th incarnation is a certain Dal/<;lin MUl/<;llsvara, which is
suggestive of Dil/<;limulf<;li. 121 The 27th incarnation is SomaSarman in Pra-
bhasa, in whose house the Lord takes birth according to SPs 124. Possibly,
this SomaSarman is somehow linked to for SomaSarman is listed
in SPBh 131.2ab together with the Galfapas Dilf<;li and Bhiirabhuti, where
one would expect 122 and is the avatiira preceding Lakullsa
in Karohalfa according to SPs 116cd. In the Jayadl'athayamala, where
the twenty-eight form the first group of a total of sixty-six Rudras, the
name is in fact included among the last four incarnations, the
other ones being Tridalf<;li, Somesa and Lakullsa. '23 Finally, Lakullsa, the
28th incarnation, is identical with Siva's incarnation in the Kali yuga in
Karohalfa according to the Skandapura1,la (Lagu<;li). Thus, three of the
four incarnations at Karohalfa in the Skandapura1,la seem to be included
among the last of the twenty-eight incarnations of the Vayu and other
Puralfas.

THE FOUR PUPILS OF LAKULISA

The names of the four pupils of LakullSa, whose name is only mentioned
once in this passage (SPs 129d: liiguifiJ;.), are in agreement with the names
of the pupils in the list of twenty-eight avatiiras. According to SPs 122-
123 their names are Kausika, Gargya, Mitra and a fourth, anonymous
one, said to be a brahmaciirin from the country of the Kurus. He may be

121 Instead of Dal).<;lin MUl).Q.lsvara (LiP 1.7.34b, SiP Satarudrasaiphita 5.37, YaP
1.23.197: da1)¢f mU1)dfSvaraM, KuP 1.53.9b has Dil)<;lin lvIul)<;lin (di1)df mU1)df),
while two early manuscripts of the Vayupura.Qa (Vll V 2) have DaI).QimuI).qIsvara
(darru)imu'T[L9-fsvara) instead (Vl folio 54r, l. 8j V 2 folio 43v, L 8). The name is
clearly liable to alternation. Cf. also Dviveda 1982, p. 9: "itfmiini piithiintarii'(l.Y
atra drsyantel di'l:uJ,imur:uJ-ir itijalzyaT[L bhuvanaTJ1- svacchandatantre (101854) I iena
di'[tif,imu7!4fsa ity eva nama pradhiinaiveniiira sthiipyatel. '1 The passage from the
Svacchandatantra to which Dviveda refers concerns the see p.29
above.
122 Cf. SP Vol. I, p. 102, n. 137.
123 JRY 4.452d in an unpublished edition by Prof. Sanderson.
The Pasupatas 45

identified with the fourth pupil according to LiP 1.24.131d and

a number of other sources (cf. annotation ad SPs 123d). A unique feature
of the account of the Skandapurru;.a is that the places where these four
pupils are supposed to have been appointed as teachers of the doctrine are
mentioned as well: Kausika in Ujjayanl, Gargya in Jambumarga, Mitra
in Mathura and the fourth one in Kanyakubja. There probably existed
different lines of Pasupatas at these places by the time of composition of
the Skandapuriil}a, and the need was felt to account for their presence and
subsume them under the greater tradition of pasupatism. 124
Only the place of residence of the first pupil is known from and corrob-
orated by another source, i.e. Kaul).c;linya's Bhii.?ya on the Pasupatasiitra
(PBh p. 3f). After stating that the Lord descended in a brahmin body
at Kayavatara and walked to Ujjayinl, where he settled at a pure spot
and covered himself with ashes,'25 Kaul).c;linya tells us, Kusika approached
him and asked the Lord whether there exists an end of suffering. When
the Lord answered in the affirmative Kusika became his first pupil and
the Lord initiated him (PBh p. 3f). 126 In fact KaUljc;linya mentions and
seems to know of only one line of pupils, going back to Kusika, to which
he himself also belonged (see below). This may point to an archaic stage
in which there was not yet a doctrine of four direct pupils of Lakullsa. In
this connection the absence of the name Lakullsa in Kaul).c;linya's bhii$ya
also seems significant, 127 for this could represent an early stage as well, in
which the identity of the incarnation of the Lord was not yet fixed. Alter-
natively, one would have to assume that Lakullsa's name was avoided
deliberately by Kaul).c;linya.
What do we know about this Kusika? The Mathura Pillar Inscrip-
tion of Candragupta, dated [Guptal Sal]1Vat 61 (380 AD), and generally
considered to be one of the earliest epigraphic testimonies for the exis-
tence of PMupatas, records a lineage of Saiva ascetics tracing their origin
back to Bhagavat Kusika. D.R. Bhandarkar (EI 21 [1931-321, pp. 1-9)

124 Cf. also SP Vol. IIA, p. 30, n. 100: "The doctrine of a guru LakulIsa and his
four pupils seems to be an example of 'invention of tradition' (Gupta period), in
order to account for several guru lineages that all claimed to go back to Siva's
incarnation, an avatiira who since then received the name L[kulin I LakulIsa.)1
125 With the exception of the descent in a brahmin body this account is strikingly
similar to SFS where it is said that the Lord went to UjjayanI, entered
a cremation ground, covered himself with ashes, took a firebrand in his left hand
and sat down to initiate his first pupil Kausika. See annotation ad loe. The
episode of LakulIsa)s descent in the body of a (dead) brahmin is known from many
other sources) in particular the account of the 28th incarnation in the avatiira lists
mentioned above. See also Lorenzen 1991) p. 176.
126 Cf. also PBh p. 3, II. 13-15 (Kausika) and PBh p. 102, I. 5 (Kusika). For a new
interpretation of the latter passage see below p. 49.
127 This was already noted by Schultz (1958, p. 6f).
46 Introduction

was the first to suggest that this Knsika is identical with the pupil of'
Lakulfsa. '28 On the basis of this inscription, which mentions among oth-
er things that one Uditacarya was tenth in line from Bhagavat Kusika,
Lakulfsa has been dated to the second century AD. However, the name
Lakulfsa does not appear in this inscription and there is no evidence that
the notion of Lakulfsa as an incarnation of Siva existed at the time. In
fact I am unaware of any attestation of the name Lakulfsa, or a variant
of that name, preceding the SkandapuraJ.la (SPBh 166.25b, SP Bh 166.29a,
SPs 129d, SPs 169d).'29 The earliest known images of Lakulfsa date from
about the same period (ca. the sixth century). 130 The term Pasupata does
not occur in the Mathura inscription either: the group of devotees men-
tioned are Mahesvaras (I. 11). We do, however, have epigraphic evidence
for the existence of the Pasupatas by the time of Samudragupta (ca. 335-
376 AD), for Pasupatacaryas are mentioned as the recipients of grants in
the copper plates of the mahi"iraja Bhulu,)<;la of the Valkhas, who was a
contemporary of Samudragupta. 131

128 Cf. also Sircar 1965, p. 277f. This identification has been accepted by many subse-
quent scholars, but not unanimously. Thus e.g. V.S. Pathak (1960, p. 9, ll. 3) rather
wants to identify him with Kusika II (Aparakusika) in the list of eighteen avaUiras
transmitted in Jaina sources (on which see below, p.49). Cf. also Lorenzen 1991,
p. 180f.
129 The first two instances occur in a passage explaining Siva's different names. He is
called Uiguqin (8 1 ; lakulf 8 2 ) because he carries the lagur.j,a (8 1 ; lakula 8 2 ), just as
he is said to be Bulin because he carries the silla (166.25a). One who praises him by
this name is said to attain supreme worlds (166.29ab). Only the two instances from
SPs clearly connect this name with Siva as the teacher of the Pasupata doctrine.
130 Cf. Shah 1984, p. 97 (with plates 81 and 82), referring to two images from Mathu-
ra. It is noteworthy that in one of these two images (pI. 81) LakulTsa is not flanked
by four pupils, as is the standard in later iconography, but only by two. Does
this reflect an early tradition in which the doctrine of the four pupils was not yet
fixed? LK. Sarma (1982, p. 84f) has identified a four-faced squattish sculptured
pillar from Mukhalingam, tentatively dated to the third-fourth century AD, as a
representation of LakulTsa, but the iconography is rare and from the photographs
supplied (pI. 50-53) it does not look like the figure really has a lakuta in his
left hand, as Sarma suggests. He is himself in doubt about the identity of the
object in the right hand: "It could be a Matulunga fruit or even a liriga. We
cannot be certain since the object is broken." (p. 95, n. 62). The main figure
is oriented towards the east, two-armed, seated in a cross-legged yogic posture,
has a yogapatta bound around his knees and has a rosary in his right hand. The
image is interesting for other reasons: although much more crudely carved, the
joint hairdress of the four heads, bound together across the cranium, looks very
similar to that of two four-faced Vakataka images from Mandhal, dated to the
last quarter of the fourth century, identified repectively as Mahesvara and NandT-
svara by Bakker (1997, p. 95f, plates I, II, III and IV). These images seem to be
iconographically related. Cf. also Brown 2004, p. 67f.
131 These copper plates were found at Bagh in Madhya Pradesh, and have been pub-
lished by Ramesh & Tewari 1990. Pasupatas are mentioned in plate nrs. III, V,
VI, IX, X, XII and XIV. Significantly, no mention is made of LakulTsa in these
The PiiSupatas 47

Although this is not the place to reconsider the identity of the line of
Saiva teachers of the Mathura inscription, 132 I would like to mention here
an additional epigraphic reference which could be important for the recon-
struction of the earliest phase of PiiSupata history. It concerns a Prakrit
inscription from Pac;lana hill, about eleven miles north of Bombay, six miles
west of Kanheri, which mentions a saint called Kosikaya (Kausikeya). 133
Possibly, he is identical or affiliated with the siddha called Musala men-
tioned in three other inscriptions at the same site. l34 The name Musala
is known from the Pasupata tradition as well: in his commen-
tary on the SvacclJandatantra distinguishes between Lakula PiiSupatas,
whose tradition had been founded by Lakullsa (kiiroha7}asthCiniivati'l"(!a) ,
and Mausula Pasupatas in the line of a pupil of Lakullsa, called Musula
or Musulendra. 135 The site where these inscriptions are engraved is said
to be the residence of Siddhas in another inscription,136 which apparently
refers to a group of ascetics living there.
The two inscriptions mentioning Kosikaya and the residence of Siddhas
are dated by Indraji to the first century AD, the ones referring to Mu-
sala to the third century AD. These inscriptions suggest the possibility
that Kausika or Musala was in fact an early Brahmanical sage who was
later incorporated in the Pasupata tradition by making him the pupil of
Lakullsa. Something similar seems to have happened with SomaSarman,
who was likewise a predecessor of Lakullsa but has been made into the
first recipient of his grace by the Skandapura'!a authors. 137 It is curious at
least that the line of teachers mentioned in the Mathura inscription does

inscriptions either.
132 See Acharya ferthe., for a new reading and interpretation of the Mathura
inscription.
133 Indraji 1881-82, p. 322, Inser. B kosikayasa udao tirtimo ca. Indraji translates this
as "And the eastern pleasure seat of Kosikaya. '1 (Skt. kausikeyasya udaya iiriimas
ca). Prof. Bakker first drew my attention to this inscription and suggested the
possibility of connecting the name of this person with that of the pupil of Laku-
lIsa. When I inquired at the Department of :lvluseurns & Archaeology in Bombay
for the present state of this site (December 2003), I was told by Dr. B.V. Kulkarni
that it has been turned into a stone-mine.
134 Indraji 1881-82, pp. 323-325, Inscr. E sadhamusala (Skt. siddhamusalafy" assuming
that sadha is a scribal error for sidha), and F and I: musaladatta.
135 ad SvT 11.71cd. Cf. Bakker 2000, p. 4f. Sanderson (2002, p. 30. n. 32
[4]) quotes a passage from the * Jayadrathayamala according to which LakulIsa
(laf.,,'"Ulapa1}i) taught his own pupil Musallndra the Svaccllanda and Musallndra in
his turn extracted and taught its essence. The last remark could imply that he
was held to be the author of the Svacchandasara, the name of a Svacchanda work
known from a list of 24 Tantras in the SrTka1)tbTya (ibidem, p. 20, n. 20).
136 Indraji 1881-82, p. 323, Inscr. D parvato abhu7ftto sidhavasati "The moun-
tain, the residence of Siddhas (monks) all about." (Skt. parvato 'bhyantafy, (7)
siddhavasatify,). Translation by Indraji.
137 Cf. Bakker 2000, p. 13f.
48 Introduction

not go back to Bhagavat Lakullsa himself but stops with Bhagavat Kusi-
ka. Given the fact that the earliest evidence for the name Lakullsa stems
from at least two centuries later it seems more likely that these Saiva
teachers were in fact followers of a saint Kusika, who was not yet held
to be the pupil of LakulIsa. '38 All this suggests that the only probable
historical figure of the earliest stage of the PMupata history is Kusika,
while the identification of his teacher - 'the Lord' (bhagavant) according
to Kau'!<;linya's - as Lakullsa was established afterwards and is
therefore a later invention. 139
The name Kusika is known from three other inscriptions, in which the
descent of Lakullsa in Ka(yava)roha,!a is mentioned: 1) the Eklingji Stone
Inscription dated Vikrama Sal]1vat 1028 = ca. CE 971 (Bhandarkar 1904-
07); 2) the Pa)<;ll Inscription of Guhila Arisil]1ha dated Vikrama Sal]1vat
1173 = ca. 1116 AD (EI 30 [1933-34], pp. 8-12); 3) the Cintra Prasasti
of the reign of Sarangadeva, dated Vikrama Sal]1vat 1343 = ca. 1287 AD
(Ell [1892]' pp. 271-287). These inscriptions refer to the story of Laku-
lIsa's descent and his four pupils, known from the Pura,!as and date from
a much later period than the Mathura inscription. Concerning the other
three pupils of Lakullsa, we only hear about a lineage of teachers who
trace their origin back to Gargya, from the twelfth century onwards. 140
No lineages of the third and fourth pupil of Lakullsa are known from
epigraphic sources. 141
Although epigraphic sources do not help us much in reconstructing the
supposed lineages of the four pupils of Lakullsa there is a literary reference

138 About the exact identity of these Miihesvaras we know next to nothing, except
that the names of two of the gurus mentioned in the inscription, Kapilavimala
and Upamitavimala, end in -vimala, which suggests a connection with the Vaima-
las, a division of PMupatas known i.a. from the Svacchandatantra (SvT 11.72).
Cf. Bakker 2000, p. 6.
139 The view that Lakulfsa was a real, historical figure is widespread. Cf. e,g. Bhan-
darkar 1913 ("Fl'om all this it appears that there lived a certain person of the name
of Lakulin (the holder of a lakuta, or lagu<;la, or lakula, i.e. a club) who founded a
PMupata system."), Hara 1958, p. 9f ("He seems to have lived about the beginning
of the Christian era.") and Lorenzen 1991, p. 175 ("LakulIsa was in alllikelyhood
the founder of the Pasupata order.").
140 This lineage was based in Prabhasapatan (Somanatha). The earliest inscription in
which this tradition is recorded is the Somnathpattan Praiiasti of Bhava Brhaspati,
dated ValabhTSaqlVat 850 = ca. CE 1169 (Ozha 1889; Peterson 1895). Cf. Bisschop
& Griffiths 2003, p. 321£, n. 33.
141 The attempts to connect Kauru9ya, the fourth pupil, with the Kalamukhas, which
are still sometimes encountered in secondary literature (e.g. Choubey 1997, p. 87-
88) are not based on facts: cf. Lorenzen 1991, p. 182. Choubey's statement that
in the Tadikonda (sic!) inscription "the KaJamukhas are said to have descended
from the third pupil of LakulIsvara by the name Kauru9a or Kalana," cannot be
corroborated: no such name is mentioned in the Tal).r;likOl)-qa grant of Ammaraja
II, dated Saka 880 = ca. 959 AD (EI 23 [1935-36], pp. 161-170).
The Pasupatas 49

to the four lineages that has not been noticed so far. In his commentary on
PaSu 4.10 (indro vii agre asure§u pasupatam iicarat) KaUl;l<;linya comments
upon the word agre as follows:
atriigra iti purvakiilam adhikurute I kusikeiiinasambandhiit priik I
prathamam amarais cf",am I krtatretiidviipariidi§u yuge§v ity
arthal;!l

Here 'in the beginning' denotes the past: before the lineage of Kusi-
ka and Isana. First it was practised by the immortals: in the yugas
beginning with K,ta, T\.·eta and Dvapara.

Ananthakrishna Sastri, the editor of KauIfc;Jinya's Bha9ya, has proposed

to identify this Kusika with the 10th guru after LakulIsa, and Isana with
the 6th, in a list of eighteen avatiiras (or tfrthesas) of Salpkara found in
two medieval Jaina sources, GUl,aratna's (ca. 14th century) Tarkarahasya-
dlpika and the gac;idarsanasamuccaya of Rajaiekharasuri (14th century):
N akulIsa, Kausika, Gargya, Maitrya, Kauru9a, Isana, Paragargya, Ka-
pilaIfc;Ja, Manu9yaka, Aparakusika (Kusika), Atri, Pingalak9a (Pingali),
PU9paka, B,hadacarya (B,·hadarya), Agasti, Santana, Raslkara and Vi-
dyaguru. 142 However, the passage at issue rather suggests that Kusika
was the immediate teacher of Isana and that what we have here is in fact
a list of teachers of four lineages. By dividing the names into groups of
four the names Paragargya and Aparakusika can be more easily explained,
in that these are indicative of a line of descent from respectively Gargya
and Kausika: 143

142 The relevant passage from the $ar;ldarsanasamuccaya is printed as the 8th
parisi§ta in the GOS edition of Candrananda's Vrtti on the VaiSe$ikasiitra
(pp. 220-224 [not pp. 120-124, as erronously reported in Bisschop 2005, p. 547,
n. 107]): te?li:rp. ea sarikaro devaf:t sr#isarp,harakiirakaf:t I tasyiivatiiTiiJ;, sara ye
te '$ttidaia II te§iiT[t nfimiiny atha bromo nakulfso 'tha kausikaJ;, I
giirgyo maitryaly, kaUTU$aS ea fsiina!y, $a§tha ucyate II saptamaly, paragiirgyas tu
I aparakusiko 'tris ea pirigaliik$o 'tha pU$pakaJ;.1I brhadticiiryo
'gastis ea santlina!y, $or,lasaf:i, smrtalJ I riisfkaraly, saptadaso vidyiigurur athiiparaly, II
ete '$tiidasa tfrtheiiis sevyante pade pade I (p. 222, vss. 90-94b). The pas-
sage from GUI).aratna's Tarkarahasyadfpika is printed as Appendix II in the
GOS edition of the RatnatTka, where it is erronously attributed to Haribhadra's
$aq.dadanasamuccaya, on which it is a commentary. It has Kusika instead of
Aparakusika, Pingali instead of PingaHikr;;a and Brhadarya instead of B:rhadacarya.
143 This interpretation is based on a joint reading of the Paiiciirthabha?ya with Prof.
Bakker. Cf. also SP Vol. IIA, pp. 29-30, n. 100. A passage added after the
final colophon of a newly identified manuscript of the Paiiclirthabhi!i:?ya from
Benares has a similar list, to which are added the five ktirar:ta deities SadMiva,
Isvara, Rudra, Vi?l).u and Brahma, and the names of six successive heads of the
Mal).ik(arl).ik)esvara Matha in Benares: see Bisschop 2005, pp. 545-549, for details.
The reconstruction of four lineages proposed here receives some support from this
passage.
50 Introduction

1 Kausika ---> Isana ---> Aparakusika --->

2 Gargya ---> Paragargya ---> Atri ---> Agasti

3 Maitrya ---> KapilaJf<;la ---> ---> Santana

4 ---> ---> ---> RMlkara

In this interpretation one name remains, Vidyaguru, for which Sastri

(introduction, p. 2) has suggested the following: "The word Vidyaguru
refers to one's own guru who imparts Vidya (knowledge) and is usually
considered as an incarnation of Rudra." This suggestion receives some
support from a passage in the Ratnatfka: (ca. 9th century), which appar-
ently also knows this list but omits Vidyaguru:

tata 'vabhrthasniina1)1 krtvii bhagavamllakulisiidin rasikariintii1)1s

ca tirthakariin anukramer;w yathiivad bhaktyii namaskuryiit tadanu
ekam iti 144

Thereafter he should perform the purification bath and with devo-

tion worship the ford-makers from Bhagavat LakulIsa up to RMlkara
in due order correctly; thereupon [he should make] one circumam-
bulation.

If KauJf<;linya were identical with RMlkara - as is suggested by the refer-

ence to a in Madhava's Sarvadarsanasarpgmha (cf. Das-
gupta 1955, p. 5) - this would put KauJf<;linya in the spiritual lineage of
and not of Kusika, as his special mention of Kusika would seem
to imply (cf. Ham *1966, p. 131). Since KauJf<;linya clearly places himself
in the lineage of Kusika, this conclusion cannot be sustained. Consequent-
ly, his identification with RMlkara should probably be considered to be a
later, secondary development. 145 Possibly, the reference by Madhava to a
supposed to be identical with KauJf<;linya's goes
back to the above passage in the RatnatYk§, in which a division into four
lineages is not apparent. 146

144 RaT p. 19, II. 7-9.

145 The editors of SP Vol. IIA point out the plausible connection between this Ra5r-
kara and a branch of PMupata teachers with names ending in 0 rtisi, and note
that "it might not be too far fetched to imagine that by the time that the SP
was composed Kanauj/Kanyakubja might have had a PMupata possibly
of the RMi branch, claiming in its parampara descent from LakulTsa through its
progenitor in Thanesar (Land of the Kurus)" (SP Vol. IIA, p. 30).
146 For Madhava's dependence upon the RatnatTka see Rara 1958.
Editorial Principles 51

Editorial Principles

A reader familiar with the editorial principles and presentation of the text
adopted in SP Vol. I and IIA cannot fail to notice a strong difference
of approach in the two editions printed here. In SP Vol. I and IIA the
editors have constituted a single text on the basis of the three available
recensions, with the important restriction that it is "in principle the recen-
sion of the SP transmitted in the Nepalese manuscripts" (p. 41) that is
edited. '47 The main critical apparatus in SP I and IIA, at the bottom of
the page, is a positive apparatus in which deviations from the Nepalese
manuscripts and the editio princeps of Bhattaral are given as well as sigla
for all the manuscripts - including the A and R manuscripts - that
share the adopted reading. Above the lacuna register two additional lay-
ers reporting the variants of the manuscripts of the AmbikakhalJr;la and
RevakhalJr;la are placed. In this way the readings of all three recensions
can be reconstructed from the apparatus accompanying the edition.

ONE, TWO OR THREE EDITIONS?

The above procedure could not be adopted in the case of the material
edited for the present work. While the three available recensions (S, R, A)
transmit on the whole the same text up to adhyaya 162 - apart from
numerous individual variants, omissions and additions - the situation of
the subsequent chapters is significantly different. After this adhyaya, the

147 The importance of this restriction needs to be stressed. While BhaHaraI conflated
the text of the Nepalese manuscripts and A 3 , the single Ambikakhal}.Qa manuscript
available to him, in the critical edition preference is given to the readings of the
oldest manuscripts, viz. the Nepalese recension. The advantage of this procedure
for future research is undeniable: the attestation of a certain phrase, word, name,
concept, idea, etc., in the main text of the critical edition of the Skandapura1)a
testifies to its existence before 810 AD, the date of the earliest manuscript. In this
regard it is quite astonishing to read the following words in Bailey's review of SP
Vol. I: (IThere are four levels of critical apparatus and, to me, this seems to be
extraordinarily complicated, and though it stands as an exemplary specimen of a
text transparent to all of its sources, this is somewhat at odds with the indigenous
understanding of Pura1).as where multiple versions of a text of the same name are all
regarded as legitimate within the tradition of that name. But where does the text
lie? In its collection of manuscripts - mistakes, corruptions and all recensions
- or in the artificially constructed text of the scholar who lives outside of the
culture where the text is used?" (Bailey 2005, pp. 227-228). While the editors
of SP Vol. I (and IIA) have tried to make the multiple versions of the text as
transparent as possible, Bailey apparently wants to do away with the apparatuses
reporting these different versions. The result in that case would indeed be an
artificially constructed text, for which there would be no way of checking what the
indigenous manuscripts themselves actually read.
52 Introduction

R and A recensions transmit a text which has been completely rewritten

and much expanded upon. 148 In this later part of the text a different
editorial procedure is called for. The editions prepared here may serve
as an example how to proceed with the edition of the later part of the
SkandapuralJa, in which the recensions diverge radically.
In view of the available material there are, hypothetically, three options
of editing the SkandapuralJa after SPBh 162. The first option would be to
continue as before and edit in principle the text as transmitted in the S
manuscripts and relegate all expansions in R and A to an appendix. This,
however, will lead us nowhere, because most of the material in R and A
would in fact have to be relegated to the appendix, while those parts with
a parallel in S would be cut out and put in the apparatus of the main
edition. Cutting out these parts inevitably mal(es the appendix passages
incomplete and impossible to understand. The point is that the Rand
A recensions not only contain additional material but in fact transmit
a completely revised text. This leads us to consider a second option. A
genuine procedure would be to prepare three separate texts on the basis of
the three available recensions. No conflation would occur and the reader
can compare and consider for himself all three recensions in their own
right. One of the main problems preventing the choice for this option
is the manuscript situation. We have only one manuscript of the Reva-
klJalJQa recension. It is often very difficult to read, full of lacunae and
obviously corrupt at many points. The state of the A manuscripts is not
much better. Their readings are often non-sensical and the A recension
seems to have suffered even more from involuntary omissions than R. It
would be nearly impossible to reconsitute an intelligible text on the basis
of either of the two recensions. The safest way would be to present both
versions without editorial corrections, as has been done with the additional
passages in the Appendices in SP Vol. I, but their accessibility would then
become very limited indeed. 149

148 Cf. now also Harimoto 2004a, 2004b, and T6rzs6k 2004. Already before adhyaya
162 major revisions have taken place, but not to such an extent as in the subsequent
chapters.
149 It should also not be forgotten that especially in the case of R such a transcription
suggests an objectivity which does not correspond to the real state of affairs.
Reading the R manuscript necessarily requires an element of interpretation, as the
transcription of many of its characters is based on considerations of sense. Cf. SP
Vol. I, p. 302, and the apt characterization on p. 34: the manuscripts we used,
R is perhaps the most difficult to read and transcribe. Even after considerable
experience, the form of early Bengali script used by this scribe presents difficulties.
He appears to write several in more than one way, and partly due to this
there are many ambiguities." In Dimitrov's classification of Bengali scripts the R
manuscript would probably have to be defined as 'premodern Bengali' (d. Dimitrov
2002, p. 29).
Editorial Principles 53

I have opted for a different procedure and prepared two separate editions,
one on the basis of the S recension, the other on the basis of the R and A
recensions. Although this procedure may at times have led to conflation
of readings from the R and A recensions, it has some clear advantages.
First of all, one must bear in mind that the relationship between the
three recensions is unequal. Although the R and A manuscripts repre-
sent recensions in their own right - as their difference in name
already indicates - they clearly go back to a common ancestor. As I have
demonstrated elsewhere (Bisschop 2002), this ancestor must have been in
existence at least before the time of (beginning of the 12th
century), who quotes three verses from the ayatana list, without parallel
in the Nepalese recension, in the TIrtlJavivecanakaJ;lQa of his K,tyakalpa-
taru. Tiirzsiik (2004) has pointed out various aspects in the additional
material of the R and A recensions which tend to show that this ancestor
may in fact have to be dated quite early. The exact relationship between
the two recensions needs further investigation, but for the moment we
can safely assume that in the case of the ayatana list what we seem to
have are basically two sub-recensions of the same archetype. 150 By a well-
grounded, eclectic choice between the two recensions we are in a position
to restore a text that is still relatively intelligible, and which comes close
to what the ancestor of the two recensions may have looked like.

THE ARCHETYPE OF THE REVA- AND

The notion of a common archetype should be clarified, as the restoration

and repair of this archetype has been the focus of my edition of SPRA.
The mentioned quotation of three verses from SPRA 4.5-7 in the Krtya-
kalpataru proves the existence of a common predecessor of the Rand
A recensions before llOO AD. However, this predecessor is not identical
with what is here called the archetype of R and A, as in many instances
the Krtyakalpataru deviates from the readings of R and A and presents
a reading closer to the S manuscripts. Rather, the term archetype here
refers to the "lowest common ancestor of the known manuscripts" (West
1973, p. 32), viz. of the R and A manuscripts. The closest ancestor of R
on the one hand and of A on the other are designated hyparchetypes. 151

150 The unequal relationship between the three recensions is already evident from the
fact that while the ayatana list is transmitted in one chapter in the S recension,
it is divided into five sub-chapters in both the A and the R recension. Cf. also
the tables of adhyaya colophons of Bhattarru's edition, the AmbikakhaI;u;1a and the
RevakhaJ;uja in Harimoto 2004b.
151 With the addition of A7 to the group of available manuscripts of the Ambika-
kha1)ga recension, it has become clear that this manuscript is not exactly on the
same level as the other A manuscripts. A few preliminary observations may be
54 Introduction

A few examples from the edition will serve to show that R and A presup-
pose a common, already corrupt archetype. A telling instance is the loss
of text in SPRA 4.51cd. All manuscripts read the word sahasravanditar[!
together with the next verse, which obscures the aparavaktrii metre in
SP RA 4.52. Because SPRA 4.51ab is incomplete and we expect the men-
tion of the result of visiting A.mratakesvara, the iiyatana under discussion,
we must assume that sahasravanditar[! belonged to padas cd of the same
verse, of which the remainder was already lost or damaged in the archetype
of both recensions. It is precisely for this reason that reconstruction of

made here about the nature of this manuscript and its position among the other A
manuscripts. More research is certainly needed, but see now also the discussion in
SP Vol. HA, pp. 10-12, which confirms the following observations for another part
of the text, its Vara{lasfmaha:tmya. First, it can be observed that All AZl A3 and
A4 all descend from a common hyparchetype, which had a number of errors that
are not shared with A 7 • cr. e.g. the variants in SPRA 1.2c (tan me A7j tathii Ac
A4), 1.16a (manunii A7i yatvanii ACA4)' 1.48d (dhiimrikrtam A7i dhustrikrtam
ACA4), 2.37d (0 saTflghayofy, A7i 0saTflsayo!y, ACA4); 3.28b (tridr$.tyiiyatane$u A7;
dr$Pyiiyatane$u ACA4 [unmetr.]), 3.63c (bahulingasya tallingarp, A7; bahulirp,garp,
tasya liTf'yaTf' A,-A, [approx.]), 3.78e (brahmalokiiya A7; brahmaloko A,-
A 4), 3.101a (iisviisitlis A7; lisvliditlis A 1-A 4), 4.11b and 4.18a A7;
kuiayu§tau ACA3; kusapu§tau A 4), 4.21b (priyiin asun A7; priylin abhun ACA4)'
4.3ge A7; A,-A,), 5.102a A7; A,-A4)' 5.103a
(jajiie A7; yajiie ACA4)' This hyparchetype cannot have been identical with A 7,
for the latter has wrong readings that are transmitted correctly in the other A
manuscripts: e.g. SPRA 1.2d (suvrata ACA4; suvrata A 7), 1.25c (tapodhaniis ca
ACA4; tapodhana na A 7), 2.54b (patir A 1-A 4; pavir A 7), 3.18a (pramatha ACA4;
prathamii A 7), 3.67b (kamakathasrayiiJ:!, ACA4; kiimayathasrayaJ:!, A 7), 4.32b (satya-
vatfsuta ACA4; satyavatfsutaJ:!, A7)' 4.44a (naganlisoru ACA4; niiganiisaura A7)'
5.51c (avatf'l'l}o ACA4; atfva'r'l}o A 7), 5.87a (kanyakubje ACA4; kanyaggambhe
A7)' 5.93b (dharmasarp,jiiitam AI-A4; dharmasangitarp, A7)' More importantly,
the other four A manuscripts contain a few verses, also transmitted in R, that
are missing in A7: SPRA 2.57-58, 3.62 and 3.70. The presence of these verses in
the A manuscripts cannot be explained if A7 (or, for that matter, a copy of A7)
was the hyparchetype of the other A manuscripts. The reverse is also true: A7
contains a few padas, shared with R, that are not transmitted in ACA4: SPRA
1.28, 3.68ed and 5.38ad. Both A7 and the hyparehetype of A,-A" on the other
hand, presuppose a common hyparchetype, since they share so many errors and
omissions that are too specific to be coincidentaL Significant is a case such as
SPRA 1.15b, where all the A manuscripts report a lacuna, while R preserves the
supposedly original reading. The examples of involuntary omission of verses are
too numerous to mention, but let me just draw attention here to the large omis-
sion of SPRA 4.52f-5.30b in all the A manuscripts, a part only preserved in the
R manuscript, but supported by the presence of parallels for many of its verses in
SPS' On the whole, the scribe of A7 seems to have been a faithful copyist, for on
virtually every page of the manuscript we encounter gaps that are clearly marked
as such. On the other hand, the number of hyper- and hypometrical readings in
this manuscript suggests that he was often careless. In the present edition I have
noted two instances of additional padas only in this manuscript which are both
due to dittography: after SPRA 1.28f and 4.33b.
Editorial Principles 55

the original, correct reading is impossible. A similar instance occurs in

the fifth chapter (SP RA 5.82), where the parallel in the Nepalese recen-
sion establishes beyond doubt the loss of text in the archetype. I have
marked those places in the edition where I assume part of the text to have
been lost with dots between square brackets ([ ... D, 152 in order to draw
attention to the possibility of a lacuna in the text.
Many instances can be cited where a wrong reading in both recen-
sions indicates dependancy of both manuscript traditions on a common
corrupt archetype. For example, in SPRA 5.99c the context requires a
nominative kotfsatasahasrii7,'i where both recensions transmit a genitive
plural sahasrii7,'iiT(! instead. The gen. pI. is probably due to assimilation
0

to the following gen. pI. viprii7,'iiT(! in pada d in the archetype of R and A,

although we cannot exclude in this case the possibility that the mistake
was made by two scribes independently. In SPRA 2.32a tasya is transmit-
ted in both recensions, but this can hardly be correct because of the tasya
in pada c of the same verse. The presumably original reading is tato: tato
niilpena kiilena 'thereupon after a long time.' Similarly, in SPRA 2.59d
instead of diinavii/:! (R and A) we require diirava/:!, and this is indeed what
the parallel in SPs 58d has. A different instance is SPRA 3.8a, where the
reading nandi/:! sabhaya/:! (R and A [approx. D is unmetrical. Reversing
the word-order makes the pada metrically correct, and this is very proba-
bly what the original had. A last example is the reading parvatiilaT(!krtaT(!
(SPRA 5.34) transmitted in both recensions, which can hardly be anything
else but a corruption of an original sarvato 'laT(!krtaT(!.
These examples show that one should not rest content with recon-
structing the damaged archetype of R and A, but try to restore the orig-
inal reading that must have preceded it. In this connection there arises
the problem of weighing the readings of the Nepalese recension when there
are parallels. They provide important external evidence for the possibility
of a different original reading, but how much value should one attach to
them? As it is impossible to give a general answer to this question I shall
limit myself here to discussing a few individual cases. 153

152 This symbol does not belong to the edition proper. It only serves as an indicator
that something may have been lost. Placement of the symbol is often arbitrary,
because in the case of presumptive loss of text it is mostly hard to figure out what
exactly was the chain of events and where the loss may have occurred.
153 If any general answer must be given it will be that each individual case should
be considered in its own right. cr. Housman's dictum (1988, p. 326): "... every
problem which presents itself to the textual critic must be regarded as possibly
unique." For a discussion of a similar issue in a different class of literature, that
is the transmission of the Atharvaveda in the Saunaka Sakha and the PaippaIada
Sakha, and the problems it poses for the editor of the PaippaIada transmission,
see Griffiths *2004, pp. xlvi-xlix. Griffiths, following Hoffmann and Witzel, distin-
guishes between the 'original' reading of the text when it was composed and the
56 Introduction

One example comes from the first sub-chapter (SP RA 1.23cd) and is an
instance where all readings diverge: R has dhiirayanti dhrtiiciirii Mzrbhii;,
pariviiritiii;" A has a hypo metrical reading dhrtiihiisa Mzrbh* sa katha1J!
raviprabhai;, 154 and the parallel passage in SPs llcd reads dhiirayanti
mahiitmiina iiszrbhii;, saratha1J! ravim. The verb dhiirayanti, missing in A,
is clearly original since it is shared by Sand R. The reading mahiitmiina
(S) on the other hand cannot have been the original reading of the R/ A
recension, because R's dhrtiiciirii is partly supported by A's non-sensical
dhrtiihiisa. Finally, A's approximate sa katha1J! raviprabhai;" with the extra
syllables added to fill up the line (cf. A,!), indicates that saratha1J! ravim
(S) must have been in the archetype and that R's pariviiritiii;, is therefore
corrupt. These text-critical observations lead us to the conclusion that the
archetype differed from SPs llcd only with respect to dhrtiiciirii (instead
of mahiitmiina). This particular example shows that, although the paths
of transmission may be complex, the original reading can be restored with
relative certainty. On the other hand, it also illustrates the difficult posi-
tion in which we find ourselves in the majority of cases, where there is no
parallel for a verse in SPs.
In many cases I have felt confident to emend the text on the basis of
SP s , e.g. diiravai;, in SPRA 2.60d (diinaviii;, R/ A), tathaivotkutukeivare in
SPRA 3.27b (tM ca vandetukeivara R, tathaiva kukkuteivare A) and yatra
vaikhiinasii in SPRA 3.38a (yatriivakhiinasii R, yatriivaisviinarii A" yatra
vaisviinarii A,/ A3/ A" yatra vaisviinaro A4)' In order to draw attention
to the fact that an emendation or conjecture is supported by SPs the
symbol < S has been introduced in the edition. This symbol does not
necessarily imply that the entire reading is actually present in SPs nor
that the emendation is only based on the parallel in SPs, but merely
indicates that there is some support for an emendation or conjecture in
the Nepalese recension.
On the other hand, there is always the danger of incorporating readings
of SPs where the archetype in fact did have something different. For
example in SPRA 1.50c, although a dat. pI. tebhyai;, is expected and is
present in the parallel of SPs 26c, I have refrained from emending the
gen. pI. te;;ii1J!, because the evidence of the manuscripts suggests that this
was in fact the archetype's reading, probably considered as a genitivus
pro dativo. Such grammatically poor readings may in fact prove to be
characteristic of the predecessor of the R and A recensions (d. in this
particular case SPRA 5.ld with annotation) and one should be careful
therefore not to remove them. We do not know enough yet about the style

'authentic' reading belonging to a particular Sakha.

154 Al reads kathaii ea for kathaTfl, and A3 has raviprabharp. instead of raviprabhal;-. A7
reads only ravil;, (for raviprabhafy,).
Editorial Principles 57

of the predecessor of R and A to be confident in these cases. The following

list of grammatical anomalies in SPRA 1-5 is by no means exhaustive, but
may be useful for future research of these two recensions. At the outset it
should be said, however, that the anomalies listed here are not significantly
different from the anomalies noted for aisa Sanskrit 155 and a number of the
anomalies have been noted by the editors of SP Vol. I (p. 27f.) as features
of the language of the Skandapuri'iIJa in general. More parts of the R
and A recensions would need to be edited before any definite conclusions
can be drawn from these matters. The instances listed below almost all
involve metrical constraints. 156

thematization: himavantasya kutiini 2.la; srajamiilarJl 2.45d; stririipa-

dhiirir;w 5.40c.

in-stem declined as i-stem: somanandir 2.l3c; nandir 3.lc, 3.l6c; nandis

3.6d, 3.29d; nandi/:t 3.8a; nandim 3.l9a.

accusative plural of i-stem in ayaJ:!: tejomayamaricayaJ:! 3.55cd.

neuter for masculine: tam referring to lingam 1.lOb, 1.29b, 1.52c; 157 vano-
ddesarJl3.37c (conj.).

lengthening of vowel: piir,u;lUkamalasarJlsthite 1.5d; janiiyitri 2.53a (conj.).

augmentless imperfect: utthiipayata 3.20c; sarJlvardhayat 3.56c.

middle (iitmanepada) for active (parasmaipada): conmflayate 3.l7d;

utthiipayata 3.20c.

present verb form with past tense meaning: na conmflayate 3.l7d;

kurvanti tapa uttamam 3.7Sd; pasyanti 3.8lc; pra1}amati 4.52d;
sarJlyojayati 5.1Sd.158

155 Compare the lists of so-called 'aiSa language' in Goodall 1995, pp. lxv-lxviii,
Goodall 2004, pp. lxxviii-lxxxv, Goudriaan & Schoterman 1988, pp. 44-109, and
Torzs6k *1999, pp. xxvi-lxvii.
156 Oberlies's recent Grammar of Epic Sanskrit (2003) is a valuable addition concern-
ing the language of the two Epics. He observes (Oberlies 2003, p. xxxi): "Decisive
for the use of grammatically incorrect forms is in the overwhelming majority
of cases - their position within the piida." In the words of Hopkins (quoted by
Oberlies 2003, p. xxxi): "Metre surpasses grammar." The same observation holds
true for the language of the SkandapuraI}a in its various recensions.
157 This phenomenon is also quite common in SPs: e.g. 1ge, 23c, 7ge, 173d. Possibly,
it expresses the identity of God with the liriga; in other words, it might reflect a
kind of personification of the liriga. In most cases the word liriga is simply treated
as neuter.
158 Brockington (199S, p. 93) refers to this phenomenon in the Epics and calls it the
use of the present tense as the tense of narration, the present taking on a general
58 Introduction

optative form with past tense meaning: narmadiiyii'!' kJipet 5.54d.

lyap for ktvii: manasii cintya 3.50a; tiin arcya 3.83a; riidhya varJasata,!,
somam 5.36c.

-at for -ant in present participle: patatf,!, diva/:! 2.39b.

-ant for -at in present participle: vigrahayantos ca 4.13a (conj.).

hanging relative: viirii'[!asf tu yii ramyii 4.1a (?); 159 narmadiiprabhavo yo

'sti 5.1a.

indicative use of tat (?): 1.26a, 4.1c , 4.5b, 4.51a. '60

vocalic r treated as rio pratikrtam 3.46d; visrjya 3.59a; tu rJayas

5.90b. '6'

ri for vocalic r: ritum 5.44d (conj.).

double or irregular sandhi: lobhiinvitii 'rthiiya 2.8a; narii 'bhigamiJyanti
2.62c; niiSramas 3.86c; uddhatii 'smiibhir 3.90a; madhye 'sramasya
3.98a; munayo 'sramasya 3.101c; srfvrkJe 'vasthito 4.15c; saiva
strfrupam iisthita/:! 4.39d; khyiito asti 5.33cd.

hiatus within a piida: saha ekiikJipingena 1.60c; uviica ekiidasaJoi;lasiitma-

ka/:! 3.106d; iiyatane iha 4.49b; piiriiSarya iti 4.50a. '62

In addition to these grammatical anomalies a number of hapax legomena

occur in the edition of SPRA 1-5. Keeping in mind that "the evaluation
of these can be a difficult and sensitive affair; the evidence of all the
manuscripts and the possibility of various types of textual corruption must
be weighed with skill and judgement" (SP Vol. I, p. 29), let me draw
attention here to a few cases adopted in the edition. The epithets of
Vyasa derived from his mother's name KalI (Kaleya, Kalinandana etc.)
have already been noted above (p.7). The text also contains various
unique epithets of Siva: e.g. Ugrapati (2.47d), Bahulinga (3.63c), Lingesa
(3.64b), Pral).idhara (3.77b) and Bhavari (3.109a). Naturally a number of

past tense. He observes that it may sometimes also be understood to indicate

habitual action. Cf. also Oberlies 2003, p. 145f. The phenomenon, which allows
for a somewhat loose usage of the present, may be considered a narrative style
feature rather than a grammatical anomaly.
159 This is not the only possible interpretation of the relative va: d. annotation ad
SPRA 4.1a.
160 There are other options of interpreting tat in the instances listed: cf. annotation
ad IDe.
161 For this phenomenon cf. also SP Vol. I, p. 27f.
162 Hiatus between two padas is quite common.
Editorial Principles 59

hapax compounds are found; a few noteworthy ones are: jayanidhana as

an apposition to Siva (1.69d), srutalaya qualifying Mahalaya (2.2d, 2.9b),
veSyajfva to denote a pimp (5.64d), sagararaj for the ocean (5.106d) and
jambudvfpa"r(!ava for the Jambudvlpa continent (5.106e).
Concerning the treatment of metre the frequent employment of vipultis
is striking. While the text of SPs contains only four vipulas (14a, 19a,
52 a, 55c, 60c) out of a total number of 191 verses, I have noted sixty-nine
vipulas in the edition of SPRA. Thus, of a total number of 411 verses
approximately 17% has a vipulti. The majority of them are na-vipulas
and ma-vipulas. The table below lists the distribution of the four types
of vipulas:

na-vipula: 1.3a, 1.10c, 1.11a, 1.14c, 1.16c, 1.36a, 1.37c, 1.39c, 2.11c, 2.19a,
2.22a, 2.28a, 2.30c, 2.31c, 2.50c, 2.56a, 3.11a, 3.32a, 3.33a, 3.47c,
3.79c, 3.81c, 4.44c, 4.48a, 4.48c, 5.1c, 5.5c (conj.), 5.7c, 5.21c, 5.22a,
5.35c (conj.), 5.54a, 5.68c, 5.74a.

ra-vipula: 3.12a, 3.59c, 3.88a, 4.40a (conj.; irregular), 5.4c, 5.55c.

bha-vipulti: 1.64a, 2.29a, 2.37c, 3.19c, 3.80a, 3.86a, 4.14c, 4.23c, 4.43a
(conj.), 4.45e, 5.52c, 5.56a, 5.69a, 5.111a.

ma-vipula: 1.7a, 1.18c, 1.25a, 1.27a, 1.38c, 2.35a (conj.), 2.48c, 3.34c (cor-
rupt), 3.41a (conj.), 3.46c, 3.66a, 3.70a, 3.87a, 3.94c, 4.34c, 4.49c,
5.29c, 5.32c, 5.48e (conj.), 5.59c, 5.71c, 5.72c, 5.87c, 5.109c (irregu-
lar), 5.113c.

From this list we can deduce that the use of vipulas must be considered
a hallmark of the style of the redactor(s) of SPRA 1-5. In addition to
the frequent use of vipulas the attention paid to metrical variety is also
indicated by the presence of non-sloka metres at the end of each sub-
chapter in SPRA. The following non-sloka metres can be identified: upa-
jati (1.66-68; 2.63-65; 3.103; 3.105), malinf (1.69), indravajra (3.102),
va,!,sasthti (3.104; 3.106; 3.107; 3.108; 5.115), (3.109), apara-
vaktra (4.52) and mtilatf (5.116). Among these, SPRA 3.103, 3.109 and
5.116 are uncertain because the transmission ofthese verses is too corrupt
to reconstruct them with satisfaction. With the possible exception of the
malatf metre which concludes the ayatana section, all these metres are
well-attested in other Purii1:ws as well. 163

163 Cf. the list of metres in PuraJ).as, prepared by Hohenberger (1965, pp. on
the basis of twenty PuraQas including the Harivarpsa. No malafi is recorded by
him, but I can refer at least to SP 30.30 (= lvItP 180.31 / LiP 1.92.19).
60 Introduction

PRESENTATION OF THE EDITION, ANNOTATION AND SYNOPSIS

In general, I follow the standard of the presentation of the text and crit-
ical apparatus in SP Vol. I and IlA, the principles of which have been
laid down in SP Vol. I, pp. 45-54, to which I refer here for the sake of
brevity. However, the different editorial procedure adopted here, the fact
that two separate editions have been prepared instead of one, has a few
consequences for the presentation of the edition. First of all, the only
available evidence for the text of SPs are the manuscripts S, and S" and
for that of SP RA the R and A manuscripts. Consequently, the two top
layers of the apparatus in SP Vol. I and IlA - reporting variant readings
in R and A - are absent in both editions. The main critical apparatus
is the lowest one at the bottom of the page and it is a positive one, just
as in SP Vol. I and IlA. This apparatus contains one new symbol « S),
used only in the edition of SPRA. It serves to indicate that an emendation
or conjecture is supported by a parallel in SPs (cf. above, p. 56). Directly
above the main apparatus is the lacuna register, as in SP Vol. 1. These
are the only two layers in the apparatus of SPs. The edition of SPRA has
two additional layers on top of that. One is a layer recording the relevant
verse and pada numbers in case there is a parallel with SPS. '64 The other
one, a fourth layer, is present only in SPRA 4, where a testimonium from
the Krtyakalpataru is cited for three verses.
In the main text of SPRA the lines printed in smaller type indicate
the absence of the line in question in either one of the two recensions,
the Revakh8.I,lQa or the AmbikakhalJQa. The symbol [... J at the end of
a line has been introduced in this edition to draw attention to the fact
that part of the text may be lost. These are the only deviations from the
presentation of the text and apparatus adopted in SP Vol. I and IlA. For
easy reference the list of symbols and abbreviations in the apparatus of SP
Vol. I has been reproduced (with a few adaptions) on the page preceding
the editions of SPs and SPRA (p.89).
In the colophon of SPs the adhyiiya number 167 is printed with no
name, following the policy of SP Vol. I and IlA. 165 The number 167 itself
does not occur in the manuscripts, but there can be no doubt that this
is the correct adhyiiya number in the S recension. The colophons in the
two available S manuscripts are hard to read, although S, seems to give
the adhyiiya name as TlrthavarlJana. Bhattarm has reconstructed Siva-
yatanavarlJana. In the edition of SPRA I have followed a different policy,
because there is no certainty about the adhyiiya number (ef. above, p.5).
A colophon name has been edited on the basis of the colophons in the

164 For a table of these parallels see the appendix.

165 Cf. SP Vol. I, Prolegomena, p. 54.
Editorial Principles 61

manuscripts. There is considerable variation in the manuscripts; in general

I have given preference to the colophon reading of R. An abbreviated form
of this colophon, consisting only of the particular adhyaya name, has been
printed as the heading of each sub-chapter.
The reader of the edition of SPRA will no doubt often be disappointed
and feel at a loss due to the bad quality of the text. In many cases no
satisfactory reading could be reconstructed or doubts remain about the
interpretation of the text. As a result the number of crux-marks (t t)
- indicating corruption beyond repair - , and wavy lines under words
or parts of words - indicating uncertainty about the adopted reading
- , in this edition by far outnumber those in other parts of the Skanda-
pura1J.a for which the S recension is available. The interpretation of many
passages is often fraught with difficulties and at times depends upon a
string of combined arguments. In such cases merely listing the variants
for an adopted reading or conjecture is not enough, but the editor should
present all the arguments that led him to choose one reading and dismiss
another. In other words, a detailed annotation is called for.
In addition to the annotation on SPRA, a commentary on SPs has also
been included. The character of the two commentaries differs significant-
ly. In the commentary on SPs the probable identification of sanctuaries
mentioned in the text is considered, as well as other matters relating to
the book's subtitle, 'sects and centres.' Only in as much as there is addi-
tional material in SPRA relevant to the identification of these places is this
subject discussed in the annotation on SPRA too. Furthermore, parallels
for words or phrases in the rest of the Skandapura1J.a and other texts have
been pointed out in the annotation on SPs as well. It is hoped that this
will be useful for future research on the literary style of the Skandapura1J.a
as a whole. The annotation on SPRA has a more narrowly philological
character. Besides presenting the main arguments for adopted readings,
alternative possibilities are discussed, as well as problems of interpreta-
tion. In this annotation one will also find enquiries into the nature of
change from the original text - presumably transmitted more faithfully
by, but not identical with, SPs - to that of the archetype of the Rand
A recensions (SPRA)' Grammatical anomalies and stereotypical phrases
are noted throughout.
As in SP Vol. I the editions are preceded by an English synopsis in
order to give the reader easy access to the editions. 166 These pages by-
pass the problems of interpretation, for which the reader should consult
the annotation.
Finally, a word and name index to the introduction, synopsis and anno-

166 The presentation in SP Vol. IIA is slightly different, in that there the synopsis and
annotation are integrated.
62 Introduction

tation has been included, as well as an index of text passages, following

the example set by SP Vol. 1.