Engaging With Society:: Meeting The Challenges of A Changing World

Engaging with society:
meeting the challenges of a changing world

Only study guide for
EWS2601
University of South Africa

Pretoria
© 2010 University of South Africa
All rights reserved
Printed and published by the

University of South Africa
Mucklneuk, Pretoria
EWS2601/1/2011–2014
98748327
InDesign
EWS_Style
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION vii
Theme 1: “US AND THEM”: IDENTITY AND DIFFERENCE 1

1 THE BUILDING BLOCKS OF IDENTITY 4
1.1 What is identity? 4
1.2 Categories of identity 5
1.3 Ascribed and achieved identity attributes 11
Conclusion 13
2 SIGNALLING IDENTITY AND ASSERTING DIFFERENCE 14

2.1 Marking identity 15
2.2 Tangible markers of identity 16
2.3 National symbols 21
Conclusion 22
3 “TO BE OR NOT TO BE ...”:

PERSPECTIVES ON IDENTITIES IN MOTION 23
3.1 Case study: the “retraditionalisation” of Maputaland 24
3.2 Unravelling “retraditionalisation” 26
3.3 Critical questions regarding retraditionalisation 27
Conclusion 29
4 IDENTITY, DIFFERENCE AND CONFLICT 32

4.1 What is xenophobia? 33
4.2 Explaining xenophobia 35
Conclusion 41
Theme 2: WEALTH AND STATUS 43

5 SOCIAL CLASS 45
5.1 The role of income and occupation in establishing class situation 47
5.2 The income and wealth dimension of class situation 49
5.3 The occupation dimension of class situation 50
5.4 Class and social closure 50
5.5 The social relations of production as a basis for class 52
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5.6 The social relations of consumption and class 52

5.7 The reproduction of class position over time and across the
generations 56
Conclusion 58
6 POVERTY AND INEQUALITY IN SOUTH AFRICA AND THE WORLD 59

6.1 The 1995 and 2000 StatsSA surveys 60
6.2 The controversy concerning post-apartheid trends in income and
poverty 62
6.3 Trends in household welfare between 1993 and 2005 65
6.4 Vulnerable households 66
6.5 Social inequality on a global scale 68
Conclusion 71
7 THE CHANGING DISTRIBUTION OF LIFE CHANCES: FROM

APARTHEID TO GLOBALISATION 72
7.1 Class and race as factors in poverty and inequality in
South Africa 73
7.2 Globalisation and poverty in South Africa 76
7.3 The impact of financialisation on poverty and inequality
in the world 82
Conclusion 89
Theme 3: SOCIETY AND THE CHALLENGE OF CRIMINALITY 91

8 THE CONCEPTS OF CRIME AND PUNISHMENT 96
8.1 The concept of crime 97
8.2 Why we have rules 100
8.3 The determiners and enforcers of rules 101
8.4 Sources of rules 102
8.5 The changing boundaries of crime 104
8.6 The changing nature of punishment 107
Conclusion 109
9 HUMANS AND THEIR ENCOUNTERS WITH CRIME 110

9.1 Forms of and trends in crime 111
9.2 The incidence of crime 119
Conclusion 123
10 THE EFFECT OF CRIME ON HUMANITY 124

10.1 The consequences of crime 125
10.2 Responses to crime 131
Conclusion 137
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Contents
Theme 4: LIVING SUSTAINABLY 139

11 LONG-TERM CLIMATE CHANGE AND THE IMPACT OF HUMANS
ON THE ENVIRONMENT IN AFRICA 141
11.1 Climate change 142
11.2 Climate change and africa 151
Conclusion 159
12 SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 160

12.1 The Brundtland report 161
12.2 Globalisation 163
Conclusion 166
13 GLOBAL GOVERNANCE AND THE NATURAL AND CULTURAL

ENVIRONMENTS 167
13.1 Global environmental change 168
13.2 World heritage sites 176
13.3 Biospheres 182
Conclusion 184
Theme 5: ACTIVELY ENGAGING WITH OUR WORLD 187

14 ACTING IN A COMMUNITY 191
14.1 Community development 192
14.2 Jobs and roles 196
Conclusion 196
15 BEING AN ACTIVIST 197

15.1 Social movements and activism 197
15.2 Activism against neoliberal globalisation 199
15.3 Activism for a local people: Ken Saro-Wiwa and the Ogoni
resistance to Shell Oil in the Niger Delta 204
Conclusion 211
16 CARING SUPPORT 212

16.1 Parenting 213
16.2 Care for those living with HIV and AIDS 214
Conclusion 223
17 BEING A RESPONSIBLE CITIZEN 224

17.1 Responsible citizenship 224
17.2 Global citizenship 232
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Contents

Conclusion 233
18 DOING GOOD WORK– STRUGGLING FOR GOOD WORK 234

18.1 The notion of good work 235
18.2 A realistic approach to good work 240
Conclusion 241
19 ACTION FOR A SUSTAINABLE ENVIRONMENT 243

19.1 Becoming informed 244
19.2 Environmentally friendly living 244
19.3 Raising awareness 250
Conclusion 251
REFERENCES 252
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INTRODUCTION
ENGAGING WITH SOCIETY: MEETING THE

CHALLENGES OF A CHANGING WORLD
On behalf of the team of study material developers, I have pleasure in welcoming
you to this module. My name is Derik Gelderblom, and I am from the Department
of Sociology. The other authors are Natalie Swanepoel, Stephné Herselman and Gert
Maree of the Department of Archaeology and Anthropology, Susan Botha of the
Department of Political Science, Nick Southey and Jane Carruthers of the Department
of History and Peter Stewart of the Department of Development Administration. The
learning development consultant associated with this project is Paul Prinsloo.
In this introduction I am going to tell you what our vision for the development of this
module entailed, and what it is that we want you to know and do when you have worked
through it. The title of the module is a good starting point for this discussion. When we
talk about engaging with society, we mean it in two ways. First, we want you to engage
intellectually by increasing your knowledge and comprehension of the world, so that
you have the tools to question social arrangements that impair human welfare. We also
want you to have a better understanding of yourself and your own place in society, and
to appreciate the fact that your own welfare cannot be separated from that of society in
general. Because we are a multidisciplinary team that represents those disciplines that
are particularly concerned with the nature of society, we are well placed to provide you
with the necessary grounding to engage in this, intellectual, sense. Secondly, we want
you to be able to engage in terms of taking action to make the world a better place. As
you will see in the last theme (theme 5), there are a number of fields in which this is
possible, from the family to the work and organisational spheres. We do not prescribe
any particular course of action to you; instead, we simply want to sensitise you to the
possibilities for action that exist so that you also engage in this, more practical, sense
with society.
The subtitle of the module is: “Meeting the challenges of a changing world”. You
can therefore expect to gain more insight into how the world is changing. I will now
give a brief overview of some of the changes that are of interest in the context of this
module. In the process I hope to provide a framework that shows you how the issues
we discuss relate to one another. The first change is that of globalisation, which is a
concept we define on several occasions in the guide. As you will see in theme 2, there is
considerable disagreement among scholars about precisely what globalisation means to
us. In general, however, the concept refers to the increasing impact of global processes
on our everyday lives.
Globalisation consists of two dimensions. The first of these relates to the increasing
degree of connectedness between people that goes beyond the level of immediate, face-
to-face presence. (Giddens 1990:63). According to Giddens, if we compare a hunting
and gathering society to a modern society, a significant difference between the two is
the extent to which social relationships are based upon what he calls co-presence, or
face-to-face interaction. The bushmen of the Kalahari were until recently examples
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Introduction
of a hunting and gathering society. Even though hunting and gathering bands travel
considerable distances as they look for food, they generally do so as a group of people
who interact face to face. As technologies develop, increasingly effective ways are found
to coordinate the actions of people over greater distances. One of these ways is writing,
and the development of a postal service. This facilitates communication over greater
distances, and makes it possible to transcend the limitations of face-to-face interaction.
People can still stay in contact even if they are long distances apart.
In the current age, technology has developed to such an extent that interaction can
take place, and the actions of people can be coordinated, on a global basis. Increasing
numbers of people are connected through means such as the internet and satellite
television, which can transmit messages instantaneously all over the world. It is
therefore not unusual to be engaged in a face-to-face conversation with somebody, but
then have this conversation interrupted by an SMS message from a person on the other
side of the globe. Face-to-face interaction, although not unimportant, becomes just
one of numerous ways in which social interaction can take place. We have thus come
a long way from the hunting and gathering society where interaction could only take
place between people when they were all together in the same place. Globalisation is
the process by which more and more social interaction takes place on a global scale,
thus increasing the interdependence of people over vast distances, and transcending
the limitations of co-presence even further than before. As a result, we may find that
decisions we make on a local basis have implications on the other side of the globe. For
example, the decision to eat red meat tonight could have implications for the ongoing
destruction of the Atlantic forest in Paraguay, as the soya meal that is used to fatten
cattle in feedlots is imported from places such as Paraguay, thus creating the demand
that motivates the farmers to destroy more forest.
The second dimension of globalisation, which is closely related to the first, refers to
the global scale of events and processes in the current age. As a result, our local world
is increasingly influenced by global events. Events such as the inauguration of Barack
Obama or the opening ceremony of the Olympic Games are broadcast live all over
the world in real time, with the result that they have a global impact. Because of the
interconnection of financial markets, events such as the credit crunch of 2008–2009 are
similarly propagated all over the world, resulting in job losses in South Africa, even
though we had nothing to do with the causes of the crisis. The best example of a global
event with local consequences is global warming. This process is discussed in theme
4, and relates to the impact that human beings have on the global climate as a result of
the release of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere. As you will see in that theme, this
phenomenon has the potential to cause enormous disruption in the form of the spread
of disease, famine and forced migrations, and will have a truly global impact, affecting
everyone in some way or another.
Globalisation is linked to large-scale economic transformations that have produced

increased wealth for some, and increased poverty and inequality for others. From the
1960s until the Asian economic crisis of 1997, a group of South East Asian countries
such as Singapore, Taiwan and South Korea underwent particularly rapid economic
development. This was at least partly due to their successful incorporation into the
world economy, and thus the process of globalisation. However, financial globalisation
was also the cause of the 1997 crisis, and the significantly lower growth rates
experienced by these countries since then. The impact of globalisation can thus be quite
contradictory. Following the late 1970s the South East Asian countries were joined
by China, and lately China has surpassed them with its rapid growth rate. However,
this growth is being achieved at a price: There is increasing inequality within the
Chinese population, and enormous amounts of pollution are being generated. China
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Introduction
is now the world’s largest emitter of greenhouse gases, and it is essential that some
formula be found for the reduction of these emissions. The increased wealth of the
Chinese economy is contrasted with the increased poverty and inequality in many other
countries, which have experienced declining wages and increased unemployment in
their manufacturing sectors as a result of Chinese competition (as you will see, there
is also an opposite effect in terms of growth as a result of Chinese demand for natural
resources). In theme 2, which deals with wealth and poverty, we discuss the complex
and contradictory impact of globalisation, as well as the accompanying process of
financialisation, on the South African and world economy.
Globalisation also has an impact on social identities, that is, our sense of who we are
and where we belong in terms of group membership. The impact is once again complex
and often contradictory, leading to the weakening of rigid social identities such as race,
ethnicity and religion among some people, and their strengthening in the form of some
sort of fundamentalism in others (Giddens 1994:5–6, 81). Rigid social identities are
weakened because of the increasingly cosmopolitan environment in which we live. The
environment becomes more cosmopolitan because we come increasingly into contact
with people who are unlike us in terms of race, ethnicity, sexual orientation or religious
affiliation as more people migrate to the cities, and as international migration increases
as a result of globalisation. This exposure is not only through face-to-face interaction,
but also as a result of the media, such as television, which increasingly are international
in scope. This cosmopolitan environment can either lead to a questioning of rigid
identities, and therefore their relaxation, or cause a defensive reaction in terms of the
reassertion of rigid, traditional identities. We see this in the growth of fundamentalist
religious identities associated with all the major religions in many parts of the globe.
The fundamentalist reaction is strengthened if it takes place in the context of a perceived

environment of American imperialism. Because of the strength of the American
military, as well as the American domination of global economic institutions such
as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund and the power of American
media, many people, especially those in the Middle East, have come to see globalisation
as unidirectional, and to feel that they are expected to submerge their interests and
identities in those of Western countries, particularly America. This can call forth a
militant and unquestioning reassertion of own identity.
Fundamentalism represents what Giddens (1994:6) calls a refusal to dialogue.

Fundamentalists assert the innate superiority of their own values and do not tolerate
alternative values and lifestyles. According to Giddens this is a dangerous position to
take in the socially heterogeneous societies that are typical in our current global age.
In his view it can ultimately lead only to violence, as fundamentalists endeavour to
suppress those who are different from themselves. In this respect he is correct. However,
it is important to acknowledge that it is not only the fundamentalists who refuse
to dialogue. In formerly colonised countries such as those in the Middle East or in
Africa, the previous colonisers often developed undialogical and ethnocentric attitudes
towards their former subjects. In some cases this took the form of Western governments
prescribing to African governments how to run their economies, and what cultural
values to adopt, without listening to what the previously colonised have to say. This
unwillingness to listen to other viewpoints has also often been a characteristic of the
interaction between white and black people in South Africa.
From this discussion it is clear that the issue of how to negotiate differences in culture,
lifestyle, physical appearance and gender between people is a particular problem of the
globalised world. In this respect it is important to avoid identities that are undialogical,
in other words identities that refuse to listen to what others have to say. The first theme
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Introduction
of this guide, “Us and them”, deals with the phenomenon of identity. In that theme we
give a number of examples of identities that can be described as undialogical. Study
unit 4, for example, deals with the notion of xenophobia, which is fear and hatred of
foreigners. This topic drew considerable attention in South Africa in 2007 as a result of
the violent attacks on foreigners that occurred in many townships all over the country.
Xenophobia results from an “us and them” approach, where the differences between
groups are overemphasised and the similarities we share as human beings are ignored.
Ethnic and racial identities are further examples of identities that are often undialogical
and that do not recognise the right of others to be different. These identities tend to
present themselves as primordial. This means that they claim to refer to differences
between people that have existed since time immemorial. For example, a white racist
will say that black people have always been subject to white people, and that this comes
all the way from biblical times (with black people being the children of Ham). Ethnic
groups often trace their origin to events that happened hundreds of years ago and
exclude others from joining the group on the basis of the lack of a shared memory
of these events. The picture that ethnic identities present of themselves is not always
correct. In fact, social scientists have recently come to understand how traditions that
supposedly go back hundreds of years are in many cases recent inventions, and often
represent an attempt to fix in stone identities that have been far more undefined and
open to change. In study unit 3, we give examples of how identities that claim to be
very old, in this case “tribal” identities, have been reinvented in the post-apartheid years
to help people ensure access to land. The lesson of this discussion is that we should
be sceptical of rigid identities that represent themselves as “natural” and given, and
therefore undialogical. We should also be sceptical of identities that overemphasise the
differences between people and underplay our essential similarities.
In the introduction to theme 1 we point out a significant similarity between all humans:
the fact that we share a common ancestry in Africa of some 200 000 years ago. Due
to this fact, as well as the constant mixing of the gene pool due to migration and
intermarriage, all human beings are remarkably similar in our genetic make-up. This
shows racist notions that some races are genetically superior to others to be nonsensical.
Modern human beings originated in Africa, and from there spread out over the globe.
This fact has a number of implications that are dealt with in numerous places in the
guide. First, it indicates the specialness of the landscape of Africa and the important
archaeological sites that are found here, as they tell us a story about our own origins.
These form part of our own heritage as Africans and South Africans, and should be
preserved for the future. (In study unit 13 the issue of heritage sites is discussed.)
Secondly, Africa has a history that has its origin in the time long before colonial
conquest. We tell some of this history in study unit 11, especially as it relates to the
interaction between human beings and the environment. The last implication is that,
in a sense, we are all Africans, wherever we live. This idea is important in the light
of the expectation that the enterprises of Africans are bound to fail (known as “Afro-
pessimism”) which is so common around the world.
One aspect of our similarity as human beings relates to certain shared basic needs, such
as the need for security in the form of protection from crime and violence. As you will
see in theme 4, which is devoted to the topic of crime, the primary responsibility of any
state is to ensure the basic safety and security of its citizens. In South Africa, as in many
developing countries, this has been problematic due to the very high rates of crime
experienced. The causes of crime are very complex and numerous, but one can isolate at
least four reasons why crime is so high in South Africa and other developing countries.
The first has to do with the weakness of law enforcement structures, due to incompetent
and corrupt officials, low pay, and low levels of trust in state structures. The second
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Introduction
relates to the disruption of informal social control mechanisms such as parental
discipline and community disapproval as a result of rapid social change. The third
reason is the large number of young adult men between the ages of 16 and 35 relative
to the rest of the population in these countries. Due to high fertility the population in
developing countries is young. Because crime is typically committed by young men,
a young population provides a large pool of people who can be recruited for criminal
purposes. This is especially the case where unemployment levels are high, as they are in
South Africa.
The last and probably most important reason is the high levels of inequality that are
typical of developing countries. One typically finds that very poor countries have
low levels of crime, as do very wealthy countries (except the United States). What
these two types of country generally have in common is greater equality in terms of
income distribution. In poor countries most people are poor and in wealthy countries
most people are better-off. Middle-income countries, on the other hand, have greater
inequality in terms of income distribution, and high crime levels. We will give examples
of this in unit 4. Given that there is a link between inequality and globalisation, it should
be clear that rising crime rates and globalisation are also connected.
Globalisation is related to another aspect of the changing world, namely the increasing
human impact on nature. We have already referred to global warming, which is one of
the many signs that the capacity of the natural environment to absorb the by-products
of our high-consumption lifestyles is decreasing. The production and consumption of
products create waste products that may be harmful to our health and to the natural
environment. Coal-fired power stations, for example, produce carbon dioxide, the most
prominent greenhouse gas, as a waste product of the combustion needed to produce
energy, as well as numerous other gases, such as sulphur trioxide, which produces acid
rain if it mixes with water vapour. Other examples are paper manufacturing, which
produces harmful effluents which are poisonous to both animals and human beings,
and mining processes, which are generally very dirty and leave behind waste products
that can leach into water resources and may be harmful to the health of people and the
environment. Nature has ways of purifying the environment and thus of breaking down
these harmful products. However, because of the destruction of forests and wetlands,
among other things, the ability of nature to remove these waste products from the
environment has been reduced, with dangerous consequences for both humans and
the environment. At the same time, the quantity of waste products dumped into the
environment is growing all the time as the economies and populations of countries
grow. We discuss the increasing human impact on nature in theme 4.
The United Nations Global Compact

Many of the issues we discuss in this guide also resonate with the United Nations Global
Compact, to which Unisa is a signatory. By way of conclusion we list some of these
principles, and ask you to reflect on the areas of overlap. These principles are directed
at businesses and list their responsibilities. Some are self-evident and do not need any
further clarification. In other cases we provide more information about the principle.
PRINCIPLE ONE
Businesses should support and respect the protection of internationally proclaimed
human rights.
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Introduction
This includes dealing with consumer concerns, being aware of human rights problems
in supply chain management (we learn about global value chains in unit 6) and
building good community relationships. Businesses should also take care not to
become complicit (accidentally or otherwise) in the commission of crimes, especially if
they are transnational companies operating in a foreign environment.
PRINCIPLE FIVE
Businesses should uphold the effective abolition of child labour.
PRINCIPLE SIX
Businesses should uphold the elimination of discrimination in respect of employment
and occupation.
PRINCIPLE SEVEN
Businesses should support a precautionary approach to environmental challenges. The
precautionary approach was first introduced in the Rio Declaration, of which you will
hear more in study unit 10. Principle 15 of the 1992 Rio Declaration states that “where
there are threats of serious or irreversible damage, lack of full scientific certainty shall
not be used as a reason for postponing cost-effective measures to prevent environmental
degradation”. An example is action to stop global warming, which cannot wait until
there is full scientific certainty about its causes.
PRINCIPLE EIGHT
Businesses should undertake initiatives to promote greater environmental responsibility.
PRINCIPLE NINE
Businesses should encourage the development and diffusion of environmentally friendly
technologies.
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Theme 1
1
“US AND THEM”:
IDENTITY AND
DIFFERENCE
Stephné Herselman, Gert Maree, Natalie Swanepoel
Orientation to the theme

In an M-Net documentary programme entitled So, where do we come from? that
appeared on South African television, DNA tests were run on a number of South
Africans. In a country that has long been dominated by notions of racial identity, the
results were, in some cases, surprising to the tested individuals. Both Nelson Mandela,
the country’s first “black” president, and Hannelie de Beer, a young “white” Afrikaner
woman, shared Khoisan ancestry, while Tim Modise, a “black” South African, had
genetic links to Europe on both his maternal and paternal sides. Pieter Dirk Uys, a
“white” South African of Eastern European Jewish descent, was able to trace his
maternal line back to Central Africa (Jackson, 2004).
While much is made of human difference, what we can note is that, according to
our mitochondrial DNA (passed through the maternal line), all humans living on
earth today share a common ancestor who lived in Africa a mere 200 000 years ago
(Soodyall & Jenkins 2007:79). This is the blink of an eye in evolutionary terms, and it
means that, while on the surface humans exhibit a great deal of variation, at a genetic
level we are all fairly closely related. And, as the results for the individuals mentioned
above illustrate, we cannot always rely on what we look like to reveal our ancestry and
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THEME 1
descent. This is because how we appear, our phenotype (the observable or detectable
physical characteristics of an organism (Jurmain, Nelson, Kilgore & Trevathan
1998:381)) is determined as much by environment as by genetics.
Humans are not only the product of the genetic mix of our mothers and fathers; we are
also social creatures, and as social creatures we form part of different social, cultural
and political groups. Some of the most basic categories of identity are based upon our
physical appearance (including sex and skin colour). While the importance of skin
colour (usually socially encoded as “race”) may differ from place to place, all societies
in the world have basic divisions based on the sex (the biological differences between
men and women) of an individual. This physical attribute is socially encoded as gender
(the social and cultural roles and identity assigned to someone who manifests
particular biological sexual characteristics), and the gender role assigned to an
individual may dramatically influence all aspects of his or her identity, from how he or
she behaves, to the work that he or she does, to what he or she wears, and to the role that
he or she fulfils in the family, depending on the broader societal context.
In addition, the language(s) we speak, the cultures and traditions we enact and
perpetuate, our economic situation, our social and political context, the place we come
from, the sports that we play, our hobbies and any number of other factors may play an
important role in defining our identity, and in determining the larger social groups to
which we belong.
Some identities we are born into, others we acquire along the way. Some are fixed,
and others are flexible, and change as we move through space and time. While specific
categories of identity – race, gender, class, age – exist throughout the world, the way that
they are defined and enacted in different societies is determined by social and cultural
factors. These cultural factors are determined by society at large.
Culture is transmitted within societies and individuals learn culture by learning from
(either through observation or by direct instruction), and interacting with, other people.
It is in this way that the shared beliefs, values, and attributes that make up different
facets of our identity come to be created (Kottak 2006:272).
From what you have heard up to now, it should be clear that the focus of this theme is on
the groups we belong to and the nature of belonging, as well as on how this helps us to
gain our sense of who we are. More specifically, we will tell you more about how groups
signal who belongs to the group and who does not, and how this is used to include some
and exclude others who are regarded as not belonging. We hope that the knowledge you
gain here about the formation of identity will help you to understand yourself better.
We also hope to make you more self-aware as you participate in groups as a result of
gaining greater insight into how groups function. Further, we encourage you to apply
the concepts that you learn in this theme to the world around you as you go about your
daily lives. Every day we are bombarded with messages from our friends, family and the
media about how to label and categorise those around us. These labels are often based
on deeply-held assumptions about each other. This theme will require you to interrogate
some of these assumptions and to become aware of how identities are formed, how they
change and how they are often manipulated by others so as to be cast in a negative light.
Our last aim is thus to give you an appreciation of the suppleness of group membership
and the dangers of adhering to fixed identities that target other people in a negative way.
In the next four study units we will examine different aspects of identity. This theme is
organised as follows:
2
“Us and them”: identity and difference
Study unit 1: The building blocks of identity – in which we examine what makes us
who we are.
Study unit 2: Signalling identity and asserting difference – in which we discuss how
we mark and recognise group identity.
Study unit 3: “To be or not to be …”: perspectives on identities in motion – in which
we highlight the contextual nature of identity and how it can be used to
include some and exclude others.
Study unit 4: Identity, difference and conflict – in which we reflect on the negative
use of identity to exclude and enact violence on specific groups.
We will define “identity” in the first study unit, but first complete the activity below.
ACTIVITY
Identify five aspects of yourself which you think of as crucial to
your “identity” and rank them in terms of most important to least
important. Choose a family member, or a friend or colleague
whom you perceive as belonging to the same group as you, and a
friend or colleague whom you perceive as belonging to a different
group, and get them to do the same. What aspects of identity do
they relate to? Are the aspects of identity and the order of their
importance different from or similar to yours? What factors might
explain these similarities and differences – generational, political,
gender, cultural factors?
Note: Examples of these identity aspects include: elements of

your physical appearance (skin colour, hair colour); your gender;
your home language; the kinship role that you fulfil in your family
(mother, son); the job that you hold; or your star sign.
In the activity above, it is highly unlikely that any of the participants chose just one
aspect to describe themselves. This underscores two very important points. First, all
individuals belong to more than one group and are shaped by multiple facets of identity.
Secondly, individual identities are shaped in relation to group identities. Group identities
play an important role in human culture because they determine who is “us” (included)
vs who is “them” (excluded). These categories will, however, change depending on
context. For example, the fans of provincial sports teams will oppose one another one
weekend but unite behind the national team the next. In other instances, you may choose
to foreground one aspect of your identity over another. In some instances your gender or
age may be most important, in others the language that you speak. We will discuss this
further in the first study unit.
3 EWS2601/1
Study unit 2
1
1
THE BUILDING
BLOCKS OF IDENTITY
Introduction
As demonstrated by the activity in the previous section, we do not possess just one
identity. We are all combinations of the various factors that we and others use to define
ourselves and our place in society. Commonly, identities include aspects such as gender,
race, ethnicity, class, language, occupation, and age. It is impossible to look at these in
isolation. They are interactive, not additive – it is their specific combination that makes
us who we are (Lawler 2008:3).
2In this study unit we will consider the following key questions:
• What is identity?
• What are the various categories of identity that people draw on?
• How do these identities interact in a situational, malleable manner?
3The study unit is organised as follows:
1.1 what is identity?

1.2 categories of identity
1.3 ascribed and achieved identity attributes
Conclusion
1.1 What is identity?

Identity is not an easy concept to define. The Concise Oxford Dictionary (Sykes
1982:495), for example, defines it as: “absolute sameness; individuality, personality;
condition of being a specified person.” This definition captures the contradiction
inherent in the term in that it incorporates both “sameness” and “individuality.” In terms
of our social identity, we could argue that we share common identities in that we are all
human, or that we belong to the larger groups of “men” or “women” (Lawler 2008:1–2).
We are South African, Egyptian, or American; we are speakers of Zulu, French, or
Afrikaans. At the same time, we are different from others. Thus it is difficult, if not
impossible, to belong to all groups at once. One cannot, for example, be identified as
4
The building blocks of identity
both a “man” and a “woman” at the same time. Even when babies are born displaying
the physical characteristics of both, they are assigned a sex on their birth certificate and
that is the gender that they are brought up to inhabit. This is because it is social and
cultural norms that determine how identities are marked and defined. Identities are often
relational, that is, you are x (woman), precisely because you are not y (man) (Lawler
2008:3).
Identity is also situational, that is, we foreground specific aspects of our identities
depending on where we are – at home or at social gatherings we may emphasise our
place in our kinship network: we are a father, mother, daughter, or nephew. At work,
we fall into a new hierarchy: we are a line worker, a manager, a teacher, or a student.
At school we are one of the sporty, nerdy or popular ones. Over time, some of these
identities change or accumulate. The son will also become a father, the students will
graduate and take on a new identity in their workplace. People move through space –
Joburgers become Capetonians and vice versa.
ACTIVITY
Taking into account the above discussion of what identity is,
consult a variety of news sources such as newspapers, the
internet, television or radio bulletins, and magazines. Identify
at least ten news items that deal with issues relating to identity.
You will no doubt find that these items come from all categories
of news, including the sections on politics, sport, economics,
entertainment, fashion, geography and history. Keep these ten (or
more) news items handy, as you will need to consult them later on
in this and the next study unit.
1.2 Categories of identity

The different facets of identity operate at different levels and can be divided into
different categories. Some of these categories can be broadly identified as national,
transnational and subnational levels of identity.
National identities
2
At the national level, our identities are shaped by the languages, institutions, and overall
cultural milieu that we are surrounded by. National identities are also firmly based on
a political or perceived emotional link to a specific territory. This is why the President
of the Maldives, Mohamad Nasheed, in 2008 announced his intention to establish a
fund that would go towards purchasing land for a new Maldives state. This is because
the Maldives, which is made up of a chain of over 1200 islands and atolls (of which
200 are inhabited), faces the possibility of having to relocate all 300 000 members of
its population because of rising sea levels caused by global warming. While large-scale
migration to parts of Africa, Asia and Australia is a distinct possibility, the Maldivians
recognised that in order to preserve their unique culture and way of life, they would also
need their own sovereign territory (Henley 2008:22).
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ACTIVITY
Refer back to your news items. Do any of them relate to ongoing
or historical conflicts that are based on the desire of a specific
group for national self-determination secured by a claim to
territory?
If not, return to your news sources and find such an example.
What factors apart from land feature in those conflicts?
Some of your news items may have included coverage of long-running conflicts such as
the situation in Israel and Palestine. While some of these conflicts are apparently about
territory, they also involve the issue of the rights of a group of people who self-identify
as a group to sovereignty (the right to rule over themselves; the right to autonomy).
Many modern-day nation states, particularly on the African continent, encompass
a wide diversity of ethnic, linguistic and religious groups, who do not always share
the same ideas about the correct way to live. Sometimes they are part of that country
only because of specific historical circumstances such as colonisation, decolonisation,
conquest and incorporation. Recognising this, the nation-state will use ceremonies,
celebrations and acts to promote allegiance to a national identity. Examples include the
Pledge of Allegiance, recited by schoolchildren in the United States, or the singing of
the national anthem at international sporting and other events.
Just living in a country does not guarantee citizenship. Rather, specific criteria are
used by the state to determine whether or not someone has access to the rights and
privileges of citizenship. The key apparatus that states and corporations use is the need
to produce identification in the form of official documents to prove that you belong
(Lyon & Bennett 2008:3). Think about how many times in the last month you have been
asked to produce identification. When and why? What are some of the things that you
would be unable to do if you did not have this documentation? As we negotiate our way
through life – at the bank, the post office, the pension payout point, or the voting station
– we constantly need to provide proof of who we are and that we have a right to access
certain state and other resources. The key way of denying or stripping individuals, such
as illegal immigrants or enemy combatants, of such rights is by declaring them non-
persons in the eyes of the state (Lawler 2008:146).
2Transnational identities
Some forms of identity transcend national boundaries. Transnational identities

refer to those international communities that form around specific commonalities,
such as religion. Thus members of subdivisions of the Christian, Muslim, Hindu
or Jewish faiths, for instance, even though they live in different countries, form
6
part of their respective global religious communities. There are also many large-
scale, secular organisations, for example the Boy Scouts, which also constitute
transnational communities. Members of such a transnational community will often
participate in the same activities, for example the Muslim pilgrimage to Mecca, or the
Boy Scout Jamboree. Many transnational communities are easily expanded because they
rely on taught behaviour and active promotion by existing members (Kottak 2006:279).
2Subnational cultures
Within the nation too, there are yet more layers of identity. Subnational cultures are
generally based in regionality, language, class, politics, shared history, or religion
(Kottak 2006:338). Many of these are bound up in the concept of ethnicity (an identity
that is linked to an ethnic group often characterised by shared language and
customs, the members of which differentiate themselves from other groups on the
basis of culture).
Modern-day nation-states are today often composed of a variety of different ethnic

groups. Members of such groups often coalesce around shared language, traditions,
“race”, histories, and shared geographic origin. Many ethnic groups in the United
States, for example, originated in the large-scale (voluntary and forced) migration of
Germans, Italians, Chinese, Africans and others. These large-scale movements are
called diasporas (the large-scale movement of people with a shared geographical
origin to other parts of the world). Ethnic groups will differentiate themselves from
one another by their use of a collective name, a shared language, belief in common
descent and a shared allegiance (Kottak 2006:290, 302). Often they will assert the
right to maintain their cultural traditions as a way of preserving their distinctive
identity. This is examined in greater detail in unit three, which looks at the process of
“retraditionalisation” in parts of South Africa.
ACTIVITY
Refer back to your news items. Do any of the stories that you
found relate to issues of ethnicity or to the maintenance of cultural
traditions? Do they, or any additional news items that you have
found, mention things often specifically associated with ethnic
identities such as types of food or dress? Are these identities
portrayed in a positive or negative light? Make some notes below.
As you probably found when completing the activity, groups often choose to assert
their identity through specific practices. These are not always accepted by those outside
those groups. For example, the Makah people, a Native American group in the United
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States, maintain their right to hunt whales despite international bans on the hunting of
certain whale species, and despite the fact that they do not rely on whales for subsistence
purposes. The Makah people view the hunt as vitally important to the maintenance of
their spiritual and cultural identity (Kottak 2006:253), but this reason is not necessarily
acceptable to environmentalists (people who, themselves, have taken on a very specific
identity).
It is not uncommon for ethnic differences to flare into violence. While such conflicts
are often portrayed as being the result of primordial differences (differences existing
from the beginning of time), they are more likely bred from situations of perceived or
actual socio-political and economic inequality (Kottak 2006:306; see study unit 4 of this
theme). Ethnic groups can be self-defined or defined by those outside the group. Such
identification can therefore be a source of pride within the group or a way of denigrating
a group, and marking them as outsiders (Ember et al 2005:325). This is discussed
further in study unit 4 of this theme.
ACTIVITY
South Africa as a nation-state has a great many ethnic and other
subgroups. It also has a history of the use of racial classification to
define who belongs to what group. Read the excerpt from Mattes
(2004:2–6) below and then answer the questions based on it:
At the root of the apartheid project was a sustained attempt to

manipulate social identities and create new ones. Many scholars
predicted that the racial and ethnic identities created and
imposed by the apartheid system either were rejected by most
South Africans or would be quickly jettisoned with the advent of
democracy. Others, however, warned that the consequences of
40 years of social engineering would not be dismissed so easily.
Apartheid would leave a heavy imprint on social identities that
would constrain the future development of democracy.
In this section, we examine evidence about the type and extent of

social identities in South Africa as well as the salience with which
they are held. To what extent do South Africans still identify, six
years into their new non-racial democracy, with identities imposed
or encouraged by the apartheid regime? Are social identities
widely diverse or consensual? How have they changed, if at all,
since 1994? Finally, do they detract from or contribute towards a
widespread acceptance of the political entity called South Africa,
an acceptance of one’s place in South Africa, and pride in South
African citizenship?
8
… we asked respondents in the 2000 Afrobarometer survey to tell

us, besides being South African, which social group they belonged
to first and foremost … The evidence shows that six years into
their new democracy, substantial proportions of South Africans
still identified themselves in terms of apartheid type categories.
In July–September 2000, one-fifth (20 percent) chose an explicit

apartheid racial identity: 12 percent said ‘black,’ 5 percent
‘coloured,’ 3 percent ‘Indian,’ 2 percent ‘white,’ and another 1
percent simply answered they thought of themselves in terms of
race.
Another 9 percent answered ‘African,’ which in the South African

context is generally used to connote ‘black,’ and another 1 percent
called themselves ‘black African.’
Another one-fifth (20 percent) chose a linguistic or ethnic identity.

Seven percent said ‘Zulu,’ 5 percent ‘Xhosa,’ 2 percent ‘Setswana
or Tswana,’ and 1 percent each chose ‘Afrikaner,’ Sesotho or
Sotho,’ ‘Swazi,’ ‘Boer’ and ‘English.’ However 16 percent chose
a religious category, with 13 percent thinking of themselves
primarily as ‘Christian,’ 2 percent as a ‘religious person,’ and 1
percent each as ‘Moslem’ and ‘Catholic.’
We can also look to Idasa surveys dating back to 1994 to assess

whether these patterns differ substantially from those found
immediately after the country’s first open democratic election.
… (I)t does appear that there has been a significant drop in the
proportion holding racially-based social identities, and marked
increases in those adopting religious, class and occupational
identities … yet as important as these trends may be, racial and
ethnic loyalties are still the most prevalent sources of identity in
South Africa.
But are these identities mere labels or are they relevant to people’s
lives? … The results reveal a fairly strong level of personal
attachment to these group identities. In 2000, 92 percent of South
Africans said that being a member of their identity group made
them ‘feel proud,’ and 90 percent agreed that being a member of
that group ‘was a very important part of how you see yourself,’
while 84 percent said that they would want their children to think
of themselves in these terms. …
As noted above, the second set of items measures a sense of

chauvinism [ethnocentrism, the belief that your own group is the
best], or exceptionalism, associated with one’s group. In 2000,
three-quarters (73 percent) of South Africans said that they felt
‘much closer’ to members of their identity group than to other
South Africans. Sixty-four percent said that ‘of all groups in
South Africa,’ their group was ‘the best.’ And 49 percent felt that
members of their group were ‘very different from other South
Africans.’ …
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STUDY UNIT 1
If South Africans exhibit apparently strong attachments to their

subnational group identities, does this detract from the creation
of a widely shared sense of national identity? The results …
suggest the answer is emphatically ‘no.’ South Africans exhibit
extremely high levels of national identity. In 2000, 90 percent said
it made them ‘proud to be called South African,’ 89 percent agreed
that ‘being South African is an important part of how they see’
themselves, and an identical 89 percent say they would want their
children to think of themselves as South Africans.
Answer the following multiple-choice questions based on the

above abstract:
(1) The Afrobarometer survey established that in the year 2000 …
(a) South Africans mostly identified with their apartheid-era

racially-based identity.
(b) South Africans had totally rejected apartheid-era racial
labels.
(c) equal numbers of South Africans identified primarily with
racial and ethnolinguistic identities.
(d) South Africans could not distinguish between racial, ethnic
and linguistic categories of identity.
(e) South Africans were highly religious and identified first and
foremost with their faith-based identity.
(2) An example of national chauvinism is when …
(a) your other identities are subordinate to (rated as less

important than) your national identity.
(b) you believe that your nationality is superior to other
nationalities.
(c) you are proud to be a citizen of whichever country you live
in.
(d) you want to emigrate because life in other countries is
better than where you are.
(e) your ethnic identity is more important to you than your
nationality.
2Ethnocentrism
One of the sets of questions used in the above survey was designed to test levels of
cultural chauvinism or ethnocentrism. Ethnocentrism is the tendency to view the
culture of one’s own group as superior to that of others. Thus, instead of acknowledging
the values and beliefs held by others, we judge them in terms of our own. While on the
one hand this can contribute to a feeling of group solidarity, on the other it can lead to
discrimination and intolerance (Kottak 2006:279). Similarly, racism is the belief that
certain groups are inferior because of the set of physical features that they possess
(Ember et al 2005:324). Race is discussed in more depth in the next section.
10
1.3 Ascribed and achieved identity attributes

There are two kinds of qualities or attributes that determine where and how people
belong. We generally distinguish between ascribed attributes (attributes determined at
birth) and achieved attributes (attributes acquired over time). Ascribed qualities are
those that are determined for an individual at birth by virtue of his or her genetics and/or
his or her family. These may include features such as gender and race. Achieved qualities,
in contrast, are those that are acquired during a person’s lifetime, for example occupation,
or membership of a particular group or association (Ember et al 2005:392).
Some of these categories may be regarded as a combination of both ascribed and achieved
attributes, depending on the individual circumstances of the person. Thus, while our
citizenship (national identity) is generally ascribed to our place of birth, individuals can
achieve citizenship in a different country through application. In the same way, age,
which is ascribed to our date of birth, is also a gateway to acquiring a range of identity
roles as we grow older. Such shifts in identity are often marked by rites of passage – a
special ceremony or act, which signifies the taking on of a new identity by an individual.
Thus a student will undergo a graduation ceremony, a new citizen will give a pledge of
allegiance, a child of a certain age will undergo initiation (Kottak 2006:475). Class, which
is ascribed to the situation of our family, is also something that can be changed if you
are able to gain a better education, and thus a better paying job. While class is ostensibly
changeable, some social scientists would argue that the modern-day class system is
actually very difficult to overcome.
2Ascribed attributes: race and gender
Race and gender are both good examples of an ascribed identity in that the “race” or
“gender” to which one is assigned is determined at birth by the society that you are
born into. Although race is nominally based on differences in physical appearance,
it is important to remember that it is a social construct, and thus the definition and
delineation of different races will differ from society to society depending on social
and cultural factors (Kottak 2006:290). It should be noted that scientifically there is no
such thing as race. As we have already established, there is very little genetic variation
between different human populations. There is, however, variation in human phenotype –
our physical appearance – because of a combination of genetic and environmental factors.
There are no abrupt breaks in phenotype between different populations because of gene
flow and interbreeding (Kottak 2006:83–84).
This is not to say that there are not physical differences between people, but rather to
argue that the way in which these differences are categorised is a product of society rather
than biology. This is clearly evident when we compare how races are defined in different
places. For example, in the United States the rule used to be that if one of your eight
grandparents was black, so were you (Ember et al 2005:324). In apartheid South Africa
there were four “races”: black, white, coloured and Indian. In contrast, Brazilians use
over 500 labels to describe different races. In Brazil, an individual’s “race” may change
depending on who is classifying them, and whether or not their physical appearance has
been altered temporarily because they are more tanned than usual or because their hair
texture has changed as a result of humidity (Fish 2003:v277).
Now, you may agree that racial classification is largely arbitrary and a social construct,
but you would probably argue that gender classification (based on physical sexual
characteristics) is a given, in which case you would be surprised to learn that this is not
the case. It is generally recognised that while there are two biological sexes (though some
would argue that even these exist on a continuum), there are any number of genders. This
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is because gender refers to the roles and identity that are attached to a specific physical
appearance. While in the West only two primary genders – male and female – are
formally recognised, other societies may have more than two formal genders. Amongst
some Native American cultures, for example, there is a category of person known as a
Berdache (or “Two-spirit”). These are individuals, usually male, who take on certain
social characteristics of the opposite gender, such as aspects of dress and work, and
often also combine aspects of the two genders (Callender and Kochems 1983). There is
much debate among social scientists as to whether or not transgendered or homosexual
individuals should be characterised as belonging to third or in some cases fourth gender.
Political reality has, however, overtaken academic discussion. In September 2008, a

21-year-old lesbian in Nepal was issued with a government identity card that designated
her neither as male or female, but as belonging to a third gender. Previously a
transgendered Nepalese man had been issued with an identity card that designated him/
her as “both male and female” (Sindh today 2008).
ACTIVITY
Write down five characteristics that you identify as societal
assumptions about or expectations of men and women
respectively. These could be physical or behavioural. Compare
these with the reality of men and women you know. To what
extent do your subjects conform to social notions of what it
means to be a man or woman? (You could do something similar
with racial characteristics.)
Expectation Reality
You may find from completing the above exercise that the ideal differs from the
actual. Thus, not all women cry and not all men don’t. This is an important point, as
it illustrates the socially constructed nature of these identities. The ideal appearance
and attributes attached to a certain identity, in this case gender, are sometimes used by
those with a vested interest in the wider society as a form of social control and a way of
ensuring that individuals adhere to an accepted code of behaviour. Look at your news
items again – do any of them relate to issues of gendered behaviour and/or appearance?
A case in point are the spate of attacks that occurred against women at taxi ranks in
Johannesburg and elsewhere in South Africa, where women were the target of sexually
motivated harassment and attacks because they were “dressed inappropriately and
provocatively” in miniskirts. The reasoning presented by the attackers is that they were
12
teaching the women a lesson, as women in “African culture” do not wear short skirts
and those who dressed in that way were “asking to be raped.” Quite apart from the fact
that many traditional ceremonies require women to wear short skirts, or indeed bare
their breasts (as was pointed out in a statement by the House of Traditional Leaders),
these incidents relate to wider social tensions concerning the relationship between men
and women, and the expectation of some (not all) men that they have the right to control
what women wear and how they should behave (News24 2008).
2Achieved attributes: membership of associations
Achieved status is often derived from membership of an association. Membership of

such groups is often voluntary, and associations are usually based on common interests
outside of those determined by sex, age, kinship, intermarriage, or the occupation of a
specific territory (Haviland 1996:305). Membership of such associations often marks
people as being motivated by common interests and goals, and works to exclude others
who are seen as not having the same interests. This could include participation in sport,
professional associations, or particular hobbies.
The kind of work that one does can also be an important foundation for an achieved
identity. An important work-related association is the trade union. Trade unions exist in
order to capitalise on the collective bargaining power of the workforce. By withholding
the labour of their members, unions can invoke a powerful tool to negotiate better terms
for their members. Unions, however, also function as social groupings. Membership
bestows a certain status, members hold group gatherings at which they display symbols
of the union (on flags, T-shirts and banners), and they share a certain language. Workers
who choose not to join the union may be marginalised within the workplace.
Refer back to your news items. Do any of the stories relate to membership of
associations? How do those associations signal their group membership? This, and other
matters relating to the assertion of group membership are discussed in the next study
unit.
ACTIVITY
Return to the activity that you completed in the orientation
section. Drawing on the information in this study unit, categorise
the identity aspects that you and your interviewees identified.
Which of them are ascribed or achieved attributes? At what level
do they operate – national, subnational, or transnational? Can you
cite some instances in your life when you chose to emphasise one
of these aspects over another?
Conclusion
In this study unit we have argued that identity is situational. How, then, do we
emphasise one identity over another or recognise in someone else what their identity is?
This is dealt with in the next study unit.
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Study unit 3
2
2
SIGNALLING IDENTITY
AND ASSERTING
DIFFERENCE
Introduction
The next time you are in a gathering of people, take a moment to look around – what
can you tell about people from how they are dressed? From the clothes they are wearing,
their display of jewellery, or the cell phone that they are using? What are the signs that
you instinctively use to draw conclusions about a person’s gender, class, occupation,
or religion? Which of these symbols and signs indicate the person’s individuality as
opposed to their group membership?
If you have done the exercise described above, you will have realised that as humans
we have the ability to read the signals that other humans are sending us, and we use
them to negotiate our way through various social and cultural situations. The success
of our negotiation is often dependent on the degree to which we are embedded in the
symbol system. When you are in a foreign country, for example, you may not be able
to recognise the distinctive markers of identity as expressed in clothing, tattoos or
jewellery that tell you who and what people are.
• How do humans recognise the individual and group identity of those around them?
• What are the different kinds of markers that people use?
• When do identity markers become the cultural property of the group that uses them?
• How are symbols mobilised at a national level to assert identity?
2.1 marking identity

2.2 tangible markers of identity
2.3 national symbols
Conclusion
14
Signalling identity and asserting difference
We will discuss the different ways of marking identity in greater detail shortly, but
first complete the activity below.
ACTIVITY
Refer back to your news items. In describing or discussing issues
of identity, what are the names given to different groups in the
reports? Were they positive or negative?
In South Africa there are many (often derogatory) names used

to designate the larger group affiliation of individuals. Examples
include:
Soutie/Rooinek: Derogatory terms for South Africans of British

descent.
Coconut: A derogatory term for someone who is
regarded as being black on the outside but
white on the inside, in other words a black
person who has embraced Western values and
behaviour.
Black diamond: A South African who belongs to the black
middle class.
Rockspider: A derogatory term for an Afrikaner South
African.
Can you list any others? (If you are not South African, use
examples from your own country.)
Possibly one of the most potent forms of marking identity is through the practice of
naming. The names that people choose for themselves are often empowering and
are frequently a variation on the term “the people” – an example is “Khoekhoen”,
which means “men of men.” The names that others give to groups, however, are often
derogatory, for example, “Hottentots.” Both “Khoekhoen” and “Hottentot” describe the
same group of people, but one is an inside (emic) name chosen by the people themselves
and the other an outside (etic) label, placed on them by others. Such names can be used
to include or exclude individuals from larger social groupings. For example, the labelling
of people in South Africa as makwerekwere (foreigners) has marked them as the subjects
of xenophobic attacks (a topic we will explore in study unit 4).
2.1 Marking identity

As we have already discussed, identity is about both sameness and difference. One of the
ways in which such similarities and differences are marked is through the use of identity
markers. Group members may display the same symbols (“Something verbal or non-
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verbal, that arbitrarily, and by convention stands for something else, with which
it has no necessary or natural connection” (Kottak 2006:G12)) to illustrate their
membership of the group. At a sports match we can identify who is supporting which
team through the fans’ distinctive display of symbolic markers associated with their
team – clothing, flags, banners, headgear and so on. Group members use these markers
to differentiate themselves from other groups, that is, to draw boundaries between
themselves and others, as a way of declaring who is “us” and who is “them” by means
of signs and symbols (Sharer & Ashmore 1993:505). Note that the meanings ascribed
to symbols are culturally and contextually determined, and thus the same symbol may
mean different things in different contexts.
The use of signs and symbols is a uniquely human trait. Symbols are signs that have no
self-evident connection to the things for which they stand. Examples are the crescent
moon and star, the Star of David, and the cross, which are internationally recognised
symbols for the Islamic, Jewish and Christian faiths respectively. Humans, however,
have the unique ability to make connections between these symbols and what they
signify (Kottak 2006:272).
The Christian Cross, the Islamic Star and Crescent Moon and the Jewish Star of David are all common
religious symbols.
There are two categories of identity markers – nontangible and tangible. While tangible
markers are those that can be seen and that may remain behind when the individual
is gone, identity may also be embodied in a set of intangible practices, for example
in the preparation and consumption of certain foods, in the speaking of a particular
language, in the observation of certain customs. This is perhaps most visible in
religious communities, where groups of people come together to worship; they may
taboo the same foods and observe the same holy days. The practice of naming, as
discussed in the introductory activity, is also an example of an intangible marker.
The most visible markers of identity, however, are the ones that we wear on our body.
2.2 Tangible markers of identity

All human societies use artefacts and other tangible aspects of human behaviour and
practices to signal their belonging to a certain group. Archaeologists rely on this fact in
order to discern the existence of different groups in the past. Thus, by looking at how
people were buried, the clothes that they wore, the different kinds of pots that they made
and used, the kinds of structures that they lived in and so on, it is possible to speculate
about the existence of different groups in the past. This is very clear if we look at people
in the present as well.
16
2Clothing
Much like language or food, clothing is an important aspect of identity. Dress is

an important form of nonverbal communication (Arthur 1999:3), allowing one to
distinguish who shares similar interests and beliefs. It can work to signify cultural,
national, ethnic, religious or subcultural identities (Fernea & Fernea 2003:254). People
such as the police or those in the fire department wear uniforms so that they are
instantly recognisable and easily identifiable. Clothing and other forms of adornment
can be used in a variety of ways to signify identity.
ACTIVITY
Rubenstein (1985) identifies eight purposes that adornment
can fulfil. Five of these are listed below. Can you give specific
examples of where adornment is used to meet the following
purposes? Look at your news clippings from the previous unit and
your own photograph albums if you need inspiration.
To separate group members from nonmembers:
To place the individual in a gender category:
To indicate high status or rank:
To control sexual activity:
To enhance role performance and to give the individual a sense of

identity:
While we may think that clothing is such a personal item that it reflects individual
identity, at least some of the examples that you have listed above should intersect with
broader group identities such as gender, ethnicity, class and closed groups. Clothing is
a powerful tool that individuals use to ally themselves with broader group identities.
Legal prohibitions are occasionally placed on dress items for precisely these reasons.
Today, in nation-states that maintain a strict division between state and church, there is
sometimes a ban on the wearing of overt religious symbols in state schools. In France,
for instance, there is a ban on Muslim headscarves, and other “conspicuous” religious
symbols.
Clothing, like other cultural signifiers, operates on two levels – it can have a different
meaning to those inside the group from what it has to those outside the group. Thus,
to outsiders, the Muslim tradition of veiling may signify the oppression of women and
an archaic religious tradition. In some cases, where women are forced to veil and may
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be subjected to punishment if caught without it, as was the case in Afghanistan under
the Taliban, the veil is an instrument of oppression. This is not the case throughout the
Muslim world, however. To some of the women who wear the veil, it is a potent religious
symbol, a form of portable seclusion and a way of demonstrating modesty. Significantly,
it is a way of signalling their rejection of “Western” values and traditions (Fernea &
Fernea 2003:254), and for many women, the wearing of the veil has come to be an active
form of resistance against the West (Guindi 1999:xii). Again, this is something that is
partially determined by context. Thus rural women in North Africa will choose simply
to wear a headscarf unless they are going to the city, at which time they choose to cover
themselves more fully, as doing so allows them to move around in their own portable
private space, without fear of criticism or recognition (Fernea & Fernea 2003:257).
Do you wear a veil? What does it mean to you? If you do not wear a veil, when you see
a woman in a full hijab, what is your immediate reaction? Do you make assumptions
about the woman wearing the clothing or about her culture as a whole?
In other instances particular kinds of clothing may lead to a misidentification of certain

groups by outsiders who do not understand the identity that the material marker is
supposed to indicate. After the September 11 attacks in New York in 2001, for example,
a series of attacks was carried out on Sikhs in the United States. Several were murdered
and hundreds of others suffered both verbal and physical assaults. These attacks arose
from the common misconception arising from their distinctive dress code, which
includes a turban, that Sikhs were Muslims. Sikhs, however, are allied with neither
Muslims nor Hindus. In addition to their distinctive headgear they also set themselves
apart by their practice of not cutting their hair. They adopted these practices specifically
in order to differentiate themselves from Muslim and Hindu adherents as a way of
preserving Sikh identity (Do not relate turban with terrorism [sa]).
It is not only by dressing and adorning our bodies that we signal identity. The body itself
can be used as a canvas to express, establish and maintain personal and social identities,
social hierarchies, and social and political power (Arthur 1999:7). In the next section we
discuss body modification practices.
2Body modification
In 1991 climbers discovered a frozen body in the Alps along the Austrian–Italian
border. The body was that of a man, later nicknamed Ötzi, who lived over 5000 years
ago. Archaeological and forensic studies of his body have revealed a great deal about
what life was like for humans in Europe during the Stone Age, including the fact that
people at that time used tattoos, possibly for healing, ritualistic or social purposes
(Spindler 1994). Tattooing, the practice of inscribing inked patterns on the body, is thus
one of the oldest of a spectrum of body modification and ornamentation practices that
can be linked to an assertion of either individual or group identity. Other practices that
qualify as body modification include piercing, branding, cutting, binding, scarification,
teeth filing, circumcision, the insertion of implants, shaving, bodybuilding, anorexia
and fasting, as these all alter the appearance and form of the body (Wohlrab, Stahl &
Kappeler 2007:87).
While some have argued that most forms of body modification such as tattoos and
piercings now function purely as a form of fashion accessory, they have played a
very important role throughout the world in helping to delineate individual and group
identity. While the practices are common, the meanings and role that they fulfil in
different societies and cultures are specific to those cultures. They may be used in
initiation rites, to indicate status or social groups, for beautification, or to illustrate
18
membership of a subgroup. An example of the latter can be seen in the practice of prison
or gang tattoos (Wohlrab et al 2007:87).
Sometimes, practices that are adopted for ostensibly practical reasons can come to be
symbolic or highly indicative of a group identity. Thus, while cyclists shave their legs
because it makes it easier to take care of them, “[h]airless legs are also a signalling
system. They say submissive things: I am part of the tribe, accept me; and dominant
things: I have muscles, I train more than you, don’t even think about attacking on that
next rise” (Dawes, N. 2008). By shaving their legs, cyclists indicate that they are serious
about their cycling and are thus part of the sporting subculture.
In the two sections that follow we will examine two case studies that illustrate the
link between body modification practices and identity: We will see first how body
modification techniques can be used to illuminate past human identities, and secondly,
the degree to which such practices can be regarded as cultural property.
2Body modification and past group identity
During the early 1950s a shallow mass grave containing the remains of 31 individuals
was uncovered during building excavations on the Cape Town foreshore. The burial
of this large a number of individuals on the beach in a single grave indicated that they
were probably the victims of a shipwreck off the Cape of Storms. But who were they
and from which ship did they originate? Researchers (Cox & Sealy 1997:208) used
a combination of scientific techniques to answer this question, but the overwhelming
indication of the origin of the individuals in the grave came from their distinctive tooth
mutilation or decoration.
The teeth (mainly the incisors) of a large number of the skeletons were chipped and/
or filed into decorative shapes. This is not a practice common to people who lived at
the Cape, and thus indicated that these individuals might have originated further north
in Africa. This, coupled with the strong likelihood that they had died as the result of a
shipwreck, indicated that they were probably enslaved Africans being transported from
central or south-eastern Africa to the Americas (Cox & Sealy 1997:208).
Tooth modification of this kind was a common practice among central Africans until
the early years of the twentieth century and was usually performed on both males
and females as part of a set of puberty rites, to mark an individual’s ethnicity, or for
aesthetic reasons (Cox & Sealy 1997:218). By examining the patterns of decoration that
were present, the researchers concluded that these individuals were likely to have been
members of the Makua, Maravi and Yao groups in Mozambique, who were also known
to have fallen victim to the slave trade (Cox & Sealy 1997:218).
By correlating this information with the records in the archives, the researchers were
able to conclude that these were probably the victims of the wreck of the Pacquet Real,
a ship that foundered off the Cape coast in 1818 while transporting 171 slaves from
Mozambique to St Salvador. This conclusion was supported by the dietary analysis of
their bones (Cox & Sealy 1997:220).
While it is impossible at this distance through time to specify exactly which group
these individuals would have belonged to, tooth modification as a broad practice is
encountered only in certain parts of Africa, and not in South Africa at all, which
allowed archaeologists to narrow down their search and ultimately answer the question
posed.
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2Body-modification practices as cultural property
Some body-modification practices, when practised by a specific group for specific

purposes, may be regarded as a form of cultural and intellectual property – much like
clothing brands. When a set of symbols or practices, for example, are emblematic of a
group identity, the question is raised of whether or not outsiders should be able to use
those identifying symbols (Pritchard 2000:333).
A case in point is that of Ta Moko, the traditional art of Maori tattooing. The practice of
tattooing has a long history in the Pacific, but Ta Moko diverged from this overarching
tradition and in its particular form has come to be closely associated with the Maori of
New Zealand (Kassem 2003:1). It was observed by early European explorers and several
European sailors. Individuals who were captured or adopted into Maori society in the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were tattooed in order to illustrate their new group
membership (Pritchard 2000:332). Moko functioned as a system of communication:
The tattoo marks on the face and body of Maori men and women worked to signify
rank, status and clan membership. Because of its importance to Maori identity, it was
targeted by the colonial government and was outlawed in the early twentieth century by
the Tohunga Suppression Act. Ta Moko began to make a reappearance in the 1970s and
1980s, however, when young Maori began to use the Moko to symbolise their cultural
identity, and as a form of protest against the socio-political conditions of Maori life in
contemporary New Zealand (Kassem 2003:1).
The visually striking tattoo designs, however, are no

longer being used exclusively by Maori individuals; a
number of non-Maori, including numerous celebrities,
have had Maori designs tattooed on their bodies and
faces. For the Maori, this is an issue relating to the
cultural ownership of symbols and practices, and some
would argue that non-Maori should not be allowed to
use Moko designs in their tattoos (Kassem 2003:3).
........................................................................................
This is because Ta Moko is not just a set of tattoo designs, but also the embodiment of a
set of cultural and symbolic practices that relate directly to what it is to be Maori. As a
Maori, in order to receive a Moko, an individual has to go through a set of protocols and
rites, as the act of inscribing the designs onto the face and body is regarded as sacred.
Receiving the Moko is a way of allowing individuals to negotiate with powerful forces
in the spiritual world, to connect with their ancestors, and to tell the story of their life
(Kassem 2003:3).
20
Read the following excerpt from Sharples (2006) and answer the question below.
The protection and ownership of the culture and heritage is perhaps best indicated in
the instance of tā moko – our traditional Māori tattooing. … The heritage conveyed
though its design is specific to the tribal origins and the personal history of the
wearer. Ngahuia Te Awekotuku, a Maori professor of the arts, in her analysis “More
than Skin Deep: Ta Moko Today,” has described foreign tattooists’ use of Maori
designs as “pillaging the spirit of a tribal people to sate the culturally malnourished
appetites of the decadent West.”
The roll-call of celebrity wearers of Māori moko includes former heavyweight

boxing champion Mike Tyson, who sports a facial tattoo with a distinctive Maori
influence; American singer Ben Harper; US professional cyclist David Clinger,
whose moko-inspired tattoo from an Argentinean tattooist covers the upper half
of his face and most of its scalp; and, of course, there is Robbie Williams. Robbie
Williams has quite a bit on his body. He is notorious for his body art. He has a Celtic
cross on his right hip, the message, “Elvis grant me serenity” on his right arm, the
symbol of an Egyptian sun god, Beatles’ lyrics on his back, the French words for
“Everybody’s got his own taste” on his chest, and now he has a Maori design on his
right arm.
… I would be the first to agree with Williams’ idea of “Each to your own,”
but people should make sure that is their own before they start exploiting or
appropriating taonga Maori, even if they acquired it legitimately and legally. In the
case of Mr Williams, the cultural heritage – the identity and lineage – expressed
in his moko comes from my ancestors, that of Ngati Kahungunu. It appears that
recently the rock star has admitted he is bored with looking at the images adorning
his physique, and he is considering surgery to remove them.
ACTIVITY
Write a paragraph on the following topic:
The All Blacks, New Zealand’s rugby team, begin each

international game with the haka, a Maori war dance, which
has come to be emblematic of New Zealand rugby. Why do you
think some aspects of Maori traditions can be appropriated for
New Zealand (as an emblem of national identity), while other
aspects are held separate for Maori only? Can you think of similar
examples in South Africa (or in the country in which you live)?
2.3 National symbols

In the previous study unit we discussed the concept of national identities. National
identities are supported and encouraged by the creation and promotion of specific sets of
symbols. These are both tangible and nontangible. There is a national anthem, a national
bird, a national tree. There are national emblems, such as the flag, and the coat of arms.
In many countries language is also a defining national symbol, though in many others,
such as South Africa, the fact that there are a number of national languages reflects the
diversity of the population.
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STUDY UNIT 2
In South Africa after the negotiated transition of power, there was also a need to come
up with new national symbols. A new flag was designed, along with a new coat of arms.
The new South African anthem is interesting in that it is the combination of two existing
anthems – Die stem, South Africa’s old anthem, and Nkosi sikilele, the struggle anthem
– and thus exists as a living compromise and a symbol of reconciliation. Symbols are
still a very contested issue in South Africa, as can be seen from the debate concerning
whether the springbok should be retained as the sports emblem of the national rugby
team.
ACTIVITY
Choose a national symbol from your own or another country
and trace its history. In what way is it reflective of that nation’s
identity? Does it have roots in history and tradition, or in
aspirations for the future? Is there any controversy as to the
meaning or use of the symbol? Why or why not?
Depending on which national symbol you chose, you probably found that the design of
the flag, the language or the coat of arms is characterised by one of two things. This
aspect was either passed down through generations and is deeply rooted in the history of
a specific place, or alternatively it reflects new realities of more recent times. Examples
of the latter would be the national symbols of many African and other formerly
colonised nations. After a wave of independence in the 1960s and 1970s, and after the
fall of communism in the 1990s, many new nations were created. They all needed new
national symbols, and thus either looked back into their past or ahead into their future in
designing these.
Conclusion
In this study unit we looked at how individuals manipulate symbols and material culture
to communicate or mark their various identities and group memberships. In the next
study unit we will consider how such identities are mobilised in order to gain access to
demarcated resources.
22
Study unit 3 4
“TO BE OR NOT TO BE ...”:

PERSPECTIVES ON
IDENTITIES IN MOTION
Introduction
In the preceding study units we examined the nature of identity, levels of identity, ascribed
and achieved identity attributes, as well as the signification of identity. Here we provide a
case study which illustrates the enactment of identity, in other words, how identities are
mobilised, how they change depending on the context or situation, and how they are used as a
mechanism to include some and exclude others from particular rights and privileges.
In particular, we focus on how identities were mobilised and used in land claims instituted
by a community in the Sodwana area of Maputaland in northern KwaZulu-Natal, where
during the 1990s chiefs instituted claims in respect of land of which their chiefdoms had been
dispossessed in the early 20th century. Land dispossession is a complex and multilayered
historical process that has shaped the lives of generations of black South Africans and gave
considerable momentum to the struggle for national liberation. Through the introduction of
laws such as the Native Land Act of 1913 and the Native Trust and Land Act of 1936, colonial
governments restricted land ownership by black South Africans to land inside the so-called
reserves and locations, and reserved only 13% of the territory in South Africa for exclusive
black occupation. This legislation paved the way for the so-called “forced removals” which
dislocated millions of people in South Africa. From 1960 to 1983, for example, an estimated
3.5 million people were forcibly removed in and from cities and farms (Kepe, Hall & Cousins
2008:146–147, drawing on Platzky & Walker 1985).
The land dispossession resulted in the loss of rights, particularly the right to vote, except
within the context of the so-called ethnic homelands. Liberation movements such as the
African National Congress (ANC) recognised the inherent land rights of indigenous
populations and campaigned against such “colonial conquest, arguing that national liberation
required that dispossession be undone”. The restoration of land, therefore, has come to play a
crucial role in post-apartheid South Africa, and has been privileged by government as a way
in which past injustices can be redressed (Kepe et al 2008:147, 152).
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STUDY UNIT 3
• Why and in which ways have culture and cultural identities became prominent in and
relevant to land claims in post-apartheid South Africa?
• How does the construction of cultural identities influence land restitution in post-apartheid
South Africa?
• How are identities mobilised to include some people and exclude others from land rights
and privileges?
3.1 case study: the “retraditionalisation” of Maputaland

3.2 unravelling “retraditionalisation”
3.3 critical questions regarding retraditionalisation
Conclusion
ACTIVITY
(1) As an introduction to this study unit, revise the section on the
building blocks of identity (study unit 1) and make your own
notes of the nature, levels, and attributes of identity.
(2) Use these notes when you study the tutorial matter below and
make sure that you understand the meaning of the following
critical terms in the discussion. Not only will these terms help
you to better understand the discussion below, but they are
also necessary vocabulary for future discussions on issues of
identity.
• identity • transnational identity
• national identity • cultural identity
• ascribed status • achieved status
• ethnic identity
3.1 Case study: the “retraditionalisation” of Maputaland

Let us now turn to our case study. Since the institution in 1994 of a democratic government
in South Africa, the country has seen many dramatic changes. Some of these, such as the
successful transition to a democracy, the establishment of one of the most progressive
constitutions in the world, and the rapid growth of the black middle class, have given rise to
considerable optimism. Others are far less promising, such as the process of deindustrialisation,
as revealed by the steady flow of job losses in major sectors of the economy, notably in mining
and manufacturing. It is estimated that over half a million jobs were lost in these sectors
between 1994 and 2000, although new jobs were created in the period between 2000 and 2008
(see study unit 6 for more information about the employment picture after 1994). This process
of deindustrialisation has been accompanied by what appears to be a “retraditionalisation” in
various areas of the country. By this is meant an upsurge of cultural identities or culturally
constituted groups such as traditional chiefdoms, in which identity is circumscribed in
terms of shared knowledge, meanings, values, behaviour and a characteristic way of life
that are unique to each of such groups (Sharp 2006:17–18).
24
“To be or not to be ...”: Perspectives on identities in motion
The Sodwana area, for example, has seen the return of a significant number of migrant
workers retrenched from the Gauteng mines, with 10 000 returning in 1999 alone. The
return of the migrant workers coincided with the institution by chiefs in the area of
claims in respect of land of which their chiefdoms had been dispossessed in the early
20th century for the purposes of establishing game reserves and conservation areas,
such as Sodwana Bay and the St Lucia Wetlands Park. The chiefs leading these claims
became popular against the background of desperate efforts by the retrenched migrant
workers to secure alternative means of livelihood. The chiefs proclaimed that they had
a right to rule, a right which they founded on the precolonial system of chieftaincy. This
they symbolised by reviving rituals that served to establish and signify their power and
authority, such as the first fruits ceremony, which purportedly fell into disuse during
the apartheid era. Using the notion of a clearly demarcated (bounded) cultural identity,
therefore, the chiefs opened up a way to provide benefits to a limited number of people,
in this case the members of the culturally constituted groups or chiefdoms (Sharp
2006:18, drawing on Van Wyk 2003), and attempted to consolidate their power and
leadership positions (Kepe et al 2008:151).
The revival of such culturally constituted groups, which was often in conflict with
the liberal values enshrined in the constitution of South Africa, was surprising, given
that political oppression, segregation and apartheid in 20th century South Africa were
based precisely on the simplistic notion of culture as the shared knowledge, meanings,
values and behaviour which are characteristic of a particular group of people. In terms
of this notion, as enshrined in group areas and ethnic homelands, the population of
South Africa was unquestionably divided into unique and self-contained cultures which
specified people’s identities entirely (Sharp 2006:17).
ACTIVITY
In the light of the above context, then, one should ask what
gave rise to the prominence and relevance of cultural identities,
culturally constituted groups and identity politics in post-apartheid
South Africa? What do you think? Can you identity reasons for this
upsurge? If so, write down three reasons in the space provided
below.
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STUDY UNIT 3
3.2 Unravelling “retraditionalisation”

Although there is a complex web of factors that gave rise to the foregrounding of culture
and cultural identities in post-apartheid South Africa, Garuba and Raditlhalo (2008:36–
37) identify three factors which are particularly significant for our purposes here.
Firstly, there was a realisation by marginalised groups and minorities that claims for
access and rights had a better chance of success if they were framed in terms of culture
and difference than they would have if they were framed in the language of equal rights
in political, juridical and social terms. It would appear that claims lodged in the name
of sameness and common humanity did not amount to much in practice when applied
to minorities and marginalised groups. The fact that women in everyday life still do not
enjoy full equality and protection under the law, despite our constitutional objectives of
equal rights and freedoms for all citizens as well as of equal protection by and benefit of
the law, gives credence to such claims.
Marginalised groups and minorities increasingly began to frame their claims in the
language of culture, that is, in terms of the shared meanings, values, behaviour
and characteristic ways of life that set the respective groups apart from other
surrounding groups. During the 1990s, for example, the Makhuleke Tribal
Authority in the province of Limpopo lodged a land claim using the language of
culture and successfully regained land in the Kruger National Park from which
they had been evicted in 1969, and in the land struggles of Namaqualand various
coloured communities reasserted their historical Khoisan1 identities in their claims for
cultural and political rights (Robins 2000:60, 69).
Secondly, culture and cultural identities gained significance because racial and
cultural differences were used during South Africa’s colonial past as bases for social
and political discrimination and oppression. Historically, racial differences were used
as the overarching rationale for discrimination, while cultural differences were used
more specifically during apartheid as a rationale for dividing the country into separate
and distinct homelands in which indigenous groups could give expression to own
political rights, languages and cultural practices (Garuba & Raditlhalo 2008:36, 41).
The colonial notion that indigenous groups had to be “civilised” was premised on the
idea of difference as a categorical distinction that made discrimination valid (Garuba &
Raditlhalo 2008:36–37).
Thirdly, flowing from the construction of difference in terms of race and culture,
subjugated people, in turn, converted culture into a field of contestation and
resistance during the liberation struggle, and more recently, also into a means of
constructing new identities in South Africa. Culture became a way to claim political,
social and economic equality and access to resources. The oppression of people on the
basis of culture (in the sense of the shared beliefs and bonds that signify the identity
of nations) ensured that dominated groups came to view language and culture as
instruments of resistance, and that cultural preservation and cultural self-definition
provided ways of reclaiming and reaffirming an African identity. It is therefore not
surprising that postcolonial nationalist leaders and politicians have used culture in this
sense as a signifier of national identity and a tool for popular mobilisation (Garuba &
Raditlhalo 2008:37, 41). In this regard, two examples are noteworthy. In his famous “I
am an African” speech delivered on the occasion of the adoption of The Republic of
South Africa Constitutional Bill in 1996, former President Thabo Mbeki sought to unite
1 The designation Khoisan refers to the original inhabitants of South Africa, that is, pastoralists (Khoekhoen, the so-called Hottentots)
and hunter-gatherers (San, the so-called Bushmen) who were not distinct categories, but had considerable intermingling and
interchangeability of economic activities (Deacon & Deacon 1999:129–130).
26
all South Africans irrespective of race or cultural association by drawing on broad,
encompassing African images of the past (Boonzaier & Spiegel 2008:202). On the other
hand, ethnic images were invoked during President Jacob Zuma’s trials on charges of
corruption and rape. During the trials, his supporters at the courthouses wore T-shirts
bearing his photograph and the words “100 percent Zulu Boy”. Further, he invoked Zulu
practice as defence for his sexual behaviour in the rape trial, in which he claimed that in
terms of Zulu practice he was obliged to have sex with his accuser because a man may
not refuse a woman’s invitation to sex (Meldrum 2006:211).
Fourthly, Robins (2000:60, 71, 74) argues that the emphasis on culture and cultural
identities is hardly surprising given that the legal framework for the land restitution
process seemingly requires applicants to package their claims in terms of apartheid
(bounded) notions of tribes and ethnic groups, to demonstrate a historical bond with
the territory (ie to show that the people who institute the claim are the same tribe/ethnic
group who lost their land previously) and that they still practise their authentic and
unique culture.
2The Indigenous Peoples movement
Sharp (2006:18) comments that should the so-called retraditionalisation in South

Africa point to a politics in which culturally constituted groups compete for access to
resources, ward off demands from the state and the wider society, and protect resources
of which they inadvertently became owners, their struggles for rights bear strong
resemblance to the worldwide Indigenous Peoples movement. Over the last decades,
this movement has gained prominence in numerous states where indigenous populations
were dispossessed of their resources by (often European) settlers, and subjected to a
contradictory process of partial incorporation into modern industrialised and democratic
states, and partial marginalisation from them (Sharp 2006:19).
Many observers, including many social scientists, view this struggle for rights by
indigenous groups positively and support it actively, since it is seen as a self-help
initiative on the part of these groups to correct the injustices of the past (Robins
2000:70; Sharp 2006:19). Also, the observers do not question the terms in which the
struggle is presented, or if they do, they seem to go along with them “on the grounds
that they are strategic arguments in a good cause”. Thus the assumption is supported
“that the pre-colonial world was divided into a series of neatly bounded cultural groups
whose unique cultures have been preserved by those who belong to these groups, even
though they are under threat from the persistent attempts by the states concerned to
assimilate indigenous peoples into the wider society” (Sharp 2006:19).
3.3 Critical questions regarding retraditionalisation

There are analysts, however, who have been critical of the indigenous rights movement.
Kuper (Sharp 2006:19, drawing on Kuper 2003), for example, asks whether it is
• useful to see the precolonial world as having been divided into a series of cultures
that were unchanging and that circumscribed their members’ identities entirely?
• believable to suppose that these entities have persisted unchanged through to the
present, given that it is difficult to know who is an indigenous person in our current
context, where “many of such people no longer speak the languages they claim as
their own or practise their ‘own’ cultures”?
• sensible to freeze people into such stereotypes “when the latter do not necessarily
represent the interests of all the people on whose behalf they are ostensibly being
articulated”?
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STUDY UNIT 3
• not dangerous to represent these people “living in the here and now, as ‘traditional’
“. . . and as bound together into harmonious cultural entities that have lasted ‘since
time immemorial’ ”?
In short, is it sensible for South Africans to use such simplistic notions of culture as a
means to deal with the challenges of democratisation and deindustrialisation?
2The significance of the process of retraditionalisation in South Africa
In his analysis of the so-called retraditionalisation process in South Africa, Sharp

(2006) makes five main points. Firstly, people are often captivated, if only briefly, by
a characterisation of themselves in terms of a cultural identity, especially when it
is associated with apparent rights. The retrenched mineworkers in the Sodwana Bay
area were captivated by the discussion on indigenousness because it offered a possible
route to an alternative livelihood on the land.
Secondly, a representation of cultural identity and rights in such a way not only
imposes limitations but also offers benefits. When the land claim of the chief in the
Sodwana Bay area succeeded in 2001, it became clear that KwaZulu-Natal Wildlife was
not keen to return the land so that retrenched miners could use it merely for subsistence
farming. On the contrary, the nature conservation officials came up with a plan in which
they retained control of the land in the nature areas, and turned the successful claimants
into partners and shareholders in the development of the tourist industry in the area. At
the time of writing no dividends had been paid out to these shareholders, even though
the chief and former members of his tribal authority sat on the local park’s management
board and received stipends and other perks for doing so (Sharp 2003:20, drawing on
Van Wyk 2003). The only direct benefit that ordinary members of the chiefdom had
experienced was that the system provided them with some employment opportunities as
housekeepers and a market for their craftwork for sale to tourists.
Thirdly, people are often locked into a single identity whereas, particularly under
challenging conditions, they need the freedom to be flexible. There is simply no
single identity that can encompass who they really are, since the reality of who they
are is located in the endless series of identities they can take up in different contexts. In
this area of Maputaland, however, identities have always been fluid. For decades people
have classified themselves as either Tembe-Thonga or Zulu, as the situation required. It
would appear that ethnic identity was gendered in this area during the 1980s, in so far
as male migrant workers on the Witwatersrand favoured the notion that they were Zulu
because employers held positive stereotypes about the Zulu, whereas the women who
remained at home identified themselves as Thonga (Sharp 2006:21, drawing on Webster
1991). The ethnic identity of women was no less fluid. The tourist industry demands
that Thonga women make Zulu crafts so that tourists can recognise them as such, but
Zulu baskets are much more intricate than Thonga baskets and take much longer to
produce. Since this drawback is not recognised by either the entrepreneurs who manage
the production, distribution and marketing of their craftwork or the tourists, women can
end up earning very little per day, this being the only source of income for their families
(Sharp 2006:21).
Fourthly, the notion that clearly demarcated cultural identities have persisted
unchanged through to the present is generated not only by the people concerned,
but also by their helpers and advisors, and the helpers and advisors are often
more committed, for various reasons, to maintaining this cultural continuity than the
28
people concerned. The entrepreneurs referred to above, for example, determined which
identity women had to reflect in their craftwork (Sharp 2006:20–21).
Fifthly, a stereotyping of culture and rights in such a way highlights only one aspect
of the reality that exists in the real world. It foregrounds a dimension in which people
do, under certain circumstances, see themselves as part of one or another culture
that is clearly demarcated, self-contained and harmonious, but they do not see
themselves in this way only. It is the claim that they do or should that is highly
dangerous (Sharp 2006:21, drawing on Kuper 2003). During the apartheid years, for
example, chiefs were widely despised because as representatives of so-called unique
and clearly demarcated culturally constituted groups in the context of oppression in
South Africa (which was based on the very same principles), they were seen to be
collaborating with the apartheid state.
Answer the following multiple-choice question based on the section above.
In his evaluation of the so-called retraditionalisation process in South Africa, Sharp

concludes that …
(1) the precolonial world was divided into a series of neatly bounded cultural
groups.
(2) precolonial cultural identities have persisted unchanged through to the present
day.
(3) the reality of who people really are is located in the endless series of identities
that they can take up in different contexts.
(4) the stereotyping of rural people in terms of culturally constituted groups has not
benefited them at all.
Conclusion
There is a world of difference between the contexts in which the apartheid state
foregrounded the notion that South Africa was made up of a series of distinct and
internally harmonious cultural identities and the arguments of the culturally constituted
groups in South Africa currently. The apartheid state used this notion to withhold rights
from a position of power, whereas the cultural groups are arguing for the extension
of rights from a position of relative weakness and consequently have indigenised the
notion of changeless cultures to bolster their claims for land and political objectives
and agendas. More importantly though, as illustrated by the case study above, it
would appear that many of the people involved in the current retraditionalisation of
South Africa know that they must use the notion of a clearly demarcated and self-
contained culturally constituted group sparingly “and with a fine regard for the extent
of its appropriateness in the various situations in which they find themselves” (Sharp
2006:22). In short: The case study highlights the situational and contextual aspects of
identity and how these are operationalised in the mobilisation of identities.
29 EWS2601/1
STUDY UNIT 3
ACTIVITY
Before you proceed with the activity, revise Kuper’s and Sharp’s
arguments regarding retraditionalisation and the Indigenous
Rights movement, and make your own notes on their main points.
Then read the following excerpts from Sharp (2006:18, 21) and
answer the questions that follow.
2The case of the Bafokeng: a business corporation or a traditional chiefdom?
[I]n the Rustenburg area of the North West Province . . . one finds a modern
business corporation, with income of well over R100 million a year, clothing
itself in the vestments of a traditional African chiefdom, the Bafokeng. Or is it a
chiefdom that is clothing itself in the vestments of a modern business corporation?
This chiefdom has resources others can only dream of, by virtue of the royalties
it receives on the platinum and other minerals mined in its territory, and as a
result of the acumen of the present chief’s predecessors who secured these rights
earlier in the 20th century. Called “the richest tribe in Africa” (Washington
Post 17.8.2003; Manson & Mbenga 2003), its chief – who now styles himself
“king”– and his fellow royals aim to combine renewed respect for the traditional
past with some sophisticated “bottom-line” planning for the future. Using the
notion of the “traditional past” in this fashion provides, of course, a way of
restricting the benefits of the windfall to a limited number of people, the members
of the chiefdom, who are thereby transformed into shareholders in a business
corporation.
Of course if one wants to persuade people that they really should commit
themselves to one identity, underwritten by a clearly-demarcated and harmonious
culture, it helps to have R100 million a year in one’s back pocket with which to do
so. But even here, in the Bafokeng chiefdom, the idea of being first and foremost
a Mofokeng is contested. R100 million a year is a lot of money, but is it enough
to spread amongst 300 000 people? The South African government has already
told the Bafokeng elite off for not sharing their windfall more widely, beyond the
confines of the chiefdom (Cook 1999:156). What would happen if it decided to
reprimand them further by withholding state resources on the grounds that they
have their own? What would happen then when the platinum mines run out? At
the moment, moreover, there is no formal definition of who the Bafokeng are,
or who qualifies to belong to the chiefdom. If the elite ever decides to draw a
boundary (and the desirability of doing so is currently being debated seriously)
who would they cut out who is presently inside the circle with access to the
largesse? And would those who were excised in such a move take the matter lying
down?
• Is it equitable to restrict benefits from mining activities in the area of the Bafokeng
chiefdom only to its members? Justify your answer.
• Which identity is mobilised to gain access to rights and privileges in the case study
above?
• Critically discuss the retraditionalisation of the Bafokeng with reference to Sharp’s
approach to the retraditionalisation of South Africa.
30
2Self-reflection
Now that you have read the study unit and have completed the activities, select the
appropriate options below:
I did not experience any problems in engaging with the discussion and completing the
activities because I
• have the required reading skills and vocabulary to understand the content of the
study unit and activities
• understand the definitions, key terms, theoretical perspectives and ethnographic data
which are introduced in the study unit
• am able to apply the theoretical perspectives to the ethnographic data
• am able to analyse problems and the ethnographic data
I experienced problems in engaging with the discussion and completing the activities
because I
• do not have the required reading skills and vocabulary to understand the content of
the study unit and activities
• do not understand the definitions, key terms, theoretical perspectives and
ethnographic data which are introduced in the study unit
• am not able to apply the theoretical perspectives to the ethnographic data
• am not able to analyse problems and the ethnographic data
If you have selected any of the last four options, you should take remedial action
immediately. If you do not have the required reading skills and vocabulary, we suggest
that you contact the Academic Literary Centre at your regional Unisa branch for an
individual consultation. If you do not understand aspects of the tutorial matter, or if you
have problems with analysing and applying definitions and theoretical perspectives, we
suggest that you contact one of our teaching staff as soon as possible.
31 EWS2601/1
Study unit 5
4
4
IDENTITY, DIFFERENCE
AND CONFLICT
Introduction
In study unit 1 we indicated that it is not unusual for differences between people to flare
into violence. In this study unit we illustrate how this takes place in practice, and we do
so with reference to the xenophobic violence that occurred in South Africa in 2008.
• How are identity and conflict linked?

• How does this link manifest in xenophobia?
• What is the social and political impact of xenophobia in South Africa?
• What is your own relationship to foreigners in your country?
• How do people come to be labelled makwerekwere?
4.1 what is xenophobia?

4.2 explaining xenophobia
Conclusion
32
Identity, difference and conflict
As an introduction, read the following extract and then answer the question that follows:
MIGRANCY
In their search for a better life, people have always resorted to migration and South
Africa has played the role of destination country for centuries. People who felt
limited by political oppression, low wages and unemployment set out to realise
their dreams elsewhere. Everyone has their own aspirations but money is the
key to obtaining higher education, raising capital for a small business venture or
some other investment. According to the Report of the Global Commission on
International Migration (2005), all countries are destination, transition and sending
countries. Thus South Africa is not the place where the rest of the world wants
to move, although it may appear that way. The Angolan diamond fields or the
Congolese gold fields or the Ethiopian highlands are all places where some people
go to make a better life for themselves.
The opportunities in the South African economy for foreigners are better
than in most African countries and include professional football, industry,
and even relatively menial work, e.g. subcontracting to Cape Town’s small
construction companies, which are mainly owned by Muslims. The range of work
referred to as cheap labour includes work as security guards and petrol attendants.
South Africans looking for cheap land and labour for agricultural purposes have
migrated to Zambia, Mozambique and even the Congo. Opportunities can be found
even in poor countries, and relations between migrants and host populations are not
always characterised by violence, even in South Africa.
New arrivals in Cape Town’s townships are usually provided with board and
lodging by women whom East African migrants call “Xhosa mamas”. The women’s
role in providing shelter to the foreigners, even if it is not entirely out of charity,
contrasts with the hostility of the men. The Xhosa mama provides a home for the
migrants even though her house or shack may be overcrowded already. The East
Africans observe that as long as they have money to pay the rent they are welcome,
and that if they fall on hard times their hosts are not so supportive. Nevertheless,
they seem to understand each other’s plight. Local women also work as sales
assistants for the more successful traders, and spend a lot of time in the company of
foreign men.
Source: Sichone (2008a:261)
• Comment on what makes South Africa attractive to foreigners.
• Should the government return all foreigners in South Africa to their
countries of origin?
• What limits should be placed on immigration and immigrants?
• Should immigration be linked to the availability of jobs?
• What – if any – strain do immigrants place on South Africa’s resources
(water, electricity, health care, education, housing)?
4.1 What is xenophobia?

On 11 May 2008, South Africa witnessed widespread and intense violence directed
at foreign nationals. The violence erupted in Alexandra township near Johannesburg,
and quickly spread to other areas in South Africa. According to the police, 62 foreign
nationals from African countries were murdered, while hundreds, including women
and children, were attacked, raped, and had their houses and possessions destroyed,
33 EWS2601/1
STUDY UNIT 4
supposedly for taking local people’s jobs and for competing with them for housing and
other resources such as schooling and health care. Moreover, they were also perceived
to be responsible for poverty, crime, unemployment, and even HIV and AIDS in South
Africa. Approximately 35 000 people fled from their homes and took refuge in temporary
shelters, churches and police stations. Thousands more returned to their home countries.
During the second week of violence, President Thabo Mbeki allowed the army to be
deployed in the areas to assist the police, who were unable to control the violence on
their own. The violence was soon followed by a humanitarian crisis, as refugees housed
in temporary shelters faced food shortages and the possibility of an outbreak of diseases
such as cholera. The attacks against refugees were widely covered and criticised in the
media (Prezanti 2008). The image of Ernesto Nhamuave, a Mozambican citizen, being
burnt alive after being doused with petrol will remain forever etched in our memory. His
burning body made international news, and has become a symbol of the violence against
foreigners in South Africa. He was buried on 31 May 2008 in his native village of Vuca,
north of Maputo (Mozambican “burning man” buried 2008).
The violence was directed mainly at poor people – refugees, migrants, asylum-seekers –
from other African countries, including Zimbabwe, Somalia, and Mozambique who lived
in some of the poorest urban areas in South Africa. People who had obtained citizenship
on the basis of their specialised skills, such as medical doctors, academics and engineers,
also felt the effects. Similarly, the violence affected people with official work and study
permits, such as Mozambican mineworkers, teachers from Zimbabwe and university
students from foreign countries (Xenophobia – South Africa [sa]).
The brutal violence reminded many South Africans of the volatile situation in the country
towards the end of the 1980s and early 1990s, but it was different. What happened early
in 2008 was not violence as part of the struggle for freedom, but deadly attacks against
foreigners. A term new to many people was used to qualify this violence – xenophobia.
The New Oxford dictionary of English (Pearsall 1998) defines xenophobia as “intense
or irrational dislike or fear of people from other countries”. Xenophobia takes different
forms, including victimisation by the police and other officials, assaults, murder, ethnic
cleansing, genocide, and the expulsion of large numbers of people from a country
(Blieden 2008). Besides the physical violence, on a more subtle level, foreign African
workers in South Africa have also been subjected to other forms of xenophobic actions
such as harassment by the police, discrimination by landlords (Sichone 2003:136),
labour exploitation, and unfair treatment in terms of labour law requirements such as
being refused paid leave, or not being registered with the Unemployment Insurance
Fund. Xenophobia is also evident in the disrespectful ways in which some officials of
the Department of Home Affairs treat refugees and people seeking asylum (Ramphele
2008:162, 289).
2Xenophobia in South Africa in historical perspective
Violence against foreign nationals is neither unique nor new to South Africa. Williams
(2008:1–2) comments that in the past the South African authorities had been aware of
hostility towards foreigners, but failed to act and did not pass legislation that would
govern relationships with foreigners. This is confirmed by a study undertaken by Sichone
(2003) among foreign nationals in Cape Town. Sichone notes that some of the immigrants
who participated in his study did not live in harmony with the South Africans around
them and that many local people resented the presence of the foreigners long before the
violence in 2008, mainly because they regarded them as competing for various resources.
In a more recent study, however, Sichone (2008b) showed that many poor South Africans
were not in direct competition with foreigners, and in fact benefited from their presence in
34
various ways. Such people correspondingly had warm and friendly relations with their
fellow Africans, to the extent that Sichone believes it important to balance the ready
reference to xenophobia among the poor with reference to the existence of “xenophilia”
among them as well (Sichone 2003:136–138). The opposite of xenophobia, xenophilia
refers to acts of kindness by churches and nongovernment organisations and among the
local population, by women in particular, who assist foreigner nationals in various ways,
although this may be to their own benefit as well (Sichone 2008b:321).
Previous incidences of xenophobia include the following:
• In 1995 gangs of South Africans tried to expel “illegals” from Alexandra township,
blaming them for increased crime, rape, and unemployment. The campaign, known
as Buyelekhaya (Go back home), lasted for a number of weeks.
• In 1997, hawkers in central Johannesburg attacked their foreign counterparts. At the
time, the chairperson of the Inner Johannesburg Hawkers’ Committee stated: “We
are prepared to push them out of the city, come what may. My group is not prepared
to let our government inherit a garbage city because of these leeches” (Williams
2008:3).
• In 1998, three foreigners were killed on a train between Pretoria and Johannesburg
in what appeared to be a xenophobic attack (Nord & Assubuji 2008:1–2).
• In 2006 Somali refugees in Cape Town were victims of attacks and there were
reports that 20 Somalis had been murdered, supposedly because they were more
successful businesspeople than local people (Ramphele 2008:289).
The attacks on foreigners in South Africa first received prominent attention in 1998,
when the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) and the United Nations
High Commission for Refugees (UNHRC) convened a conference and then adopted the
so-called Braamfontein Statement:
No one, whether in this country legally or not, can be deprived of his

or her basic or fundamental rights and cannot be treated as less than
human. The mere fact of being an [alien] or being without legal status
does not mean that one is fair game to all manner of exploitation or
violence or to criminal, arbitrary or inhuman treatment. Foreigners
in our midst are entitled to the support and defense of our law and
constitution (quoted in Williams 2008:2–3).
Despite this and much speculation about the causes and triggers of the violence, no
effective measures have been put in place to resolve the problem, and it has in fact
worsened.
4.2 Explaining xenophobia

With its flourishing economy and more than fifteen years of relative political stability,
it is easy to understand why South Africa is attractive to asylum-seekers, refugees
and economic migrants from across Africa. It is estimated that between three and five
million refugees now live in this country, some of whom have lived here for many years
or have married South Africans. Thus we may well ask why it was that in May 2008
South African citizens turned on those of their neighbours who originally came from
Somalia, Zimbabwe, Mozambique and other African countries. Were these attacks
35 EWS2601/1
STUDY UNIT 4
spontaneous, as many people believed, or were they carefully planned? Had deadly
hatred between neighbours been smouldering, preparing to erupt into violence? How
should we understand the xenophobia underlying the violence? Should it be regarded
as irrational, attributable merely to the unreasonable ideas of uneducated and poorly
informed people? Or could the violence be explained rationally in terms of competition
between local people and foreigners for jobs, health care and education? Observers of
the violence have different explanations. Some believe there was nothing spontaneous
about the attacks, and that they were part of a well-organised campaign that targeted
foreigners living in some of South Africa’s poorest communities. This campaign was
based on the argument that foreigners “steal” jobs, are involved in crime, and are a
drain on resources. Such ideas were then used to generate anti-foreigner sentiments that
eventually resulted in the violence (Williams 2008). Other observers have suggested
that the attacks resulted when people’s anger and frustration at the slow pace of delivery
of houses, and proper education and health services since 1994 boiled over, and
therefore that they occurred spontaneously. There appears to be legitimacy in both these
arguments.
The South African government, which distanced itself from the violence, regarded the
idea that the violence was caused in part by accusations that foreigners were stealing
local jobs as a misconception, and maintained that the opposite was true. Foreigners
are often job creators, first for themselves and then for others. Furthermore, foreigners
contribute to the country financially and are therefore, integral to the growth of South
Africa. This, however, applies only to legal immigrants, and there are many illegal
immigrants in South Africa about whom the government seems to be able to do very
little. The large numbers of Zimbabweans who find their way into the country illegally
as a result of the instability in their home country are a case in point.
The government explained the outbreak of violence in terms of the long-term effects of
poverty and lack of opportunities on South Africa’s poor communities. In the past it was
possible to blame poverty and the lack of development on the unrepresentative apartheid
government, but this is no longer the case. Apartheid ended in 1994, but the effects of
the spatial, social, and economic separation established by the previous government are
still evident. Since 1994 South Africans have had high expectations of economic and
social delivery, but many people remain unemployed and poor, with little or no access
to basic social, health and welfare services. It is also apparent that many migrants and
refugees have been able to establish small businesses far more successfully than South
Africans. Many observers agree that people are justifiably angry and frustrated with
the slow pace of social and economic change in the country since 1994. Inadequate
improvements to the living conditions in many poor communities have led certain
groups to look for a scapegoat, and foreign nationals are often a convenient group to
blame.
The question arises as to why, after only a short period of pursuing poor-friendly
policies, the government for which the poor had voted three times, deviated so
dramatically from its initial Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) to
accept the principles of neoliberalism and the free market system as the solution to
poverty. Under President Mbeki, the government replaced the RDP with the GEAR
(Growth, Employment and Redistribution) initiative (Sharp & Ebrahim-Vally 2008:4).
We analyse the changes in economic welfare that have taken place since 1994 in
more detail in the next theme. For the present we can say that, although South Africa
has seen unprecedented economic growth and real achievements in the provision of
housing, electricity, and water, along with this also came increased unemployment, a
greater disparity between the rich and the poor, with the poor growing poorer, and the
development of an elite and wealthy black middle class as a result of black economic
36
empowerment initiatives (Ramphele 2008:152–154). These initiatives have benefited
a small minority of people, most of whom have connections with the ruling party.
As a result, millions of South Africans remain as marginalised as they were under
apartheid. In the face of decreasing employment, the provision of homes and social
grants by the government has done little to empower the poor, and such actions have
actually been interpreted as creating a culture of dependency (Ramphele 2008:154).
Against this background it is easy to understand the resentment among poor people
towards foreigners. Poor people have attempted to air their grievances through approved
channels of communication on various occasions in the past, with limited results. The
deep frustrations that follow have been evident in service payment boycotts and strikes
in many parts of the country, and in township violence.
The extent of the violence and the methods used seem to indicate, however, that
socioeconomic conditions are not its only cause (Nord & Assubuji 2008:1–2). For
instance, some politicians and government officials have discounted the violent attacks
on foreigners as “opportunistic” criminal actions. While, as indicated above, crime
does play a part in provoking the attacks, the fact that the attacks were targeted at black
foreigners confirms their xenophobic and racist nature. Several ANC spokespeople
claimed that a “third force” instigated the violence to destabilise the country in the run-
up to the 2009 elections, but they produced little evidence to support such claims.
South Africans still tend to see themselves as separate from the rest of the African
continent. This, together with many years of isolation, means that they do not identify
easily with other Africans. Africa continues to be the “dark continent”, and people
know little about or have no interest in the states of Africa, or in getting to know their
fellow Africans living in South Africa. Furthermore, increasing numbers of migrants
and refugees since 1994 have meant that foreigners are now much more visible, leading
to the perception that South Africa is being “overrun” by millions of poor, illiterate
Africans. Unsubstantiated claims that there are from five to eight million illegal foreign
nationals in South Africa add to this idea. Many of the beliefs about foreigners are
based on ignorance and/or hearsay, and it is often only when people are confronted with
evidence that proves that their unjustified generalisations are incorrect that they change
their ideas about foreigners.
The foregoing suggests that the lack of interaction between foreign nationals and
citizens has contributed to ongoing xenophobic attitudes. Experience has shown that
citizens who meaningfully interact with migrants and refugees are less likely to be
xenophobic. These processes of interaction, however, will succeed only if meaningful
opportunities for interaction are established (Williams 2008:5).
2National identity
The concept of national identity refers to how we see ourselves in relation to others
and the wider community, and denotes a collection of symbols that help individuals to
relate to one another on an equal footing. After the negotiated settlement between the
former government and the ANC prior to 1994, significant efforts were made to develop
a national identity that would unite the country and contribute to nation building.
These included the design of the flag, two national anthems, a coat of arms, a national
sports teams, and the “proudly South African” marketing campaign. The South African
Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) used the slogan “Simunye – we are one”. Although it
is possible that these symbols were used for marketing purposes, their collective effect
was to identify things as “South African”. This kind of national identity was successful
at a particular point in the country’s history, but it would seem that by 2008 many of
the symbols had either lost their ability to unite South Africans or had disappeared
37 EWS2601/1
STUDY UNIT 4
(Jaynes 2008:13–14). For example, in 1994 and again in 2007 the South African Springbok
rugby team won the World Cup, uniting the country behind them. In 2008, however, an
acrimonious debate erupted concerning the name and racial composition of the team,
which dampened the euphoria that had swept the country when South Africa became
world rugby champions.
For centuries South Africans have been a collection of people with multiple and
fragmented identities in terms not only of race, class, gender, sexual orientation, language
and religious orientation, but also political affiliation (Ramphele 2008:140). It would
appear that many remain unable to recognise a single national identity, despite Archbishop
Tutu’s reference to the “rainbow nation”. There also seems to be an unwillingness among
many South Africans to accept that multiple identities can coexist as a united nation,
even though people are sometimes united and at other times divided. There are and have
been many cases where people resort to differences in terms of “us” and “them”. The
xenophobic violence against African foreigners is one such instance. What is generally
accepted, however, is that national identity is enhanced by the presence of a common
enemy, and that when threatened, people mobilise against a common threat. In the
process, they draw on shared images of others, prejudices, stereotypes, rituals and beliefs
which motivate them to action, giving their behaviour particular ideological and emotional
meaning (Turner 1967:22–23).
National identity is also context driven, especially when the balance of political power is
such that the dominant group is able to impose identities on a weaker one, which it does by
imposing symbols that become part of the identity of the weaker group. At the same time
the symbols pose “boundaries” between the groups, thereby establishing “us” and “them”
identities. The dominant group can then manipulate the boundaries and galvanise people
into taking action against the other group. This appears to be relevant to the xenophobia in
South Africa.
Makwerekwere
2
South Africans have labelled African foreigners in the country “makwerekwere”. The
term has roots in the politics of the homelands, when people were denied the right to full
South African citizenship (Sichone 2008:259). It is also associated with undesirable groups
of foreigners in the country such as Nigerians, who are regarded as drug smugglers, and
Mozambicans, who are regarded as gun runners rather than mineworkers. These images
are strongly linked to portrayals of the groups in the media, but the name remains, and it
has been broadened to refer to all African foreigners. It has a negative connotation and is
in fact humiliating to those to whom the label is applied.
The term also emerges in discussions about the xenophobic violence in South Africa.
Owen Sichone discusses this matter together with identity markers that local people
have drawn on to identify foreigners. This forms the theme of the next activity, which is
based on an extract from Sichone’s work. Read the extract carefully and then answer the
questions that follow:
38
ACTIVITY
The making of makwerekwere
The term makwerekwere is the key label by which South

African ethnic discourse refers to African migrants. Though
it is considered derogatory by the migrants, some South
Africans insist it is merely descriptive. It centres on cultural
differences between black South Africans and other Africans,
especially language – makwerekwere is a term for babblers
or barbarians. In South Africa, as in other anglophone African
countries, though English is the chief official language, it is
not the preferred language of personal communication in the
townships. Consequently foreigners who use English as a
means of communication mark themselves off from locals.
Africans who cannot speak “a black man’s language” – in this
case, a local language – are perceived with some suspicion
in Swahili-speaking East Africa as much as in Sotho- or
Nguni-speaking southern Africa. But to their annoyance,
African immigrants understand that South African languages
are not unique. As multilingual as they are, South Africans are
unaware that Nguni and Sotho languages are spoken north
of the Limpopo, and that numerous other African languages
share a substantial vocabulary with their own.
Apart from language, skin colour provides another criterion

for distinguishing foreign Africans from locals. Makwerekwere
are considered darker than South Africans. South Africans
perceive the rest of the continent as hotter than their own
country and are of the view that there is a connection
between heat and dark skin. Although there are populations
from the Sudan belt, for example, that are generally darker
than southern Africans, all shades of black and brown can be
found in the population. One woman, a refugee from Sudan
who lived in Langa, Cape Town, recalled in an interview she
gave to an Idasa radio production team how people would
see her on the street and exclaim “Yo, yo, yo! Mnyama”
because she stood out in the crowd as unusually dark. Some
would express open hostility and shout, “You foreigner, you
foreigner, go back to your country”. Others would approach
her and ask, “Where do you come from? Where are you
living? Do you work?” Clearly, asking a stranger where
she comes from is not necessarily a hostile act, but the
refugees, especially, tire of answering it every day. Alan
Morris (1999:313), who has worked with Congolese and West
African immigrants in Johannesburg, reports very similar
sentiments expressed by African migrants in inner-city
Hillbrow. One Congolese man said, “Here in Hillbrow, people
are not accepting us, especially black men. They think we
are coming to take their jobs … They think that white men are
bringing jobs and black men come to take their jobs.”
39 EWS2601/1
STUDY UNIT 4
Although apartheid should have taught people that classifying

identity by appearance is not a foolproof technique, the
police continue to round up Africans of a dark complexion as
suspected illegal aliens. Of course they usually arrest many
angry South Africans in the process (see Madywabe 2000).
In the same Idasa radio programme on xenophobia, Halif,

who used to be a mathematics teacher in Mogadishu but now
survives by selling sweets at a train station, recalls his reply
to a South African man who once asked him where he came
from: “There are so many whites who are from overseas,
have you ever asked a white man?” When the South African
admitted he hadn’t and didn’t know why, the Somali refugee
explained, “Because you are afraid of asking him. You are still
afraid inside.” The suggestion that South Africans have not
shed their colonial mentality is an accusation that one hears
frequently from African expatriates, who, just like the South
Africans they criticise, regard South Africa as a European
enclave.
Pascal, a Tanzanian migrant who managed to incorporate

himself into Cape Town society and has many South African
friends, recalled in an interview with this author (11 July 1999)
that he once asked a Xhosa-speaker what the meaning of
kwerekwere was. The South African looked at him and said,
“Your appearance is not like a kwerekwere.” When asked why
he replied, “Because you are not so black.”
But neither skin colour nor language can distinguish between

South Africans and non-South Africans, given that the latter
is a legal rather than cultural or racial category. Nor does
makwerekwere differentiate immigrants from refugees,
tourists from guest workers, or illegal from legal migrants. In
any case it is a dangerous term because it deprives people
of their language and humanity, and because it can lead to
violent attacks on others.
Source: Sichone (2008a:259–261)
• According to Sichone, what is the meaning of the

concept of makwerekwere?
• Sichone discusses two factors that constitute criteria
for identifying makwerekwere (identity markers).
Identify these factors and explain their meaning and
implications for xenophobia.
• How do people (local and foreign) react to the concept
of makwerekwere?
• What is your opinion about labelling people as
makwerekwere?
40
Conclusion
Ending xenophobia is not the responsibility of the government alone, but requires the
collective engagement of everyone involved. Government must, however, lead the
way in this process (Shange-Buthane 2008). Many South Africans have tried hard to
understand the violence that caught the country by surprise. Some have called it the
death of the “rainbow nation”, while others have suggested that this is a signal to the
country that it has abandoned its achievements of the early nineties. Most people agree,
however, that the violence ended any ideas that South Africans may still have had about
our exceptionality as a moral beacon to the world.
2Review question
The xenophobic violence in South Africa in 2008 indicates that there is “unfinished
business” as regards the presence of foreigners in the country. Comment on this
statement with reference to:
• reactions to violence from various sources

• the need for South Africans to learn to accept and interact with others
• use of the term makwerekwere
• the role of the government in dealing with foreigners
41 EWS2601/1
6
42
Theme 7
2
WEALTH AND STATUS
Derik Gelderblom
2This theme consists of the following three study units:
Study unit 5: Social class
Study unit 6: Poverty and inequality in South Africa and the world
Study unit 7: The changing distribution of life chances: from apartheid to globalisation

Picture the scene: Nelson Mandela Square in Sandton on a Sunday morning. Early-
morning shoppers are starting their day with breakfast at a trendy Italian restaurant. The
huge sculpture of Nelson Mandela dominates one end of the square. Nearby is Sandton
City, which, together with Nelson Mandela Square, forms one of the largest and most
prestigious shopping precincts in South Africa. The displays in the shop windows are
designed to evoke an air of moneyed elegance, a perception which is affirmed once one
enters the shops and looks at the prices of the goods. It would be hard to find another
place in this country that is more suggestive of wealth and all the delights that money
can bring, and this is why we start our discussion of wealth, status and poverty here.
In fact, we will return to this picture from time to time, as our aim is to increase your
understanding of it by focussing on all the things that are present in the picture, but not
visible to the untutored eye.
So what are these things that are present but not visible? The first aspect we will focus
on is the fact that there are two groups of people present here: consumers and workers.
43 EWS2601/1
THEME 2
Those who are present in their role as consumers are different from the workers largely
because they have enough money to afford the luxury goods on offer. Most of the
people who work here as waiters, security guards and shop assistants cannot afford to
shop here. They are also less likely to be able to afford to live in the vicinity, and most
probably travel some distance every day to get here. The division between these two
groups mirrors that between the have’s and the have not’s in society generally. If we
want to understand why a particular individual belongs to one group rather than the
other, we need to understand the history of the broader society in which he or she lives.
In this theme we look at how society is divided into the have’s and the have not’s, and
the mechanisms by which people are placed in one group rather than the other. We
argue that this placement does not depend purely on the characteristics of the individual
concerned (that is, whether the individual is hardworking or intelligent or not), but on
the history and economic structure of the society (and, to take an even broader view, the
world) in which the individual is living. We also look at the barriers people face if they
try to improve their situation and move from the group of people who have less to the
group of those who have more.
The second present but invisible thing is the exchange relations we enter into when we
buy something at a shop. These are not restricted to the relationship between the shop
assistant and the customer. In fact, they involve a chain of relationships stretching from
the person purchasing the product, to the shop assistant, to the people manufacturing
the product somewhere in a distant country. It also involves others, such as the bankers
who supply the credit needed to buy the goods. Because of the extent of globalisation,
which is a concept we define later on in more detail but which in general terms refers to
the impact of global forces on our local world, economic relationships have developed to
encompass the whole world (or at least large parts of it).
In study unit 5 we look at these social relationships in more detail. We discuss the way
people are grouped into social classes as well as status groups. Because these groups
evolved over time, it will be necessary to take a historical perspective so that we can
obtain a clearer idea of how some came to be wealthy and others poor.
Study unit 6 is more quantitative. Here we focus on recent evidence regarding changes
in the distribution of life chances since the end of apartheid in the early 1990s. There is
also a global element that needs to be investigated, and we therefore explore changes in
wealth and poverty, as well as relationships between countries, to obtain a global view.
In the last study unit of this theme, unit 7, we try to develop an explanation for the
distribution of wealth and poverty we observed in the second study unit. We start by
examining the apartheid history of South Africa. This is followed by an overview of the
impact of the process of globalisation on developing countries such as South Africa. We
close with a discussion of the origins of the Great Recession of 2008–2009.
44
Study unit 8
5
5
SOCIAL CLASS
Introduction
In this study unit we investigate ideas relating to social class. Social class refers to
the divisions between people based on differences in income and wealth, that is, the
divisions between the “have’s” and the “have not’s”. As you will see in this theme, there
are many dimensions to this division. It refers firstly to the fact that, as social scientists,
we are able to distinguish between people and say that some are better off than others.
In this theme we will examine the criteria we can use to carry out such an exercise. We
usually use a person’s income and occupation to classify them in this regard.
There is also a second dimension to class, which involves people’s awareness that they
actually belong to one class rather than another, or, to use the vocabulary you learnt in
theme 1, that they share a particular class identity. When we deal with class identity,
we have to consider the notion of status. Status refers to the distinctions people make
between those who are worthy of more or less respect. As we will see, the distinction
between the have’s and the have not’s does not inevitably manifest itself as a strong class
awareness or class identity. In some cases, people may identify more strongly with their
own ethnic or race group than with their class.
Class awareness generally leads to another dimension of class, which is the fact that
we tend to exclude people who do not belong to our own class. This is because class
is exclusionary. Classes employ many ways to exclude those who are perceived not to
belong. Some of these ways are quite straightforward (if you are too poor to frequent
expensive restaurants you will not belong in the upper class), and some of them are more
subtle (raised eyebrows if you wear clothes, or buy furniture that are considered to be in
bad taste). It is not only the wealthy who exclude the poor, but also the other way round.
Poor people may also reject a politician, for example, whom they think is not one of
them and therefore unable to understand their suffering.
• What are the implications of belonging to a class?

• How is class determined?
• To what extent is it to one’s advantage or disadvantage to be a member of a
particular class?
• Is privilege something that is transferred from generation to generation?
45 EWS2601/1
THEME 2
5.1 the role of income and occupation in establishing class situation

5.2 the income and wealth dimension of class situation
5.3 the occupation dimension of class situation
5.4 class and social closure
5.5 the social relations of production as a basis for class
5.6 the social relations of consumption and class
5.7 the reproduction of class position over time and across the generations
Conclusion
READING BOX
Let us return to Nelson Mandela Square and interview a few people
we see there. We will ask them who they are and where they are
from.
CASE STUDY 1: GRAHAM

Graham’s great grandfather came to South Africa from England
after World War I. He was a former army officer, and bought a farm
near Tzaneen, where he began cultivating bananas and avocados.
Graham’s father moved to Johannesburg in the 1950s to study at
Wits University and later started an engineering business. Graham’s
mother was a teacher, and she and his father met while they were
both students. Graham grew up in Johannesburg, and also attended
Wits. He owns a software development company, and is married
with two children.
CASE STUDY 2: MPUME

Mpume’s grandfather grew up on a mission station in KwaZulu-
Natal. He was the first member of his family to go to school, and
later became a teacher himself. Mpume’s father and mother were
both political activists, and her father spent some time in jail during
the apartheid years. Later her father and mother both went into exile
in Zambia, where Mpume was born. When Mpume was ten they
returned to South Africa. She also studied at Wits, and now owns
an internet café. She is unmarried but has a child with a man she no
longer sees.
CASE STUDY 3: JAN

Jan’s father grew up as a farm labourer on a farm near Middelburg.
During the 1940s his father left the farm after coming into conflict
with the farmer about space for his cattle to graze, and the family
went to stay in a homeland area near Marble Hall. Jan grew up
there, leaving school before obtaining his matric. Jan now lives in
a hostel in Alexandra, and his wife lives in their house in Ekangala
near Bronkhorstspruit. Jan works as a security guard at Nelson
Mandela Square. He returns to his home in Ekangala every weekend.
46
Social class
CASE STUDY 4: ELIZABETH

Elizabeth works as a cleaner in Nelson Mandela Square. Her
grandparents moved to Orlando East in the 1940s from a farm near
Vereeniging. She grew up in Soweto and went to school there. When
the 1976 student uprising occurred, she was in standard 8 (grade 10).
As a result of the disruptions in education, she left school and found
employment as a domestic worker. She soon fell pregnant, and now
has four children (two more children died soon after birth) with the
same man, who is a policeman. Although they never married, and
although he does not live with her but with his new wife, he comes
to visit from time to time. He gives her some money to help support
the family every now and then. She lives in Soweto, and now is
a grandmother of three children, who live with her in her house
together with her youngest son and two daughters.
Would it surprise you to learn that I have made up these case

studies? Graham, Mpume, Jan and Elizabeth are not real people.
However, do you think that these are realistic portrayals of the kind
of people one might come across in an elite shopping centre such as
Nelson Mandela Square in Johannesburg? What should we add to or
subtract from the stories to make them more realistic, in your view?
5.1 The role of income and occupation in establishing class

situation
To begin our discussion, we asked you to identify your own class position.
ACTIVITY
If you had to choose a class label for yourself, and your choice
was between upper class, middle class and working class, which
option would you select for yourself? Do you think you belong to
the:
Working class
Middle class
Upper class
By asking you this question, we tested your own conception of

where you belong in the class hierarchy. If we asked a social
scientist to assess where you belong in the class hierarchy, that
person may have a different answer, as social scientists have their
own way of working out how classes are distinguished from one
another. To find out how they would classify you, we will give you
a quiz that consists of a number of options that you have to tick.
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STUDY UNIT 5
Income
The monthly income before tax of the household in which I live is:
R1–14999 2
R15000–49999 4
More than R50000 6
Occupation
My profession is:
Lawmaker, senior official, manager 6
Professional 6
Technician 4
Clerk 4
Service worker, shop assistant 4
Skilled agricultural and fisheries worker 4
Skilled craftsman (or woman) 4
Machine operator 2
Elementary occupation/labourer 2
Student 0
Housewife/househusband 0
Unemployed 2
Other 0
The scoring is as follows. The first income box has a score of

2, the second 4, and the third 6. If you have selected “student”,
“housewife/husband” or “other”, you give yourself zero for
occupation, and use only your score for the income category in
your calculations.
The occupation scores appear next to the tick boxes, for instance
“Unemployed” scores 2. To arrive at your class status, you have
to add the two scores together. If your total score is 12 (6 if you
are taking just income into account) you belong to the upper class.
If your score is between 8 and 10 (4 if you are taking just income
into account), you fall within the middle class, and if your score
is below 8 (or 2 if you are taking just income into account), you
belong to the working class.
You may choose to disagree. Don’t worry – this is just an

initial exercise to get us started, and you will soon see some of
the complexities that become involved once one starts placing
people into class categories.
Asking people their income is a typical initial step in learning more about their class
background. As you may imagine, in determining whether someone is one of the have’s
48
Social class
or the have not’s, income is quite important. Things immediately become murky,
however, once one tries to work out whether we should focus on the individual’s income
or the income of the household to which the individual belongs (in our quiz we did the
latter). If you are a student, and earn only a few rands a month working as a waitress,
but live in your parents’ upper class household, should we describe you as upper class
or as middle or working class? Or suppose that we are dealing with a household where
the wife is a super-successful businesswoman and the husband a struggling musician
who earns practically no money? Depending on how the money earned is being shared
within the household, it is quite possible for different people who live in the same
household to have big differences in their standard of living. If income sharing does
not take place, the student or the musician-husband could arguably not belong to the
upper class at all. Another example is the husband who earns a large salary but gives as
little as possible to his wife, who may even be completely in the dark about how much
her husband earns. In this case, it may be problematic to say that the wife shares her
husband’s class position. If income sharing does take place, on the other hand, husband
and wife obviously occupy the same class position.
A similar problem arises with occupation when different members of the household
have occupations that would put them into different classes. Think, for example, of the
business executive (upper class) who marries his secretary (middle to working class).
If she continues working as a secretary, do we consider her a member of the upper
class or not? There is no easy way out of this conundrum. With regard to income, the
best solution seems to be that researchers who conduct surveys on class position must
try to obtain information about how income is shared within the household, as well as
information about the income of all the members of the household, both individually
as well as collectively. If this information is available, it should be possible to work out
which approach to class imposition is best. A similar point can be made with regard to
occupation. We should consider both the husband and wife’s occupations in cases where
the two diverge. Fortunately (for social scientists, at least) it does not happen often that
members of the household diverge like this, because people tend to select marriage
partners who are similar to them in class background.
There are even more fundamental differences among social scientists about how to
measure social class than what we have discussed up to now. These relate to their
definition of class. Many do not agree that income or occupation can be used in such
a simplistic fashion to determine who belongs to which class (Parkin 1971, 1979).
Classifying people in terms of income and occupation would, according to this view,
merely serve as a description of who is poor and who is wealthy. These variables
would not be able to explain how people act together to serve their class interests. In
addition we need to know how people conceive of their own interests, because there
is no guarantee that they will define their interests in the same way that the social
scientist does. Because our focus in this guide is not in the first place on social theories,
but rather to give you a feel for how the world is put together, we will try to avoid
these complex debates as much as possible. We will therefore continue with our focus
on income and occupation and see how far it takes us. Later on in this study unit we will
introduce a bit more complexity and focus on other variables as well.
5.2 The income and wealth dimension of class situation

Income is the factor that most directly determines the living standards that one can
maintain. The higher your income, the greater the quantity of goods and services
available to you to satisfy your needs. If you have a high income you have the potential
to become one of the have’s, and if you have a low income, you are destined to remain a
49 EWS2601/1
STUDY UNIT 5
have not. Here it is important to distinguish between income and wealth. Income refers
to the amount of money coming into the household as a result of earnings in the form
of salaries, interest earned and dividends from shares. Wealth is the sum of the things
owned by the household once one subtracts the debts of the household. In economics
terms, income is a flow, and wealth is a stock. We can visualise this as a dam, with a
certain amount of water in it, and an inflow pipe and an outflow pipe. Income is the
amount of water flowing into the dam. It is preferable for this flow to exceed the outflow,
which refers to all the things money is spent on. If the inflow is greater than the outflow,
money is being saved, and this increases the amount of water in the dam, which can be
used to acquire assets which will, it is hoped, increase in value over time. The amount
of water in the dam thus represents the wealth of the household.
It is quite possible for a household to have a high income, but to spend so much of the
money coming in that the household’s wealth never increases. This is an especially
risky situation if the household also has a large amount of debt which has been entered
into to acquire assets such as luxury cars that only depreciate in value over time. Once
interest rates rise, the household may be forced to sell these assets at a loss, because it is
no longer able to service the debts. Properly speaking, to be one of the have’s, one must
have significant amounts of wealth. This is why a high income offers only the potential
to be one of the privileged, and it does not automatically entitle one to membership
of the financial elite. When we provide a more theoretical discussion of class, we will
return to the issue of wealth.
5.3 The occupation dimension of class situation

We proceed now to a discussion of the influence of occupation on class distinctions.
Occupation is an indication of skills differences between people, with highly skilled
people being in greater demand due to their scarcity and the unskilled increasingly
superfluous to the demands of a modern economy. Professional people, for example,
have high levels of education and thus possess skills that are in high demand; in
consequence, they are able to command higher salaries in the market place. This
statement needs to be qualified, however, as other factors besides scarcity levels play
a role in the salaries that professionals command. Nurses and school teachers, for
example, are in short supply nowadays, but this has not had a significant effect on their
salaries. At the risk of oversimplifying the argument, the fact that teachers and nurses
tend to be women may not be entirely irrelevant here; the perception is often held that
they do not need to be paid a family wage, as it is assumed (often incorrectly) that they
are not the breadwinners in their families. Gender therefore plays a role in limiting their
salaries. Another reason for the lower salaries paid to nurses and teachers is the fact that
they are generally employed by the government, with the result that their salaries are
also determined by the government’s capacity to pay.
5.4 Class and social closure

Social closure refers to two things. It implies first the maintenance of boundaries
between those belonging to a higher and those belonging to a lower class and the
tendency of each group to socialise only among themselves. To put it another way,
people belonging to a particular class tend to keep members of other classes at a
distance. In practice this means that people generally make friends with, and marry,
only those who belong to the same class as themselves. For this to happen, members
of a class group must have a shared identity of themselves as different from those who
belong to a different class, and then follow up on this by limiting social interaction only
to those who are members of their group.
50
Social class
The second dimension of social closure refers to the mobilisation in which classes
engage in order to advance their own interests. Marxists refer to this as the class
struggle. There is, however, no guarantee that this will happen. We must therefore
distinguish between a class of people seen simply as a category (the have’s or the have-
not’s) on the one hand and a class of people self-consciously belonging to that class and
actively striving to serve the interests of that group on the other. In the case of class as
category, we are simply talking about a number of people the social scientists classify
as sharing a certain distribution of life chances. In this case we are not making any
assumptions about whether they see themselves as a group with common interests. This
shared set of life chances may, or may not, lead to a situation where members of the
privileged or disadvantaged class define themselves as a group with common interests
and act to pursue those interests.
ACTIVITY
Answer the following questions:
Would you regard yourself as somebody who is aware of belonging

to a particular class?
Yes No
Would you describe yourself as somebody who easily socialises

with people who do not belong to the same class as yourself?
Yes No
Feedback
Most of us are aware of belonging to a particular class. The only
exceptions are people who are in transit from one class to an-
other. An example would be a student who grew up in a work-
ing class environment and who, by virtue of being destined for
a professional occupation, is going to be middle class in future.
Such a person may experience a feeling of belonging to both of
those two classes and may be able to socialise with members
of both. This is, however, a temporary state and unlikely to last.
If they were to be completely truthful, most people would have
to answer “no”, although some may claim that they socialise
with people who attend the same religious service or do charity
work at the same voluntary organisation as themselves. So-
cialisation across class lines is more common in the rural areas,
simply because there are fewer people available to socialise
with. If you answered “yes”, a further question to ask yourself
is whether you have ever invited people from other classes to
your home for a meal, and whether they accepted. The reason
for this question is that entertaining someone at your home is
a more intimate activity than seeing them at church and that
higher standards of similarity will probably be applied in that
case. The same applies to things such as getting married.
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STUDY UNIT 5
5.5 The social relations of production as a basis for class

Sociologists distinguish between the social relations that appear while people produce
goods and services, and the social relations that appear while they consume goods and
services. The distinction between production and consumption can also be applied to
class relations (Giddens 1973). In the context of class, the possession of scarce skills
(referred to previously when we discussed the occupation dimension of class situation)
and wealth can both be regarded as falling under the heading of production. Both skills
and wealth, in the form of capital, are used to produce things.
Wealth is important as a basis for one’s class position, because if one’s wealth is
invested in income-producing ventures, one can gain additional income. In that case,
wealth becomes capital. Money invested in shares, for example, produces capital gains
if the market rises (the value of shares can of course also fall, as in the last few years,
leading to capital losses) and a steady income if the shares one owns pay dividends. The
ownership of residential property that is rented out can also lead to a steady income,
once provision has been made for property taxes and bond repayments.
Wealth is linked to class for another reason. People who own a large number of
productive assets are very powerful. This makes it easier for them to pursue their
own interests and so become even wealthier. Power is the ability to get other people
to act according to your wishes, even if they do not want to do so. Wealth and power
are linked because wealth implies control over resources that others want. These
resources can take many forms. Ownership of rental property or a factory are examples
of important resources that confer power. Threatening to take away the roof over
someone’s head, or their job, is a powerful lever to get them to do what one wants. Very
wealthy people are so powerful that they can even get governments to pander to their
wishes. One can see this in the role that money plays in politics, either directly in the
form of corruption, or indirectly through campaign contributions.
People who do not have any wealth are in the opposite category. They are more likely
to have to submit to the wishes of powerful people and are consequently relatively
powerless as individuals. Their only basis of power in the economy is by mobilising as a
group in a labour union and threatening to go on strike.
5.6 The social relations of consumption and class

Class is not only determined in the sphere of production. The kinds of goods people
consume and the lifestyle they maintain are as important as a way of signalling to others
that they belong to a particular class. In this respect, income is important as a factor
determining what kinds of goods one can consume. If you earn enough money, you can
buy luxury items that will enhance your status in society. According to the German
sociologist Max Weber (1978:932), status is the “social estimation of honour” that is
attached to particular styles of life. We could explain “social estimation of honour” more
simply as “the respect people get from others”. Status therefore refers to the recognition
you can get from other people based on the lifestyle you manage to uphold. In a modern
industrial society, lifestyle refers primarily to the consumption of products, particularly
luxury items such as expensive houses, cars and clothes.
As far as status-enhancing consumption items go, the one that is right at the top of the
list, and the one that the wealthy spend most of their money on, is a house with the right
address. In every city and town, people distinguish between different neighbourhoods
in terms of how prestigious it is to live in them. Some places to live are “on the wrong
52
Social class
side of the railway track” and others are the “right” side. If you have enough money you
can buy yourself a large, luxurious home in an area where your neighbours are people
who have already arrived in high society. Living close to people who themselves have
high status will by implication also increase your own status. Having the right address
will also increase your chances of putting your children in the “right” schools, where
they can become friends with the future movers and shakers of the world (more about
this later). If these are one’s aspirations, in addition to having the right address it is also
important to have one’s house built and furnished in a style that is regarded as being
in good taste. Since good taste varies over time, and between different cultures and
subcultures, this can be a fraught area. As we see below, what one person may think is
good taste may be vulgar excess to another person.
It is also possible to distinguish between old money and new money on the basis of a
person’s home. Someone who lives in his or her parent’s stately home which has been
in the family for a generation or two, has a claim to old money status, whereas if he or
she lives in a newly-built house in a gated community, the same status can obviously
not be claimed. As Weber (1978:932) points out, the importance of property in terms of
providing status increases over time. Inherited wealth provides greater status than newly
earned wealth. We return to this issue below.
Another important luxury item is the “right” make of car. The good feeling created
by owning a luxury car is not due purely to the aesthetic pleasure derived from the
power and good styling of the car, but also the perception that other road users respect
the owner of such a car. Manufacturers of luxury vehicles know this, and spend an
enormous amount of money and effort on building their brand along those lines.
The easiest way to do this is simply to raise the price of the car, so that a degree of
exclusivity attaches to owning it. The high price is an indication that only wealthy
people can afford the car, and places the owner into that exclusive group. As a result,
the profit margins on luxury vehicles are high. However, manufacturers know that
people will be prepared to spend large amounts of money on expensive vehicles only
if they have the assurance that there is a certain cachet attached to owning them
that goes beyond the price tag. This is why special attention is paid to marketing the
vehicle so that people will perceive it as being upmarket. This can be achieved by
placing advertisements in glossy magazines directed at the wealthy, and by engaging
in sponsorship of events associated with wealth (such as opera productions or polo
tournaments). The manufacturers also take great care with the design of the marque (for
example the silver triangle that appears on Mercedes Benz vehicles) as well as other
design elements of the vehicle, so as to project an image of prestige, good taste and high
quality.2
Another type of luxury item that may help to establish a person’s status is the clothes
he or she wears. This involves more than simply being able to sport designer labels,
although these can be important (in fact, so important that there is a huge trade in
counterfeited goods bearing false designer labels). One of the things that distinguish the
truly wealthy in this regard is the fact that they do not always buy their clothes off the
peg, but have these made especially for them by tailors. Besides making sure that their
clothes fit exactly, this gives them the advantage of being able to buy exclusivity, as this
is something reserved for those with lots of money. As with all luxury goods, whether
these are cars, houses or clothes, one must take care about how one presents oneself.
The difference between good taste that elicits respect and vulgar bragging that invites
2 Of course, a large part of building a quality brand also involves ensuring real quality in the design and manufacture of the car, as well
as good after sales service – all the marketing in the world will not be able to successfully present an intrinsically bad product as a
quality one.
53 EWS2601/1
STUDY UNIT 5
ridicule is often a very small one, and it is easy to overstep the boundary between the
two. Some time ago I was watching a business channel on TV. A clothing expert was
giving advice on how to wear a suit, and one of her recommendations was to remove the
label that appears on the sleeve of the suit. A real connoisseur, she said, would recognise
a designer suit costing many thousands of rands and, she implied, would regard the
brash display of a label as being vulgar.
The last luxury item that is relevant here is leisure activities. This means eating out
in fashionable restaurants, holidaying in the “right” places, sailing on your yacht, and
engaging in exclusive sports such as golf. All of these are ways to buy exclusivity,
and they are of course also good places to meet the “right” people who may be able to
enhance one’s career.
Because of the acceptance that people think possession of luxury items will bring in
society, they generally strive to achieve this kind of lifestyle. Belief in the attractiveness
of this lifestyle is also actively promoted by the media. Advertisements promote the idea
that you will be happier and more attractive to others if you consume the right products,
and as a result many people get deeply into debt in order to finance their consumption.
This is especially dangerous at times when interest rates rise, as we pointed out above.
As a result, people often become caught up in a debt trap, where they spend most of
their money just paying off their debt. This phenomenon is part of the dark side of
the consumerist lifestyle. There are also other problematic aspects of this lifestyle,
particularly those having to do with the environmental costs that continually growing
consumption create. We will return to this later in this theme, as well as elsewhere in
this guide.
We have now discussed various ways in which a person’s possessions can enhance his
or her status in society. These are all ways in which possessions give messages to other
people about the kind of person who owns them. It is as if your possessions speak to
others on your behalf. This is possible because material things can be symbols, that
is, they can communicate meaning. In the study unit on identity you learnt about how
styles of dress, kinds of food and body markings can carry messages about which
groups a person belongs to. They are “markers” of identity, in other words the signs
that show we belong. Luxury items are markers of identity in signalling to others which
group we belong to, and whether we are members of a high status group, and therefore
deserve respect, or not. Because they are symbols, possessions are meaningful only
within a particular cultural context. What counts as markers of high status varies
from culture to culture, and time period to time period. To give an example: decorated
copper objects were regarded as very valuable among Native American peoples of the
northwest United States in the 19th century, and were distributed as part of competitive
ceremonial activities called potlatches as a way of demonstrating status (Mauss
1969:43). This is very different from the kinds of objects described above, which confer
status in present day society. There are also national differences in the way in which
luxury objects are evaluated. Consider the difference in appearance between a Cadillac
and a Mercedes Benz sedan. The American designed Cadillac has a more aggressive
look about it than the Mercedes. The Mercedes, in turn, has clearly been informed by a
more reserved and understated sensibility typical of the Germans.
54
Social class
ACTIVITY
(1) Match each of the brands below with the message it
conveys:
(a) BMW
(b) Jeep
(c) Mercedes Benz
(d) Volvo
(e) Rolls-Royce
(i) I am part of the old money elite

(ii) I am an upwardly mobile person and in a hurry, so
move over please so that I can pass
(iii) I am a rugged individualist who is at home both in the
bush and in a sophisticated urban environment
(iv) I am a successful professional who is concerned about
the environment and the safety of my family
(v) I am successful and deserve respect
(2) Have your ideas about which class you belong to changed
at all after studying this unit? Which aspects, if any, have
changed? Write a paragraph in which you describe both the
class you belong to and the class your parents belong to in
terms of the different dimensions such as income, wealth and
occupation we have discussed here.
(3) Read the case studies at the beginning of this unit again.
Which classes would you say the four people described there
belong to?
Feedback
What follows is my interpretation of the brands. Because there
may be cultural differences in how they are perceived, you may
disagree. This is not a problem, as the point of the activity is not
to be absolutely rigid in interpreting the details of the brands,
but to realise that brands have a symbolic meaning that is re-
lated to status differences.
(a) ii
(b) iii
(c) v
(d) iv
(e) i
55 EWS2601/1
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5.7 The reproduction of class position over time and across

the generations
In this section we discuss the fact that the children of the wealthy tend to become
wealthy too, and that the children of the poor tend to remain poor. This is not
guaranteed, of course, as some degree of upward or downward mobility is indeed
possible in a capitalist society. Sometimes great wealth that was accumulated in the first
generation is squandered by the second generation, which results in downward mobility,
and sometimes people do rise from absolute poverty to become millionaires, which is an
indication of the opposite of downward mobility, namely upward mobility. Unlike other
stratification systems, where status is generally fixed for life (such as slavery, where the
children of slaves were born into slavery) a class system does allow for some movement
because there are no laws that prescribe one’s status based upon one’s birth. However, in
practice, there are factors that make such movement unlikely.
According to the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, this movement is unlikely because
the wealthy control huge amounts of three kinds of capital, namely economic capital,
cultural capital and social capital, which they are able to transfer to their children.
Economic capital is the easiest of the three to explain. It consists of wealth that the
wealthy are able to transfer to their children by bequeathing it to them upon their death.
While they are still alive, this wealth can also be put at the disposal of their children in
order to help them with new business ventures. It takes capital to start a new business,
and it is much easier to access this capital if you can borrow it from your parents. It is
also easier to risk your own capital if you have your parents’ wealth to fall back on.
Social capital refers to the advantages to be derived from one’s social connections.
These advantages range from information about opportunities for advancement,
introductions to others who may be able to help you and credit to overcome temporary
cash flow problems to support when you experience short-term needs, such as
accommodation when you are away from home. The basis of social capital is reciprocity,
or relationships of mutual help. The understanding is that if you support me today, you
can come to me tomorrow when you need help in return.
Because we all have social connections, this may appear not to present such a big
obstacle to the advancement of the poor, but it does. It is certainly true that the poorest
depend to a considerable degree on their social connections in the form of family,
friends and neighbours for their survival. They make use of their social connections
to gain knowledge of local conditions and obtain temporary lodging when looking for
work in a new environment. As a result, they try very hard to maintain their social
connections to significant others as a form of insurance against mishaps. Compared with
the social capital with which upper class families can provide their children, the social
capital of the poor pales into insignificance, however. When it comes to social capital, it
is not only the fact of social relationships itself that is important, but also the resources
at the disposal of those whom one has social relationships with. In this respect, the
wealthy are at a distinct advantage compared with others, as they tend to socialise with
people who are in a similarly advantaged position. The information at the disposal of
those people about new opportunities is much more valuable, and their capacity to help
much greater. The social networks of the wealthy are typically also more extensive,
sometimes extending across the globe. This is because wealthy people tend to meet a
large variety and a great number of people as a result of their business engagements.
The third advantage that the wealthy can transfer to their children is cultural capital.
Cultural capital consists firstly of a good education at elite schools and universities,
56
Social class
which provides the skills and social contacts that are necessary for future success. It is
also a mark of status to have attended an elite university. In South Africa, for example,
people distinguish between the elite universities (such as the universities of Cape Town,
Stellenbosch, the Witwatersrand and Pretoria), and further gradations below them.
Cultural capital, however, entails more than this. Bourdieu made the observation that the
children of the wealthy learn, both through their exposure at good schools and at home,
what is good taste and what is not. As a result they are able to decorate their homes,
participate in high cultural events (by attending ballet performances, for instance), eat
food and groom themselves in ways that set them apart from those who do not have
cultural capital.
Sometimes these distinctions are very subtle, and only those in the know can apply
them in the right way. For instance, we may think that all classical music is a mark of
high status, but in his book entitled Distinction, Bourdieu, describing the situation in
France in the 1970s tells us that at that time the Italian composer Vivaldi was regarded
as somewhat vulgar by those in the know, and that listening to his music was considered
a mark of lower middle class status. When I was a student at Stellenbosch University...
oops! Let me start again. When I was a student in the 1970s, I fell in with a crowd
that felt the same way about Vivaldi, so clearly this snobbery about Vivaldi was not
restricted to France! I unfortunately cannot tell you whether Vivaldi is still viewed in
this way, because I no longer mix in those circles. We know that fashions always move
in cycles, and what is “in” one year is definitely “out” the next, only to return twenty
years later when a new generation is looking for something new. One thing that stays the
same is that it is always a way to distinguish between those who have and those who do
not have cultural capital. The lack of cultural capital experienced by the poor is a barrier
(often invisible) to their advancement because they feel inferior in the company of the
wealthy and thus not able to engage with them socially. These differences in cultural
capital are reproduced from one generation to the next and they represent a subtle
barrier (and one that is difficult to overcome) to the advancement of the children of the
poor.
57 EWS2601/1
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ACTIVITY
We said earlier in this module that class and status groupings
are exclusive. If you are perceived as not belonging, you will not
be seen as “one of us” by those who are doing the excluding.
We also said that possession of the right kind of cultural capital
helps define people as belonging to particular classes. This
is not restricted to upper class status. In order to be accepted
as part of the working class, you also need a particular kind of
cultural capital, for instance knowledge of certain types of sport.
If we accept that the support currently expressed by many of
the poor for Jacob Zuma – at the time of writing the president
of the country – is based on a feeling that he is one of them,
what cultural capital does the president possess that helps to
promote this identification? To answer this question you need
to understand that cultural capital does not only arise from
formal education, but can also be the product of a particular kind
of upbringing.
Do you think it is possible to make the argument that the president

has tried to capitalise on his cultural capital in order to be
more successful as a politician? Give reasons for your answer.
Alternatively, do you think that some of the dismay felt by many
of the black middle class concerning his traditional attitudes
about women and sexuality is an indication of a degree of class
consciousness and a perception that he is not “one of them”? If
you do, specify what cultural capital he lacks from a middle class
perspective. If you disagree, give reasons for your answer.
Conclusion
Our focus in this study unit was firstly the criteria we can use to group people
together into the have’s or the have not’s, as well as the ways in which people use their
lifestyles to indicate to others which group they belong to. We ended our discussion
by considering the ways in which the advantages or disadvantages people require are
transferred from one generation to the next.
58
Study unit 9
6
6
POVERTY AND
INEQUALITY IN SOUTH
AFRICA AND THE
WORLD
Introduction
The first study unit of this theme introduced you to the concepts of social class and
status. In this study unit we discuss trends in poverty and inequality in South Africa
and the rest of the world. We will focus mostly on changes in the distribution of income
in the past decade or so. We will therefore emphasise only one element of the previous
discussion of class, and will not take some of the issues that we introduced above, such
as the notion of status, into account.
We want you to be able to provide a summary of the major changes that have taken
place since 1994 in the distribution of life chances in South Africa. At the end of the
discussion of inequality in the South African and global contexts, you will find activities
in which you are asked to summarise these changes. These activities will give you an
indication of the knowledge that you need for the purpose of the examination. You will
also find information in reading boxes in this study unit. These deal with more technical
issues regarding the various ways in which inequality is measured. You do not need to
study this information for the examination, but we strongly recommend that you read it
in order to obtain a clearer understanding of the pitfalls involved in discussing statistics
relating to poverty.
6.1 the 1995 and 2000 StatsSA surveys

6.2 the controversy concerning post-apartheid trends in income and poverty
6.3 trends in household welfare between 1993 and 2005
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6.4 vulnerable households
6.5 social inequality on a global scale
Conclusion
6.1 The 1995 and 2000 StatsSA surveys

When the ANC government was elected in 1994, there were high hopes about the
positive changes that it would bring to the lives of the poor in South Africa, the majority
of whom are black. As we know, apartheid policies left huge scars on the face of the
country. The influx control system criminalised millions of South Africans seeking
work in order to support their families, the Group Areas Act removed large numbers
of people from their homes, and the homeland system resulted in the forced relocation
and impoverishment of millions of people. In addition, we have had to count the cost of
the introduction of the Bantu education system, and the ensuing resistance to it in the
form of school boycotts, in terms of demoralised teachers and dysfunctional classrooms
where the culture of learning and teaching was destroyed.
As a result it was natural that after a number of years following the introduction of
the new dispensation poverty researchers conducted studies to ascertain how much, if
anything, had changed in the lives of the poor. Had the number of poor people increased
or decreased over the intervening decade or so? What was the situation regarding access
to health and public services such as electricity and formal housing? What was the
impact of the extension of social grants to many who had not previously received them?
And had the government’s GEAR policy3 resulted in an improvement or decline in the
living standards of the poor? These are some of the questions to which answers were
sought. As you will see, it is unfortunately not always easy to answer these questions
in an unambiguous way, because much depends on how one goes about measuring the
changes since 1994. Different measures of poverty produce different answers, as do
different data sources.
The starting point for our discussion is the report by Statistics South Africa (which is the
official statistics body of the South African government; the name is often abbreviated
to StatsSA) in which it is stated that average annual household income fell from R51 000
in 1995 to R45 000 in 2000 (Statistics South Africa 2002:27). Before you read further,
we advise you to scan the following reading box, in which we give pointers on how to
interpret this statement on average income.
3 GEAR is short for Growth, Employment and Redistribution.
60
Poverty and inequality in south africa and the world
READING BOX
Measurements of poverty and income
Incomes need to be adjusted for inflation in order to be comparable over time
The StatsSA survey stated the 1995 income in constant (year 2000) rands, which
means that the effect of inflation on the value of money between 1995 and 2000 was
taken into account. A rand in 1995 was worth more than a rand in 2000 because of
the way in which inflation had eroded its value in those 5 years; therefore the 1995
figure has to be adjusted to make it comparable with the 2000 figure (it was R37 000
before adjustment, but this amount cannot be used due to the impact of inflation).
We are therefore dealing with the real (adjusted for inflation) figure as opposed to the
nominal value. When you are presented with changes in money values over time, you
should always ask whether they have been adjusted for inflation. Because inflation has
reduced the value of money even more since 2000, you should not think of these sums
as an indication of how much a household needs to live on today (try buying a house,
or a kilogram of sugar, today at 2000 prices and you will see what I mean). What is
relevant for our discussion, therefore, is more the change in the value of household
income (whether it went up or down), than how much it was then.
Rising average incomes do not guarantee that the income of the poorest also
increased
We are also talking about average household income, that is, the income that we
would get if we divided the income of all the households in the country (rich and poor)
equally between all households. Because average figures do not take account of how
the money is distributed between households, they can be misleading. It is easy to
imagine a scenario where national income increases, but only wealthier households
gain from that increase, with poor households not being better off at all. In that case
the majority of people would not be any better off, even though average household
income had increased.
declining household size can outweigh the impact of declining household income
We need to make one last qualification. A small household of two people needs less
income to survive than a large household of 15 people. There are fewer mouths to
feed, and accommodation can be smaller. A declining household income therefore
need not be a disaster if household size declined faster than household income.
Between 1995 and 2000, average household size declined in South Africa from 4,4
to 3,8 people. This is an important change that has started to take place since influx
control and restrictions on informal housing were scrapped in 1986, and it is still
ongoing. It happens partly because different generations of poor families no longer
have to remain together in one house because of the lack of an alternative. Other
reasons are social change, which has placed more emphasis on nuclear families
(one or two parents plus children), as well as declining fertility (women now have
fewer babies, so there are fewer children in households). Despite easing the burden
of declining household income, this change has not, however, been sufficiently
significant to outweigh declining household income. This is evident from the fact
that the average income per person (per capita income) also declined between 1995
and 2000. However, this reduction was only 3,1%, compared with the 11,8% drop
in average annual household income. The reason for this difference was declining
household size.
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6.2 The controversy concerning post-apartheid trends in

income and poverty
The notion that average household income declined between 1995 and 2000 is certainly
not something that the government would have welcomed. If things had actually
deteriorated for ordinary South Africans during those years, it would not have said
much for the government’s policies. It would also have made its GEAR policy even
more controversial than it was when it was introduced in 1996, against the advice of
the government’s alliance partners, because that policy promised huge increases in
employment and economic growth.
It didn’t take long before poverty researchers started querying the StatsSA figures,
however. These figures were based on a questionnaire survey of a nationally
representative sample of households, specifically the income and expenditure surveys
of 1995 and 2000.4 Questions started to be asked about the comparability of the two
samples and about the quality of the 2000 survey in particular (Pauw & Mncube
2007:16; Van der Berg, Burger, Louw & Yu 2006:11). The biggest problem, however,
was that the report of a decline in average income between 1995 and 2000 contradicted
the data from the national accounts.
Every year the Reserve Bank of South Africa publishes a set of figures representing
their calculation of national income. These are called the national accounts. They arrive
at these figures amongst other things by calculating how much money was spent in the
economy on various goods, for example the total quantity of fuel sold. The total income
of the country should be exactly the same as the total amount of money that ended up
in the pockets of households and individuals. It should therefore be the same as the total
income reported by people in nationally representative surveys, such as the StatsSA
income and expenditure surveys we reported on in the previous section. The problem is,
it isn’t. For roughly every R180 that the national accounts stated that people had in their
pockets, respondents mentioned only R100 to the survey fieldworkers. On the national
scale, this is a discrepancy of many hundreds of billions of rands. It is not possible for
both the national accounts and the survey to be right, but which one is wrong, and by
how much, is the million dollar (or the seven hundred billion rand, if you will) question?
Furthermore, the national accounts do not reflect a decline in income between 1995 and
2000. In fact, they show that per capita income grew slightly in that period (Pauw and
Mncube 2007:14). After 2000, that growth advanced even more and reached a level of
about 4% annually in 2005.
4 A questionnaire survey is a way to gather information by sending fieldworkers to a community and asking people a standard set of
questions. Not everybody in the community is questioned - a sample is typically drawn (eg every tenth house) that is representative of
the whole community.
62
READING BOX
Per capita income
Per capita income is the figure we get if we divide national income (that is, the sum
total of all income earned in the country in a particular year) by all the people (adults
and children) in the country. It is therefore also an average income (like average
household income). It refers to the average income per person, and it is therefore
purely a statistical artefact. We all know that babies cannot be income earners, and
that many households contain adults who do not earn an income, so we should not
interpret this as income actually earned by every individual. It is merely an indication
of how much income would accrue to every person if we divided the national income
up equally.
There are two reasons for the increase in per capita income. First, population growth
slowed owing to increased deaths as a result of the HIV and AIDS pandemic and
a decline in fertility. In order for per capita income to rise, economic growth needs
to outstrip population growth. If the national income does not grow faster than the
population, per capita income will decline, because the existing income needs to be
divided among more people. Declining population growth therefore makes it easier by
for per capita income to rise, and this is what has happened in South Africa. Secondly,
economic growth picked up speed towards the end of the 1995–2005 period, leading
to the rise in per capita income. Unfortunately, this came to an end in 2009, as the
worldwide recession reached South Africa and the economy started to shrink.
Researchers generally believe that the national accounts are more accurate than surveys.
One of the drawbacks of a survey is that the respondent (the person who answers the
questions in the interview) may not be the best informed person in the household about
things such as income. If surveys are conducted during the day, most breadwinners are
absent. We cannot be sure, for example, that a husband will tell his wife exactly what he
earns, because he may want to retain some of his wage or salary for his own purposes.
People may also forget what they earned, especially if their income is irregular (if they
work at piece jobs, for example). The same applies to expenditure. Charles Meth (2007),
for example, mentions that some households claim to have spent zero money on food
(which is extremely unlikely). Respondents may also be tempted to lie to the fieldworker
because they are afraid that the South African Revenue Service (SARS) may find out
how much money they really earn, or because they may be receiving a grant illegally
because they earn more than the means tested amount. Both of these are respondents’
motives for failing to mention some of the money they earn when answering the
fieldworker’s questions, and would help to explain why the income reported by surveys
is lower than the income captured in the national accounts.
Despite these clear drawbacks, it is unclear whether the problem can be solved simply
by correcting the income reported in surveys to the level of the national accounts.
The latter may also be incorrect, as Meth (2007) points out. There is no easy way out
of this problem, which is not specific to South Africa, but occurs in many countries,
developing countries in particular. In response, economists make assumptions about
which is correct, or try to adjust the figures so that they seem more reasonable. Among
those who have tried to adjust the figures are the economist Servaas van der Berg and
his colleagues. Commenting on the StatsSA data, they argue that it is very unlikely that
national income could have declined over the period from 1995 to 2000, and ask how
this could be possible since in this period sales of petroleum products (petrol, diesel
and paraffin) increased by 9%, the total tax revenue extracted by SARS from tax payers
increased by 23,9%, electricity consumed increased by 15%, and so on (Van der Berg
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STUDY UNIT 6
et al 2006:12). Using a variety of data sources, they arrived at their own estimation of
poverty and per capita income trends in South Africa from 1993 to 2004.
According to Van der Berg et al (2006:21), the number of poor people (identified as
those earning less than R250 a month in 2000 rands) in the country increased from 16,2
million in 1993 to 18,5 million in 2000, and subsequently decreased to 15,4 million in
2004. We do not only want to know how many people are poor. It is also important
to know if the proportion of the population that is poor has increased or decreased.
This is known as the poverty rate. The poverty rate increased from 0,406 in 1993 to
0,413 in 2000 and then declined to 0,332 in 2004. In other words, the proportion of the
popultion that is poor increased slightly between 1993 and 2000 and then declined from
about 4 out of every 10 people to about a third of the population. This reduction in the
proportion of poor people between 2000 and 2004, if it is true, was a real achievement.
The picture for the period between 1993 and 2000 is not as encouraging, however. We
know that per capita income (calculated as per the national accounts) increased at a rate
of 1% over this period. The population as a whole therefore became wealthier during
these years. If poverty rates did not decrease, but increased slightly, the only explanation
is that the distribution of income in the country must have become even more unequal
over this time. In other words, the people who benefited from the increased national
wealth were not the poor, but those who were better off to begin with. Given that South
Africa was already one of the most unequal societies in the world at the beginning of
this period (1993), the fact that we became even more unequal between 1993 and 2000
reflects badly on government policy. Not much came of the redistribution aspect of the
GEAR policy, therefore.
This is confirmed by Leibbrandt, Naidoo, Poswell, Welch and Woolard (2004:111),

who measured income distribution based upon the national censuses of 1996 and 2001.
Trends in inequality over the period 1996 to 2001 were then expressed in terms of the
Gini coefficient, which measures inequality in the distribution of income as a number
between 0 and 1. A score of 1 indicates maximum inequality, signifying that all the
income was received by only one person, and that everyone else in the society received
nothing. A score of 0 indicates that everybody received exactly the same share, and
therefore indicates minimal inequality. In developed countries such as France and
Germany, a typical Gini coefficient is between 0,25 and 0,35 (the United States is an
exception at 0,45). In South Africa, the Gini coefficient was 0,68 in 1996. This is a very
high score. However, in 2001, this very high score increased even further to 0,73, which
indicates extreme inequality. Take note, however, that this measurement is sensitive
to the assumptions made and the data sources used when constructing it. You will
see, for example, that the Gini coefficients reported here for South Africa differ from
those provided in study unit 9 – the changes over time and the comparison with other
countries are more important than the level observed at any time.
Van der Berg et al ask why poverty lessened after 2000, and reach the conclusion that
this was due primarily to the extension of social grants. In that period, the government
started to introduce the child support grant. Because it, like many of the other grants,
is means tested (in other words, to qualify for the grant, a person has to earn less than
a certain income), the money spent on the child support grant is well targeted to reach
the poorest. Money spent on other grants such as the old age grant and the disability
grant also increased rapidly. In total, the amount of money spent on grants increased
by an enormous R22 billion in 2000 rands between 2002 and 2004 (Van der Berg et
al 2006:22). If most of this money reached the poorest households it would definitely
have reduced poverty significantly, considering that the income of the poor was only
R27 billion in 2000. Van der Berg et al believe that the decline in poverty was also
64
due in part to an increase in employment and wages over this period. Owing to this
improvement in the income received by the poorest, it is likely that income inequality
improved after 2000.
Charles Meth (2007) has criticised the study conducted by Van der Berg et al. He
calculates that 19,5 million people were below the poverty line of R250 (2000 prices) in
2001, which is a million more than the number of poor that Van der Berg et al identified
for 2000. Although he agrees that poverty declined after 2000 (he uses 2001 as his point
of comparison), by his calculation the reduction was far lower than that reported by Van
der Berg et al. According to Meth (2007) the number fell to 18 million people, and not to
the low of 15,4 million calculated by Van der Berg et al. Meth’s calculations were in turn
criticised by Pauw and Mncube (2007), who seem to believe that the estimation by Van
der Berg et al is more correct.
Despite these differences of opinion, virtually all poverty researchers working on

poverty rates appear to agree that poverty, measured by income, worsened between
1995 and 2000, and that inequality increased during that period as well. Only Meth and
Van der Berg et al have up to now produced estimations for the period after 2000, and
they at least agree that poverty decreased following 2000, due largely to an expansion of
social grants.
6.3 Trends in household welfare between 1993 and 2005

Our analysis of poverty up to now has focused on monetary income. However, the
amount of money people earn is not the only indicator of how well people are doing.
We also need to have an idea of how households are faring in terms of access to
government-provided services such as electricity, sanitation, formal housing and so on.
Information about these issues is supplied in a study by Bhorat, Van der Westhuizen
and Goga (2007). These authors compare three years, namely 1993, 1999 and 2005.
According to their findings, between 1993 and 1999 household access to:
• piped water increased from 59% to 66% of all households

• formal housing increased from 68% to 74% of all households
• electricity for lighting increased from 52% to 69% of all households
• flush toilets increased from 53% to 57% of all households
Although this upward trend generally continued between 1999 and 2005, progress
slowed down with regard to most of these indicators. In the case of access to formal
housing, the situation in fact deteriorated between 1999 and 2005 from 74% to 70%
of all households. According to Bhorat et al (2007), this was attributable to rapid
urbanisation and the resultant expansion of informal housing. Another factor, which
they do not mention, is the decline in household size, which led to a rise in the number
of households needing accommodation. The only indicator that continued to display a
rapid upward trend was electrification, where the use of electricity for lighting increased
from 69% to 80% of all households in 2005.
As we know, better-off households scored 100% on all these indicators, starting in

1993. The progress that was made was therefore due to improvement in the lives of the
impoverished sector of the population. The position of the bottom 10% of households in
particular improved during this period, in fact to such an extent that they became very
similar to the other poor households in the bottom 40% of households with regard to
access to government services (Bhorat et al 2007:55–58).
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Bhorat et al (2007:55–58) also studied changes in the private assets of households. Here
the picture is the opposite of the trend with regard to government services. Progress was
slow in the period between 1993 and 1999, but between 1999 and 2005, however, things
improved significantly. Access to telephones in particular increased in the latter period,
rising from 34% to 65% of all households. Ownership of other assets such as radio and
television also increased in this period, but not as rapidly as in the case of telephones.
Bhorat et al provide us with a different perspective on changes that have taken place
over the first post-apartheid decade. Although poverty and inequality measured by
income increased between 1993 and 1999, with a consequent decline in household
welfare in this respect, as we saw above, Bhorat et al point out that in terms of another
indicator, namely access to government services, the welfare of poor households did
increase. The rate of improvement in access to government services slowed down over
the next five years after that (from 1999 to 2005). However, an increase in income and
access to private sector services increased household welfare as far as private assets are
concerned.
ACTIVITY
Summarise the changes that occurred between 1994 and 2000
and 2000 and 2005 in South Africa by writing either “decreased
slightly”, “decreased significantly”, “increased slightly”, or
“increased significantly” in each of the open blocks below.
1994 to 2000 2000 to 2005
Per capita income
Number of poor people
Proportion poor (poverty

rates)
Inequality No information
Access to government
services
Private assets of the poor
6.4 Vulnerable households

We are approaching the end of our discussion of poverty and inequality in South Africa.
Our last topic is the identity of poor households: whether they are rural or urban, white
or black, and so on. If we examine the geographical distribution of households, it is clear
that the poorest households are situated in rural areas. In 1995, when just over half of
the population (51,1%) lived in urban areas, only 20,9% of the poorest people did so.
In contrast, 79,1% of the poorest people lived in rural areas at a time when these areas
contained less than half the total population (Pauw & Mncube 2007:4–5). By 2000
this situation had changed slightly. Due to urbanisation the urban component of the
population had increased to 54,5% and the proportion of the poorest people who lived
66
in urban areas had increased more rapidly to 28,6%. Despite this change, there was
nevertheless still a very clear tendency among the poor to live in rural areas.
It is not clear how one should interpret the change in the proportion of the poor resident
in urban or rural areas. There are two possibilities: One is that the poor migrated to the
urban areas in large numbers, and that the relative increase in the proportion of poor
people living in urban areas was due to this move. The other possibility was that this
change was due to the fact that significant numbers of people who live in the urban
areas became impoverished (after losing their jobs, for example) and that the situation
of people in the rural areas improved due to the extension of social grants. Both of these
explanations probably contain part of the truth, as we know that a significant degree
of urbanisation did take place, and that poverty was reduced owing to the extension of
social grants.
In order to ascertain which households are vulnerable, Bhorat et al (2007) calculated

a comprehensive welfare index. This included access to government services, private
assets, household income as well as years of education. We have already referred to the
first two of these, while the last two are self-explanatory. Years of education refers to
the average level of education of all adults in the household expressed as the number
of years of successfully completed education. For example, a value of 10 would mean
that adult household members have on average a grade 10 education. Looking at the
geographical distribution of vulnerable households, Bhorat et al (2007:33), like Pauw
and Mncube, observe a rural bias to poverty. In 2005 Limpopo, which is one of the
most rural provinces in the country, had a far higher rate of poverty as measured on
the comprehensive welfare index than Gauteng. This is the situation even after poverty
had declined in Limpopo between 1993 and 2005 due to the extension of government
services and social grants.
The same applies to racial difference in poverty. In 2005 black households were still
far more likely to be poor than white households, despite a decrease in poverty levels
among black households, and thus a lessening of racial inequality, between 1993 and
2005 (Bhorat et al 2007:32). Inequality therefore still has a racial component. However,
it should be noted that the racial component of inequality has decreased over the last
decade, while the intraracial component has increased. In other words, inequality
within racial groups has become a bigger driver of inequality in the country than the
inequality between white and black (Pauw & Mncube 2007:24). This is confirmed by
the Gini coefficients of Leibbrandt et al (2004:111). The Gini coefficient increased for
all population groups, meaning that the differences between poor and rich black people
increased, the differences between poor and rich white people increased, and so on.
Within the black population, the coefficient increased from 0,62 in 1996 to 0,66 in 2001,
and within the white population it increased from 0,44 to 0,51.
A last finding by Bhorat et al (2007:36) was that households where there are no male
breadwinners present (so-called female-headed households) are far more likely to be
under threat of poverty than households with a male breadwinner. This is an indication
of a gender dimension to poverty.
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STUDY UNIT 6
ACTIVITY
Re-read the four case studies in the orientation to this theme. Try
to rate the four people featured there in terms of how much they
have probably gained (or lost) since 1994. In other words, tell us
who you think did best out of the post-apartheid transition. Use
the information contained in the discussion in this study unit
as the basis of your argument. This means that you must first
decide where each one fits in terms of the distribution of income.
After that, you must work out how well each group did out of the
changes since 1994. For example, what would the introduction
of the child grant have meant for Elizabeth? What role did other
factors such as electrification, changes in unemployment and
income distribution play in each of the households concerned?
6.5 Social inequality on a global scale

When it comes to inequality on a global scale, the unfortunate truth is that the
methodological challenges of reporting on it are even more complex than those
associated with studying this phenomenon in one country only. Consequently, the
outcome of our research, in other words whether global inequality has increased or
decreased, depends partly on the method we use to measure it. In other words, if we
wanted to prove that global inequality has worsened, we know that we have a better
chance of “proving” it if we use certain yardsticks rather than others (Sutcliffe 2004).
This should not lead us to the cynical idea that “anything goes” and that, since there is
no “truth” to be discovered in this matter, we can say whatever we want to. As Sutcliffe,
who is our major source for this section states, global inequality is a complex matter,
and we should not be surprised if we end up with complex answers.
READING BOX
The rationale for purchasing power parity (PPP) comparisons of global inequality
We noted previously that inflation decreases the value of money over time,
meaning that we can buy fewer goods and services with the same amount of money
after ten years or so. This makes it necessary to find some yardstick to make
incomes comparable over time, which leads to the use of constant (real) prices. In the
same way the peculiarities of foreign currency markets, where the values of exchange
rates are determined, make it difficult to compare incomes among countries.
At the time of writing, the rand was valued at about 10 rands to the US dollar. Fifteen
years ago it was trading at 3 rands to the US dollar. Part of this difference is due to
the erosion of the value of the rand due to inflation. A large part of the difference
is, however, due to fluctuations in currency markets and not indications of real
differences in buying power between the rand and the dollar. It is therefore once again
necessary to find a real indicator for comparative purposes that refers to the bundles of
goods and services that are available to the citizens of different countries, irrespective
of the movements in currencies. You may have heard of the Big Mac index. This is
one of those measures.It simply takes the price of a Big Mac hamburger in different
currencies and adjusts the values of these currencies so that a Big Mac costs the same
in all currencies. The reasoning behind this is that it should cost the same to make
68
this hamburger in different countries because it is an absolutely standard commodity.

Any differences in price are simply due to unjustified exchange rate differentials. If
a Big Mac costs less in South Africa once we have used the exchange rate to reflect
its costs in dollars, it means that the rand is undervalued relative to the dollar, and its
value should be adjusted upwards until its dollar cost is the same.
The Big Mac index is a rough and ready, handy method that is not designed to account
for more complex differences in exchange rates. Thus a more sophisticated instrument
was developed, called purchasing power parity, or PPP. All estimates that follow in
this study unit are expressed in PPP terms. PPP measurements increase the income
of countries of which the currencies are undervalued by financial markets so that
incomes can be compared across countries.
Sutcliffe (2004:22) describes the global inequality picture as follows:
It falls (greater equality) from 1950 to 1960, probably due to the post-war catching up
of Europe and Japan with the USA. It then rises strongly until 1980, owing to many
factors, but mostly the rapid growth of the developed countries and the disappointing
growth of the South, especially South (Asia) and most of East Asia and Africa. It then
falls again up to 2000. This again has many causes, but probably the most important one
is shown by removing China from the figures. Inequality in that case rises continuously
and fast from 1960 to 2000.
2TABLE 1
Source: Sutcliffe (2004)
“The South” refers to all the less developed countries of the world. By South Asia we
understand first of all India, as well as surrounding countries such as Pakistan and
Bangladesh. East Asia refers first and foremost to China. Between 1960 and 1980 these
two regions, as well as Africa, grew much less than the developed countries such as
Japan and the United States. This caused increased inequality. However, since 1980
China has started to experience explosive economic growth, and this has reduced
inequality in the world measured in terms of intercountry Gini coefficients. If we
remove China from the picture, the rest of the world in fact became more unequal (also
see Kaplinsky 2005:46).
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STUDY UNIT 6
We said above that our image of inequality depends on the yardstick we use. Because
some countries have far larger populations than others (China having the largest at 1,3
billion), the measure reported on here uses population size as the basis for weighting
the contribution of different countries to global inequality. The argument goes that
changes in the average income in China will have a far greater impact than changes
in the average income of Lesotho, with only 1,8 million people. This is probably true.
However, this measure does not look at inequality within China. In this example,
we compared countries in terms of their average (per capita) incomes and considered
the inequality between the per capita incomes of countries. What would happen if we
considered the huge increase in urban–rural inequality in both China and India that
occurred over the past decade (see, for example, Kaplinsky 2005:43)? In that case, our
yardstick indicates that global inequality has increased over the last decade, rather than
decreased, as the previous measure shows (Sutcliffe 2004:26).
2FIGURE 1
Source: Sutcliffe (2004)
A different picture emerges if we look at the evolution of the average incomes of a

number of regions expressed as a percentage of the average income of the developed
countries of the world (see table 1 and figure 1 above). This in fact makes for quite
depressing reading if one lives on the continent of Africa. If one considers all the
developing countries (the South), one sees that the proportion of income received
on average has declined slightly from about one fifth to about one seventh of that of
developed countries (the North). This can also be expressed as follows: For every one
dollar value of goods and services earned on average by individuals in developing
countries, in 1950 individuals in the developed countries earned about five dollars. So
the discrepancy in incomes was one to five, with individuals in the developed countries
being five times as wealthy. Over the next fifty years, however, this income distribution
has worsened. In 2000, the ratio was one to seven, which indicates that people in
70
developing countries were earning only one seventh of what was being earned by those
in the developed world.
Looking at Africa, the picture becomes even worse. What we see here is unremitting
relative impoverishment. The average income of Africans declined from 15,8% of that
of developed countries to only 6,6% of their income. In 1950, therefore, for every dollar
earned on average by an individual in Africa, about 7 dollars were earned in the North.
By 2000, however, this situation had worsened to the extent that for every dollar earned
by an African, an individual in the North earned about 15. Sutcliffe’s figures do not go
beyond 2000, but we know that the picture may have improved slightly since then due to
relatively rapid growth in Africa over the past few years, with the boom in commodity
prices. Prices of oil, platinum, iron ore, cocoa, cotton, and so on rose rapidly, and these
are all products produced in Africa. Unfortunately, things probably went backwards
again as a result of the global slump in commodity prices since 2008.
ACTIVITY
Summarise the changes in global inequality by writing either
“increased” or “decreased” in the appropriate blocks.
Between 1980 and With China With China excluded

2000, global inequality: included
Between 1950 and The income of the The income of Africa

2000: South relative to the relative to the income of
North developed countries
Conclusion
In this study unit we studied measurements of poverty and inequality. We focused on
changes occuring in post-apartheid South Africa, as well as changes in world inequality
over a fifty year period between 1950 to 2000. In each case we found a complicated
picture with only modest, if any, improvement in the position of poor people.
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Study unit 10
7
7
THE CHANGING
DISTRIBUTION OF
LIFE CHANCES:
FROM APARTHEID TO
GLOBALISATION
Introduction
In the first unit of this theme, in which we discussed the concept of class, I indicated
that people can develop an awareness of belonging to a particular class. This awareness
can lead to social closure, implying the exclusion of outsiders and mobilisation of class
members to serve common interests. I also commented that this may impose barriers to
the ability of the poor to improve their position in society. In this study unit I take this
argument further.
I start with a brief discussion of race and poverty in South Africa and the role of class
and status groups in limiting the life chances of black people. Poverty is not due to
local factors only. Increasingly, both the worsening and the improvement in poverty
are related to the phenomenon of globalisation. In the rest of this study unit I discuss
the impact of globalisation on South Africa, and I end with a consideration of the
related phenomenon of financialisation and the Great Recession of 2008–2009. In this
discussion we will also encounter class actors acting in their own interest. In contrast to
those featuring in our previous discussion, these actors will be acting on a global scale,
and they will be seen to be acting to exploit what we could call the “changing rules of
the game”.
In discussing globalisation and financialisation I will present two interlinked narratives,

or stories, of recent world events that I believe help to explain poverty in South Africa
and other developing countries. You do not need to memorise the details of each story.
72
The changing distribution of life chances: from apartheid to globalisation
I would, however, like you to be able to summarise each of the two and say why each
relates to the discussion of inequality in the previous study unit.
7.1 class and race as factors in poverty and inequality in South Africa
7.2 globalisation and poverty in South Africa
7.3 the impact of financialisation on poverty and inequality in the world
Conclusion
7.1 Class and race as factors in poverty and inequality in

South Africa
If we consider the history of South Africa, it immediately becomes clear that the
strongest form of social closure, and the one with the most consequences, has been that
based on race. Class has also been important, and, as we will see, it helps to explain why
race was so prominent. Nevertheless, it has not featured as a dividing factor to the same
extent as race.
We can use Weber’s notion of status group to describe the prominence of race as a factor
in the South African economy. Weber (1978:) defines a status group as a group of people
who distinguish themselves from others whom they regard as less worthy of respect.
Weber (1978:933) refers to “members of … all sorts of circles setting themselves apart
by means of any other characteristics or badges”. In the history of the world, skin colour
and other physical characteristics have all too often been the basis on which groups of
people have defined themselves as separate from others and as worthy of more respect.
It has typically also been the basis on which others have been excluded from sharing in
the benefits of economic advancement.
In South Africa most (but not all) white people conceived of themselves as separate
from and superior to black people, with the result that whites became a separate status
group. Laws were formulated to the advantage of whites and the disadvantage of
blacks. In apartheid-South Africa black people were prevented from entering some
occupations due to job reservation, in terms of which some more skilled occupations
were reserved for white people. The ability of black people to take up the best jobs
was also limited by influx control, which limited their freedom of movement. Colonial
occupation and population relocation limited the size of their land holdings and thus
hampered their ability to farm successfully. As a result of policies such as these, whites
were advantaged economically and those who were not white were disadvantaged.
Consequently, race became the most significant factor determining the distribution of
income in South Africa. When apartheid came to an end in the 1990s, the situation
changed. Through policies such as affirmative action and black economic empowerment
(BEE), attempts were made to reverse the effects of past racial discrimination. As we
saw in the previous study unit, the prominence of race has lessened in the past decade
and a half, as the black middle class has grown. Race nevertheless remains important in
South Africa as a factor in income distribution.
This does not mean that there have never been large numbers of poor white people in
South Africa. During the early part of the 20th century in particular there was a sizeable
white working class in South Africa. This was as a result of factors such as the South
African War, which destroyed the farms of many Afrikaners, and the Great Depression
of the 1930s, which impoverished large numbers of people. However, despite sharing
similar interests with poor black people in the sense that both experienced poverty, the
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STUDY UNIT 7
white working class found it difficult to mobilise with the black working class because
they often defined themselves as belonging to the privileged white status group.
Despite the salience of race, class divisions did occur within the white population.
Historical studies of apartheid have demonstrated how particular parts of the capitalist
class (espescially farmers and mine-owners) in the past lobbied for the introduction of
particular apartheid measures such as influx control (see for example Greenberg (1980),
Lipton (1985), O’ Meara (1996) and Posel (1991)). This was because they wanted a cheap
and easily controllable black labour force. Other parts of the capitalist class such as
factory owners, were less supportive of these measures.
Big capitalists were not only instrumental in the introduction of apartheid policies, but
were eventually also an important lobby group for the scrapping of apartheid. After the
Soweto uprising of 1976, it became increasingly clear to big capitalists that their own
interests were no longer being served by the system, and that they were in danger of
losing all their investments if the country were to become embroiled in a revolutionary
situation. They were consequently some of the strongest supporters of the negotiated
settlement of the 1990s.
ACTIVITY
(1) We have seen in the discussion up to now that race played an
important role in creating South Africa as we know it today. If
you were to speculate about future trends, how important would
you say race would be as a factor in South Africa in the future,
especially when compared with class? Do you think there is a
chance that greater solidarity could develop along class lines in
the future? Give reasons for your answer.
(2) Read the following extract from Thabo Mbeki’s biography, Thabo
Mbeki: the dream deferred. In it, the author, Mark Gevisser
(2007:11–12), describes visiting the childhood home of Thabo
Mbeki’s father, Govan Mbeki. What was once a proud home,
“(b)uilt of stone specially carved by the masons of Blythewood
mission” more than a century ago, is now dilapidated.
Visiting the house with Epainette Mbeki in 1999, I spotted

something I had been told about ever since I started working on
the Mbeki family: a fine-bevelled old oak dinner table. Govan
Mbeki has told me that when he went home to Nyili upon release
from jail in 1987, having served 24 years of his life sentence, one
of the first things he did was to check that the table was still there:
“My father commissioned the carpenters at Blytheswood to make
it for him. It has a loose leaf, you know, and if you opened it up it
could seat 16 people around it comfortably. Comfortably!’”Even
if Govan Mbeki was a lifelong communist, this table exemplified,
for him, his family’s upward mobility. And even if he was a lifelong
revolutionary, this table seemed to hold, for him, the nostalgia
of home comfort … The story of the Mbeki family, from aspirant
gentility to near-pecuniary and rebellion, describes the quiet but
devastating drama of the black South African rural experience in
the 20th century – the ruthless destruction of the South African
peasant economy by the state and the mining industry.
74
The Mbeki family, belonging to the prosperous Mfengus of the

Eastern Cape and thus part of the first group to convert to Christianity
in the 19th century and to acquire Western education, were relatively
wealthy in the late 19th century. During the 20th century, their
circumstances changed, however, as a result of state actions such as
the Land Acts and population removals, which reduced the land they
could farm, and marketing boards, which discriminated against their
agricultural produce. This raises the following questions:
• Could they have become members of the upper class in

the 20th century if it had not been for the colonial policy of
segregation and the later policy of apartheid? Give reasons
for your answer.
• In a previous unit you encountered the perception that
old money is more “respectable” than new money, and
that the “right” furnishings and house can increase your
status. In the case of the Mbekis, whatever old money
they had had clearly disappeared. However, is there a
sense in which the oak table highlighted here is indeed a
marker of high status in the new South Africa? To answer
this question, note that we are not referring to the obvious
fact that Thabo Mbeki was at one stage president of the
country, and that his family would clearly be afforded
respect on that basis.
Feedback
To answer the first question posed in the activity, we need to
speculate about the future. There is therefore no right or wrong
answer. However, based on the analysis up to now, the answer
depends in part on whether the new black middle and capital-
ist classes believe it is in their interest to mobilise as a status
group on the basis of the issue of race. If they remain depend-
ent on state support to maintain their position through the
enforcement of policies such as affirmative action and BEE, and
circumstances do not allow the development of a strong and
independent black middle class, one could speculate that race
will be more important than class. Another factor, of course, is
the position of the black working class in all of this, and whether
they see their interests as lying with the black middle and capi-
talist classes or not.
The first of the questions following upon the extract from the
Mbeki biography has already been answered in our discussion
of the Mbeki family. The answer seems to be a clear “yes”. The
Mbeki family was part of the black elite, and clearly well posi-
tioned to gain, had circumstances been different.
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STUDY UNIT 7
To the question of whether the oak table may signify a claim to
a high status in the new South Africa, it is necessary to return to
Weber’s definition of status. He makes it clear that one can have
high status without having a high income, or an upper class po-
sition. So class and status do not necessarily overlap, although
they often do. He also refers to the large number of “badges”
that groups can use to claim greater honour. One of the badges
that can be used in this way is membership of a pioneering fam-
ily. Among black people, being a member of a struggle family,
such as the Mbekis, is very important, and this is where the
oak table becomes significant. Many of the early leaders of the
struggle came from elite families who were among the first to
send their children to missionary schools and university. Here
the initial elite position has resulted not in wealth, because con-
tinued capital accumulation was thwarted by first the colonial
and then the apartheid state, but in high status that was further
advanced by a struggle history. The sacrifices that were made
by those who led the struggle eventually culminated in high
status that reflects favourably on all who carry the family name.
7.2 Globalisation and poverty in South Africa

Up to now, our discussion in this study unit has focused on the actions of groups of
people. The notion of social closure refers to the mobilisation of a large number of
people in the common project of improving their economic position. This is how we
describe the actions of parts of the capitalist class in maintaining white domination,
as well as the mobilisation of white people as a status group. Later in this study unit,
when we discuss the notion of financialisation, we will return to the actions of groups of
people. In order to understand what happens in a society, however, we need to focus on
more than simply the common actions of groups of people. What we need to know, as
well, is the rules in terms of which the society functions. In the case of changes in the
economy, for example, we need to know what the “rules of the game” are, and how these
have been changing.
Over the past few decades the rules of the game have certainly changed as a result of the
process of globalisation. The way in which products are produced has changed, as has
the way in which the global economy is governed. This had a dramatic impact on the
life chances of people in South Africa, as well as in the rest of the world. In this section
we focus on the phenomenon of globalisation.
What is globalisation?
2
I said previously that globalisation refers to the process by which local events are
influenced by global events. As a result, different parts of the world become more
interdependent. There are different kinds of globalisation: social (the increasing
prominence of social relationships that stretch over large distances – for example, long
distance relationships that are maintained by means of webcams and products such as
Skype), cultural (the global diffusion of music styles, movies and so on) and economic.
Here we will focus on the economic aspect of globalisation.
76
In the past it was impossible to coordinate the production process of a product such as a
motor vehicle on a global scale. Products such as motor vehicles were generally designed
and produced in the same country. Production was therefore organised mostly on a
national basis. There were global connections, but these were restricted to international
trade, as when a product is exported to another country, or international capital flows, as
when it is built using foreign capital. Over the past three decades, production itself has
become increasingly global. As a result, the parts of the labour process needed to build a
car are spread all over the world. The car may be designed in a studio in California, the
technology may be developed in Germany and France, the parts may be made all over
the world and the final assembly can take place in any of a number of countries. Two
things are needed for globalisation to take place: the development of technology, and the
creation of an appropriate social infrastructure.
Let’s begin with technology. Because of improved technology, the blueprints may
be sent via the internet to be downloaded on the other side of the world, where final
assembly is taking place. Because of improvements in transport technology such as
containerisation it is far cheaper and faster to transport components over long distances
than before. Improved communication technology and logistics and planning software
make it possible to coordinate this process on a global scale.
In addition, a vast social infrastructure is needed to make this possible. Laws governing
issues such as intellectual property rights, taxation and tariffs need to be coordinated
between countries to reduce the risks associated with global production. The actions of
suppliers of components and the final assemblers need to be coordinated though some
organisational structure. Nowadays that typically takes place through what is known
as a global value chain, in which one company takes responsibility for coordinating the
actions of a large number of companies that are involved in the different stages of the
design, production and marketing of a product.
READING BOX
The debate about globalisation
A number of conflicting opinions about globalisation are expressed in the literature.
Scholars differ on whether it is a new process, specific to the past three decades,
or whether it has been taking place for a few centuries already. There is also
disagreement about whether it is inevitable and irreversible or not. Those who
emphasise the newness of globalisation also tend to believe that it is irreversible, while
those who see it as a long-standing process point to the decline in globalisation during
the Great Depression of the 1930s after it reached a high in the early 20th century.
The latter group of scholars believe that we may now again be in a period when
globalisation is retreating after reaching new heights in the 1980s and 1990s. We do
not have the space to enter into these debates – see Kaplinsky (2005), O’Brien and
Williams (2007) and Fligstein (2001) for different opinions on this matter.
I believe that globalisation is a long-standing and reversible process. At the same
time I believe that there are qualitatively new aspects to the recent experience of
globalisation. Globalisation is long standing because it clearly started occurring in
the late 19th century, arising from increased international trade and investment flows.
As in the current period of globalisation, at that time international connections were
made possible by technological development. The equivalents then of our present-day
container ships and the internet were steamships and telegraph lines, which made it
easier to connect people on a global scale. There are some differences between the
globalisation of the late 19th century and the globalisation of the late 20th century,
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STUDY UNIT 7
however (Kaplinsky 2005). In the first period, international trade took the form of the
exchange of manufactured products from industrialised countries for raw materials
from less developed countries, mostly the colonies of the industrialised countries.
Although still important, the exchange of manufactured products for raw materials
has become less prominent recently compared with the exchange of manufactured
products among industrialised countries. Investment flows in the first period of
globalisation mostly took the form of investment in mines and factories in the less
developed countries, and originated in the industrial countries. Nowadays investment
tends to be more in the form of “hot money” that can enter and leave at a moment’s
notice rather than long-term investments – physical infrastructure and factories – the
so-called bricks and mortar. In addition, the nature of production itself has changed,
as I pointed out above, in the sense that it is nowadays often coordinated on a global
scale.
2The WTO and trade policy
One of the factors that have made this global production process possible is the
declining tariff rates charged by countries on imports. Import tariffs are taxes levied by
governments on imported products. They are generally levied to protect local industries
against foreign competition, and are therefore intended to save the jobs of local workers.
Although tariffs certainly do this, they are criticised by many economists because they
keep out cheaper imports, thus making the goods for sale locally more expensive, and
because they may reduce the incentive of local companies to become more efficient,
given that local factories do not have to compete against foreign firms. We will come
back to these points.
Tariffs have been reduced as a result of negotiations between countries belonging to the
World Trade Organisation (WTO). Since joining the WTO in the 1990s, South Africa
has also reduced its tariffs, even more rapidly than it was necessary in terms of the
rules of the WTO. Because they had fewer resources to spend on these negotiations,
and because they were pushed by bodies such as the World Bank and the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) to make concessions, poor countries often ended up with the
short end of the stick in these negotiations. We can see this in the fact that developed
countries managed to retain their high agricultural subsidies to their local farmers,
despite this being contrary to the spirit of the WTO accord.
Be that as it may, the fact is that the reduction in tariffs removed one of the obstacles
to organising production on a global scale. It became less costly to export components
to another country where wages were lower, have these assembled into a final product,
and then export the product back to the original country. This is what happened to the
garment industry, where factories in the Dominican Republic, for example, made jeans
by sewing together denim parts that were cut in the United States and then exporting
them back to that country (Kaplinsky 2005:60). In this sense, the rules of the game of
how to manufacture products have changed.
2The increasing concentration of buying power
The example we gave of the production of jeans above is also an example of a global
value chain. A value chain consists of relationships between a number of companies
which are all involved in the design, production and marketing of products (Kaplinsky
2005:100). There are two kinds of value chains, depending on which kind of company
takes the lead in organising the others. In buyer-driven chains, the lead is taken
by a retail firm such as Massmart, which owns Makro and Game stores in South
78
Africa and the rest of Africa. In producer-driven chains, the initiative is taken by an
industrial company which owns valuable technology.
The best example of a buyer-driven chain is the one established by Walmart, a low
cost superstore group in America. In 2003 Walmart bought goods worth $15 billion
dollars from China; this amounted to 11% of total US imports from China (Kaplinsky
2005:176). In 2004 this sum reached $18 billion (O’Brien & Williams 2007). Being
very successful retailers, they are very much in tune with the kind of products their
customers want. As a result they play a significant role in prescribing the design and
specifications of the products their suppliers produce. Because it is in their interests
to increase the quality of their products, they also assist their suppliers in upgrading
their production technologies and improving quality management. Suppliers therefore
gain important information and technical know-how from being part of a buyer-driven
supply chain.
There is, however, also one important drawback associated with being in such a
position. Because of their enormous buying power, these mass retailers are in a unique
position of strength when it comes to negotiating the prices they are going to pay their
suppliers. They also play their suppliers off against one another and constantly threaten
to buy from a competitor if prices are not reduced. In addition, the hands of the retailers
have been strengthened because of the increasing concentration of buying power. By
using sophisticated logistics and warehousing technologies, paying low wages, and
buying on a large scale, these retailers have managed to overcome the competition of
smaller retailers. As a result, supplier options in terms of finding alternative markets for
their products have been reduced over the past few decades, and thus their negotiating
position has been weakened (Kaplinsky 2005). As a result, the prices they were able
to command for their products hardly ever grew, and in fact generally declined. This
is demonstrated by the fact that the export prices of manufactured goods fell for most
years between 1993 and 2000 (Kaplinsky 2005:182).
Buyer-driven chains are similar to producer-driven chains, although here the presence
of the core company is probably more benign than in the case of buyer-driven networks.
In a producer-driven chain, a core company, such as Toyota Motor Corporation of
Japan, presides over a large number of subsidiaries and affiliated companies that design,
produce components for, do the final assembly of, finance and market cars. Being part
of such a chain obviously brings advantages. However, it also imposes price pressures.
Components manufacturers and assemblers often have to compete within the business
for new projects, and in the process they have to make promises about cost controls and
thus wages paid to workers.
2The rise of China as a manufacturing superpower
Another reason for falling prices lies in the rise of China as a manufacturing export
country, which is discussed in the next reading box.
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READING BOX
chinese manufacturing
After the communist revolution of the late 1940s, China delinked from the
international economy in an attempt to create a socialist state. China changed course
again in the late 1970s, and opened itself up to foreign investment. Since then, the
Chinese economy has expanded consistently at a very rapid rate of about 10% every
year. This growth rate means that the economy doubles every 7 years. As a result
of this growth, China has become the primary exporter of manufactured goods in a
number of fields.
China has some unsurpassed advantages as a manufacturing country. First, it has the
largest population in the world at 1,3 billion people, which means that it is extremely
attractive to foreign investors due to the size of its market. The large population also
translates into a very large labour force that is well educated due to previous socialist
policies. The size of its market and labour force makes it possible, in addition, to build
enormous factories, thus leading to economies of scale.5 Because it is not a democratic
country, the government is able to repress trade unions and enforce low wages. In
2002, wages in the garment industry in China were half those earned in the garment
industry of South Africa (Kaplinsky 2005:133). In addition, the government keeps
the value of the Chinese currency low, which ensures that Chinese exports are very
cheap. The government has in general played a very active role in maintaining high
growth rates. Many of the companies in China are state owned, as are the four large
banks. The state can therefore direct companies to invest more money in production,
and order banks to lend money to these corporations to do so. It has also invested
enormous amounts of money in infrastructure.
Wages are low in China. In addition, people save their money rather than spending it
(because there are almost no old age pensions and medical aids). China is therefore not
in a position to absorb the enormous quantity of extra goods produced every year (which
is very large, given the 10% growth rate), and most of these are exported. The rest of the
world, however, is not always in a position to buy all these extra goods, and as a result,
prices fall because of the oversupply. Prices also fall because of the unique advantages
China enjoys as a manufacturing centre, which make it possible for Chinese companies
to produce at very low prices.
The combination of concentrated buying power and Chinese overproduction leads to

2
low, and decreasing, prices for manufactured goods
According to Kaplinsky (2005), the two factors discussed up to now in section 7.2, that
is, the increasing strength of buyers in developed countries and the overproduction
of Chinese goods, reinforced each other in leading to ever reducing prices for
manufactured goods, especially those of a low technology nature, such as garments,
textiles and furniture. Because they were unable to compete, many manufacturers
in poor countries were forced out of business as a result. Those who continued to
be competitive could do so only either by reducing wages, or by concentrating on
products where the Chinese are not yet prominent.
The story told by Kaplinsky (2005) is interesting in the light of our previous discussion
of trends in inequality – with China included in and excluded from the picture. With
5 Economies of scale occur if the average costs of producing a product declines as more products are produced. This means that a
television manufacturer can charge less for each TV produced if it manufactures 1 million instead of 100 000 because it is cheaper to
produce on a large scale.
80
China included, inequality has declined owing to the large numbers of Chinese rising
out of poverty. If we exclude China, inequality has increased. Sutcliffe (2004:22)
observes that there may be a connection between the two pictures. It is possible that
the reduction of inequality with China included has come at the price of the increase
in inequality among the rest. Kaplinsky’s argument gives us reason to believe that
the development of China may have hamstrung the economies of other developing
countries, at least as far as manufactured products are concerned. In this respect they
would have regressed compared with developed countries, thus increasing inequality in
the world (excluding China). As we shall see shortly, this is not the whole story, given
that Chinese growth has also had positive effects.
Having said all of this, we are now ready to return to the phenomenon of poverty
in South Africa. Since the early 1990s, some sectors of the South African economy
have consistently lost large numbers of jobs. The South African garment industry
in particular, which previously employed a labour force of hundreds of thousands
of people, has been reduced over the years to a shadow of its former self and now
employs only a few thousand people. Before the 1990s, the garment industry produced
largely for the local market, and was able to do so because it was protected by high
tariffs from overseas competition. Since then, tariffs have been reduced. This exposed
local manufacturers to overseas competition, leading to reduced wages and increased
unemployment and therefore increased poverty and inequality in South Africa. Local
manufacturers tried to become more competitive, but it was impossible to survive in
a context where prices were constantly squeezed by the factors discussed above. Can
you see that this helps to explain the trend we observed for South Africa in the period
between 1994 and 2000 with increasing poverty and unemployment leading to greater
equality?
ACTIVITY
Go through your wardrobe and check the labels of the clothes
to see in which country they were made. If you have any clothes
that you have had for several years, also check those labels. Do
you notice any difference between the older and newer clothes in
terms of where they have been made?
Discussion
If you are very wealthy you may not see any difference. Your
clothes would have been made by a tailor or in countries
associated with high fashion such as Italy, and this would have
stayed the same. However, most people would notice a difference.
Recently bought clothes are much more likely to have been made
in China or in places such as Vietnam or Bangladesh. Vietnam
and Bangladesh have even lower wage rates than China, which
is the only basis on which they can compete with that country.
Previously, clothes were much more likely to have been made
locally.
As Kaplinsky himself notes, it is necessary to look at more than just the increased
unemployment and inequality that followed these developments. Consumers gain from
having lower-priced products, so cheap imports from China did not have a purely
negative effect. This is partly true, but it obviously is not much help for the poor if
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cheaper clothes are now available, but they do not have money to buy them since losing
their jobs in the industries that used to make the locally.
The growth of China has had another effect that has been positive for some developing
countries, which Kaplinsky refers to in passing, but to which he does not give the
prominence it deserves. This is the increase in commodity prices that have resulted,
at least for a few years, from the increased demand from China as it industrialises
(another factor was the actions of speculators on futures markets, which boosted the
prices of commodities to unsustainable levels). The prices of commodities such as
iron ore, steel, aluminium, platinum and oil rose tremendously from about 2000 until
2008. In this respect, the growth of China had the effect of increasing prices, rather
than decreasing them, as was the case with manufactured products. This was especially
beneficial for South Africa, as it produces many of these commodities and higher prices
could feed into higher profits and more employment in the local economy. From 2008,
however, the prices of these commodities fell again, as demand collapsed as a result of
the Great Recession of 2008–2009. The boom in commodity prices helps to explain the
improvement in poverty levels in South Africa observed in the previous study unit.
ACTIVITY
Re-read the summaries of changes in poverty and inequality
in South Africa and global inequality that you made in the two
activities in study unit 6. Then answer the following question: How
can globalisation contribute to an explanation of the trends you
observed in those two activities?
7.3 The impact of financialisation on poverty and inequality in

the world
We have discussed how groups of people (such as retailers) have used the changing
rules of the game to improve their own situation. Some people have benefited from
these changes and some have not. In South Africa, increasing poverty during the
1990s, as we rejoined the world economy and manufacturing jobs were lost as well as
improvements in the 2000s as a result of the commodities boom, were closely related
to the story we have told here. We end this unit with a discussion of the impact of the
process of financialisation. Like the process of globalisation, with which it is closely
associated, it has arisen from the changing rules of the game, in this case the rules of
how to run a company. Like globalisation, it has allowed some actors to improve their
situation, in this case mostly financial companies and the chief executive officers (CEOs)
of companies. The people who suffered most from this process, unfortunately, were the
poor.
2Financialisation and the shareholder value conception of the firm
Epstein (2005:3) defines financialisation as “the increasing role of financial motives,

financial markets, financial actors and financial institutions in the operation of the
domestic and international economies”. The most important financial motive at issue
here is increasing the share price of your company. This motive has to do with changes
that occurred in the way American and British companies in particular have been run
over the past 30 years. It is called the shareholder value conception of the firm (see
82
Fligstein 2001). Over the past 20 years, this notion has been copied in other parts of the
world, South Africa included.
It is based on the doctrine that the sole purpose of managing a company is to look
after the interests of shareholders, who are the ultimate owners of the business. These
interests are catered for if the share price of their company is rising. In order to do
this, it is necessary to align the interests of management with those of shareholders by
tying the bonuses of management to the share price of their company. It is believed
that if such precautions are not taken, managers will pursue their own interests and
not those of shareholders. Numerous devices are then used to increase share prices,
from outright fraudulent accounting (as in the case of Enron), share buy-backs (which
involve the company buying back its own shares on the stock exchange, thus reducing
the supply of its shares and increasing their price), selling off parts of the company that
are deemed to be noncore, and increasing efficiency by reducing the wage bill through
retrenching workers or reducing wages.
ACTIVITY
Do you agree with the idea that the sole purpose of managers
should be to increase the share price of their companies? Give
reasons for your answer. Consider that nowadays most workers
are also owners of businesses through their stakes in pension and
provident funds. Can you think of other stakeholders who should
be considered?
Managers who were not willing to go along with the shareholder conception of the firm
faced the threat of having their company taken over through a hostile take-over bid
and being ousted as managers. Most managers supported this move, however, because
their pay increased handsomely. Workers suffered as a result of stagnating wages and
the elimination of secure, well-paying jobs (Palley 2007, Fligstein 2001). According to
Kaplinsky (2005:41–43), in the United States “real wages were lower in the mid-1990s
than they were in the late 1960s, and family incomes held up only as a consequence of
longer working hours and more working members in the family”. Due to the increased
remuneration of managers, and the stagnant wages of employees, inequality increased in
America.
This is indicated by the increasing disparity between the pay packages of CEOs of
American corporations and those of factory workers over time: Whereas in 1965 a CEO
earned 44 times the salary of a factory worker, in 1998 he or she earned a staggering 419
times the salary of a factory worker (Lazonick & O’Sullivan 2000:25).
The shareholder value conception was partly responsible for an overemphasis on the
short term among managers of companies. The only thing that counted was the next
quarterly statement and little thought was given to the longer term risks to the company.
This doctrine was also associated with the increased indebtedness of companies.
Companies often borrowed money to buy back their shares, while take-overs were
funded with money borrowed against the company’s assets. After 1980 the stock
markets in the United States paid out more money to investors in the form of dividends
and share buy-backs than came in as a result of the offering of shares to investors
(Palley 2007:19–20). The only exception to this rule was a brief period between 1991
and 1994. As a result the stock market became a drain on the finances of companies
rather than a source of capital for growth through the issuing of shares, which is its
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supposed function in the economy. This happened so that shareholders could have short
term gains in share prices.
The increase in the level of debt was one of the reasons why the influence of financial
actors and institutions increased. We started off this discussion by saying that
financialisation implies the increasing role of financial actors and institution. Increasing
debt is thus directly connected to the process of financialisation. Banks and private
equity funds provided the funding for the take-over bids and the share buy-backs, and
profited handsomely from this phenomenon. Managers of mutual funds (the American
name for unit trusts) who invested in shares on behalf of individual investors, as well
as the money managers who looked after employees’ savings for pension funds, were
strong supporters of the shareholder value conception of the firm.
2Deregulation of financial markets
Another reason for the increase in the influence of financial actors and thus another
dimension of financialisation, lies in the deregulation of financial markets. In the
1980s first the United States and then the United Kingdom lifted restrictions on
the operation of financial institutions such as banks and mutual funds. This lead to
increased competition between these institutions as they started to encroach on one
another’s terrain (in the past, regulations limited the ability of financial firms to work in
more than one country or in more than one type of finance).
Another dimension of deregulation was the removal of capital controls. Previously,

financial institutions needed permission to take large amounts of capital out of the
country. After deregulation, these barriers were removed. During the 1990s, many
countries followed the American and British examples in deregulating their capital
markets. South Africa, too, dismantled some of its capital controls by abolishing the
financial rand, and making it easier for individuals and corporations to take a limited
amount of money out of the country. Nevertheless, the bulk of exchange controls in
South Africa remained. This was a very fortunate occurrence, as we will see later. The
deregulation of financial markets contributed to increasing globalisation, as it led to
increased capital flows between countries.
2Derivatives trading
Deregulation also allowed for the increasing use of derivatives such as options, futures
and swaps. Derivatives are very controversial instruments. The venerable American
investor Warren Buffet calls them “financial weapons of mass destruction” because
of the risks they pose to the economy. Mainstream economists tend to defend them,
based on the belief that they add liquidity to markets and allow markets to function
more efficiently. A derivative is a financial instrument, the price of which depends on
the price of an underlying security or commodity or some other financial value (Dodd
2005). It is a tool most often used to take a position (to gamble) on the future price
moves of the underlying entity, although it also has a more benign use as a hedge against
risk.
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READING BOX
The option as an example of a derivative
An option is a right to buy, or to sell, something at some future date at a particular
price. This right itself has a market value, which can rise or fall depending on the
price of the underlying entity. This is why it is a derivative – the value of the option
is determined by the value of the underlying product. If I bought an option to buy a
million dollars at R10 to the dollar, it becomes very valuable if the value of the dollar
rises to above R10 to the dollar (let us say to R12 a dollar). It means that I can pay R10
million to get something now worth R12 million, which means a potential profit of R2
million. As a result, this option can now be sold for a lot of money to somebody with
R10 million to invest. On the other hand, if the value of the dollar decreases, let us say
to R8 to the dollar, the option is worthless.
Derivatives are attractive, and very risky, because they allow a trader to leverage a
small initial outlay into a potentially huge profit, (or loss). If you are lucky, you make
a lot of money. If you are unlucky, you can lose everything you own. This is because
the amount at risk is many times larger than the amount of capital committed to the
transaction, owing to the leverage factor. In order to protect oneself against extreme
losses, one is supposed to hedge one’s exposure to future market movements. Traders
typically combine a derivative that assumes markets will move one way with a smaller
derivative that assumes they will move the other way, so that their net exposure is
lessened. This does not always happen, as we have seen in a few celebrated instances
where weak risk control systems and complicit managers have led to huge losses on
the part of traders. An example in 2008 involved the actions of a French trader, Jerome
Kerviel, who exposed the bank he was working for to potential losses of €50 billion
(R550 billion at the time of writing).6 The other famous example was Nick Leeson, who
broke the venerable Barings Bank because of his risky trades (Bruce 2007).
The value of derivatives traded has grown in recent years to stupendous amounts of
money (into the thousands of trillions of dollars per year).7 Because most of these trades
cancel one another out, and because many of them are allowed to lapse worthless, this
is not necessarily the amount of real money involved, but it still gives an indication of
the enormous risk that is attached to these instruments. This risk goes beyond the losses
that can occur if one trader or one financial institution goes bankrupt, because of the
increasing interdependence of financial institutions in the world. This interdependence
rests on the fact that they trade with one another and lend money to one another. As
soon as doubts arise about the solvency of a particular financial institution, others
become afraid of dealing with it, because they can themselves go insolvent as a result
of their exposure to that business. In the absence of trades, derivatives are notoriously
difficult to value due to their complexity. They thus make it difficult to place a value
on the assets or liabilities and thus the solvency of a business. This increases the risk
institutions feel they are exposed to when dealing with one another.
2The credit crunch and the Great Recession of 2008–2009
Earlier I discussed the overproduction of manufactured goods on the part of China.

Because it cannot consume all these goods, the Chinese economy runs a huge surplus on
its trading account. This means that they export much more than they import. Most of
6 In the end the actual losses were significantly lower, due to the profits he had made earlier and the swift action of the bank in unwinding
these positions after they were discovered.
7 A trillion dollars is a thousand times a thousand million dollars, or $10 00 000 000 000 or R10 000 000 000 000.
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China’s neighbours, the most significant being Japan, have trade surpluses as well. This
is because they all follow the same export-dependent economic policy. Because they
produce far more than they consume, these countries have huge amounts of savings.
Most of these savings were lent to the United States in order to buy their excess
products. Much was also invested in American assets such as housing, shares and
bonds. Because for a number of reasons both the United States and Japan had very low
interest rates, borrowing money to invest in assets was very cheap. As a result of these
two factors (that is foreign investment and low interest rates), asset prices rose rapidly
during most of the 1990s and 2000s in the United States. The only exception was the
bursting of the high tech bubble in 2000–2001, when the stock market crashed for a year
or so, but after this asset prices recovered quickly. House prices rose especially rapidly
because it was easy to obtain a bond. American consumers could go deeper into debt
because the collateral they could offer (their assets, such as their houses) were increasing
in value. They needed to pile up debt to maintain their living standards because, as
we saw above, their wages were not increasing. Household debt in the United States
increased from 49,8% of national income in 1979 to 94% of national income in 2005.
Banks had large amounts of money to invest and they were eagerly looking for home
buyers who needed bonds. Financing bonds was made easy due to the practice of
securitising bonds. This involved putting a number of bonds together into a security
and selling it to investors. Because the interest rate they could earn was otherwise so
low, banks were especially interested in extending sub-prime loans. These were bonds
extended to poor people who were deemed to be worse credit risks, and who thus had
to pay higher interest on their bonds to compensate for the increased risk. Sub-prime
bonds were typically combined with high quality bonds (so-called AAA rated bonds)
into securities. Because banks could sell on the bonds they owned to other investors as
securities, and because the risks attached to extending a loan were low as long as home
prices went up (if somebody defaulted, the house could be sold at an auction for more
than the value of the bond) they were not especially motivated to make sure that they
lent money only to people who could repay them. As a result, some very risky loans
were made. These bonds also contained misleading provisions in the fine print that were
disadvantageous to poor people. These buyers were, for example, offered teaser rates:
Low initial interest rates that reset after a few years at a higher rate and gave borrowers
a misleading indication of their ability to repay (not to mention the fact that they
eventually had to pay back an increased capital amount owing to the initial low interest
rates).
To cover part of the risk of owning these securities, many financial institutions entered
into credit default swaps (CDS). A CDS is a type of derivative that works like an
insurance policy. It stipulates that if the circumstances of a loan change (for example if
the underlying bonds of a security are no longer AAA rated), the seller of the policy has
to take over the security. This means that the seller must compensate the buyer of the
protection for the full value of the security (Bruce 2005).
As long as house prices and shares prices went up, the economy boomed.
Some commentators warned that increasing indebtedness based on rising asset prices
posed a risk to the banks extending credit and to the economy in general, but they were
ignored. The CEO of Citigroup, Charles Prince, said in 2007, not long before the bubble
burst, “When the music stops, in terms of liquidity, things will be complicated. But
as long as the music is playing, you’ve got to get up and dance. We’re still dancing”.
Because the CEOs of banks and other financial companies were trying to maximise
their share price, and were afraid of disappointing investors and thus risking being
86
taken over or losing their bonuses, they engaged in ever more risky deals in the hope of
increasing short term profits and thus boosting their share price.
All this started to come to an end when the American Federal Reserve began raising
interest rates because they were afraid of the inflationary pressures coming from
the commodity boom. Rising commodity prices (the most important of which was the
price of oil) eventually started feeding through to the wider economy in the form of
higher inflation. Increasing interest rates caused the interest rates home owners had
to pay on their bonds to rise. This made housing less affordable, causing home prices
to stop rising. Poor home owners were the first to lose their houses as a result of non-
payment, as they had the least ability to withstand the pressure of increased bond
repayments. As more homes were put on the market because of foreclosure sales by
banks of the homes of delinquent lenders, home prices started falling.
Falling home prices removed the pillars upon which the former prosperity had been
built. Financial institutions that owned securitised bonds found that these dropped in
value as house prices dropped, houses being the collateral for the bonds making up
these securities. Financial institutions that insured these securities now had to pay up on
their credit default swaps, as the underlying bonds were no longer AAA rated. It soon
transpired that the largest insurance group in the United States, AIG, had sold hundreds
of billions of dollars’ worth of these policies and had no way of paying up on its
obligations. The American taxpayer had to come to the rescue of the group by lending it
$145 billion (about R1250 billion at current exchange rates). Many of the gambles taken
by traders in their derivative trading now turned out to be hopelessly optimistic. Some
financial institutions began accumulating large unrealised losses in their portfolios.
Banks became less willing to lend money to one another, because they were unsure
about the solvency of their counterparts. As we said above, derivatives are very difficult
to value when demand for them dries up, which created doubts about the assets banks
owned to cover their debts. Once Bear Stearns, previously one of the most aggressive
investment banks in the United States, went bankrupt, fear and panic spread through
the financial world. Share prices started falling as investors became worried about the
solvency of banks and the future of the economy.
The reduction in interbank lending reduced the ability, and willingness, of banks to
lend to consumers. Consumers were themselves under pressure because they could
no longer finance their shopping through debt, given that their collateral in the form
of houses and shares had declined in value. This compounded the problems of banks
in lending money. Consumers began shopping less because of the reduction in credit,
leading to reduced demand for goods and services. This caused companies to reduce
their production, which, in turn, caused retrenchments. This lead to a further reduction
in demand, as people became worried about unemployment. All these factors, and
more, started a downward spiral of changes, each feeding on the previous one, which
worsened the economy.
Because of globalisation, these negative forces extended all over the world. Trade
collapsed, primarily because banks were no longer willing to provide trade credit.
It turned out that financial institutions all over the world, but especially in Europe,
had bought many of the dodgy American assets. Many banks had to be rescued by
taxpayers. When American consumers stopped spending, the whole world suffered a
collapse in demand for their goods (the United States played the role of consumer of last
resort), which was a further reason why trade collapsed. As the Asian countries started
to cut back on their production due to the collapse in demand, commodity prices began
falling. This influenced commodity producing countries such as South Africa.
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2The impact of financialisation on South Africa
After this long discussion, we are now ready to talk about the impact of all of these
forces on a middle income country such as South Africa, which is plagued by great
inequality and poverty. We must start off by saying that the impact was not only
negative (at least while things were going well). Due to the enormous amount of money
in the global financial system, credit was cheap. Countries such as South Africa could
make use of the low interest rates on international capital markets to borrow money
to invest cheaply in new mines and factories. As we heard previously, the boom in the
world economy fuelled by all the easy money increased commodity prices and this
helped South Africa to such an extent that the economy entered a growth phase from
2000 to 2008, which created many jobs and lifted significant numbers of people out of
poverty. It was also the case that South Africa was spared some of the worst aspects
of the crisis because of exchange control that kept our banks from investing in risky
American assets and because of the new Credit Act, which restrained excessive debt.
Unfortunately, much of the prosperity of the world economy was a mirage fuelled by
debt. Just as the bad times were created by a set of self-reinforcing factors feeding
upon one another, the good times were also based on self-reinforcing factors, only
this time their effect was good instead of bad: Easy money led to rising asset prices
funding increased consumption, which drives growth through increased demand for
goods. It was thus destined to come to an end. At the time of writing, it is not at all
clear when growth will resume in the world economy. We hope that by the time you
read this, prosperity will have returned. At present, however, unemployment is rising as
businesses retrench workers, with the result that we are in danger of seeing much of the
progress we made in the period from 2000 to 2008 undone.
One of the negative aspects of these forces was their impact on inequality. As you saw
in the previous module, inequality has increased in South Africa over the past decade
and a half. As in the United States, the salaries paid to CEOs has increased out of
all proportion in South Africa (although not reaching the absolute level of pay in the
United States). The wages earned by workers, on the other hand, have remained fairly
stagnant in real terms. Davies and Van Seventer (2003) have indicated that the increased
productivity of workers as a result of the restructuring of South African industry over
the past decade and a half has not benefited workers in the form of higher wages, but has
been appropriated by others in the form of higher profits to shareholders and interest on
debt. This is consistent with the downward pressure on wages arising from increased
globalisation, as identified in our previous discussion.
ACTIVITY
Re-read the four cases studies that we presented at the beginning
of study unit 5, as well as your summaries of the changes in
poverty and inequality in South Africa, and then rate the four
individuals we met in Sandton in terms of how much you think
they lost and gained from the changes we discussed in this study
unit. Give reasons for your answer.
88
Conclusion
Whereas the focus of study unit 6 was on describing changes in poverty and
inequality in South Africa and the world, in study unit 7 we have tried to explain these
changes. We traced the role of apartheid, as well as forces such as globalisation and
financialisation, in changing the distribution of life chances between the rich and the
poor.
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Theme 12
3
SOCIETY AND THE
CHALLENGE OF
CRIMINALITY
Susan Botha

In the previous theme, we explored the extent of inequality in South Africa and other
developing countries. As we pointed out in the introduction to this guide, one of the
symptoms of inequality on such a scale is a high crime rate. As all of us who live in
South Africa know, the connection between crime and inequality is also a feature in this
country. Thus, the focus in this theme is the phenomenon of crime as a challenge that
societies in general and South Africa in particular have to deal with.
Irrespective of their culture, religion or whether they are rich or poor, most people all
over the world have experienced or heard of a crime incident that has affected their
lives. However, the nature of these incidents may differ, and whereas some may regard
them as crimes, others may not. Likewise, incidents of crime may evoke similar feelings
and responses among certain people, but it is also possible that other people will react
differently to these incidents. Although in the end we may be responsible for our own
protection and that of our property, societies usually organise themselves politically for
this purpose – that is, rules are made for, and enforced (by established authorities) on a
whole (entire) society. Simplified, this means that those who hold power make rules that
apply to all members of a particular society and that such rules are enforced, in other
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words, noncompliance with the rules is punished. However, Galeotti (2008:1) stresses
the point that “[w]hen societies get organised, so too do their criminals”. Thus, crime is
a challenge that all societies face and for which solutions have to be found. Since we all
are members of a particular society, the incidence of crime is a concern to all of us.
At this point you may perhaps be wondering whether it is necessary to pay attention
to an issue such as crime within an academic context. The reason for doing so is
the basic purpose of people’s search for knowledge, namely to improve the human
condition. Thus, if we know more about the effects of crime, we would be able to
deal with some of its challenges. Crime negatively affects people’s feelings of safety,
security and protection. However, Article 2 of the Declaration of the Rights of Man
and of the Citizen, adopted on 26 August 1789 (available on the internet) following the
French Revolution, explicitly states that security is a human right and that it should be
the aim of every political institution to preserve this right (Hague & Harrop 2007:26).
Furthermore, various schools of thought have identified safety or protection as a
fundamental human need, which has to be satisfied if humans wish to achieve their
potential and live a fulfilling life. As a broad orientation to safety as a fundamental
human need, we will very briefly examine the following theories in this regard:
• social contract theories (eg Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau)

• psychological theories of human motivation (eg Maslow)
• economic theories of human development (eg Max-Neef)
2Social contract theories
Social contract theories have as point of departure the idea that humans cannot realise
their potential within a society that is not politically organised, because without political
organisation there is no authority able to make and enforce rules that would determine
the appropriate conduct and behaviour of members of that society. Thus, life in such a
pre-political society, which is usually referred to as a state of nature, is characterised
by lawlessness, violence, constant strife and lack of cooperation. The members of that
society therefore come together and enter into a social contract that determines who will
make rules and enforce them, as well as how this should be done – thus establishing a
polity (ie a politically organised society or community). The writing of the constitution
of the United States of America (United States/USA/US), as well as the constitution of a
democratic South Africa, can be regarded as examples of such a social contract.
This is particularly important for a discussion of crime. Firstly, the provision of safety
and security is regarded as a primary function of a polity. Secondly, those who hold
power will determine what is a criminal activity and what is not, as well as how society
will respond to criminal activities, for example what institutions will deal with crime
and in what manner, as well as how perpetrators of crime will be punished.
Polities can differ in size as well as form, and historically even family and ethnic groups
functioned as polities. The head of the ethnic group made and enforced rules that were
binding on all members of that group – that is, as long as that person could enforce
them. However, throughout human history, the size and nature of polities have varied
and changed, and the state is currently the dominant form of polity.
A state is a political association that establishes sovereign authority (ie the power to
make decisions that cannot be overruled) over people within a defined territory. We all
find ourselves within the jurisdiction of a particular state – that is, within the area where
its rules can be enforced.
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Society and the challenge of criminality
A particular state, such as South Africa, makes rules that are binding on all of its
inhabitants, and even though there may be various families, ethnic groups and even
regions (such as provinces in South Africa and constituent states in the United States)
within a state, only the rules of the state are binding on all. If states allow room for
subgroups, including regional and local authorities, and even ethnic groups to make
rules, these rules may not conflict with the rules of the state. For example, if a state
outlaws a custom such as female circumcision, performing the latter would be a crime
although it may be a custom of a particular group within the state.
Although states are able to make rules for all their inhabitants (which include citizens,
noncitizens and visitors), globalisation has also led to attempts to lay down “global
rules” by, for example, the United Nations (UN) that should apply to humankind in
general.
2Psychological theories of human motivation
Behavioural psychologists such as Abraham Maslow (1943) identify fundamental human

needs which are universal to all humans, irrespective of where they find themselves,
or whether they are rich or poor. The fundamental needs identified usually include:
physiological needs to sustain life (eg food, water and air); safety needs to protect
life (eg physical and psychological security, as well as security of property, health
and livelihood); love and belonging to nurture life (eg friendship and family); esteem
to confirm the worthiness of life (eg confidence, achievement and respect); and self-
actualisation for the realisation of a person’s full potential. Maslow organises these
into a hierarchy and states that higher order needs cannot be satisfied unless lower
order needs have been satisfied. Thus, self-actualisation (the highest need), the need for
esteem, as well as the need for love and belonging, all depend on satisfaction of the need
for safety, which in turn depends on satisfaction of the physiological needs (the lowest).
Briefly, according to these theories, safety is a fundamental human need, which must be
satisfied if humans wish to realise their full potential. Although crime is only one factor
that could prevent a person from satisfying the need for safety, it is in fact an important
obstacle in this regard.
2Economic theories of human development

Manfred Max-Neef also focuses on fundamental human needs that have to be satisfied
in order for growth and development to take place (Max-Neef 1991; Schenck 2008).
Protection (safety) is one of nine such fundamental human needs that he identifies and
which we try to satisfy through particular “satisfiers”. These needs are also common to
all people, irrespective of who or where they are. Differences exist only in the way in
which we try to satisfy them, and cultures may be identified in terms of how they satisfy
these needs – that is, the satisfiers we use in this regard may vary significantly. The
needs that he identifies, together with examples of possible satisfiers, include:
• subsistence (maintaining life), of which food, shelter and work are the satisfiers
• protection (safety), of which the satisfiers are: taking care, cooperating with others,
making and adjudicating rules, policing, hiring security and taking out insurance
• affection, which we try to satisfy through respect, generosity and sensuality
• understanding, which we try to satisfy through intuition, curiosity and study
• participation, of which the satisfiers are dedication, association and cooperation
• leisure, which we try to satisfy through relaxation and having fun
• creation, which we try to satisfy through imagination, design and opportunities for
expression
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THEME 3
• identity, of which the satisfiers could be a sense of belonging, values, norms and
religion
• freedom, of which the satisfiers are autonomy, open-mindedness and rights
These fundamental human needs share certain commonalities with those identified
by Maslow, but of particular importance in Max-Neef’s framework is that there is no
hierarchy among these needs, and for proper human development, all these needs have
to be satisfied. Any need that is not satisfied constitutes a poverty, which would hamper
development. Thus, if a person cannot satisfy the need for protection, the lack thereof
constitutes a form of poverty, which will prevent a person’s growth and development.
However, particular satisfiers may have a negative effect on other needs; for example,
satisfiers that could satisfy the need for protection may negatively affect our need for
freedom. The challenge is thus to find satisfiers that may satisfy more than one need at a
particular time, without negatively affecting other needs.
It is against this background that we will be looking at crime as a challenge to society.

It is important to take note of, on the one hand, how crime affects our ability to realise
our fundamental needs and, on the other hand, the actions (satisfiers) we take in order
to try to satisfy our need for protection. We will explore these issues in the course of the
following three study units:
Study unit 8: The concepts of crime and punishment
Study unit 9: Humans and their encounters with crime
Study unit 10: The effect of crime on humanity
Please note that more information on most of the topics discussed can be obtained on the
internet. Some of the documents mentioned can also be obtained on the internet. Please
check the bibliography for detail. Please note that most of the journal articles used in
this theme are available electronically from the Unisa library. (Search the e-journal
finder on the library website.)
ACTIVITY
Begin a “crime storybook” in a scrapbook, file or diary in which
you can reflect on your own, as well as others’ experiences of
crime within the context of what you are learning in this theme.
For the next ten days, record a “crime story” daily – this should
be some form of crime that you have experienced either directly
or indirectly through family, friends and the news media. You may
cut out newspaper articles and paste them into your storybook.
Leave enough space to make comments as you make your way
through the study units making up this theme. You should pay
attention to the following in each “story”:
(1) Indicate the nature of the crime and the reasons why you
regard it as a crime.
(2) Is this a type of crime that regularly takes place in your
country or in your community, as well as in other countries
and other communities?
(3) Identify the perpetrator/s and victim/s in the incident.
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Society and the challenge of criminality
(4) Why do you think the crime was committed?

(5) Indicate whether the crime was reported to the police, and if
so, the actions they took.
(6) How did it affect the life of the perpetrator/s, victim/s, your
life, and/or that of others you know?
(7) Indicate whether any person or persons, and if so who,
experienced feelings of humiliation, helplessness, fear,
concern, guilt and anger as a result of the incident.
(8) Did the crime affect your fundamental human needs, and if
so, in what way?
(9) What actions are you and other people taking to avoid being
exposed to crime of this type?
(10) In each crime story, indicate whom you think should be
responsible for dealing with that particular type of crime – the
individual, community or state.
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Study unit13
8
8
THE CONCEPTS
OF CRIME AND
PUNISHMENT
Introduction
In the overview to this theme, you were exposed to the societal and political context
of crime. We discussed the fact that societies organise themselves politically to make
and enforce rules that apply to all living in such a polity, and we noted that the state is
currently the dominant polity and that only the rules made or allowed by the state are
enforceable on every person in that society. Furthermore, we made the observation that
not everybody necessarily complies with the rules of society.
To analyse criminality as a challenge to society, it is important that we understand what

the concept of criminality entails. It is thus important to unpack the concept of crime,
and therefore, in this study unit, we will consider the following key questions:
In this study unit we will consider the following key questions:
• How do we define the concept of crime?

• Why do we have rules?
• Who determines and enforces rules?
• What are the sources of rules?
• Who decides what constitutes a crime and what not?
• What are the boundaries of crime?
• What is the nature and purpose of punishment?
• How do our ideas on crime and punishment differ in time and space?
8.1 the concept of crime

8.2 why we have rules
8.3 the determiners and enforcers of rules
8.4 sources of rules
8.5 the changing boundaries of crime
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The concepts of crime and punishment
8.6 the changing nature of punishment
Conclusion
ACTIVITY
Do the following in your crime storybook:
(1) Identify five rules that exist in your society and that can be
enforced by the authorities.
(2) Why do you think these rules apply in your society? Give
reasons.
(3) Who made these rules?
(4) What would happen if someone did not comply with these
rules?
(5) Are there rules in your society that you do not like? List two or
three such rules.
(6) Are their activities in your community that you would like
to see outlawed, or would you like to see any existing rules
applied more strictly? List two or three such activities and/or
rules.
Feedback
If you are uncertain about the answers to any of these ques-
tions, provide space for later notes, as we will be examining
some ideas in this regard in the rest of this study unit. However,
by now you probably realise that a myriad of rules applies to
your society, and that you do not necessarily agree with all of
them.
8.1 The concept of crime

As mentioned in the orientation, crime is in essence an act (behaviour) that does
not comply with a particular rule of a society, irrespective of whether that rule is part
of common law (unwritten practices that have the power of law) or a statute of the state
(a formal rule made by a parliament, for example).
On the one hand, failure to comply with such rules could constitute an act that is
forbidden, for example stealing. On the other hand, omitting to do something that is
required by law, for example failing to register a firearm or a birth, also constitutes a
failure to comply with the rules of society.
Both of these are considered “breaking the law”, or “a breach of a law”, which is
also referred to as a transgression or an offence. A person guilty of a transgression is
prosecuted under a criminal justice system, and transgressions carry a penalty, also
determined by society. For a person to have committed a crime, he or she must have
been found guilty of an offence through a legal (judicial) process. It is important to note,
however, that not all transgressions are necessarily regarded as “criminal acts”; thus, a
particular society determines whether or not failure to comply with a particular rule is
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considered a criminal act, as well as how a person found guilty would be punished. For
example, in some states, the first drunk-driving offence, although illegal, is not regarded
as a crime.
The question is, which rules are we referring to? What actions or behaviour are
considered appropriate, and by whom? The answer is that crime is a transgression of
the rules of a particular society. These rules stipulate what behaviour is acceptable and
what is unacceptable, irrespective of whether it involves the citizens, noncitizens or
even tourists. In some cases, states even prosecute their citizens for behaviour in another
state, even though that behaviour may be quite acceptable in the latter, but not in the
former.
Remember that in the state, only the rules made or allowed by the state will apply. Thus,
if the state does not forbid certain cultural practices, it means that those practices are
allowed. Even if a cultural group has customs that they revere, if the state has outlawed
them, practising these customs would constitute a criminal offence. For example, in
theme 1 you read about states outlawing the display of religious symbols in public
schools. As you can see, this can be problematic in a heterogeneous society where there
are different cultural groups, each with their own identity. Think, for example, of the
problems that occur in countries such as Nigeria, where religious divisions between the
mostly Christian south and the mostly Muslim north are very contentious. .
ACTIVITY
Read the following excerpt from Ranney (1996:319) and answer the
questions that follow.
Every society [whatever its size and composition] has certain

“normal” behavior patterns – that is, particular ways in which
most members behave in particular situations. Most Americans ,
for example wear some clothes, even on hot summer days when
we might be more comfortable without them…pay money for
what we buy, drive on the right-hand side of the road, and do not
eat human flesh, or kill rambunctious [unruly] children. Some of
what we do is governed by habit, and it never occurs to us to do
otherwise. Much, however, is governed by rules, that is, most
Americans consciously believe that we ought to act in certain
ways, and we also know that if we break the rules, our associates
will disapprove and we will be punished.
(1) Where does the author of the above extract live?

(2) Identify possible crimes that are alluded to in this excerpt.
(3) Do you consider all of these possible crimes as equally
serious?
(4) Indicate which of the crimes you regard as the most serious
and which you regard as the least serious. Discuss these with
family and friends and determine whether you all agree on
what is more serious and what is not.
98
(5) Do you believe that you have the right to tell Americans to
drive on the left-hand side of the road?
(6) Do you believe that the South African government could
decide for Americans that they must drive on the left-hand
side of the road?
(7) Would the South African government be able to enforce such
a decision?
(8) Do you think there is a connection between this excerpt and
the discussion of identity in theme 1? What could that be?
(9) Write down what else you have learnt from this excerpt.
Feedback
The author is clearly an American, and refers to appropriate
behaviour within American society.
The possible crimes that can be identified are: going naked
(in public of course); not paying for what we buy; driving on
the left-hand side of the road (Americans) eating human flesh
(cannibalism); and killing unruly children. It would be difficult
to regard all these crimes as equally serious. Although we may
perhaps agree on what is the most serious, it is more difficult
to determine the order of the rest. We could argue that killing
unruly children is the most serious, but if a person kills in order
to eat human flesh, that could be equally or even more serious.
However, should someone find themself marooned and starv-
ing on an island, and eats the flesh of someone who has died
of hunger, we might reconsider the seriousness of cannibal-
ism. We could also argue that driving on the left-hand side of
the road by Americans is serious, for someone could be killed
as a result. Not paying for what we buy results in a loss for the
seller, but going naked would probably harm nobody and thus if
we consider harm to others and the nature of the harm as crite-
ria, going naked would probably be the least serious.
Theoretically you and/or the South African government could
decide that Americans should drive on the left-hand side of the
road, but neither you nor the South African government has
jurisdiction in America, and it would thus not be a valid deci-
sion and you would not be in a position to enforce it – this is
the political context of rules and their enforcement. However, if
there is a big difference in the relative power of two states, it is
possible that a very powerful state could dictate to a weak state.
The UN might also decide that all states should drive on the
right-hand side of the road, and even though it would be diffi-
cult to enforce such a rule, it might do so through persuasion.
Thus, what you should have learnt from the above excerpt is
the fact that crimes occur in a societal context; all societies deal
with crime; and those crimes vary in their seriousness.
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Furthermore, it should be clear that those making rules should

be in a position to do so and be able to enforce those rules. As
mentioned, rules are made at various levels. The state may al-
low local communities and provinces to make their own rules,
but this is allowed only as long as these rules are not in conflict
with the rules of the state. How to combine this with the need
for tolerance for differences in a society, and the importance of
giving those who are different space to pursue their own life-
styles, is a difficult issue. This is also an area where the discus-
sion of crime and that of identity overlap, given that problems of
difference are in the foreground when it comes to discussions
of identity. In order to solve this problem, some of the “room”
provided may be quite extensive. Even laws of the state may be
challenged, for example in South Africa they may be referred to
the Constitutional Court if it is believed that they are violating
the Constitution, particularly the Bill of Rights.
At the same time, as globalisation brings all societies closer,
the scope and range of “global decisions” (for example by the
UN) would increase, and this may leave less room for local
differences. The last important point is that force is not always
necessary to enforce rules. Rules may be enforced through
persuasion and simply because people believe that they should
be obeyed. Thus, law-abiding members of society do not nec-
essarily obey rules because they fear punishment, but simply
because they regard it as the correct thing to do.
8.2 Why we have rules

As discussed in the orientation, security is a fundamental human need that must be
satisfied if humans wish to reach their full potential. Security is also regarded as a
human right which every political institution should aim to preserve (Hague & Harrop
2007:26).
Furthermore, it was stated that the provision of order and security (in terms of both life
and property) is regarded as a fundamental function of the state because humans are
able to realise their potential only in a peaceful and secure environment. In a political
sense the concept of order entails “stable and predictable forms of behaviour and, above
all … ones that safeguard personal security…’law and order’ thus become a single fused
concept” (Heywood 1997:371). In addition, the state has the purpose of setting standards
for punishment, thus allowing society to move beyond the ritual of blood feuds and
vendettas, thereby ensuring that breaches of the rules of society are justly punished. For
this purpose, criminal acts are prosecuted in terms of a criminal justice system – and we
need to remember that a crime is not deemed to have been committed unless a person
has been found guilty by an appropriate court.
From the above discussion it follows that the societal context of humans is unavoidable.
Rules are required to regulate society, which in turn generates a need for the political
100
organisation of society for the purposes of making enforceable rules that are binding on
all.
However, the other side of the coin reflects the reasons for people’s decisions to
break the law. This largely falls outside of the scope of this theme, but we will briefly
mention some. The United Nations Office for Drugs and Crime (UNODC) (2008:7–
16) divides risk factors in this regard (those factors which increase the likelihood
of criminal behaviour) into three categories. The first of these is the category of
macroenvironmental factors, which include: the state of the national economy; poverty
and levels of inequality; the institutional framework; the political environment; cultural
and historical background; the media; gender; and social exclusion. The second category
is microenvironmental factors, which include: families; peer groups; role models;
schools; churches; and the physical environment. The third category is individual
factors, which include: psychological characteristics; cognitive skills; behaviour
patterns; and learnt reactions to the social environment. The more negative factors
present during a person’s upbringing, the greater that person’s predisposition to engage
in antisocial behaviour.
Thus, we also need rules to contain the actions of people within the range of what is
acceptable and what is not.
8.3 The determiners and enforcers of rules

In theory, a society determines which behaviours are harmful and whether those
behaviours must be treated as crimes by the criminal justice system. However, if
society is of the opinion that it is no longer at risk from such behaviour, it may decide
to decriminalise or legalise it (see the section on the changing boundaries of crime).
However, in the orientation to this theme, it was stated that those who have power
determine what is and what is not a crime. Thus, who determines and enforces such
rules will depend on the nature of the political dispensation in a particular society. In
authoritarian political dispensations, rules will be made and enforced by the ruler/s with
little, if any, input from the citizens (society). This was the case in the age of absolute
monarchs in Europe, and is still the situation in states such as Saudi Arabia and, to
a lesser extent, the People’s Republic of China. However, this does not necessarily
imply that authoritarian rulers will be insensitive to the wishes, morals and customs
of their subjects or that they do not have legitimacy. On the other hand, in democratic
dispensations the citizens theoretically have the right to make these decisions, whether
directly, or indirectly through their representatives.
The authorities normally consist of three separate branches, namely the legislative
authority (parliament), which makes rules; the executive authority, which executes
the rules; and the judiciary, which adjudicates rules. A golden rule of a democratic
dispensation is that the judiciary should adjudicate the decisions of parliament as a
separate branch of the authorities. The argument is that to prevent tyranny, those who
make the rules should not be the ones to execute them, nor adjudicate them. Thus,
theoretically, there should be a clear separation between the functions of the legislative,
executive and judicial branches of the authorities, although in practice, though separate,
these functions may overlap.
Although parliaments may exist in authoritarian political dispensations, it is

essentially parliaments, or the legislative branch of the authorities, that lay down the
rules that would apply in a democracy. In some instances, such as in Switzerland,
legislation comes into effect only after having been adopted by the citizens in a
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referendum. As mentioned, laws may cover an extensive range of topics. As technology
develops, so does the need for law – note for example the issue of intellectual property
rights and the electronic media, as well as the issue of cyber crime.
As mentioned, the executive branch of the authorities is responsible for the execution
of the decisions of the legislature. In the case of crime and security, the responsibility
of the executive branch would involve administrative departments such as the police,
justice (courts), correctional services (prisons), the defence force and even social
development and housing. In fact, most state departments are in some way or another
involved in preventing and combating crime.
Increasingly, international institutions and particularly the UN are making rules with
regard to behaviour that international society considers criminal. Although the UN
would like all states to adhere to such rules, it is difficult to enforce such rules in
international society. Thus, states no longer have complete sovereignty over what is
criminal and what is not, but at the same time international conventions have to be
acceded to and ratified in order to become part of municipal law (ie the body of law of a
particular state).
8.4 Sources of rules

What are the sources of rules that apply in a state? It is again important to stress that
only the rules of the state can be enforced on all inhabitants of that state, and that should
subpolities be allowed to exist, their rules may not conflict with the rules of the state.
For the purposes of the discussion in this section, we are going to use Austin Ranney’s
(1996:320–325) ideas on the basic sources of rules, namely:
• moral precepts (a precept is a rule)

• customs; and
• laws
2Moral precepts
These are rules of behaviour based on ideas about right and wrong, and relate to the
“morality” of a person or society. These might have been handed down from generation
to generation, but they are often based on a particular religion. All religions have certain
dictates with regard to appropriate and unacceptable conduct. Thus, moral precepts may
be adhered to because people simply believe that they should, or because they believe
that a divine being will punish them by condemning them to hell (Ranney 1996:320).
Moral precepts may be incorporated into law, but not necessarily. States following
Islamic law extensively enforce sharia and the hadith, but Muslims living outside
Islamic states often follow these rules out of their own conviction. Laws may, however,
conflict with moral precepts. An example is laws banning the wearing of headscarves by
women, as is the case in Turkey, which has a predominantly Muslim population, but is
a secular state (in other words, there is a separation of the religious and the political). In
situations like these, there will be tension between the state and those that are affected
by such laws.
However, states may also make laws that conflict with moral precepts that are upheld by
the international community. South Africa’s former apartheid laws are an example, but
in the following activity you will be introduced to another international example that
was enormously controversial.
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ACTIVITY
After World War II, the Berlin Wall divided the city of Berlin in
Germany into East Berlin (the communist section, which fell within
East Germany) and West Berlin (the capitalist section, which fell
within West Germany). The wall was patrolled and many who tried
to escape from East Berlin to West Berlin were apprehended and
even fatally shot.
In January 1992, two young former East German border guards

were found guilty of fatally shooting the last persons who
wanted to escape to the West during the time of the collapse
of communism and before the fall of the Berlin Wall in November
1989 (the dismantling of the Berlin Wall signalled the reunification
of East and West Germany).
The border guards’ defence was that they were acting on

instructions. However, the judge ruled that, “Not everything that
is legal is right…At the end of the twentieth century no one has
the right to turn off his conscience when it comes to killing people
on the orders of the authorities” (Jackson & Jackson 2008:61).
The border guards were sentenced to three and a half years’
imprisonment.
(1) Do you agree that there should be moral rules that guide our
actions and are above “human laws”? Give reasons for your
answer.
(2) Do you think it is easy to determine such moral rules? Give
reasons for your answer.
Feedback
Within the global context there is an increasing emphasis on
rules that are regarded as eternal principles of right and wrong
and which should guide the actions of moral people when
society’s laws conflict with these principles. These principles
are also often referred to as natural law (Jackson & Jackson
2008:60). Unfortunately, determining these “eternal principles”
and achieving consensus regarding them is often easier said
than done. The right to life is seldom questioned, but not al-
ways complied with.
2Customs
These are rules of conduct based on long established and widespread ways in which
people actually behave and which are powerful regulators of behaviour. Customs may
be incorporated into law, but not necessarily. Law based on customs is referred to as
customary law. However, not all customs are necessarily acceptable and form part of
law. This is a problem in states that incorporate many cultures, which may result in
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conflicting customs. For example, for many years in the past in South Africa, pictures
of topless white women were regarded as pornography, which was considered a crime.
However, it was not a crime to display pictures of topless black women. The argument
was that in terms of black customs, it was acceptable for black women to be topless, but
that in South Africa white women customarily covered themselves.
As in the case of moral precepts, laws may also conflict with customs, a situation that is
equally problematic. An example in this regard is female circumcision, which has been
outlawed in countries such as France and Senegal.
2Laws
Laws are sets of binding rules handed down by rulers and which are explicitly
enforceable. Human made law is usually referred to as positive law. In technologically
and economically advanced societies, the law covers a wide range of issues and may
govern most things we encounter from the cradle to the grave – from the registration of
a birth to the issuing of a death certificate. Most laws deal with the ordering of society,
specifying what should and what should not be done, when, where, how and by whom.
Other laws, such as a constitution, deal with the structuring of the state – that is, setting
rules for the making and enforcing of rules, as well as preventing arbitrary rules and
their enforcement. Sometimes laws deal with political “crimes” such as treason.
Law can be classified in a number of ways, but for our purposes we will consider
classification into criminal and civil law. Criminal law deals with crimes as offences
against the public order, the commission of which therefore attracts punishment.
“Criminal law … establishes the relationship between the state and the individual and
thus lays down the conditions for orderly and peaceful social interaction” (Heywood
1997:372). In criminal cases it is usually the state (RSA), or people (USA), or Crown
(UK) acting against a particular accused. This signifies that a particular offence is
regarded as a crime against the public order.
Civil law (note, however, that some refer to it as civil case law, or private law, because
the term “civil law” is also used in some countries in other contexts) in essence applies
to private citizens, and therefore deals with the relationship between individuals and
not the public order. Disputes between private citizens are not considered crimes, and
civil law therefore does not deal with crimes; instead, it seeks a fair settlement, and
not punishment. Civil cases may, for example, involve a dispute over the interpretation
of a contract and the awarding of damages. These cases may be referred to the courts,
but not necessarily, and are often settled out of court, usually with the help of lawyers.
If they are referred to the courts, the cases appear in the name of the plaintiff versus
the defendant. The outcome is an order of court (courts sometimes reserve judgment),
and should the parties not adhere to the decision of the court, they may be convicted of
“contempt of court”, which is a crime.
Some do believe that “order in society can only be maintained by strict laws, firm
enforcement and harsh penalties” (Heywood 1997:285). However, others disagree and
claim that the “harder” the criminal justice system, the harder the criminals.
8.5 The changing boundaries of crime

By now, you have probably noticed that societies may differ in their interpretation of
what is allowed and what is not. Likewise, a particular society, over time, may change
104
its mind with regard to what is allowed and what is not. Let us take a brief look at some
examples of differences in our conception of what does and what does not constitute a
crime.
ACTIVITY
Take some time to reflect on what, in your opinion, should and
what should not be regarded as criminal. Discuss your opinions
with family and friends and see whether they agree with you.
Then follow the instructions below.
(1) Indicate which of the following should, in your opinion, be

considered a crime:
• drinking an alcoholic beverage

• cheating on a spouse (adultery)
• prostitution
• buying a lottery ticket
• moving about without a pass
• giving a Bible to someone
• questioning the number of people who died in the
Holocaust
• deciding not to vote in an election
(2) Write down five crimes that you and your friends would like
to have decriminalised (no longer regarded as a criminal act,
although they could still be illegal) or legalised (made legal).
(3) Write down five types of behaviour that you would like to
have criminalised (made a criminal act).
Feedback
There is no right or wrong answer to the above questions, and
in all likelihood you, your friends and family would not have
achieved consensus on these issues. Below we will have a look
at the position in some societies with regard to these issues.
You should note two points: First that ideas on what is accept-
able and what is unacceptable differ from society to society,
and that societal values and culture therefore play an important
role in this regard; and secondly that societies also change
their ideas over time because circumstances and values are
also subject to change. When engaging in a discussion on this
topic, also consider whether states always act in our interest, as
they are supposed to, and note the involvement of international
society.
Let us look at what happens in a variety of societies. In South Africa, alcoholic

beverages are allowed, but they are banned in many Muslim states. However, alcohol
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was also banned in the United States during the period 1920 to 1933, and it remains a
crime in most states to sell and serve alcohol to underaged people. The age at which
it is permissible to buy and consume alcohol differs from one society to another, but
currently it is 18 in South Africa (take note of signs to this effect in shops).
Adultery is a problematic phenomenon, and even though it may not be regarded as a

crime in many states, it may have implications for divorce settlements and with regard to
the custody of children in particular. This is currently also the situation in South Africa,
but at one stage, adultery was considered a crime in this country. Many Western states
have decriminalised adultery, but it remains on the statute books of some of the states in
the USA, although transgressors are rarely prosecuted – note the role of the authorities
in this regard. Can you think of other transgressions that are seldom punished?
Prostitution is an extremely problematic issue. In many states, such as South Africa,

prostitution is a crime, but there are states that have decriminalised prostitution and
even legalised it completely. In South Africa, there have been calls for the legalisation
of prostitution to control it with the purpose of combating the spread of diseases
such as HIV and AIDS. Yet in 1949, soon after the UN was established, it adopted
the Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation
of the Prostitution of Others (available on internet). Because human trafficking
for the purpose of prostitution is on the increase, international efforts to curb this
phenomenon are becoming increasingly important. Thus, on 15 November 2000 the UN
General Assembly adopted Resolution 55/25: The United Nations Convention against
Transnational Organized Crime and later its Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish
Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, supplementing the United
Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (available on internet). The
focus is largely on human trafficking and forced prostitution.
Gambling is often banned in states, as was the case in South Africa for many years.
It was a crime to buy a lottery ticket – even on a visit to another country (remember
the earlier point that in some instances citizens may be prosecuted for their behaviour
in other countries). The first stage of decriminalisation was marked by the opening of
casinos in the former “independent” homelands, the so-called TBVC states (Transkei,
Bophuthatswana, Venda and Ciskei). However, lotteries were later legalised, and South
Africa obtained its own national lottery.
For a long time in South Africa’s history, persons classified as black had to carry passes,
and it was an offence to employ a black person without a pass and for a black person to
work without a permit (also referred to as a pass). In March 1972 the then South African
Minister of Justice reported to Parliament that 42% of prisoners serving sentences of
up to four months had been sentenced for violating influx control (pass) laws (Duggan
1973:24).
You are welcome to give a Bible to another person, provided you do not do so in a state
with anti-conversion laws that forbid proselytising. Some Islamic states have such laws,
and while a person from another religion may convert to Islam, a Muslim may not
convert to another religion. Some Indian states have recently introduced anti-conversion
laws, which protect Hindus from conversion. Anti-conversion laws are highly
controversial and are regarded as being in conflict with Article 18 of the UN’s Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, which states:
Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion, this right
includes freedom to change his religion or belief and freedom, either alone or
106
in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief
in teaching, practice, worship and observation.
In South Africa, we could question the number of people who died in the Holocaust.
Although the South African Jewish Board of Deputies would probably object, the state
would not prosecute you. However, in 11 European states, notably Austria, France
and Germany, it is a crime to do so. In 2005, 67-year-old David Irving, a British
historian, was arrested on a visit to Austria. He was later found guilty of questioning
facts about the Holocaust and received a three-year jail sentence. Both sides appealed,
the prosecution for a heavier sentence (the crime carries a sentence of up to 10 years)
and the defence for a lighter sentence. On appeal, his sentence was converted to a
provisional sentence and he was released in December 2006 (Timeline: David Irving’s
battles 2006).
With regard to voting, it depends on where you find yourself. Compulsory voting
is often encountered in authoritarian states, and voters often do not have a choice
of candidates. Thus, compulsory voting sounds like a contradiction in terms in a
democracy, but in Australia, Belgium, Turkey, Brazil and Greece, voting is compulsory
(Hague & Harrop 2007:202).
Thus, from these examples it should be clear that societies differ with regard to their
ideas on crime and what norms and rules should be applied to regulate society. It should
also follow that societies may change their ideas in this regard.
8.6 The changing nature of punishment

One of the greatest challenges that any society and state face is what to do with a person
who has been found guilty of a criminal offence. What is done will depend largely on
the culture and customs of each society. Therefore, significant differences may exist
in penal policy, that is, in the manner in which perpetrators are dealt with in a society.
Similarly, societies have changed their ideas in this regard and international norms are
emerging. There are certain identifiable trends in punishment, and various types of
punishment serve different purposes. There have been changes and attempts at reform
to make the punishment that societies mete out more humane.
Penal policy involves two basic issues, namely the nature of the punishment and the
purpose of the punishment, that is, what society hopes to accomplish by punishing
a perpetrator. In this context there have been debates about retribution, the deterrent
effects of punishment, the advantages of compensation, the idea of removing criminals
from society, the possibility of reforming or rehabilitating criminals, diversion
programmes, as well as reconciliation through restorative justice.
In earlier times in most societies, punishment was based on the idea of retribution. The
classical expression “an eye for an eye” comes to mind, and the idea that punishment
would serve as a deterrent led to the institution of harsh punishment. Arguments for
the death penalty and corporal punishment often fall in this category. These practices
were quite common for much of human history. The death penalty was a fairly common
and universal punishment for many crimes (even for what we would today consider
petty crimes), and was often carried out in extremely cruel ways, mostly as an act
of retribution, but also as a deterrent. However, over time the deterrent value of such
punishment has come to be questioned.
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Banishment, too, was quite common in earlier times, as was selling criminals into
slavery. Britain, for example often banished convicted persons and transported them
to colonial outposts. The early history of the white settlement of Australia was largely
a product of such transportation. The idea behind these forms of punishment was
to remove the person from society, which is the role served by prisons today. For
this reason, imprisonment has developed as the most important form of punishment
worldwide. Prisons have been in existence since early times, but initially they often
served merely as “holding cells” for the accused awaiting trial. It was only later that
convicts were sentenced to prison terms for a number of crimes (Encarta 2008).
Conditions in early prisons were often inhumane, as the number of offences to which
the death penalty applied was drastically reduced and this form of punishment was
replaced by prison terms.
The conditions in and the purpose of prisons have undergone drastic changes. Prison
sentences are probably the most important form of punishment currently. However, to
some poor and destitute persons, prisons are seen as a last resort for survival, in that
they provide shelter, clothing, food and other services. Likewise, among gangsters the
first prison sentence is often regarded as part of an initiation ritual. Thus, imprisonment
in some instances may be counterproductive.
Currently, prisons are regarded as an important place for prisoner reform (Encarta
2008). In fact, the idea of rehabilitation has led to a number of “new” punishments,
namely corrective supervision, which is increasingly becoming an important “non-
prison” form of “punishment”, and diversion programmes for the youth, which provide
corrective incentives and try to keep the youth out of prisons and the criminal justice
system, ensuring that they will not have a criminal record.
Compensation as a form of punishment has also been practised in many societies since
the earliest of times. Even today in some Muslim countries where the death penalty for
the crime of murder applies, the family of the convicted person may pay compensation
in order to save his or her life. This is seldom an option in the Western world, but
sentences involving community service are to some extent a form of compensation
to society for the violation of its rules, and community service may also constitute
an attempt at reform. Likewise, fines are also a form of compensation that goes to
the state and not the victim. For this reason, some states in fact also make use of
victim compensation paid by the state.
Restorative justice is another way of trying to deal with criminals. The South African
Truth and Reconciliation Commission is a good example of restorative justice, as it
provided a forum where victims and offenders were brought together. However, the
success of restorative justice continues to be questioned.
Political reform also led to changes in the perception of how criminals should be treated.
The view has developed that cruel punishment leads to hardened criminals and that
criminals should rather be reformed to become productive and law abiding citizens.
A number of punishments have thus become controversial – and at least people are no
longer sold into slavery. Labour camps, forced labour and corporal punishment remain
controversial forms of punishment, and in this category the death penalty is of particular
importance. Although many states still retain the death penalty, it has been abolished
in many others all over the world, and in December 2007, the UN General Assembly
adopted a nonbinding moratorium on the death penalty. Currently in Europe, abolition
of the death penalty is a precondition for membership of the European Union. In the
United States, it was abolished in some states but still exists in a number of others,
108
such as California. In South Africa, with its high violent crime rate, there have been
numerous calls for its reintroduction.
ACTIVITY
Write appropriate notes in your crime storybook on the following:
(1) Write down the key points that you can remember from the
discussion in this study unit.
(2) Why have these points stuck with you?
(3) Summarise the content of this study unit in point form.
(4) Discuss the societal and political context of crime.
(5) Identify five crimes that in your opinion are universal and
more or less eternal – that is, they are crimes in all societies
and have been for most of human history, and will probably
be so in the future. Give reasons for your answer.
(6) Do you think that the rules that determine what is and what
is not a crime are necessarily fair? Give reasons for your
answer.
(7) Discuss whether it is possible that the rules that are made can
criminalise ordinary, good people. Give examples.
(8) Discuss the reasons for the changing boundaries of crime and
punishment. Give appropriate examples.
Feedback
Apart from the questions that refer to the content of the study
unit, the other questions do not have a right or a wrong
answer. The “correctness” of your answer will depend on your
argument.
Conclusion
From the discussion in this study unit we have seen that the concept of crime is
a complex one, and that there is enormous variation in ideas on what constitutes a
crime and how it should be punished. The concept is far broader than what is normally
understood by criminal activity, and it is to this aspect that we are going to pay attention
in the next study unit.
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Study unit 14
9
9
HUMANS AND THEIR

ENCOUNTERS WITH
CRIME
Introduction
In our discussion of crime thus far we have dealt with the concepts of crime and
punishment, with particular emphasis on their changing nature. To understand crime as
a challenge to society, we also need to look at the nature of the crimes we encounter, as
well as the incidence of such crimes (how often they occur or how often we are exposed
to them).
In order to discuss, analyse and reflect on the incidence of various types of crime society
experiences, it is important to pay attention to the following:
• forms of and trends in crime

• the incidence of crime
2Therefore, in this study unit, we will consider the following key questions:
• How do we categorise forms of crime?

• How exposed are we to crime?
9.1 forms of and trends in crime

9.2 the incidence of crime
Conclusion
110
Humans and their encounters with crime
ACTIVITY
Go through your crime storybook and do the following:
(1) Consider what you learnt in the previous study unit and try to
provide a label or a name for each crime you have recorded,
for example murder, burglary or robbery.
(2) Try to group some of the crimes together by looking at shared
characteristics, for example loss of property, or loss of life.
(3) In your opinion, which of the crimes you have identified
are more common (frequent) and which are less common?
Arrange them in order from the most common to the
least common.
(4) In the past ten years, how often have you, close family
members and friends experienced crime?
(5) What types of crime have you and those in your circle been
exposed to?
(6) Discuss whether you consider that the crime rate in
your community is unacceptably high. Give reasons for your
answer.
Feedback
You are probably realising that there is a wide variety of crimes
and that their incidence may vary.
In the discussion in the following sections, we are going to pay
attention to various types of crime, including those that are
often overlooked. We will also look at some crime statistics
from different countries. It is important to note that the victims
of crime may include individuals, groups, society and even the
state. Globally people are increasingly exposed to a greater
variety of both crimes and perpetrators.
9.1 Forms of and trends in crime

In the previous study unit we identified a number of actions that are considered crimes
in some societies but not in others. We also mentioned that some crimes are more or less
universally considered to be crimes. Thus, crime covers an extremely broad spectrum of
possible transgressions. In the South African news media there are almost daily calls for
the government to do something about crime, but what types of crime do the media have
in mind?
Newspaper reports dealing with crime usually refer to murder, armed robbery,
hijacking, rape, assault and burglary, and these fit with what most people have in mind
when referring to crime. To many people crime is violent, but they perhaps associate
violence with the concept of crime because of their revulsion at these transgressions or
perhaps because of their exposure to these types of crime. Few would probably identify
traffic violations, such as driving under the influence of alcohol, as crimes, yet 15 393
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people died on South Africa’s roads in 2006, and a significant number of these deaths
were alcohol related (Road Traffic Management Corporation 2006:27).
In this section we are going to identify and discuss some of these crimes, both those that
are better known and those that are not as well known. Unfortunately we cannot deal
with all categories of crime, and so we will limit ourselves to a brief overview of the
types of and trends in crime that are important for purposes of this study unit.
2Classifying crime
For the purposes of this discussion, we are going to identify certain categories of crime
by classifying the crimes of which they are made up on the basis of certain shared
characteristics. For example, the crimes listed above (and which we usually think of first
when we think of crime) are often termed (or classified as) “conventional crime”; they
include the subcategory of violent crimes such as murder, rape, assault and robbery, as
well as the subcategory of property crimes such as burglary, theft, shoplifting, arson and
vandalism.
Consumer fraud and corruption are sometimes, but not always, included in definitions
of the concept of conventional crime. However, note that different criteria may be
used to classify crime, for example the location and nature of the crime. Should we
look at the location or place, we would have categories such as domestic crimes,
which could include abuse, neglect and violence, and workplace crimes, which could
include crimes such as theft, fraud and forgery. Thus, different criteria would result in
different categories, but in the discussion below we are not going to follow a specific
classification. Thus, some of the crimes may be included in different categories. For
example, the categories of political, state and war crimes may contain violent and other
crimes, but the category of violent crime includes only crimes that are also referred to as
contact crimes.
Thus, in this section we are going to pay attention to the following types of crime:
• political crimes
• state crimes
• war crimes
• violent crime
• white-collar crime
• environmental crime
• organised crime
Other types of crime that we will not be discussing include blue-collar crime
(committed by individuals belonging to a lower social class), street crime
(crime committed in public places) and domestic crimes (crime committed within a
household).
2Political crimes
Political crimes are acts considered to pose a threat to the state, such as treason,
espionage, sedition, terrorism and refusal to do compulsory military service
(conscription). These crimes are often regarded as the most serious, because they
constitute an attack against the public order. Offenders are therefore prosecuted, and
political crimes often carry the death penalty. This situation applied in South Africa
prior to the abolition of the death penalty.
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These crimes therefore involve actions that go against the very foundation of public
order, namely the state, and therefore cannot be equated with the motive of self-interest
of ordinary criminals. This implies that political crimes are extremely controversial. For
example, it is often said that one person’s terrorist is another person’s freedom fighter.
Political crimes involve different views and interpretations of society as well as different
ideologies (such as liberalism versus communism) in terms of what constitutes the
“ideal” society. This makes it difficult to determine what is “right” and what is “wrong”.
For example, in some states, on the grounds of religious principles there may be a clash
between two such views concerning the principles underlying the state, namely secular
liberalism and support for a religious state.
Many people were prosecuted in South Africa for a variety of political crimes during the
apartheid period of 1948 to 1994. In essence, people were prosecuted because their quest
for an inclusive political dispensation conflicted with the quest by those in power for
exclusive ethnic and culture-based political units. The problematic nature of arguments
for and against are seen to be even more complex if we consider the breakup of the
former Yugoslavia and Soviet Union (USSR) into precisely such ethnic and culture-
based units, which are now recognised as sovereign states.
Due to the propaganda value of political trials, states do not always distinguish between
political crimes and ordinary crimes in their prosecution of political offenders. This
is usually an attempt to avoid the debates and propaganda concerning the justification
of state laws versus the “moral” motives of the accused. During the struggle in South
Africa, instead of prosecuting members of the struggle in terms of security legislation,
the state often charged them with ordinary crimes such as murder, arson and malicious
damage to property (Buntman 2003:18).
After what have come to be known as the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the United States
on 11 September 2001, a number of states, including South Africa, have overhauled
their security legislation, amidst much controversy. Most of the criticism concerned
the intrusion on the privacy of individuals, limitations on freedom of speech and
academic freedom, and the blurring of the distinction between political crimes and
legitimate dissent – which to a certain extent is a right in a democracy. Thus, authorities
may include a wide range of “benign” behaviours under political crimes, such as
merely making suggestions concerning the correctness of the boundaries of the state,
participating in a demonstration, reading banned books, mentioning the name of a
banned person, photographing military equipment without permission, and even writing
a satire on a political order. The latter is of particular importance in the crime of dissent,
hence the term “dissident writer”.
The central question concerning these types of security laws is whether they serve the
public order or merely serve to entrench the position of the authorities – that is, do they
truly represent justifiable ideas about the public order or are they merely perceived as
means to further the ends of the ruling elite? The myriad of laws that applied during
South Africa’s struggle history serves as a good example in this regard. Article II of the
International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid
(United Nations General Assembly 1973) (available on internet), for example, defines
the term “apartheid” as “inhuman acts committed for the purpose of establishing and
maintaining domination by one racial group of persons over any other racial group of
persons and systematically oppressing them”. Thus, it is important to note that power
and state institutions, as already alluded to in the previous study unit, could be abused:
as the saying goes, “power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely,” and
security of the state could provide a perfect cover in this regard.
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The different perspectives on political crimes are clearly demonstrated in the work of
the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (report available on internet) after South
Africa’s transition to democracy. Those who applied for amnesty had to convince the
hearings that their actions had been motivated by political concerns and were not simply
ordinary criminal activity – thus a claim that a wife’s lover was murdered because he
was a political enemy would not have succeeded (there were cases such as these). This
implies that some crimes that were considered political in nature were justified by
circumstances. As implied above, political crimes and state crimes often go hand in
hand, and we therefore need to consider the latter.
2State crimes
Political crimes should therefore be distinguished from state crimes, although the two
are often two sides of the same coin. It is ironic that the institutions that are supposed to
ensure our safety and security may also be perpetrators of crime, or at least provide the
environment in which such crimes may be committed. States do not always lay down
rules in terms of which they and their agents may be prosecuted, but the adoption of a
bill of rights as well as international law and norms are important in this regard.
Apart from the abovementioned international convention on apartheid, paragraph 2 of

Article 7 of the 2002 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (United Nations
2002) (available on internet) has also cited apartheid as a crime against humanity. Its
provisions apply only to future events, but it is clear from its definition of apartheid
that it covers most apartheid-era policies, such as denying people political rights and
freedom of residence.
Like political crimes, state crimes are extremely controversial. On the one hand, the
state has the function of securing “law and order”, and in the process may defend an
unjust political dispensation. Thus, the focus in state crimes is more on the nature of the
action taken by the authorities, particularly with regard to basic human rights, than on
the ends, which essentially involve a dispute concerning a just political dispensation.
ACTIVITY
Read the following BBC news report dated 16 December 2004,
which deals with both political and state crimes, and answer the
questions.
Terror detainees win Lords appeal
Detaining foreign terrorist suspects without trial breaks human

rights laws, the UK’s highest court has ruled.
In a blow to the government’s anti-terror measures, the House of

Lords [Judicial Committee (commonly known as “the Law Lords”)]
(The Law Lords were until 2009 the highest court of appeal in the
UK, but have been replaced by a constitutional court with effect
from October 2009.) ruled by an eight to one majority in favour of
appeals by nine detainees.
The Law Lords said the measures were incompatible with

European human rights laws, but Home Secretary Charles Clarke
said the men would remain in prison (Terror detainees win Lords
appeal 2004).
114
On the Our Kingdom website, the following statement was made

in this regard:
What I don’t understand is why, after holding someone for 28

days – or better 2 days – the police can’t simply charge them and
continue to build their case. There is consensus that in terrorist
cases there should be continued questioning after charge. Further
charges can be added with new evidence (The case for detention
without trial rebutted 2007).
(1) Do you believe that a state should have the right to detain
people without trial – that is, with no formal charges having
been laid against them and with no trial process being
followed?
(2) What, in your opinion, are the reasons for the government’s
decision to ignore the ruling of the highest court in this case?
(3) How do you feel about the government ignoring the ruling of
the highest court in this regard?
(4) What are the dangers that uncontrolled detention without trial
hold for us all?
Feedback
Detention without trial is a mechanism that states often use to
remove “suspected” political offenders from society for vari-
ous reasons. These may be to collect the necessary evidence
for a trial and to collect information from the detainees – unfor-
tunately often through torture. However, “offenders” are often
detained in the mistaken belief that in their absence a revolu-
tionary climate will cool down. It is also a mechanism that is
open to abuse – a political rival, no matter how peaceful, could
end up being detained without trial. This could also affect our
rights as ordinary citizens. This is also a clear indication of how
attempts to provide security or protection negatively affect our
fundamental human needs.
Other forms of state crime include crimes against humanity (as apartheid was declared
by the international society), politicide, which is the deliberate eradication of political
groups, and genocide, which targets particular ethnic, cultural or religious groups in a
number of ways, but which particularly manifests in the physical destruction of such
groups. Physically transferring children from identified groups may also constitute
genocide.
The crime of genocide is often associated with war, but this is not necessarily the
case. The term was coined during World War II as a result of the actions taken by
the Germans against both Jews and the Roma (Gypsies). However, history contains
countless examples of incidents of genocide since the earliest of times. A recent example
is what happened in Rwanda in April 1994, when Hutu actions against the Tutsis saw the
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death of close to a million people over a three-month period. There are also allegations
of genocide in Darfur, Sudan.
Claims of genocide are often controversial, however, since the “perpetrators” often
claim that actions against particular groups were necessary in order to restore and
maintain “law and order”.
An additional problem that prosecutors of state crimes face is the need for reconciliation
between the oppressors and the oppressed. Thus, in an attempt to consolidate peace the
route of amnesty or a “truth commission” – as was the case in South Africa – is often
followed.
2War crimes
War crimes take place within the context of a violent conflict between two or more
hostile political entities that wish to achieve certain goals through the application of
armed force. War may be between states, but may also involve different political entities
within a particular state, in which case we speak of civil war. Within international law,
there are clear guidelines for appropriate conduct in times of war. A number of treaties,
protocols, declarations and conventions have been established in this regard. The first
of the Geneva Conventions establishing rules for the treatment of wounded soldiers was
adopted as early as 1864 (available on internet), but it was revised as part of the four
treaties of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 (available on internet), to which a number of
protocols were later added. These Conventions and protocols clearly set standards for
the treatment of wounded soldiers, civilians and prisoners of war. The Rome Statute of
the International Criminal Court also clearly sets standards for proper conduct in times
of conflict. Thus, war crimes follow from noncompliance with these prescriptions and
proscriptions.
However, the violent environment generated by warfare often provides fertile ground
for severe violations of rules that might apply. World War II was followed by the
Nuremberg trials, held between 1945 and 1946 at the city of Nuremberg, Germany.
There an international military tribunal tried several of the most important transgressors
of the codes of conduct and norms pertaining to war. A number of Nazi war criminals
were sentenced to death and others received prison sentences. The events of World War
II were no exception, as was demonstrated by the violent break-up of Yugoslavia in the
1990s and the Rwanda genocide – both of which were followed by war crime trials.
At the time of writing the former President of Liberia was being prosecuted for war
crimes committed in Sierra Leone.
However, many war crime trials are accused of being victors’ trials. It is for example
claimed that during World War II atrocities were also committed by the Allies (the
side that won the war), but that they have never been accused of violating the rules of
warfare. In February 1945, the air forces of the United States and the United Kingdom
bombed the German city of Dresden, resulting in the death of between 25 000 and
40 000 civilians (though some put the figure as high as 250 000). The question of
whether the bombings were justified was a controversial one, and investigations were
launched that defended the Allies within the context of the war. However, international
rules stipulate that a warring side should refrain from action if it is known that military
action will give rise to civilian casualties. Nobody was ever prosecuted.
116
2Violent crime
You have already been introduced to the category of violent crimes, which are crimes
in which force or the threat of force is used against a victim. These are also referred
to as contact crimes. They include murder or intentional homicide; culpable homicide;
aggravated robbery, such as armed robbery; house and business robbery; and car
hijackings (Burger & Boshoff 2008:4) (available on internet). These are actions
most commonly associated with crime, and have the most negative impact on people’s
perceptions of crime and the effect thereof on their lives. Violent crime in particular is
targeted during the introduction of anti-crime strategies.
2White-collar crime
Definitions of white-collar crime vary in terms of what is included and what is not. In
general, for our purposes, the term refers to nonviolent crime usually committed by
people in positions of trust in terms of both their occupation and social standing (thus
by people belonging to the upper class). These crimes usually include fraud, corruption,
money laundering, forgery, embezzlement, cyber crime, asset misappropriation,
insurance fraud and wilful overcharging, and they usually affect the financial
performance of business organisations. White-collar crimes are often difficult to detect
and because the perpetrators may have contact with people in “high places” and are
able to afford the best lawyers, they are often under-prosecuted. It is estimated that
judgments are made in only five per cent of cases reported to the police in South Africa.
Because many of these crimes take place within a business environment, companies
often choose to deal with these crimes in terms of their own disciplinary codes in order
to prevent negative publicity during a public trial.
ACTIVITY
Revise our discussion of class in study unit 5. What do you think
the connection is between the status and power advantages
enjoyed by the wealthy and the under-prosecution of white-collar
crimes?
2Environmental crime
Environmental crime includes a number of actions that endanger the environment, such
as the illegal trade in wildlife, illegal fishing and pollution, particularly by toxic waste.
These crimes are usually organised and transnational (that is, they occur across borders).
Scientific evidence is revealing more and more about the effect of human actions on the
environment. Thus, human actions towards the environment do require regulation which
can be enforced.
2Organised crime
The concept of organised crime is defined by Galeotti (2008:6) as “a continuing

enterprise, apart from traditional and legal social structures, within which a number
of persons work together under their own hierarchy to gain power and profit for their
private gain, through illegal activities”. He further stresses that the concept of organised
crime is more than simply crime that is organised, because any crime that involves more
than one perpetrator requires at least some form of organisation (Galeotti 2008:3).
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Organised crime may involve less formal organisations such as smuggling networks and
syndicates, but it may also include the formalised crime “families”, or gangs, such as
the Sicilian and American mafia, the Columbian cartels, the Russian mafia (sometimes
mafiya), the Japanese yakuza and the Chinese triads. These families or gangs should,
however, be distinguished from the more violent groups of delinquent youths that
are also often called gangs. In the latter, the formalised long-term “entrepreneurial”
characteristic is absent. (For more information on the history and characteristics of these
organisations, go to wikipedia and search these names on the website.)
Galeotti’s definition implies a number of characteristics that could be helpful in

distinguishing organised crime from other crimes. Organised crime has business-
like characteristics, since the perpetrators are “out for profit” and could therefore be
regarded as long term criminal enterprises or “violent entrepreneurs” (Galeotti 2008:2,
5; Volkov 2002). It involves multiple members who enjoy close interaction, trust and a
shared identity as members of the group or “unit”. In the case of crime “families”, the
identity is formalised and involves oaths of allegiance and strictly enforced codes of
conduct. Crime families may involve blood relations (although this is not necessary);
however, in order to become a member, a person is required to swear an oath of loyalty
to the “brotherhood” or new family.
The organised crime units often share similar social origins, culture, hobbies, recreation
and employment (Kleemans & Van de Bunt 2008). There is usually some form of
hierarchical structure in their organisation and members, as well as their position, may
be identified by distinguishing marks such as tattoos and a secret language. Again, this
is of particular importance in crime families.
ACTIVITY
Revise the discussion of markers of identity in study unit 2. What
markers of identity have we distinguished in the discussion of
organised crime above? What role do you think the strong feelings
of belonging created by a shared identity play in the functioning of
organised crime families?
Although they may seek political influence, organised crime families or units remain
nonideological. In the latter sense, organised crime should be distinguished from
terrorism, which usually involves explicit political motives. Members of organised crime
units commit crimes knowingly and on a sustained basis. In this sense, they have to be
distinguished from banditry and warlordism, which may merely involve the practice of
the “natural law” of survival in the absence of societal rules promoting order and peace
(Galeotti 2008:4).
The types of crime committed by organised crime units usually involve illicit trade and
in particular the smuggling of contraband and counterfeit goods, drugs and weapons.
Furthermore, they are involved in human trafficking, the sex trade, protection rackets
and the sale of stolen goods, money swindles and money laundering. Most try to avoid
inflicting physical violence on society in general; their activities may be local, but more
often they involve international networks.
Organised crime often “involves activities that are embedded in the existing work
relations and work settings” (Kleemans & Van de Bunt 2008:187). Networks, which may
also involve crime families, often come into being through contacts at strategic places
118
such as the workplace, which often involves occupations where travel and mobility
as well as particular skills are required and which is determined by the particular
“crime business”. Those employed in the transport, security, financial, information
and communication technology businesses, and the organisers of and participants
in international conferences are therefore of particular importance in this regard
(Kleemans & Van de Bunt 2008; Prunckun 2008). Thus certain occupations provide the
opportunities, as well as the cover, for a variety of crimes to be perpetrated.
The sociology of these crime units is complex, and in the case of less formal groups
such as smuggling networks it differs from that of highly centralised crime families.
Crime “families” often become havens for people already experiencing hardship,
inequality and marginalisation in society. Thus, to ensure their survival, they organise
and usually become involved in smuggling. This is the case with most of the big
crime families, and the security provided by the organisation to a loyal and obedient
member is often a draw card – note how membership of gangs may satisfy some of
the fundamental human needs we have identified. The Burakumin and ethnic Koreans
occupy a lower social status in Japan, but are disproportionately represented in the
yakuza; similarly, the uncertainties that followed the collapse of the Soviet Union were a
factor in the rise of the Russian mafia.
Even though these families have strict rules proscribing cooperation with the authorities,
there is often some form of symbiotic relationship with the authorities and other legal
actors (see Passas 1999) (available on internet). The police may turn a blind eye because
protection rackets may ensure security in areas where the police are unable to do so.
Furthermore, because of their international networks, they may provide the authorities
with important contacts and information, and there have been cases where they have
been involved in espionage.
Thus, organised crime and in particular multinational crime syndicates relying on

international networks are probably one of the biggest challenges faced by local and
international society. As Galeotti (2008:6) puts it:
the study of organised crime is another aspect of the wider study of power,
governance and inequality and not … the study of a handful of aberrant “bad apples”
… Instead organised crime can be a means of exploiting the weak or else a weapon
of resistance whereby outsiders can carve themselves some opportunities of their
own … [they] filled a vacuum of the state’s making, defined by the lack of adequate
law enforcement, the gulf between the state’s and society’s notions of justice …
Thus, organised crime is usually transnational and has become a global phenomenon. It
is probably the most challenging type of crime that societies encounter.
9.2 The incidence of crime

You have been introduced to some of the crimes that we as members of society may
encounter. The incidence of these crimes will vary from one society to another because
it depends on the particular circumstances within each, but it will also vary over time
within a particular society.
During the struggle era in South Africa there was a high incidence of political and
state crimes. However, since South Africa’s transition to democracy this situation has
changed dramatically. There are, however, still a number of political prisoners in jail;
these include some members of the white right wing and some members of the Pan
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Africanist Congress, and both groups have claimed that their human rights have been
violated.
Violent crime is currently the source of most of South African society’s anxiety
concerning crime, and has had the most negative impact on society’s perception of
crime. Unfortunately, statistics are not comforting (Burger & Boshoff 2008:4–5).
ACTIVITY
The following are murder rates per 100 000 (that is the number of
murders per annum for each 100 000 members of the population)
of a number of countries for the year 2006. The countries are listed
alphabetically.
Algeria (0,64); Argentina (5.24); Belize (32,67); Brazil (23,8); Canada

(1,68); Egypt (0,59); El Salvador (58.07); Germany (0,88); India (2,82);
Italy (1,06); Kenya (5,72); Mexico (10,97); South Africa (39,5); Spain
(0,77); Thailand (7,92); United States (5,62).
(1) List the five countries with the highest number of murders in
descending order (from the highest) by completing the table
below.
TABLE 9.1: COUNTRIES WITH HIGH CRIME RATES
STATE South
Africa
MURDERS 39,5
PER
100 000
Sources: United Nations 2008; Burger & Boshoff 2008
(2) List the five countries with the lowest number of murders in
ascending order (from the lowest) by completing the table
below.
TABLE 9.2: COUNTRIES WITH LOW CRIME RATES
STATE Egypt
MURDERS 0,59
PER
100 000
Source: United Nations 2008
120
(3) What possible reasons could be given to explain the low

incidence of crime in some countries?
(4) What possible reasons could be given to explain the high
incidence of crime in some countries?
(5) Now in descending order list the five countries with the highest
levels of inequality according to their Gini coefficients, and
then in ascending order the five countries with the lowest levels
of inequality. The list of countries on which to base your lists
follows. See study unit 6 for information on how to interpret this
measurement.
Gini coefficients
Algeria (35,3); Argentina (51,3); Belize (not available); Brazil (57);

Canada (32,6); Egypt (34,4); El Salvador (52,4); Germany (28,3); India
(36,8); Italy (36); Kenya (42,5); Mexico (46,1); South Africa (57,8);
Spain (34,7); Thailand (42); United Countries (40,8).
Source: List of countries by income inequality (Sa)
TABLE 9.3: COUNTRIES WITH HIGH LEVELS OF INEQUALITY
STATE South
Africa
Gini- 57,8
coefficient
Source: Wikipedia
TABLE 9.4: COUNTRIES WITH LOW LEVELS OF INEQUALITY
STATE Germany
Gini- 28,3
coefficient
Source: Wikipedia
(6) Can you make any statement about the connection between high
levels of inequality and high crime rates?
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Feedback
Although the above list of states does not include all countries, it
provides a clear indication of South Africa’s high murder rate. It is
significant that other African countries such as Algeria and Egypt
have low murder rates. If we compare the list of countries with
high murder rates with the list of countries with high inequality,
we find a close correlation. El Salvador, South Africa, Brazil and
Mexico feature on both lists, with Argentina the only country
not to do so. When it comes to low murder rates, we again note
the close correlation between low murder rates and low inequal-
ity, with four of the five countries appearing on both lists. Why
there should be such a connection should not be a mystery. In
countries where inequality is high we can expect the poor to feel
deprived relative to the wealthy because of the glaringly obvi-
ous differences in life chances. These differences are less pro-
nounced in countries with greater equality, where most people
are poor, or where most people are relatively wealthy. Inequality
also offers a rationalisation for the poor to engage in crime, since
they can argue that they are simply getting access to the things
they have been unjustly excluded from.
As we saw in the introduction to this guide, as well as the risk fac-
tors that the United Nations Office for Drugs and Crime (UNODC
2008:7–16) has identified (see study unit 8), the reasons for a high
crime rate however extend beyond inequality. Apart from societal
factors there could also be factors such as underreporting and
poor recordkeeping.
Analyses of South Africa’s murder cases point to a number of disturbing facts, which
cause one to question the very nature of South African society. The vast majority of
murders (81,5%) are committed by people who are known to the victim (Burger &
Boshoff 2008:5). Also disturbing is the number of high profile contracted murders
organised to dispose of close family members – the contracted murders of Taliep
Petersen and baby Jordan being examples. Similar patterns are also observable in
Australia, where research on crime statistics for 2005 has indicated that only 2% of
women and 25% of male victims are murdered by strangers (see AIC, 2006:20). The
problem in this regard is that police are not necessarily in a position to prevent crimes
that involve acquaintances or relatives of the victim (Burger & Boshoff 2008:5).
Aggravated robbery, which includes house robbery, car hijacking, business robbery,
bank robbery and cash-in-transit robbery, is also unacceptably high in South Africa and
contributes significantly to people’s feelings of insecurity. Although house robberies and
car hijackings have increased, particularly since 1997, at the time of writing there had
been a slight decrease in aggravated robbery in general since 2004 (Burger & Boshoff
2008:6–7). In 1997 the overall number of incidents of aggravated robbery per 100 000 of
the population was 164; in 2004 it was 288, and in 2008 it was 247.
122
ACTIVITY
In your crime storybook, do the following:
(1) Write down the key points that you can remember from the
text.
(2) Why have these points stuck with you?
(3) Make a summary in point form of the content of study unit.
(4) What types of crime usually make the news headlines?
(5) Discuss the two types of crime that you think are the
most common. Give reasons for your choice.
(6) Discuss the two types of crime that in your opinion are most
problematic. Give reasons for your choice.
(7) Discuss whether the state is necessarily a guardian of our
rights. Give reasons for your standpoint.
(8) Make a list of ten crimes in any order. Indicate what
punishment you would favour for what crime.
Feedback
Apart from the questions that refer to the content of the study
unit, there are no right or wrong answers to any of the other
questions – the acceptability of your answer will depend on
how you present your arguments.
Conclusion
Certain crimes are universal: this category usually includes the conventional crimes.
However, new technologies and the ease of travel bring new opportunities for criminals,
and with them, new challenges for societies that wish to be orderly and peaceful. Thus,
crime is a worldwide phenomenon and global crime networks should receive attention
at international level. We will discuss this topic in the next study unit, in which we pay
attention to the consequences of and responses to crime.
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Study unit 15
1010
THE EFFECT OF CRIME
ON HUMANITY
Introduction
In the previous two study units, we paid attention to the concepts of crime and
punishment, as well as the incidence of crime. In our analysis of crime as a challenge
to society, we also need to investigate what effect crime has on people. On the one hand
the effect is passive in the sense that it merely has consequences, and on the other hand
it may be active in the sense that it provokes certain actions, reactions and responses
from individuals, communities and the state.
In order to discuss, analyse and reflect on the effect of criminality on humanity at the
individual, societal, political and global level, in this study unit we will consider the
following key questions:
• What are the consequences of crime?

• How do people respond to crime?

2
The study unit is organised as follows:
10.1 the consequences of crime

10.2 responses to crime
Conclusion
ACTIVITY
Reflect on the phenomenon of crime. In your crime storybook
write down all your ideas about the effects of crime. Use the
following as guidelines:
(1) List all the consequences of crime you can think of.
(2) Indicate whether the consequences you have identified are
experienced at a personal, community, economic, political or
global level.
124
The effect of crime on humanity
(3) What do you do to protect yourself, your property and

your community from crime?
(4) What do you believe could and should be done to secure your
safety, security and protection, and that of society in general?
(5) Indicate whether you think crime could prevent humans from
realising their potential.
Feedback
As indicated in study unit 9, people may experience crime directly
through themselves becoming victims of crime. However, they may
also experience it indirectly through friends and family who have ex-
perienced crime directly, or because of the explicit and often sensa-
tional media reporting on particular crimes. People usually differ in
their ideas about crime as a result of differences in their individual
circumstances and experiences. How we experience crime, as well
as the nature of the crime, will influence the effect crime has on us.
There are also certain personal traits that could determine the effect
of crime on a particular person. Crime often has a greater effect
on women, the youth, the elderly, low status individuals, the poor
and the urbanised (Amerio & Roccato 2005, 2007; Oh & Kim 2009).
In terms of the needs analysis discussed in the orientation to this
theme, people will adopt various strategies in order to deal with the
consequences of crime. Unfortunately, some of these could have a
negative effect on our ability to satisfy some of our other fundamen-
tal human needs.
In the sections that follow we are going to pay attention to some of the consequences of
and responses to crime. Unfortunately, it is not possible to pay attention to all.
10.1 The consequences of crime

From your reflection above you should have realised that crime has numerous
consequences. These may include the more visible consequences such as damages,
destruction and loss of property, physical injury, disability and even death. However,
it is often the consequences that are less visible that may have long-term effects, and it
is to these that we are going to pay attention in this section. To simplify the discussion
in this study unit we will group the effects of crime in terms of whether the effect is
experienced at the psychological, social, economic, political or global level.
2Psychological consequences of crime
At the personal psychological level, crime has a number of effects, such as feelings of
humiliation, loss, a sense of invasion of privacy, powerlessness, fear, concern, anger,
hatred, alienation and post-traumatic stress disorder, but it may also have the effect of
desensitising people to crime – that is, they no longer have feelings about crime. We will
briefly consider the following psychological effects of crime:
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• fear and concern
• guilt
2Fear of and concern about crime
At the psychological level, experiencing crime directly and indirectly produces two
important effects, namely fear of crime and, concern about crime (Amerio & Rocatto
2005:17–18). Fear of crime is a “sensation of agitation or anxiety for one’s own safety
or that of one’s personal property” and it involves both actual and/or potential danger –
which may be realistic or unrealistic. Concern about crime is a state of agitation about
the spread of criminal acts in a person’s society and thus involves the wellbeing of
society as a whole (Amerio & Rocatto 2005:18).
Fear of crime is usually less widespread than concern about crime. The former is
usually the result of experiencing crime either personally or indirectly through friends
and family. On the other hand, concern about crime is mostly the result of media and
grapevine reporting of incidents of crime (Amerio & Rocatto 2007:100).
Both of these reactions lead to feelings of insecurity, which have become a problem
affecting many societies, including that in South Africa. Feelings of insecurity
may have a number of other psychological consequences, namely anxiety, distrust,
disempowerment and dissatisfaction. Attempts to cope with the threat of crime
affect the behaviour of individuals, and there may be a reduction in social life and
constraints on the individual’s life, mobility and living conditions, which may in turn
affect the productivity of individuals and their quality of life. It may also affect the
quality of community life, as well as perceptions of and attitudes towards “others”.
Furthermore, it may affect the economic and political conditions in a society (Amerio
& Rocatto 2007:92). Thus crime affects not only our ability to satisfy the need for
protection, but also the needs for affection, creativity and participation.
2Guilt
Crime may also lead to feelings of guilt. Guilt may be the outcome of many
psychosocial processes. It may be the outcome of class differences, where the wealthy
harbour feelings of guilt because others are materially at a disadvantage. However,
there is not always a direct correlational relationship between poverty and criminality
(see discussion in study unit 9). Furthermore, there may be feelings of guilt at having
raised criminal offspring, or within a societal context at having created the conditions
for criminality. When in April 2007 a Korean with permanent residence in the
United States murdered a number of students, Koreans all over the world experienced
tremendous guilt. Similarly the brutal killing of black people by a white Afrikaner boy
in South Africa in January 2008 resulted in feelings of guilt among whites in general
and Afrikaners in particular.
Feelings of guilt are more intensely experienced, however, when they arise following
political and state crimes. This is clearly demonstrated by the reaction of Europe,
particularly Germany and Austria, to the treatment of Jews during World War II. The
fact that the questioning of the history and extent of these events has been declared a
crime could be attributed to feelings of intense guilt. Likewise, the extent of state crimes
during the struggle for democracy in South Africa has produced feelings of guilt among
whites.
Feelings of guilt are often the consequence of powerlessness, the inability to do

anything about something perceived as being immoral. Such feelings could be even
126
more intense when people are forced to act in ways contrary to their beliefs. The effect
of conscription, that is, compulsory military service, on the psyche of white South
Africans during the struggle and the wars with Angola and the South West African
People’s Organisation (SWAPO) of Namibia are only now being researched.
2Societal consequences of crime
Crime has a number of effects on society. In addition to collective manifestations of,

for example, fear, anger and guilt, phenomena such as stereotyping, racialisation and
xenophobia may also be consequences of crime. We are therefore going to pay particular
attention to the stereotyping of crime.
A stereotype is a standardised conception of a particular group, for example the

notion that all Germans are clever and all Jews are money-makers. Within the context
of a discussion of crime, the concept of stereotyping crime implies that within a
heterogeneous society (ie one containing various race, ethnic and religious groups),
perceptions develop among the population linking crime in general, or specific types
of crime, to particular race, ethnic or religious groups – that is “race” coding of crime
(Federico & Holmes 2005:48). Stereotyping may be either negative or positive, and
what is interesting is that “other groups” and not the own group are often perceived as
being responsible for crime. Perceptions relating to some groups’ criminal behaviour
are usually unfounded, but could lead to even more troubling behaviour such as racism,
racial hatred and xenophobia in a society. In South Africa a number of stereotypes
pertaining to most race and ethnic groups are encountered.
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ACTIVITY
In your crime storybook, write down what the perceptions of members
of your community are with regard to foreigners. Pay attention to the
following:
(1) Are the members of your community of the opinion that

foreigners from other African countries are illegal immigrants?
(2) Do they believe that particular groups of foreigners, such
as Nigerians, Mozambicans and Chinese are involved in, for
example, drugs, prostitution, money laundering and smuggling
of commodities such as ivory and rhino horn?
(3) Do you believe there are truths in such stereotypes with regard
to crime and particular groups of people?
(4) How would you respond to these perceptions in the light of the
discussion of foreigners and xenophobia in study unit 4?
Feedback
Even if these stereotypes are not widespread in your commu-
nity, they often surface in conversations and even the newspa-
pers. However, research has indicated that there is no empirical
evidence that these stereotypes are true. If one person of a par-
ticular nationality is involved in a crime, it is incorrect to label
all others from that group as similar offenders. For instance, at
the time of writing in South Africa there was a perception that
Mozambicans were responsible for violent crime; however, it
was found that the majority of those involved in violent crimes
were in fact South Africans.
Incidents of intergroup, particularly interracial, crime play a significant role in fuelling

perceptions about “others” in society – even if these incidents are rare. Furthermore,
support by the population for public policy on crime and punishment is often influenced
by these stereotypes. Peffley and Hurwitz (2002:67–70) identify several culprits guilty
of fuelling sentiments in this regard, namely media coverage, racially coded political
rhetoric, and public policies that either favour or target particular races. It is easy “to
‘play the race card’ – either as a candidate for office or as a proponent of ‘get tough’
agendas … individuals could introduce race into a message by focusing on issues such
as crime, welfare, and affirmative action” (Peffley & Hurwitz 2002:68), which in turn
may result in racial resentment.
Stereotypes are often the outcome of prejudice and intolerance towards others,
particularly those holding other worldviews, and are seldom, if ever, based on facts.
Research has indicated that individuals who subscribe to the norms of equality and
tolerance are less inclined to stereotype groups with regard to the issue of crime
(Federico & Holmes 2005:49–52).
Within the South African context, all of these “culprits” are present, and the race card
has often (perhaps too often) been played in the media, as well as in political debates
128
on the high incidence of crime. The perception is held that white people are the primary
targets of crime, which is not the case. In political rhetoric, the impression is created
that only whites are concerned about crime, and that their concerns are unjustified. On
a number of occasions, their concerns have been dismissed as an inability to accept that
they no longer dominate the political scene. The manner in which the media portray
interracial crime in South Africa also serves to fuel racial perceptions on crime and the
population’s reaction to crime. Thus, unwarranted stereotyping is prevalent in South
Africa. South Africa is not alone in this regard, however; most societies, even relatively
homogeneous societies such as Japan, harbour such perceptions, and globally the “war
on terror” stereotypes Muslims as being religious fundamentalists and even fanatics.
2The effects of crime on the economy
The presence of crime has a number of direct economic consequences. First, there
are direct financial costs. Some crimes lead to direct material losses; burglary, theft
and fraud involve the loss of property and money, which in some instances may be
crippling and even ruinous to individuals and communities. Losing life earnings may
have devastating consequences; South Africa in recent years has experienced several
high-profile fraud cases involving billions in investor money, including pension savings,
leaving many people of a vulnerable age destitute. Violent crimes could also have huge
financial losses for the victims, such as medical costs, loss of earnings and the loss of a
breadwinner. Thus, the economic consequences of crime are obstacles in our attempts to
satisfy our fundamental human needs.
Furthermore, taxpayers have to pay for the investigations, court cases, the costs
associated with the imprisonment of those convicted and sentenced to prison terms
and taking care of dependents of prisoners. This money could have been spent in more
constructive ways, such as the funding of research, the arts and infrastructure.
Secondly, as already alluded to, crime affects the functionality and productivity of
members of society in a number of ways. Fear, anxiety, distrust, paranoia and post-
traumatic stress disorder are important in this regard. The energy spent on safeguarding
the life and property of individuals and their households could have been spent in more
productive and rewarding ways. In this regard the United Nations Office on Drugs and
Crime (2008:4) states:
Men and women have the right to live their lives and raise their children in dignity,
free from hunger and from the fear of violence, oppression or injustice … These
fundamental rights cannot be achieved unless crime is reduced and prevented …
crime prevention strategies not only prevent crime and victimization, but also
promote community safety and contribute to sustainable development.
Thirdly, crime also has a direct negative effect on investment and tourism, which in turn
leads to the underutilisation of opportunities and potential within a society and even a
region. Even worse is disinvestment resulting from perceptions that crime is increasing,
or that crime cannot be controlled in the long term.
Fourthly, the establishment of a crime-industrial complex is a troubling economic

consequence of crime. This implies that crime provides the foundation for a lucrative
industry, which creates societal dependency on the presence of crime. The sociology
of this dependency is quite similar to that of the protection rackets associated with
organised crime. Thus the industry develops to provide protection where the police
are unable to do so, but at the same time, this creates a dependency on either real or
imagined crime; thus fear of crime is utilised (even exploited) for profit.
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ACTIVITY
Read through the following facts and excerpts and answer the
questions.
In 2005 there were 288 686 registered security officers who

were active. In addition, there were a further 638 181 who
were registered but inactive (Berg 2007:5–6). On the other
hand the number of police officers in January 2009 was
139 975 (Police Population Ratios).
It has been claimed that providing for the security needs of

South Africans “is currently one of South Africa’s fastest
growing industries … [with a] current annual turnover of the
industry … around R40 billion … The growth of the industry
has also been an avenue of employment for the unemployed”
(Berg 2007:4–6).
(1) How does the number of police officers compare with the
number of active registered security officers?
(2) Would you have preferred the number of police officers to
exceed the number of security officers? Give reasons for your
preference.
(3) Apart from security firms, list other types of businesses and
professionals that you think benefit directly or indirectly from
crime.
(4) Do you regard the security industry as important in South
Africa? Give reasons for your answer.
(5) Are there dangers involved in the security industry becoming
too important?
There are more than twice the number of active security officers than police officers.
This is somewhat problematic and “raises a number of normative questions on the way
private policing has gradually subsumed the role of the state” (Berg 2007:25). This
has therefore created the impression that the state can no longer be trusted to provide
security – note the emphasis on the role of the state as discussed in the orientation. The
police are in fact accountable to the public, but the security industry is not. There is
thus a real danger that private security may intrude on our freedom and privacy. For
this reason, there have been calls for greater regulation of the industry by the state.
Furthermore, other types of businesses and professionals partially, or even completely,
rely on crime for their income. These include insurance firms, repair services, legal
firms and even medical and counselling services, to name a few. Also, consider the
additional sales of commodities such as cars, furniture, clothing, electrical goods
and computers. Thus, if there were suddenly a significant drop in the actual or perceived
crime rate, it would be felt in the economic sector. However, it would be possible to
transfer these skills gradually to other sectors, where they could perhaps make a greater
contribution to our life experiences and in satisfying our fundamental human needs.
130
The political effects of crime
In the orientation to this theme, it was indicated that the state should be the primary
guarantor of our safety and security. Furthermore, it was also indicated that rules may
be “enforced” through persuasion and not necessarily through the application of force.
The state itself may be a target of crime, and may also experience crime in the sense
that crime levels may affect its standing as the primary guarantor of the security,
prosperity and stability of both individuals and the state. Thus, persistent and increasing
crime rates are not good testimonies to the performance of a state, or to the legitimacy
it enjoys among the population. Extremely complex dynamics are involved. On the
one hand, the interactions among various sections of the population, and on the other
hand, the interaction between each of these and the state, as well as the values that are
enforced, are complex and may fall short of the expectations of the individual. Thus,
psycho-socioeconomic and political factors may nurture crime as a form of antisocial
behaviour among individuals, making them willing, or even forcing them, to break the
law.
The standing of state institutions is vital, as they are protective when they are efficient,
effective and supportive, but they may increase the risk of crime if they are corrupt,
unresponsive and inefficient, and perceived to be distant from the needs of the
population (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2008:10).
In newly democratised states, crime may be a significant impediment to the

consolidation of democracy (ie democracy becomes part of the culture of a particular
society), and a government’s inability to maintain law and order has contributed to
military takeovers of government.
2Global effects of crime
By now, you should be aware that crime is a global phenomenon. The speed of
international travel and electronic media such as the internet has largely eroded the state
boundaries of crime. Thus, at global level the stripping of natural resources is taking
place through smuggling. In addition, international terrorism and war crimes have led to
serious infringements of human rights and contributed to human suffering, particularly
in the South (the developing world). Thus, globally the effects of crime have been felt,
but at the same time such crimes may provide the ideal cover for imperialist agendas,
through for example military aid.
10.2 Responses to crime

As already mentioned, crime may affect the actions, interactions and reactions of people
at individual, community, societal, state and global level. These responses may include
actions such as retaliation, arming, displacement, gated complexes, increasing isolation,
segregation and vigilantism. In this section, we will examine the following responses:
• urban secession
• emigration
• community justice
• global responses and international cooperation
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2Urban secession
Charlotte Lemanski (2004; 2006; 2006b) has conducted several studies on the reaction
to crime, and particularly on two such responses, namely gated communities and
improvement districts. Gated communities are areas to which access is controlled and
denied to people not considered desirable, and improvement districts are areas that are
economically upgraded to such an extent that those whose presence is not desired are
driven out. Both of these constitute forms of displacement. Gated communities entail
self-displacement, while improvement districts entail the displacement of the weaker
and poorer members of the “community”. Both are therefore in fact forms of urban
secession, where segments of society isolate themselves from the rest of society.
ACTIVITY
Read the following adapted summary from Lemanski (2006:797–
798) and answer the questions in your crime storybook.
Both gated communities and improvement districts are

denounced in most urban literature, largely focusing
on their negative impact on society as a whole. Indeed
gated communities are criticized for creating physically
exclusive spaces, increasing residential segregation,
restricting freedom of movement and exacerbating social
divides, which thus creates a “new urban segregation”.
The physical upgrading of urban districts has led to an

economic improvement that has facilitated the exclusion of
those deemed socially “unacceptable”.
Thus, the rational outcomes [ie responses to crime] of

individuals lead to corporate actions that are exclusionary.
Walls and gates thus create exclusive spaces. Furthermore,
gated communities and improvement districts appear to fuel
the exclusionary mindsets of residents.
Although residents have been confronted by social change

and gentrification [physical and economic upgrading]
throughout the world, in South Africa, concerns regarding
such exclusionary practices are exacerbated by fears that they
serve to recreate the apartheid city and thwart post-apartheid
attempts to diffuse socio-spatial tension and facilitate
integration.
Indeed, by retreating from public space into private enclaves

and allowing access only to those deemed socially and
economically acceptable, a new form of urban apartheid is
emerging, in which class (rather than race) determines access.
Furthermore, a city composed of such “urban forts” promotes

inequality and separation, both of which are irreconcilable
with the democratic values of universality and equality, crucial
to post-apartheid South Africa.
132
Such separation also strengthens fears of events, places and

people “outside” of the residential zone, thus leading to further
fears and exclusionary practices, indicating the likely continuation
of exclusive fear-management strategies in South Africa.
(1) In your opinion, why do people move into gated communities

(for example security villages and golf estates)?
(2) Is the author in favour of gated communities and
improvement districts as a response to crime?
(3) What concerns does she raise with regard to both types of
responses?
(4) Are exclusionary and displacement strategies as a way of
dealing with crime unique to South Africa?
(5) What concerns does Lemanski raise with regard to South
Africa?
(6) What is your opinion with regard to the long-term effects of
these strategies?
(7) Do you think they solve the problem of crime?
(8) Do you think that they provide adequate protection against
crime?
(9) What other problems can you identify with regard to such
strategies?
(10) Can you see any connection between this discussion and that
of social closure in study unit 5?
Feedback
It is clear from the excerpt that Lemanski does not regard
exclusionary and segregationist strategies as solutions to the
problem of crime. In fact, such strategies merely try to insulate
the “potential victim” from a world of crime. However, isola-
tion is not complete, as people still need to travel to and from
the workplace, for example. She is also concerned about the
long-term strategy of such policies on South African society in
general. Research (Oh & Kim 2009:36) has indicated that people
with extended social networks, friends and neighbourhood at-
tachment experience less fear of crime, and so isolationist reac-
tions could result in a shrinking social network. However, crime
is not the only reason why people move into gated communi-
ties. Such responses may be pseudo-satisfiers of some of the
fundamental human needs. There are, for example, romanti-
cised sentiments with regard to a tranquil and more aestheti-
cally pleasing environment conducive to “good living”.
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2Migration and emigration
If crime is seen as a community problem, many victims, whether of direct or indirect

exposure to crime, choose to move away from the area they perceive as having
unacceptably high levels of crime and migrate to areas they perceive as being safer.
However, if the perception is that the society as a whole is affected by crime, and that
crime is systemic and enduring, they may choose to leave for another state – in other
words, they may choose to emigrate.
South Africa is perceived by many of its citizens to have unacceptably high levels of
crime, and thus many decide to emigrate to other states. Research has indicated that
concerns about safety and security, as well as high levels of crime, are important factors
in people’s decisions to emigrate (see McDonald & Crush, 2002).
Emigration is not an option available to all South Africans, and it is mainly the skilled
members of South African society who are in a position to emigrate; their departure
unfortunately strips South Africa of skills it needs for its economic development.
There is an unwarranted perception that those who emigrate are mainly disgruntled
whites who are unwilling to adapt to the changing political conditions in South Africa.
However, research has refuted these claims and shown that among the educated, the
incidence of emigration is similar for blacks and whites (McDonald & Crush 2002).
2Community justice
While urban secession and emigration are responses at the individual level, community
justice involves the collective at local level. There may be positive manifestations
of community justice, which may involve state institutions, such as community policing
forums. However, there may also be negative manifestations, such as kangaroo or street
courts and vigilantism. Negative manifestations are largely the outcome of the inability
of the state to ensure the safety and security of its inhabitants and to prevent the
infliction of “unjust justice” on society.
Karp (1999:751–752) defines community justice as “all variants of crime prevention and
justice activities that explicitly include the community in their processes. Community
justice is rooted in the actions that citizens, community organizations, and the criminal
justice system can take to control crime and social disorder”. Thus, the focus is no
longer on the individual, but on the collective in an attempt to improve the quality
of community life .
For community justice to have positive outcomes the following are important (Karp
1999:752–766):
• the coordination of the activities of the community or neighbourhood

• the availability of appropriate information
• the active nature of community justice activities, which should focus on both short
and long-term problemsolving
• the empowerment of communities through the decentralisation of authority and
accountability
• citizen involvement
• processes in which local communities can choose their own priorities and
methodologies
134
The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (2008:17) also advocates the
involvement of the community in addressing the problem of crime.
However, community justice is not without its problems, and the high level of
“community” required for its success may encroach on the space of individuals,
and may in itself lead to victimisation, stigmatisation and outcasting. Should such
high levels of community coincide with geographic isolation and/or high levels of
cultural identity, important limitations may be placed on the expression of diversity,
while conformity, whether negative or positive, may be enforced on the members of
a particular community, thus limiting personal freedom and individualism (Karp
1999:754). As indicated in our discussion of organised crime, instead of providing
solutions to the problem of crime, these conditions may in fact provide the very
breeding grounds for organised crime and gangs.
ACTIVITY
In your crime storybook, write down your opinions on the
following:
(1) the reasons why people resort to vigilantism

(2) the success of community policing forums
(3) whether, at community level, people are in favour
of community policing
(4) what the alternatives are
Feedback
Community justice needs to take place within the prescriptions
of the law and with state approval if we do not wish to revert to
a prepolitical state of nature where justice is often determined
by brute force. Unfortunately, people often resort to community
justice because they perceive the state’s ability to ensure their
safety and security and to deal with criminals as inadequate.
However, community justice that makes it possible to iden-
tify at risk persons, whether potential victims or perpetrators,
could play an important role in combating crime. Likewise, if
such community justice is linked to programmes of diversion
– that is, attempts to reform petty offenders without taking
them into the criminal justice system – it could be an important
response to crime.
2Global responses and international cooperation
Thus far, we have focused primarily on the individual and the society of which he
or she is a member. Other study units have contained references to international
organised crime, as well as to international institutions that try to set standards for
appropriate behaviour that would apply globally. Mention was made, for example, of
the following: the UN Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and
of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others; UN General Assembly Resolution
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55/25, The United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime; the
Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women
and Children; the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; the International Convention
on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid; the Rome Statute of
the International Criminal Court; the Geneva Conventions; the UN General Assembly
moratorium on the death penalty; and the United Nations Office for Drugs and Crime.
These are just some examples of international cooperation with regard to crime and its
prevention.
Crime, particularly when it involves human rights, has become a concern of the
UN. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), for example, is paying
attention to human rights in order to achieve its Millennium Development Goals. It
defines the concept of human rights as “the rights possessed by all persons, by virtue
of their common humanity to live a life of freedom and dignity” (United Nations
Development Programme 2007:8).
However, involvement of international institutions in the prevention of crime is not

the only form of cooperation at international level. States often enter into bilateral
extradition treaties in order to extradite individuals who have tried to avoid justice in
their own state. In terms of international law, a state is not obliged to surrender suspects
or convicted criminals of another state, and in order to do so, they normally enter into
treaties. In the United States the “extradition” of such persons between its constituent
states is called rendition. However, the United States has also resorted to the practice
of “extraordinary rendition”, where for example suspects of terrorism are sent to other
states (eg Eastern Europe), usually where the legal processes are less rigorous.
The development of international policing, and in particular the establishment of

Interpol (the International Criminal Police Organization), is another important example
of international cooperation to deal with crime. With 187 member states, Interpol is the
world’s largest international police organisation, and was created in 1923 to facilitate
cross-border police cooperation. It supports and assists all organisations, authorities and
services the mission of which is to prevent or combat international crime, even where
diplomatic relations do not exist. Action is taken within the limits of existing laws of the
states involved and in the spirit of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Interpol
[sa]; Gerspacher 2008).
136
ACTIVITY
Consider the content of this study unit.
(1) Write down the key points that you can remember from the text.
Why do you think these points have stuck with you?
(2) Review the content of the study unit and summarise it in point
form.
Go through all the crime stories that you have collected in your
crime storybook.
(3) Using the main points of this module, summarise the

consequences of all the crime incidents that you have entered in
your crime storybook.
(4) List those that, in your opinion, differ from those that we have
discussed.
(5) Discuss how crime affects your life and that of your family and
friends.
(6) Discuss how you and others respond to crime.
(7) In your opinion, do different types of crime have different
consequences and do they evoke different responses? Discuss.
(8) Discuss the role of the state with regard to crime in your society
and indicate what you believe it should be.
Compile a summary of the whole theme in point form and then

discuss how the content of the discussion in the theme has
influenced:
(1) your knowledge of crime

(2) your attitude towards crime
(3) your attitude towards victims and criminals
(4) your general worldview and your sense of where you fit into the
world
Feedback
Except for those questions that refer directly to the content of the mod-
ule, each of you will have given different answers to the questions in
the activity because our personal belief systems and circumstances, as
well as our encounters with crime, will differ greatly.
Conclusion
In summary, we may or may not experience crime in our personal capacity,
but crime is a universal phenomenon that deeply affects our quality of life.
Individuals, communities, societies and states may experience the effects of crime, but
they are also experienced internationally. Likewise, a variety of reactions or responses
are possible, of which the worst is probably war.
137 EWS2601/1
138
Theme 16
4
LIVING SUSTAINABLY
Nicholas Southey
Jane Carruthers

We ended theme 2 with the statement that future growth to reduce poverty and
inequality will have to be sustainable and that the shareholder value notion of the firm
is not in harmony with that. In this theme you will learn about an alternative approach,
the so-called triple bottom line approach, which takes into account environmental and
social outcomes, as well as financial outcomes.
The discussion of the triple bottom line in this theme takes place in the context of an
overall focus on sustainability. But what does it mean to live sustainably? In order to
live we need clean water and air provided by the natural environment, food grown on
the soil and rainfall provided by the natural environment, as well as products that have
been manufactured using natural resources. Often we take many of these resources
for granted, and frequently use them with little thought or consideration either for the
immediate or for the long-term effects of our actions. Do we conceive of the planet and
the natural environment as something static and unchanging, which will always support
different forms of life, particularly human life? To what extent are we aware that our
decisions and actions may well affect the ability of the natural world, on which we rely
for food, energy, medicine, shelter, wellbeing and quality of life, to continue to provide
for us and our future? Are we reckless and wasteful in our lives and in our societies?
Are there more effective ways of living to ensure that future generations inherit a world
that will support them in better and more productive ways? At the very least, living
sustainably requires us to reflect on such questions, to become aware of the complex
interaction between humans and the natural environment, and to engage thoughtfully
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THEME 4
with them. Living sustainably may well require more direct responses as well, and this
theme seeks to open up issues related to our individual, social and societal practices so
that we may respond appropriately to the challenges we face.
This theme contains a number of readings in boxes that have been used to formulate
activities. The readings do not form part of the study material in the same way as the
rest of the text, and you will not be examined on the information they contain. However,
we do want you to read and reflect on these extracts, as they help to provide background
information that will increase your insight into the topic of sustainability, and provide
an opportunity to apply your knowledge in the activities that follow.
The topic is a very wide one. It has many complex dimensions and is far-reaching in its
implications. In addition, there is a wide variety of responses to current challenges on
individual, group, and governmental levels: these can range from denial and indifference
to committed engagement and activism. Our purpose here is to stimulate you to think
about some of the issues, to convince you of their importance, and to provoke you into
engaging with them more consciously in your own life and in your communities.
To consider the issue of living sustainably, we have divided this theme into three study
units:
Study unit 11: Long-term climate change and human impact on the environment in
Africa
Study unit 12: Sustainable development
Study unit 13: Global governance and the natural and cultural environments
ACTIVITY
Before you begin to work through this theme, consider and make
some notes on the following questions:
(1) What do you understand by the “natural environment”?

(2) How does the natural environment affect the way in which you
live?
(3) What do you understand by the terms “climate change” and
“global warming”?
(4) What different opinions have you heard about climate change
and global warming, and which do you find most valid?
You may have noticed from your answers to this first activity – even if they are short –
that the issues covered in this activity and the broader theme it relates to cannot be
considered in isolation, as something remote that happens with little impact on us as
humans and our lives. The natural environment, the earth’s climate, notions of climate
change and how we as people think about and interact with the environment are not
abstract, but bear deep relevance to how we organise and structure our lives. The
questions have serious economic, political and social implications.
140
Study unit 17
1111
LONG-TERM CLIMATE
CHANGE AND
THE IMPACT OF
HUMANS ON THE
ENVIRONMENT IN
AFRICA
Introduction
Throughout history, people have been profoundly affected by the natural environment
in which they have lived. Humans have had to adapt to both the opportunities and the
obstacles presented by nature in order to survive and prosper. In many ways, it could
be said that the diversity of nature has provided humans with a wide array of choices,
and very significantly influenced the varied ways in which humans have conducted their
lives. People developed economies, technologies and societies that were appropriate for
their different environments of climate and vegetation, and the availability of natural
resources did much to determine the patterns of human history. Until very recently, each
stage of development generally lasted for many thousands of years until people were
faced with a crisis of survival in their particular environment, a crisis which invariably
had natural causes. In more recent times, however, crises have become more frequent
because of the increasing impact of people and their technologies on their environments:
Nature itself has become more vulnerable to modification from humans, even on a
global scale.
At its most fundamental level, history records not only the interaction of humans with
one another, but also the relationship between humans and the natural world. Such
interaction is particularly noticeable at times of rapid change, although the relationship
also underpins long periods of successful adaptation of humans to their environment
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STUDY UNIT 11
during which profound transformation of lifestyle was not demanded of them. However, a
key ingredient in change of lifestyle, as part of a combination of factors which influence
such transformation, is often to be found in environment and nature, even for periods
where the historical record is incomplete or fragmented.
• What do we mean by climate change?

• What are the causes of climate changes?
• To what extent do scientists agree that climate change is a real threat to humanity and
the natural world?
• How are the results of climate change manifesting themselves?
• What has the impact of climate change and human activities been in Africa?
3

11.1 Climate change
11.2 Climate change and Africa
Conclusion
11.1 CLIMATE CHANGE

2What is climate change? 8
Climate change is a long-term shift in the climate of a specific location or region. The
shift is measured by changes in features associated with weather, such as temperature,
wind patterns and precipitation.
Climate change occurs when the climate of a specific area is altered between two
different time periods. This usually occurs when something changes the total amount of
the sun’s energy absorbed by the earth’s atmosphere and surface. It also happens when
something alters the amount of heat energy from the earth’s surface and atmosphere that
escapes to space over an extended period.
Such changes can involve both changes in average weather conditions and changes in how
much the weather varies around these averages. The changes can be caused by natural
processes or human actions:
• Natural processes include things such as volcanic eruptions, variations in the sun’s
intensity, or very slow changes in ocean circulation or land surfaces which occur over
decades, centuries or longer.
• Humans can cause climates to change by releasing greenhouse gases and aerosols into
the atmosphere, by changing land surfaces, and by depleting the stratospheric ozone
layer.
8 The section on climate change that follows is drawn from the following sources: Facts on climate change [sa]; www.greenfacts.org;
www.climatechangefacts.info; and www.ncdc.noaa.gov/paleo/ct.
142
Long-term climate change and the impact of humans on the environment in africa
2Greenhouse gases
A natural system known as the “greenhouse effect” regulates temperature on earth. Just
as glass in a greenhouse keeps heat in, our atmosphere traps the sun’s heat near earth’s
surface, primarily through the heat-trapping properties of certain “greenhouse gases”.
Earth is heated by sunlight. Most of the sun’s energy passes through the atmosphere, to
warm the earth’s surface, oceans and atmosphere. However, in order to keep the energy
of the atmosphere in balance, the warmed earth also emits heat energy back to space
as infrared radiation. As this energy radiates upward, most is absorbed by clouds and
molecules of greenhouse gases in the lower atmosphere. These re-radiate the energy in
all directions, some back towards the surface and some upward, where other molecules
higher up can absorb the energy again. This process of absorption and re-emission is
repeated until, finally, the energy does escape from the atmosphere to space. However,
because much of the energy has been recycled downward, surface temperatures become
much warmer than if the greenhouse gases were absent from the atmosphere. This
natural process is known as the greenhouse effect. Without greenhouse gases, earth’s
average temperature would be 33 °C colder at –19 °C instead of +14 °C.
Over the past 10 000 years, the amount of greenhouse gases in our atmosphere has
been relatively stable. Then, about two centuries ago, their concentrations began to
increase due to the increasing demand for energy caused by industrialisation and rising
populations, and due to changing land use and human settlement patterns.
Greenhouse gases include:
• water vapour, which is the most common greenhouse gas. Some occurs naturally
and some comes from human activity.
• Carbon dioxide (CO2), which is the most significant greenhouse gas released by
human activities, mostly through the burning of fossil fuels such as coal, oil and
natural gas. It is the main contributor to climate change.
• Methane, which is produced when vegetation is burned, digested or rotted with no
oxygen present. Rubbish dumps, rice paddies, and grazing cows and other livestock
release lots of methane.
• Nitrous oxide, which can be found naturally in the environment; human activities,
however, are increasing the amounts. Nitrous oxide is released when chemical
fertilizers and manure are used in agriculture.
• Halocarbons, which are a family of chemicals that include CFCs or
chlorofluorocarbons (which also damage the ozone layer), and other human-made
chemicals that contain chlorine and fluorine.
Most greenhouse gases are extremely effective at absorbing heat escaping from the
earth and keeping it trapped. In other words, it takes only small amounts of these
gases to change the properties of the atmosphere. A full 99% of the dry atmosphere
consists of nitrogen and oxygen, which are relatively transparent to sunlight and
infrared energy, and have little effect on the flow of sunlight and heat energy through
the air. By comparison, the atmospheric greenhouse gases that cause the earth’s natural
greenhouse effect total less than 1% of the atmosphere. This tiny amount increases the
earth’s average surface temperature from –19 °C to +14 °C – a difference of about 33 °C.
A little bit of greenhouse gas goes a long way.
Because the concentration of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere is so low, human

emissions can have a significant effect. For example, human emissions of carbon dioxide
currently amount to roughly 28 billion tonnes per year. Over the next century human
emissions will increase the concentration of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere from
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STUDY UNIT 11
about 0,03% today to almost certainly 0,06% (a doubling), and possibly to 0,09% (a
tripling).
2The causes of climate change
Earth’s climate changes naturally. Changes in the intensity of sunlight reaching the
earth cause cycles of warming and cooling that have been a regular feature of the earth’s
climatic history. Some of these solar cycles extend over very long time scales. For the
past 10 000 years, the earth has been in the warm interglacial phase of such a cycle.
Other solar cycles are much shorter, with the shortest being the 11-year sunspot cycle.
Other natural causes of climate change include variations in ocean currents (which can
alter the distribution of heat and precipitation) and large eruptions of volcanoes (which
can sporadically increase the concentration of atmospheric particles, blocking out more
sunlight).
Still, for thousands of years, the earth’s atmosphere changed very little. Temperature
and the balance of heat-trapping greenhouse gases remained just right for humans,
animals and plants to survive. But today we are having problems keeping this balance.
Because we burn fossil fuels to heat our homes, run our cars, produce electricity,
and manufacture all sorts of products, we are adding more greenhouse gases to the
atmosphere. By increasing the amount of these gases, we have enhanced the warming
capability of the natural greenhouse effect. It is the human-induced enhanced
greenhouse effect that causes environmental concern, because it has the potential to
warm the planet at a rate that has never been experienced in human history.
2Current scientific consensus
An international scientific consensus has emerged that our world is getting warmer.
There is an enormous amount of data which demonstrates that the global climate has
warmed during the past 150 years. The increase in temperature was not constant,
but rather consisted of warming and cooling cycles at intervals of several decades.
Nonetheless, the long-term trend is one of net global warming.
Corresponding with this warming, glaciers have been retreating, sea levels have risen,
and climatic zones are shifting. The 1980s and 1990s were the warmest decades on
record. More specifically, 11 of the 12 years between 1995 and 2006 rank among the 12
warmest years ever recorded since global surface temperatures were first measured in
1850. Over the past 100 years, global temperature has increased by 0,74 °C. Global sea
level rose by 17 cm during the 20th century, in part because of the melting of snow and
ice from many mountains and in the polar regions. More regional changes have also
been observed, including changes in Arctic temperatures and ice, ocean salinity, wind
patterns, droughts, precipitations, frequency of heat waves and intensity of tropical
cyclones. Temperatures of the past half century are unusual in comparison with those
of at least the previous 1 300 years. The last time that the polar regions remained
significantly warmer than now for a very extended period (125 000 years ago), the sea
level rose by 4 to 6 m. Most of the increase in global temperature observed over the past
50 years is most probably due to human emissions of greenhouse gases.
144
(a) Global average temperature

0.5 14.5
Temperature (°C)
(°C)
0.0 14.0
-0.5 13.5
Difference from 1961-1990 (mm)
(b) Global average sea level

50
-50
-100
-150
(c) Northern Hemisphere snow cover

4
40
(million km²)
(million km²)
0 36
-4
32
1850 1900 1950 2000

Year
Figures are relative to the 1961–1990 average, which is “0” on the scale
Source: Facts on climate change ([sa]:4)
2Scientific data: do scientists agree?
Though there is considerable consensus about what we have just reported, it is also true
that not all scientists agree about all dimensions of the issue. Some are sceptical about
aspects or details of the issues, but they agree with the broad opinion that humanity
in the 21st century faces unprecedented threats to its continued existence because of
climate change. Such questioning is a natural and normal part of scientific debate and
discussion; indeed, it is an important way in which scientific knowledge is refined,
revisited and advanced.
There are also some who argue that contemporary debates among the majority of
scientists misrepresent the actual situation. In August 2007, Newsweek magazine ran
a cover story entitled “The truth about denial”, in which it was argued that there was a
“well coordinated” and “well-funded” campaign which sought to undermine scientific
consensus, and sow doubt and confusion in the minds of governments, opinion-makers
and the public. The main thrust of the argument was that companies and industries –
mainly from petroleum, automobile, and steel utilities – were funding lobbying groups
which argued that climate change, greenhouse gases and global warming were theories
rather than fact. However, not everyone agreed with the main thrust of the argument: In
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the subsequent issue of Newsweek contributing editor Robert Samuelson described the
article as “fundamentally misleading” and “a vast oversimplification of a messy story”
(Samuelson 2007). Denialists have considerable influence in different societies, as
people and governments grapple with issues of economic sustainability of industries and
energy. The scientific consensus, however, remains strong and increasingly convincing.
2What could happen if the climate changes?
Climate change is more than a warming trend or “global warming”. Increasing

temperatures will lead to changes in many aspects of weather, such as wind patterns, the
amount and type of precipitation, and the types and frequency of severe weather events.
Such climate change could have far-reaching and/or unpredictable environmental, social
and economic consequences.
The global sea level could rise due to a number of factors, including melting ice and
glaciers. Rising sea levels could damage coastal regions through flooding and erosion.
The climate of various regions could change too quickly to allow many plant and animal
species to adjust. Harsh weather conditions, such as heat waves and droughts, could also
be experienced more often and be more severe.
Climate change could also affect health and wellbeing. Many large cities could
experience a significant rise in the number of very hot days. Air pollution problems
would increase, placing children, the elderly and people suffering from respiratory
problems at risk. Increases in pollens due to warmer temperatures could also cause
respiratory problems such as asthma for some people.
The geographer and writer, Jared Diamond, has identified 12 major environmental
problems facing society. Some of these affected older societies in the past, but all 12
now pose a threat to humanity in a way that they have not done before.
(1) We are destroying natural habitats, such as forests, wetlands, coral reefs and
the oceans, and converting them into human-made habitats (for example, cities,
farmlands, road and transport infrastructure) or exploiting them at unsustainable
rates for the resources they offer.
(2) Wild foods, particularly fish, which contribute a large proportion of the protein
that humans consume, are in steep decline, as the ocean’s resources become
seriously depleted. Some two billion people, or one-third of the world’s population,
rely on the oceans for protein; the great majority of these people are poor.
(3) Some wild species and genetic diversity of the planet are under threat, and a
fraction has already been lost. This fraction is likely to grow significantly in the
next 50 years.
(4) Soils of farmlands used for growing crops are being carried away by water and
wind erosion at between 10 and 40 times the rates of soil formation. This means a
serious net loss of soil.
(5) The world’s major energy sources, particularly for industrial societies, are fossil
fuels: oil, natural gas and coal. Except for coal, which will last for a considerable
time still, reserves of the other fossil fuels are likely to last for no more than three
or four more decades, and their extraction will place ever-growing demands on
the environment because of the need for deeper mining or drilling, making them
increasingly expensive and occurring at greater and greater environmental cost.
(6) Increasing pressure is being placed on fresh water resources on the planet. The
majority of these resources is used for irrigation purposes, for industry and for
domestic consumption, as well as for transport, and underground water resources
are being depleted at a greater rate than they are being naturally replenished.
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(7) Plants need to photosynthesise in order to grow. In the process of photosynthesis,
they use sunlight to manufacture energy. Even though the supply of sunlight
appears infinite, and therefore the earth’s capacity to grow crops and wild plants
is also seemingly infinite, this is in fact not the case: As human populations grow,
humans will use more and more of the sunlight used in photosynthesis for crops,
leaving less to support the growth of natural plant communities.
(8) Industries, particularly the chemical industry but also many others, manufacture
or release many toxic chemicals into the air, soil and waters of the planet.
Insecticides and pesticides have long been known to be negatively affecting birds
and fish, but more recently other chemicals, such as detergents, the components of
plastic and coolants have come to affect humans too. They affect the quality of air,
water and food, and evidence of their effects on the health of human populations is
growing.
(9) “Alien species” are those species which we transfer, intentionally or unwittingly,
from a part of the planet where they occur naturally to places where they do
not. Some are valuable to us (as crops, for instance), but others are not, because
the natural environment of the new area has no resistance to them, and is
consequently placed under severe threat.
(10) The issues relating to global warming remain a grave concern. As gases such as
carbon dioxide and methane escape in ever greater quantities into the atmosphere,
there may well be winners and losers. Some cooler areas may be able to increase
their crop yields, but other warmer or drier areas will probably see theirs decrease.
Sea levels will rise, seriously affecting many parts of the world, and the full
impact, though uncertain, is likely to be very serious for the majority of the planet.
(11) The human population of the planet is growing, although percentage increases
are beginning to slow. More people require more food, space, water, energy and
resources. There remains disagreement about how population growth will project
in the next 30 to 50 years, but that it will continue to expand seems to be in little
doubt.
(12) The per capita impact of the human population on resources consumed and the
waste generated varies greatly around the world. On average, each person in the
United States, western Europe and Japan consumes 32 times more resources and
puts out 32 times more wastage than inhabitants of the developing world. Many
people in the developing world aspire to higher standards of living and it is clear
that this is not possible or sustainable. This leaves a really difficult problem:
How does one encourage and help all people achieve a higher standard of living,
without undermining that standard through over-stressing global resources?
(Diamond 2005:486–496).
2
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3 Timeline of world climate change9
Climate change is not a new phenomenon; the climate of the world has undergone
2
significant change through history, and has never been completely constant. What has
changed in the past two centuries, however, is the rate of change and human impact on
such change. This can be illustrated in the following timeline:
4–1 billion years ago Geological evidence shows the planet

evolving from being a ball of ice to an infinitely
warmer place. Liquid water develops, with
the planet’s climate stabilising to prevent all
water from completely freezing or evaporating.
Organisms suck up the greenhouse gas
carbon dioxide from the air, deposit its
carbon into the ground, and release oxygen
into the atmosphere; plants, algae and other
photosynthesisers develop.
1 billion–750 million years ago Major continental shifts occur.
600 million years ago More complex organisms begin to appear, with
many diverse marine invertebrates.
410 million years ago Early fish appear.
250 million years ago An asteroid impact leads to the largest mass
extinction in earth’s history, particularly
affecting marine vertebrates.
65 million years ago Dinosaurs become extinct after a meteor hits the
earth in the Yucatan region, and the beginning
of mammal life occurs. The planet also warms
further.
34 million years ago The stage for the present climate patterns
is set, with the planet cooling; the Antarctic
ice sheet and glaciers begin to form; major
modern mountain ranges such as the Andes
and Himalayas develop; mammals become
dominant.
5–2 million years ago The earth enters a pattern of a roughly 100 000-
year ice age cycle that appears to be driven
by “orbital forcing”, which is a combination of
changes in the shape of the earth’s orbit around
the sun and the movement of the earth on its
spin axis; hominids (human-like primates, the
ancestors of modern human beings) develop.
1,5 million–500 000 years ago Hominids begin to migrate and master the use
of fire.
100 000 years ago Homo sapiens (modern human beings) well
established in Africa, begin to become more
secure in parts of Europe, Asia and Australia.
73 000 years ago Mount Toba in Indonesia erupts, precipitating

an abrupt climate change through the volume of
ash it spews into the atmosphere, resulting in a
short period of very cool weather.
9 This timeline is derived from data accessed from the following sources: Global warmng: what you need to know [sa]; Exploring
weather & climate change [sa]; and Weart and the American Institute of Physics 2008.
148
21 000 years ago The “last glacial maximum”, with the earth
some 4 degrees cooler than it is today; ice
sheets cover much of Europe, Asia and North
America, and with much more water locked
up at the poles, lower sea levels allow Homo
sapiens to cross the Bering Land Bridge and
populate the Americas on a large scale. Since
then, the earth has been in a warmer interglacial
period, which ought to end in another ice age.
However, human-caused greenhouse gas
emissions may prevent this.
10 000 years ago An estimated 5 million humans inhabit the

earth; agriculture begins in various parts of the
world; towns and cities develop; and the earth’s
population begins to grow significantly.
1 000 years ago Period of a “little ice age” begins, caused by

volcanic eruptions in various parts of the planet;
weather and rainfall patterns disrupted.
1750–1800 Industrial revolution begins, and extensive

coal-burning, as well as land-clearing, begin to
release significantly larger amounts of carbon-
rich greenhouse gases into the atmosphere.
Better agriculture and sanitation speed up
population growth.
1850 Level of carbon dioxide gas (CO2) in the
atmosphere (as measured in ancient ice) is
about 290 parts per million (ppm); mean global
temperature is about 13,6 °C; global population
reaches 1 billion people.
1870–1910 Industrial revolution intensifies: fertilizers,

chemicals, electricity and public health further
accelerate growth.
1920s Opening of oil fields in the Persian Gulf and in

Texas, United States, inaugurates era of cheap
energy.
1930s “Dust Bowl” drought in the United States;

global population reaches 2 billion people.
1940s Drought in China causes death of 3 million

people from starvation.
1950s Space exploration begins; people begin to

conceive of the earth as a fragile whole.
1960s Funding of and research into climate and

climate change experiences significant increase;
global population reaches 3 billion people.
1970s Energy crisis with oil price rises and oil

embargoes; first Earth Day (1970) marks the
emergence of the environmental movement,
spreading concern about global degradation.
Increase in unusual weather patterns, such as
serious droughts in North America and flooding
in south-east Asia, increases scientific and
public concern.
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1980s Globally averaged second warmest decade of the past

140 years; El Nino weather conditions severely disrupt
weather throughout the Pacific Ocean basin and southern
Africa; environmental movement and scientific research
gather momentum, but clash with more sceptical political
conservatism and fossil-fuel industry lobbyists in the
United States; Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
(IPCC) is established (1988); global population reaches 4,5
billion people.
1990s Globally averaged warmest decade of the past 140 years;

1998 the warmest year on record, coinciding with the
return of El Nino weather pattern towards the end of
decade and increase of unusual weather events; Rio de
Janeiro conference produces United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change (1992); reports of breaking
up of Antarctic ice shelves and other signs of warming
currents in polar areas fuel rising concerns; Kyoto
conference produces Kyoto Protocol, setting targets to
reduce greenhouse gas emissions if enough nations agree
to a treaty (1997); global population reaches 5,3 billion
people.
2000s Unusual weather events continue, with droughts, floods

and hurricanes increasing in frequency in different
areas, with Hurricane Katrina (2005) in the United States
providing particularly dramatic evidence of the potential
of such events to wreak havoc; concern that collapse of ice
sheets (Greenland, west Antarctica) will raise sea levels at
unprecedented rates mounts; scientists note a measurable
slowing of the thermohaline circulation in the Atlantic
Ocean (the deep ocean current that drives the Gulf Stream,
moderates temperatures worldwide, and keeps Europe
from having a climate similar to that of Alaska); growing
scientific consensus that most climate variations in the
past 1000 years were substantial, but were not comparable
with the dramatic changes since 1980; Kyoto treaty goes
into effect, signed by most industrial nations except the
United States (2005); fourth Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change (IPCC) report warns that serious effects of
warming have become evident, and the cost of reducing
emissions would be less than the damage they will cause
(2007). Level of CO2 in the atmosphere reaches 382 ppm;
mean global temperature reaches 14,5 °C, the warmest in
hundreds, perhaps thousands of years; global population
reaches 6,1 billion people (2007).
What is being done around the world?

2
Climate change affects the entire globe. Developed and developing countries are
working together to find solutions to climate change. In 1988, the United Nations created
the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), which was to produce a report
every five to six years on the state of climate science, the impact of climate change and
adaptation, and to identify options to try to deal with the issues raised. Four reports have
been produced since then, the fourth in 2007. This stated that it was highly likely, with a
90% degree of confidence, that climate change was due to human actions. Almost 2 000
scientists and other technical researchers devote their energy to this project; in 2007,
they shared the Nobel Peace Prize with former United States Vice-President Al Gore in
tribute to their efforts.
In June 1992, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCC)
was signed by 154 countries that agreed to stabilise the amount of greenhouse gases
in the atmosphere at levels that will not cause harm. In December 1997, in Kyoto,
Japan, Canada and 160 nations committed to reducing their greenhouse gas emissions,
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as part of an international agreement on climate change called the Kyoto Protocol
(the United States was a key player which opted out of the protocol). This was not a
sufficient number for this agreement to come into force, but by 2007, 171 nations had
signed, giving hope that more concrete action could be taken to lower the release of
greenhouse gases. In December 2009, however, such hopes were not realised after the
major international conference in Copenhagen failed to reach conclusive agreements
between nations; tensions between industrialised and developing nations ultimately
proved insurmountable. It remains uncertain how effective such global action will be,
but clearly global action is required to lessen the demands of the fossil-fuel economy on
the environment.
The causes of global warming and climate change are complex and subject to much
scientific scrutiny. We have seen that climate is never static or stable, but has always
shifted, sometimes significantly, such as in a transition from an ice age to warmer
conditions, enabling a greater diversity of species, including human beings, to prosper.
Nonetheless, it certainly seems that the changes that began from about the 1750s in the
wake of the industrial revolution in western Europe, and in significant other parts of
the world in the 19th and 20th centuries – the United States, Japan, Russia, and more
recently in India and China – have taken an unanticipated toll on the world’s climate.
Industrialisation has naturally brought enormous technological and material progress,
enabling humans to survive and prosper in ever greater numbers and often in infinitely
better conditions than their predecessors. The cost, however, is increasingly borne by
the natural environment, as industrial waste and carbon emissions or greenhouse gases
from factories and industries are pumped into the atmosphere.
ACTIVITY
(1) Distinguish between modern global climate change and the
alternating cycles of warmth and cold and wet and dry that
occurred before the 19 th century.
(2) Identify ways in which you see that global climate change
is affecting societies and communities, and list the main
challenges facing them.
(3) Do you feel that global action to confront climate change will be
effective? Give reasons for your answer.
11.2 CLIMATE CHANGE AND AFRICA

2Africa: hunting and gathering
The archaeological record in Africa dates back some two million years, the major sites
of study being confined mainly to the Rift Valley of east Africa and parts of southern
Africa, in particular the “Cradle of Humankind”, around Sterkfontein near Krugersdorp
in Gauteng (Bonner, Esterhuysen & Jenkins 2007). Over past eons of geological time,
the climate of Africa has alternated between cold and dry phases and warm and wet
phases. Sea levels also rose as ice caps melted when temperatures rose, and fell again
during colder periods. Rivers and lakes rapidly filled valleys during wet periods, and
dried out again during the next period of prolonged drought, with some lakes even
vanishing completely. Vegetation responded in kind, with forests plentiful at times,
but deserts dominating large parts of the continent when colder and drier conditions
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prevailed. Plants and animals, as well as hominids, responded to these climatic changes
mainly by migrating to regions where conditions for survival were easier.
Early humans in Africa, and indeed hunter-gatherer societies in later times, survived by
extracting resources from the environment: hunting, fishing and collecting fruits, roots,
bulbs and seeds. Such activities probably did little long-term damage to the environment
because of low population densities and an unsophisticated technology. What would
have had a greater impact was the use of fire. It is not possible to know whether early
humans (from about 1,5 million years ago onwards) took fire from natural fires caused
by lightning strikes or managed to create fire and control it, but controlled fire increased
chances of survival by keeping people warm, and allowing them to cook food and
protect camps from predators. Fire could also be used to adapt habitats, for clearing
woodland and reducing thick bush in order to promote grasslands, thereby improving
visibility for hunters. Again, it is doubtful that such activities occurred on such a large
scale as to promote major vegetational shifts, although some archaeologists have argued
that this did occur in some regions.
Natural fires from lightning strikes were common, and were probably more likely to
have promoted such permanent shifts as did occur. One can conclude that, even though
collecting, foraging and hunting techniques improved and became more complex
through time, the environmental impact of these more efficient strategies was confined
to limited and small territories and was never permanent.
ACTIVITY
List five reasons why hunter-gathering communities had little
impact on their environments and why they were unable to alter
their environments to any great extent.
2Africa: agriculture and pastoralism
However, human capacity to modify the environment accelerated and expanded as

society developed more complex strategies for survival and growth. During the past
10 000 years, agriculture and pastoralism developed and spread slowly across sub-
Saharan Africa. Early pottery remains (which indicate the storage of grains – in this
case native African grains of sorghum and millet) in oases of the Sahara desert and
parts of Niger date from 1 500 years earlier than in the Near East, which has long
been conventionally thought to be the region where plants were domesticated. The
domestication of cattle, sheep and goats dates back between 7 000 and 8 000 years.
From these origins, the extension of livestock husbandry and of cultivation into the
woodlands and savanna grasslands occurred further. In Kenya, for example, this process
can be dated to about 3 000 to 4 000 years ago, and it expanded further along the
eastern coast of Africa from this period until its first penetration into present-day South
Africa about 1 800 years ago. Although iron metallurgy sometimes lagged behind the
development of new agricultural areas, it was an important technological development
which ensured that agriculture became more productive and enabled larger settlements
to develop.
In southern Africa, the use of iron for agricultural implements spread fairly rapidly
from the Kwazulu-Natal coastal belt into the interior highlands of Zimbabwe and South
Africa, enabling robust mixed economies based on agriculture and livestock to develop.
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The precise environmental impact of these mixed economies is uncertain and subject
to some speculation, but archaeological research demonstrates some of these effects. In
more fragile ecological zones, overgrazing of grasses by livestock may have occurred.
In some parts, such as the heavily wooded south-eastern coastal belt, there was
extensive forest clearing for the purposes of crop cultivation. In more open woodland
or savanna, the impact of crop farming was less severe. Cultivation of hillsides was
practised all along the east African coast and the adjacent interior, in which stone-
walled terraces were constructed to prevent the runoff of rain and to limit soil erosion.
In some places these terraces were compact and tightly constructed, while in other parts
they appear to have been rougher, more widely spaced with steep sloping surfaces, and
with branches of trees and wooden stakes used more frequently than stone. Terracing
required considerable labour, suggesting that large populations were supported by the
agricultural activities; but these larger settlements also meant that more pressure was
placed on soils and water resources in these regions. It is difficult, however, to be precise
about the environmental impact of this lifestyle in southern Africa. It is certainly
true that partial deforestation occurred in some areas, and in larger high-density
settlements, soil erosion, accelerated water runoffs and the denuding of landscapes
were environmental problems which would have necessitated the shifting of settlements
(Swanepoel, Esterhuysen & Bonner 2008).
However, it is important to remember that much as humans were beginning to have an

increasing impact on the natural environment, shifts in nature also profoundly affected
human settlement. A good example of this is that of Mapungubwe, which emerged
around 900 AD and reached its peak some 300 years later, before its rapid decline
in about 1300 AD. Mapungubwe was situated near the confluence of the Shashe and
Limpopo rivers, close to where the boundaries of the present countries of South Africa,
Botswana and Zimbabwe meet.
As far as we know, it was the first large polity in southern Africa, with a population
of about 5 000 people extending over an area of about 30 000 square kilometres. The
population was supported by flood-plain agriculture in the basin, as well as cattle
farming, an activity which resulted in the unequal distribution of wealth and resources,
from which emerged social complexity and class differentiation (Huffman 2008).
Mapungubwe was also important as a trade centre linking southern Africa and the east
coast, and local chiefs profited from controlling the exploitation of, for example, cattle
and elephants for their ivory. There is some debate concerning the exact causes of the
decline and abandonment of Mapungubwe in the late 13th century. A concentration
of population may have depleted the resources of the area, but it is also possible
that a period of cooler and drier conditions meant that agriculture could no longer
successfully sustain a large number of people. The fact that agriculture began to fail
meant that people could no longer be fed, and this undermined the political authority
of Mapungubwe’s class of sacred leaders. The result was that regional power shifted
further north to Great Zimbabwe. Thus, the interplay of climate change and the pressure
of humans in this particular locality resulted in the collapse of southern Africa’s first
powerful and significant town and emerging state (Carruthers 2006).
Throughout southern Africa there were significant regional differences in people’s

relationship with their environments. Coastal settlements, where water was more
abundant, tended to be smaller and more contained, and depended more on agriculture
than their counterparts in the highveld interior, where livestock farming was often more
important than crop farming. Inland patterns of settlement were generally less dense,
although large states did emerge and decline fairly frequently. The uncertain rainfall
and the uneven distribution of productive soils and nutritious grasses demanded that
societies control extensive territory to secure access to adequate natural resources.
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Wealth was usually dependent on successful livestock farming and on control of trade
routes, as well as the exploitation of mineral resources in some cases. The loss of access
to adequate grazing for livestock could quickly lead to the weakening of the integrity
of communities, so natural hazards such as prolonged droughts could be ruinous.
At the same time, communities had to protect against over-exploitation of the natural
environment as far as possible, as this would be counter-productive and inevitably lead
to the splintering of societies. They were not always successful, and hence a common
pattern of regular breaking apart and rebuilding of new African communities ensued, as
people sought to find equilibrium between their farming activities, population densities
and what the natural environment could successfully support. Competition for water
and grazing resources also led to conflict, and leaders who were most successful in
offering protection to people while at the same time distributing access to land and
water resources in a fair manner could build successful and consolidated political units
known as states. Such patterns in southern Africa were similar to those of many other
parts of sub-Saharan Africa, where agricultural and livestock farming, supplemented
by hunting and foraging, continued to underpin the economies and ways of life of the
overwhelming majority of people (Mitchell 2002; Smith 1992; Deacon & Deacon 1999).
ACTIVITY
In a paragraph of 300 words, explain briefly how mixed farming altered
the relationship between humans and their environment
2Africa: colonial and modern economies
In the past two centuries, and most particularly since the 1880s, when European colonial
powers moved determinedly into Africa to take control of their African colonies, the
pattern of life outlined above – agricultural and livestock farming conducted within the
natural and environmental parameters of the continent – came under extreme pressure.
Colonial systems of authority and law, new taxation burdens on Africans, and new
demands for African labour all played an important role in altering traditional modes
of existence, but these were exacerbated by the fact that the colonial powers allowed
mainly private enterprises to begin to exploit African countries for resources and for
new crops for export. This also took place in the context of a long cycle of drought in
many regions, which occurred over 40 years between the 1880s and the 1920s. New
crops in West Africa in particular meant that much virgin bush was aggressively
cleared, to allow cocoa and groundnuts to be planted and exported. In other areas,
railways in eastern and southern Africa made the exploitation of mineral resources
possible, and this led to the collapse of ancient and traditional trading routes, as well
as to the development of expanded agricultural lands. Although the impact was uneven
through sub-Saharan Africa, colonial Africa came to be structured around new growth
points: towns, mines, and European-owned plantations and estates. Around these areas
were zones supplying food to the new urban centres, and ever-increasing demands for
labour meant that people were drawn from more remote areas to enter labour markets
and wage-labour in the centres of the colonial economies. The fact that these significant
and sometimes violent shifts occurred during a time of climate and vegetational stress
because of drought meant that extensive famines took their toll on many Africans.
Diseases such as smallpox and sleeping sickness also entered Africa on a significant
scale, further adding to human misery, claiming perhaps one million lives before
World War I. These early colonial experiences were therefore traumatic, even though
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unevenly experienced. It is not clear whether or not the overall population of Africa
declined between the 1880s and 1920s, but there was certainly unprecedented stress on
people and the environment, which was to intensify much further as the 20th century
progressed.
From the 1920s, pressure on core areas grew; agricultural practices shifted; and the
population began to increase. Although pastoralism recovered after serious cattle
plagues and the prolonged drought, more and more people became involved in
agriculture, and experimentation with better seeds, tools, transport and irrigation meant
that agricultural output was boosted and indeed diversified, as crops such as maize,
bananas and potatoes witnessed considerable growth. Many people migrated between
different economic activities, partly to escape environmental pressures, and partly in an
attempt to preserve traditional social orders and practices.
Migrations inevitably led also to innovation, as new ideas and techniques of survival
were adopted and modified. The natural disasters of the early colonial period eased,
as a wetter period lasting until about 1960 meant a reduction in famine and mortality.
Smallpox and sleeping sickness were reversed, although new diseases linked with
urbanisation and sanitation, such as tuberculosis and water-borne diseases like bilharzia
and cholera, began to have an impact, although not yet severe. This reduced mortality
meant that the population of the continent began to grow, a pattern on which the major
growth that occurred from the 1950s built.
Rapid population growth saw Africa’s population rise from about 200 million people
in 1950 to around 500 million in 1980 and to around 800 million in 2000. Such
unprecedented and rapid demographic changes placed enormous stress on the resources
of the continent. Rural economies were less able to adapt to changing climate crises
such as drought, as more and more land was brought under cultivation, but frequently
failed to yield sufficient output to support rural communities. Livestock farming also
came under enormous pressure: The marginal lands which had been suitable for light
grazing were more and more vulnerable to overgrazing, while a rapid increase in the
fencing off of land and new colonial borders meant that people were no longer able to
migrate with their herds as they had before. Growing numbers of people required fuel
and energy, and the forests were the most vulnerable, as people exploited this obvious
natural resource for its wood and timber.
ACTIVITY
Consider how colonialism altered the relationship between traditional
African communities and the environment. Provide a list of five of the
key changes that came about.
Drought and desertification can, of course, be defined in different ways. Historically,

drought has not necessarily meant only a shortage of rainfall; it can also mean failing
to meet the water needs of particular crops, animals and people. Africans have long
been able to adapt to periods of drought, particularly shorter ones, but in the context of
rapidly rising populations and their need to survive on the continent, prolonged drought
episodes proved far more serious in the later part of the twentieth century than in the
more distant past. Extended dry periods and drought, such as that in southern Africa
that lasted from the 1960s to the mid 1980s, had a far more severe impact than they
might otherwise have done. Desertification also has varied definitions, but extends
beyond the mere creation of desert-like conditions. A process of land degradation and
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denudation, with an increase in soil erosion and a loss of soil fertility, became more
acute after the 1960s, with desertification accelerating rapidly under the pressure of
population and more severe drought conditions. It remains one of the key difficulties
facing Africa, which is the continent worst affected by the process.
Another significant feature of modern Africa is rapid urbanisation. Much of the

population growth sketched above occurred in rural areas, particularly before 1980, but
nonetheless many millions of people migrated to towns and to cities, driven at times
by landlessness and poverty, but also by the hope of participation in a new life with
regular wages and a share in the new urban economies and new social arrangements.
Before 1950, there were fewer than 50 towns in Africa with a population of greater than
100 000 people (and the majority of these were in North Africa). By 1980, sub-Saharan
cities such as Lagos and Kinshasa had populations of over three million, and many
others had passed the one million person mark. By 2000, many more cities had emerged
with rapidly rising populations, the largest of them with populations in the vicinity of
six to eight million people. Such centres placed great demands on natural resources to
sustain people and ensure their nutrition, health and wellbeing.
It needs to be noted, too, that conditions within urban environments were far from
uniform. People had widely different experiences within cities, in which resources
were far from equally distributed. This had implications for environmental justice,
for access to resources, and for the quality of life of African people. As a result, the
human impact on the African environment over the past 50 years has been enormous,
and continues to provide great challenges to the people of the continent. Coupled with
these is the emergence of the phenomenon of climate change and global warming,
which commentators increasingly agree is likely to present the most acute challenge
yet experienced to the African continent. Although there are critics and sceptics, the
mounting scientific evidence is proving compelling: Human actions are altering the
patterns of the climate and are continuing to do so at an accelerating rate. This situation
poses global challenges: Although the impact will be unevenly felt in different parts of
the world, the poorest areas will be the hardest hit – and Africa is the most vulnerable of
all.
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Some of the key challenges currently facing Africa (anti-clockwise from

top left):
(1) (off Morocco): North Atlantic sea changes, a key factor in

international climate vulnerability, with significant impact on
fishing
(2) (Sahel, West Africa) Rainfall variability, affecting vegetation
and influencing species change
(3) (Nigeria) High proportion of population concentrated in
coastal areas and cities such as Lagos, vulnerable to sea-level
rise
(4) (Central Africa) Deforestation, affecting climate further south
(5) (Angola and Namibia) Changes in Benguela current affecting
coastal marine life and fisheries
(6) (South Africa) species losses in various biomes, particularly
the Karoo, with greater frequency of drought; malaria
spreading further south
(7) (Mozambique) Floods in 1999/2000 severely affecting coastal
populations and infrastructure
(8) (East Africa) shifting rainfall patterns affecting great lakes and
reservoirs
(9) (Horn of Africa) heavily affected by recurrent droughts
(10) (Egypt/the Nile/coastal areas) threatened by sea-level rise
2Africa: current challenges
Scenarios differ, and of course humans also have a long history of adaptation and of
changing their environment, and many people are formulating policies and strategies
to ameliorate the negative effects of global warming. Examples of this are discussed
later in this theme. In Africa, should urgent action not be taken, both by Africans and
certainly even more by major industrial powers, the main danger lies in the threat
to food security. As global warming causes temperatures to rise, dramatic falls in
rainfall will occur, with a resulting catastrophic decline in crop yields. Desertification
processes will intensify, particularly around already established deserts such as the
Sahara. Diseases such as cholera and malaria may well increase, forcing many people
to migrate from worst-affected areas. The interior areas of sub-Saharan Africa and
particularly southern Africa are likely to be affected most of all, with declining rainfall
and temperature rises seeing agricultural output decline by as much as 30% over the
levels of the 1990s within the next three decades. Although some areas, such as east
Africa and Ethiopia, may well become wetter, this may not necessarily be a positive
development, as more rain is likely to fall in half the present number of days, resulting
in storms, flooding and greater soil erosion. Coastal regions will be affected by changes
in fish resources, and the decline of coral reefs, which is occurring at a rapid rate in the
Indian Ocean, is a cause for great concern. Coral reefs protect the coastline from waves
and storm surges, prevent erosion and help to form beaches. Because of the rise in
surface sea temperatures, as well as destruction from pollution resulting from industry
and agricultural malpractice, coral reefs are dying at a great rate, threatening the ocean’s
ecosystems. Another dramatic and graphic example of climate change in Africa is the
melting of the ice and snow cap on Mount Kilimanjaro, which has shrunk by about 80%
over the past century, and in worst-case scenarios, may disappear completely by about
2020.
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However the matter is tackled, it is quite clear that a multi-pronged approach is
needed, given the enormous impact on people in Africa and its wide implications for
how humans adapt. It is a development issue as much as a climate issue, given that it
profoundly affects aspects such as levels of poverty, food security, economies, health
and wellbeing, as well as matters such as governance, human rights and equality. The
fight against climate change cannot be successful unless the issue of poverty in Africa
receives attention, given the extent to which agricultural and disease patterns are bound
up with it. Countries in Africa need to play their part in responding to the challenge
through ensuring rights of access to land, water and energy for the poorest people,
through promoting renewable energy resources where possible, and through integrating
climate change scenarios into development plans.
Conclusion
In this study unit, dealing first with climate change in general terms and then focusing
on Africa, we have deliberately taken a long historical view, to show that, although
developments over the past 50 years leading to the present climate change crisis facing
Africa have certainly been severe, humans have always adapted to and modified their
natural environment. In doing so, Africans have ensured their future survival in the
continent over many thousands of years. In the rest of this theme, specific dimensions of
the current crisis are explored in greater detail, showing ongoing human resourcefulness
in the face of particular challenges.
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Study unit 18
1212
SUSTAINABLE
DEVELOPMENT
Introduction
In 2000 – the beginning of a new century – a special assembly of the United Nations
considered how best to plan for an improved future for all the earth’s inhabitants. The
aim was to build on an ongoing series of international initiatives relating to the core
idea of “sustainability” and to confront issues that militated against the ability of world
populations to feed and clothe themselves or to find gainful employment. It is generally
accepted that the most important factor that hampers economic development is poverty,
and the principal Millennium Goal was to halve the number of the world’s poor by 2015.
Africa is the most impoverished continent for a variety of reasons, including a high
population growth, the prevalence of HIV/AIDS and other diseases, ongoing armed
conflict, government and financial mismanagement and a lack of education.
The need to increase economic wellbeing is paramount. How this might be achieved
without destroying the planet on which we all ultimately depend is referred to as
“sustainable development”. The formal ideology of sustainable development emerged
during the 1980s as changes wrought by humans became ever more apparent: forests
were felled, pollution of all kinds grew, fish stocks plummeted and toxic waste and
greenhouse gases became of real concern. Over the past 30 years, the notion and focus
of sustainable development has been refined. The purpose of this study unit is to explain
the concept and outline its changing context.
2In this unit we will consider the following key questions:
• What were the key aims of the Brundtland report?

• What is understood by the term “sustainable development”?
• What are the differences between preservationist paradigms and sustainable
development?
12.1 the Brundtland report

12.2 globalisation
Conclusion
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Sustainable development
12.1 The Brundtland report

During the 1980s many developing nations were plunged into financial crisis
as commodity prices fell and debt levels increased. In these circumstances, the United
Nations (UN) Secretary-General asked Gro Harlem Brundtland, former Prime Minister
of Norway, to establish an independent commission to assess and address environment
and development pressures. Under the chairmanship of Brundtland, this commission,
the World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED), prepared a report
entitled Our common future, which was presented to the UN General Assembly in 1987.
Known as “the Brundtland report”, this influential document is significant because it
first introduced the concept of sustainable development into common usage and set the
agenda for much of the thinking and action that followed.
The report proposes the following definition: “Sustainable development is development

that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future
generations to meet their own needs” (World Commission on Environment and
Development 1987:43).
Encapsulated in this definition are two key concepts:
• the concept of needs, in particular the essential needs of the world’s poor, to which
overriding priority should be given; and
• the idea of limitations imposed by the state of technology and social organisation on
the ability of the environment to meet present and future needs.
The WCED emphasised the links between environmental degradation and patterns of
economic development, arguing for the integration of environment and development
policies in all countries. In other words, on the one hand, development was not to
exceed the capacity of the environment and its natural resources, but on the other,
environmental protection was not to hamper the pursuit of economic growth and human
wellbeing. At the final meeting of the WCED in Tokyo in February 1987, all nations
of the world, both jointly and individually, were called upon to integrate sustainable
development into their goals and to undertake the following actions as a means of
guiding their policy actions:
• revive growth;
• change the quality of growth;
• conserve and enhance the resource base;
• ensure a sustainable population level;
• reorient technology and manage risk;
• integrate environment and economics in decisionmaking;
• reform international economic relations;
• strengthen international cooperation (World Commission on Environment and
Development 1987: 4–5)
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Thus the Brundtland report emphasised the mutual reinforcing of three interacting
pillars of sustainable development:
Economic Social
growth development
Environmental
protection
In order to ensure that these pillars work in harmony and synergy, the report argued
for multilateral cooperation and for the reform of many aspects of international trade,
finance and aid. It was appreciated that many countries, particularly in Africa, were
trapped by debt and that international reform of many structures would be required if
development were to take place.
ACTIVITY
In a short paragraph, summarise the essential elements contained in
the Brundtland report.
Do you consider the Brundtland report to be an important turning point?

Support your answer with relevant arguments.
Certainly the Brundtland report marked an important formal stage in awakening

global thinking concerning sustainable development. It was, however, a top-down
attempt to regulate the international community and, as you will discover further
on, later conferences included far more public participation by activists and the non-
governmental sector.
Subsequent conferences, such as the Rio Earth Summit in 1992 (which we will discuss
in greater detail later) modified the Brundtland definition of sustainable development.
Principle 1 of the Rio Declaration stated that: “Human beings are at the centre of
concerns for sustainable development. They are entitled to a healthy and productive
life in harmony with nature”, and Principle 3 reads: “The right to development must
be fulfilled so as to equitably meet developmental and environmental needs of present
and future generations” (United Nations Conference on Environment and Development
1992:9).
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There are definitions of sustainable development outside of the formal international
vocabulary of which you need to be aware. The “triple bottom line” is one; in terms of
this approach, environmental, social and financial outcomes are all taken into account.
In other words, sustainable development happens when society, the economy and the
environment all benefit from an action or policy. In addition, it is helpful to think of the
environment as a “system” rather than as a number of separate parts (trees, soil, rivers
and so on) and to concentrate on maintaining its resilience and its adaptability so that
total collapse is avoided. One can also consider sustainability as being related to the
question of scale, from the local, regional and national through to the global. In other
words, what may be sustainable at a global level (the level of international commercial
fishing for example), might be totally unsustainable at the local level (think of the over-
exploitation of the fish stocks of the Cape west coast). An issue that was not dealt with
by Brundtland or at other international gatherings is that of information sharing. Fischer,
Manning, Steffen, Rose, Daniell, Felton, Garnett, Gilna, Heinsohn, Lindenmayer,
MacDonald, Mills, Newell, Reid, Robin, Sherren and Wade argue that sustainability at
any level cannot be achieved unless all academic disciplines integrate their findings as
well as their capacities for societal action.
One of the most important divides to overcome is that between the social and human
sciences and the natural sciences. The latter play their part in measuring and evaluating
the impact of humans on the earth’s natural resources, while the former do not produce
definite answers in the same way, but do develop human capacity for clear thinking
and understanding, for ethical and responsible behaviour, for the nurturing of real
knowledge about the variety of informed choices we have and for the communication
of careful argument and information. To some extent, this is indeed happening, but
“despite progress, humanity continues to move away from sustainability” (Fischer et al
2007:1).
ACTIVITY
We have provided an explanation and a number of definitions of
sustainable development.
(1) How would you define sustainable development in your own

words?
(2) Contrast the triple bottom line approach outlined in this section with
the shareholder notion of the firm discussed in theme 2.
(3) Which of the two would you think is more appropriate in the current
age?
(4) Re-read the discussion of globalisation in theme 2, and summarise
its main points in preparation for the discussion that follows.
12.2 Globalisation
The concept of sustainable development has gained attention in an increasingly
globalised world. Defining globalisation is difficult, but it generally refers to the
worldwide spread of networks of modern technologies and communication of all kinds
– trade, capital, production, information and money – regardless of frontiers. Some
scholars also point to a decline of the nation-state and the rise of transnational structures
of governance, while others emphasise the cultural overtones of globalisation, cultural
homogenisation and hegemonic consumer culture that erode “traditional values”. Still
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others equate globalisation with the convergence and homogenisation of capitalist
economic forms, markets and relations across nations.
Almost all national political leaders invoke the mantra of globalisation to justify their
particular economic or social policies.
The distribution of natural resources influences the patterns of international economic

activity and development. Not only are the key natural resources – energy, minerals,
cultivable land – unevenly distributed, but the combination of particular resources
in particular nations and regions makes for a complex mosaic of opportunities and
constraints. A lack of resources can be remedied through international trade (Japan is a
prime example), but for most countries its resource base is an important determinant of
development.
Interaction in the global economy is fuelled and sustained by the governments of the
most powerful states of the world, transnational corporations, international banks,
travel networks and various international agreements on aspects such as trade and
the environment. The global economy of today is characterised by diminishing trade
barriers between countries and the increasing influence of transnational corporations.
This is accompanied by a relative weakening of the power of individual states; economic
activities and consumer patterns of the world tend to vary less from state to state and
region to region.
Globalisation therefore influences sustainable development with regard to issues of

scale, inequities of labour and other costs and benefits, a skewed market for agricultural
products, and environmental justice.
2The history of an idea
Concern over the long-term sustainability of societies did not erupt suddenly with
the Brundtland report. Ideas about this subject emerged from a Western ethic of
“conservation” that became discernible in the late 1800s and early 1900s. It has been
argued that “conservation” was sometimes evident in precolonial societies, although the
romanticised view of people living deliberately “in harmony” with their environments
as “noble savages” has been discredited. For example, in the United States in the early
20th century, the progressive conservationist Gifford Pinchot defined “conservation” as
the opposite of “waste”; to him it was not the same as “preservation”, which suggested
that human interference was entirely absent. The idea of sustained yield was important.
The rise of ecology in the 1920s and 1930s also gave support to the idea of wise use
because it could be shown through vegetation studies that there was an optimum state at
which ecological functions occurred.
In 1980, a few years before the World Commission on Environment and Development
(WCED), the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) coordinated a
World Conservation Strategy that advocated a conservationist conception of sustainable
development. This was primarily economic in focus, and was directed at maintaining
essential ecological processes and life support systems, preserving genetic diversity,
and ensuring the sustainable utilisation of species and ecosystems. It aimed to ensure
stocks of plants and animals, and clean air, water and soil for human use in the future.
Thus this document, like the Brundtland report, conceptualised the environment as a
reservoir of resources that people could use, not something worth preserving untouched,
for its own sake. Conservation was defined as better management which would allow the
maximum benefits to be derived from living resources in order to continue their use in
the future. In order to maximise these benefits, education, public participation and the
164
need to establish a new world economic order were required, the purpose of which was to
redress inequalities in the relationship between rich and poor countries. Since the 1990s,
influenced by the Brundtland report, the value of nature to disadvantaged peoples has
become better acknowledged in the global environmental agenda.
Many international organisations have supported sustainable development as the

strategy by means of which humanity can continue to survive and thrive. The two main
conservation bodies, the IUCN and the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF), are both
products of an increasing popular concern with nature protection that arose in the West
after World War II. The IUCN was founded in 1948 and encompasses states, government
agencies and nongovernmental organisations, while the WWF is a powerful transnational
conservation fund-raising nongovernmental organisation. Over the years, both the IUCN
and WWF have responded to changing conservation concerns. At first they concentrated
on the preservation of rare or endangered wildlife species and wilderness or special
habitats. Under pressure from the developing world, and especially after a conference in
1961 in Arusha, Tanzania, these world bodies moved away from a Western aesthetic and
preservationist paradigm to a more human-centred approach linked to emerging ideas
relating to sustainable development and poverty alleviation. Within both the IUCN and
the WWF this shift created tension and at times continues to do so because the needs
and attitudes of the developing and developed world still do not converge. However,
it is important to note that both organisations have come to embrace the view that the
conservation of natural resources is not just an ethical stance, but that it is required for
the social, economic and political wellbeing of humanity. In some parts of Africa, game
reserves and national parks have abandoned their philosophy of excluding people, and
initiatives such as “community conservation” have come into play.
South Africa has a National Strategy for Sustainable Development (NSSD) that was
drafted by the Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism and its erstwhile
Minister, Marthinus van Schalkwyk, following the 2002 Johannesburg World Summit
on Sustainable Development. Van Schalkwyk wrote of the pressing need for a unified
national vision to guide and direct policy implementation, to strengthen institutional
and governance frameworks, to establish an effective system for monitoring and
evaluation, and collectively to set targets and identify short-, medium- and long-term
actions for accelerated growth. The NSSD is, therefore, a key vehicle in meeting not
only South Africa’s international commitments, but more particularly the challenges
of the country’s own development and growth path. According to Van Schalkwyk,
the growing understanding of resource-scarcity among all communities highlights the
significant economic and entrepreneurial gaps that remain to be filled through innovation,
technological development, and improved management. For the first time in South
Africa, the importance of sustainable development was placed at the centre of individual
and community-level decisionmaking. Van Schalkwyk expressed the hope that the
NSSD would be a powerful tool in attending to priority issues like water quality and
quantity; climate change; waste management; soil loss and pollution; food production;
and strategic biodiversity management. It would identify specific risks and opportunities
over an extended planning period of 20 or 30 years and would also form the basis for the
development of provincial strategies for sustainable development, to help provide local
governments with new tools for direct and sustainable local action (Van Schalkwyk 2006).
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Conclusion
In this study we have outlined how the term “sustainable development” emerged during
the 1980’s as people grappled with the urgent need to increase the economic well-
being of all humans while at the same time ensuring that the resources of the planet
were not exhausted. As the challenges of globalisation increased, so the notion and
ideology surrounding sustainable development also changed. It became clearer that the
conservation of natural resources could not be solely an ethical issue separate from the
social and economic wellbeing of people.
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Study unit 19
13
13
GLOBAL
GOVERNANCE
AND THE NATURAL
AND CULTURAL
ENVIRONMENTS
Introduction
Because the survival of human beings depends on natural resources, such as soil, air,
water, plants and animals, the connection between society and the environment is
close and critical, whatever the specific community’s culture or level of economy. All
human beings tread on the earth, and some in the past did so more lightly than we do
today. In 2000 Paul Crutzen, who won the 1995 Nobel chemistry prize for his work on
atmospheric pollution, coined the term “Anthropocene” to denote our era (Crutzen &
Stoermer 2000). Crutzen and others believe that, analogous to the Holocene, this most
recent period in the earth’s history began when human influence on the environment
became so great that it constituted a new geological era. In other words, humans now
have the capacity to alter the very nature of life on earth, and even to destroy it.
The change in the world’s climate is the most pressing environmental effect of modern
life. As you have already learnt, global warming, as it is often called, is the result of
gaseous emissions (particularly atmospheric carbon dioxide) into the atmosphere;
however, there is also concern about the long-term and increasingly irreversible effects
of massive deforestation, desertification, acid rain, loss of genetic diversity, smog, soil
erosion, ground water decline, and the pollution of rivers, lakes and oceans. Extensive
and excessive use of resources, energy-inefficient lifestyles, industrialisation and the
pursuit of economic growth without sustainability all take their toll in environmental
terms and require innovative solutions.
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Neither the problems nor the solutions are the same in every region of the earth. Smaller
challenges can be resolved at local or national level, but when the larger effects are
evident on a global scale, they have to be dealt with through recognised international
structures, of which South Africa is part. These global governance matters are the
subject of this study unit, and in order to confront environmental issues that are
economic in nature as well as those that are symbolic and of heritage significance, we
consider the following key questions:
• Why is international cooperation needed to monitor and control the environmental

impact of human activity
• What did major international gatherings from the 1970’s to the 2000’s attempt to
achieve, and what were the main obstacles to agreement?
• For what reasons are world heritage sites deemed important?
• What is a biosphere reserve, and is this an appropriate structure for managing
sustainable development?
13.1 global environmental change

13.2 world heritage sites
13.3 biospheres
Conclusion
13.1 Global environmental change

At present the world population stands at around 6,7 billion. In the early 1960s the world
population growth rate peaked at 2,2% per annum and then declined. By 2007, when the
world’s population grew by nearly 80 million, it was 1,19% per annum. The increase is
highest in sub-Saharan Africa, Asia, the Middle East and Latin America, while there
is a negative population growth in Central and Eastern Europe. Over the past 50 years
this increasing number of human beings has changed ecosystems extensively in order to
meet its ever-growing demands for food, fresh water, timber, fuel and fibres.
Meeting those needs has certainly improved the lives of billions of people, but it
has taken its toll on the systems that support life on earth. Many ecosystems are in
jeopardy. The Southern African Millennium Ecosystem Assessment identified three
core ecosystem services in our region – food, water and services linked to biodiversity
– and concluded that at least four of the eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)
will not be met unless these ecosystems are stabilised through careful use (Millennium
Ecosystem Assessment 2005b). The implication is that standards of living in South
Africa will fall and lives will be lost unless appropriate measures are implemented.
Many economic activities are unsustainable and deplete natural resources to such
an extent that they cannot be renewed. This affects the environment, which in turn
deleteriously affects the livelihoods of people, especially those in developing countries.
Land degradation has increased to the point that about one-third of the world’s land
surface is threatened by desertification, thus undermining agricultural and subsistence
practices. Fresh water is in short supply. Air pollution and contamination of waterways
and coastal areas are common, and in many parts of the world these increase the poverty
of those who are already poor. Deforestation denies millions of forest dwellers and
indigenous peoples sources of food, medicine and the basics of daily life, and threatens
their cultural and spiritual identity. The increasing scarcity of fuel, wood and water
places an increased burden on the lives of women, while hazardous waste dumping and
toxic pollution cause death and illness.
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Global governance and the natural and cultural environments
As is evident from the brief outline above, many of these conditions are not regionally
unique, but have global effects. For this reason, international cooperation is needed to
control or prevent environmental degradation and also to negotiate ways to overcome,
or at least mitigate, the global environmental impacts of human activity. Because of
these shared problems, international conferences have been held to discuss these issues
and also to enter into agreements about broad policy frameworks. A discussion of their
history and impact follows.
2The Stockholm Conference, 1972 and the Rio (Earth) Summit, 1992
In June 1972, the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment was held
in Stockholm, Sweden. This was a watershed in the development of international
environmental law, and it marked the start of serious international cooperation and
debate on the environment. It culminated in the Stockholm declaration, which set
out principles for, among other issues, natural resource management, the relationship
between the environment and development, and pollution prevention. (The Stockholm
conference was initiated in response to the problem of acid rain.) It also led to the
creation of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), headquartered
in Nairobi, Kenya. The Stockholm conference was a formal acknowledgement (by
industrial countries in particular) of the importance of the need for multilateral efforts to
deal with transboundary environmental problems.
The Declaration of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment was
the first international instrument that recognised the right of people to a healthy
environment, but also the first to link injustice with environmental issues. The
declaration consisted of 26 principles, the first of which was “Man has the fundamental
right to freedom, equality and adequate conditions of life, in an environment of a quality
that permits a life of dignity and well-being, and he bears a solemn responsibility to
protect and improve the environment for present and future generations. In this respect,
policies promoting or perpetuating apartheid, racial segregation, discrimination,
colonial and other forms of oppression and foreign domination stand condemned and
must be eliminated” (United Nations Conference on the Human Environment 1972).
Stark contrasts between the positions of the developed and the developing world
regarding environmental misuse came to light at Stockholm, but were not resolved
there. The industrialised nations focused on environmental degradation as a short-term,
technically solvable issue, while the developing countries argued that any actions in
this regard would deal only with the symptoms of the crisis and avoid the root causes,
namely, issues relating to the international economy, to international debt and to
inequitable access to financial and technological resources. Much work remained to be
done in order to bring these positions closer to one another, and further conferences
were planned to make this possible.
In 1992, two decades after Stockholm, representatives of governments, international

bodies and nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) met in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, for the
“Earth Summit”, the United Nations Conference on the Environment and Development
(UNCED). This conference confirmed that environmental concerns had come to have
a central place in the agenda of world politics. Some 176 national delegations attended
the Rio conference and it received enormous media attention. The Global Forum, a
parallel NGO event, attracted some 30 000 delegates, thus demonstrating the power
of individuals and activist organisations. The outcomes of Rio consisted of five signed
agreements:
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(1) The Rio Declaration
(2) Agenda 21
(3) Declaration on Forest Principles
(4) Convention on Climate Change
(5) Convention on Biological Diversity

2
The Rio Declaration and Agenda 21
Strongly influenced by the Brundtland report, the Rio Declaration and Agenda 21
recognised the connection between environmental and developmental pressures and
accepted the global character of environmental problems. The declaration identified
unsustainable patterns of production and consumption, particularly in industrialised
countries, as the cause of much environmental deterioration. It stressed the importance
of international cooperation, scientific research and access to technology and new
and additional financial resources for developing countries. The Rio Declaration’s 27
principles to guide governments in their pursuit of sustainable development, initially
envisaged as an Earth Charter, were eventually adopted, and the declaration attempted
to combine environmental and developmental concerns.
The point of departure was that human beings are at the centre of concerns for
sustainable development – in other words, people, not the environment itself, lie at the
core of the wise use or conservation of natural resources. The right to development
(controversial in human rights debates) is asserted in principle 3. Principle 5 emphasises
the importance of eradicating poverty, while principle 6 requires that the special needs
of developing countries be given priority.
Assessments of the Rio Declaration are divided. Some have criticised it as not providing
a coherent framework to guide action and, like many international agreements, being
an uneasy compromise between different interests that may even contradict each
other. These comments expose two concerns. First, the declaration and its principles
are shaped by and reinforce the imperatives of state sovereignty rather than global
stewardship. Secondly, the declaration illuminates the difficulties of reconciling
environment and development concerns in the concept of sustainable development, a
concept which is nowhere defined in the agreement.
Agenda 21, which, like the Rio Declaration, is a nonbinding agreement, aimed to chart
the environmental way forward into the 21st century. Its 40 chapters contain a series
of proposals on priorities so as to maintain some degree of sustainable development in
the future, and it provides a detailed plan of action for implementing the principles of
the declaration and for achieving sustainable development. Agenda 21 was probably
the most significant outcome of the Earth Summit, because following its adoption by
all the nations represented in Rio, it intended to guide all nations towards sustainable
development in the future. But, as is frequently the case with international protocols,
the text is often contradictory because of the need to find compromises acceptable to
various interests. Areas of contention included the control of population, reduction of
fossil fuel usage, and the nature of North–South debt.
2Ozone depletion and the Montreal (1987) and Kyoto (1997) protocols
As explained in the first study unit of this theme, in the 1960s scientists began to
raise concerns about the potential impacts of air pollution on ozone concentrations in
the stratosphere. A particularly worrying element was the class of chemicals called
chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs). These are human made and used in a wide variety of
applications, including refrigeration, air conditioning and many industrial processes.
170
By the mid-1980s, scientists had sufficient evidence to prove that damage to the ozone
shield was caused by CFCs. Consequently, in 1987 an international agreement was
reached that has since been ratified by over 125 countries. The so-called Montreal
Protocol called for signatory nations to freeze CFC production at 1989 levels and then
cut production by 50% by 1999. Despite certain concerns, the Montreal Protocol is
generally regarded as a success story in international environmental management.
In 1992, at the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, an international agreement was signed
that committed most countries to an undertaking to reduce global emissions of carbon
dioxide and other greenhouse gases, but the agreement did not actually require any
country to take real action. In 1995, negotiators met in Berlin and a small step towards
controlling carbon dioxide was taken when the Berlin Mandate was signed. This called
upon industrialised nations to control emissions voluntarily. Further negotiation on
reducing carbon dioxide emissions culminated in a conference at Kyoto, Japan, in
December 1997 and discussion about divergent reduction rates led to an incomplete
agreement (the Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change). Some issues, notably enforcement and the terms under which emission
reductions could be traded internationally, were not resolved. The protocol set binding
targets for the reduction of emissions and thus places a far heavier burden on the 37
developed, rather than the developing, countries because it recognises that it is the
former that are principally responsible for the high levels.
The treaty, however, could not take effect unless it was ratified by the governments
of the signatory countries, and many (nearly 200) have now done so (South Africa
signed in July 2002). After detailed rules for implementation were adopted in 2001 (the
Marrakesh Accords), the protocol came into force in February 2005, but its effect so far
has been extremely limited because in 2001 United States President George W Bush
withdrew from the Kyoto treaty, believing that stricter limits on gas emissions would
weaken the United States’ economy.
A further flaw in this protocol is that China and India, both of which are enormous
polluters, have been given very broad exemptions. South Africa had little hesitation in
signing the Kyoto Protocol because, as a developing country, it is not required to set or
to meet emission reductions targets. In fact, South Africa’s greenhouse gas emissions
have grown, having been shown in 2008 to have increased from 69,8 to 72,7 million
tons, according to Sasol’s sustainability report Sasol produces petrol from coal, which is
a very energy-consuming operation. South Africa’s electrical energy comes principally
from 13 coal-fired power stations and one nuclear power plant but, as became evident
during the rolling blackouts of 2008, demand regularly outstripped supply. At the time
of writing, new coal-fired power stations were in the early phases of construction.
ACTIVITY
(1) Draw up a table comparing the Rio Declaration with the Brundtland
report. What are the similarities and differences?
(2) What is the Kyoto Protocol and why is it contentious?
(3) Read study unit 11 again and write a paragraph on why you think that
many countries underplay the consequences of climate change.
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2Johannesburg 2002
A decade after the Earth Summit in Brazil, world leaders and environmentalists
gathered in Johannesburg from 16 August to 4 September 2002 for the World Summit
on Sustainable Development (WSSD) to review the outcome of the ambitious goals
adopted in 1992. This was the largest international gathering ever held in Africa and
attracted tens of thousands of delegates representing governments, business, NGOs,
farmers, indigenous people, the youth, women, trade unions, and others to debate
the improvement of peoples’ lives and the conservation of the systems that sustain
them. There was a plethora of parallel events, well supported by the Johannesburg
World Summit Company, which ran the event under the auspices of the South African
government.
Taking lessons from the previous meetings regarding the difficulties in obtaining
intergovernmental agreements, the Johannesburg Earth Summit was organised on
the basis of some 300 “partnership initiatives,” and these focused on how best to
achieve the Millennium Development Goals. Just as there was a declaration after Rio,
so there was one after Johannesburg. The Johannesburg Declaration, consisting of
37 paragraphs, reiterated commitment to sustainable development, but included the
idea of multilateralism as the way to meet this goal. The output from Johannesburg
was less specific than from Rio in terms of political commitment, and there was even
less concentration on natural resources and their conservation per se, although there
was agreement in terms of the restoration of the world’s depleted fisheries. As is the
case with regard to many international initiatives, the wording was vague so as not to
alienate any stakeholders. There was a recommitment to sustainable development, the
assumption of collective responsibility and common resolve to ameliorate the challenges
associated with poverty, to reduce the divide between rich and poor, and to replenish
and wisely use an impoverished global environment. Women’s rights and those of
indigenous people were reconfirmed.
Just as the Rio declaration had been criticised, so too was the Johannesburg WSSD.
In the first instance, it was far less successful than it might have been because it was
boycotted by the United States, with representative Colin Powell merely flying in for
a brief session. Moreover, there was an atmosphere of social protest that had little or
no connection with environmental concerns, and which focused on topics such as
illicit drugs, intolerance, racial and ethnic violence, and diseases. It was also labelled
“hypocritical” because of the entertainment, food and drinks lavished on dignitaries
just a few kilometres from starving South Africans in townships such as Alexandra
and Diepsloot. Critics, both individuals and organisations, that might have expressed
concern about using sustainable development as a catchphrase for environmental misuse
were excluded from the conference.
ACTIVITY
Below you will find the text of the Johannesburg declaration. Note
how it is couched in careful diplomatic language.
(1) In a paragraph of 500 words, outline the main points in your

own words.
(2) Identify 10 points that deal with poverty alleviation and the
development of poor countries.
(3) Identify 4 points that mention sustainable development. How
is that term defined in this declaration?
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2 4 September 2002
3 The Johannesburg Declaration on Sustainable Development
From our Origins to the Future
(1) We, the representatives of the peoples of the world, assembled at the World
Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg, South Africa from 2–4
September 2002, reaffirm our commitment to sustainable development.
(2) We commit ourselves to build a humane, equitable and caring global society
cognizant of the need for human dignity for all.
(3) At the beginning of this Summit, the children of the world spoke to us in a simple
yet clear voice that the future belongs to them, and accordingly challenged all
of us to ensure that through our actions they will inherit a world free of the
indignity and indecency occasioned by poverty, environmental degradation and
patterns of unsustainable development.
(4) As part of our response to these children, who represent our collective future,
all of us coming from every corner of the world, informed by different life
experiences, are united and moved by a deeply- felt sense that we urgently need
to create a new and brighter world of hope.
(5) Accordingly, we assume a collective responsibility to advance and strengthen
the interdependent and mutually reinforcing pillars of sustainable development–
economic development, social development and environmental protection – at
local, national, regional and global levels.
(6) From this Continent, the Cradle of Humanity we declare, through the Plan of
Implementation and this Declaration, our responsibility to one another, to the
greater community of life and to our children.
(7) Recognizing that humankind is at a crossroad, we have united in a common
resolve to make a determined effort to respond positively to the need to produce
a practical and visible plan that should bring about poverty eradication and
human development.
From Stockholm to Rio de Janeiro to Johannesburg
(8) Thirty years ago, in Stockholm, we agreed on the urgent need to respond
to the problem of environmental deterioration. Ten years ago, at the United
Nations Conference on Environment and Development, held in Rio de Janeiro,
we agreed that the protection of the environment, and social and economic
development are fundamental to sustainable development, based on the Rio
Principles. To achieve such development, we adopted the global programme,
Agenda 21, and the Rio Declaration, to which we reaffirm our commitment. The
Rio Summit was a significant milestone that set a new agenda for sustainable
development.
(9) Between Rio and Johannesburg the world’s nations met in several major
conferences under the guidance of the United Nations, including the Monterrey
Conference on Finance for Development, as well as the Doha Ministerial
Conference. These conferences defined for the world a comprehensive vision for
the future of humanity.
(10) At the Johannesburg Summit we achieved much in bringing together a rich
tapestry of peoples and views in a constructive search for a common path,
towards a world that respects and implements the vision of sustainable
development. Johannesburg also confirmed that significant progress has been
made towards achieving a global consensus and partnership amongst all the
people of our planet.
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The challenges we Face
(11) We recognize that poverty eradication, changing consumption and production

patterns, and protecting and managing the natural resource base for
economic and social development are overarching objectives of, and essential
requirements for sustainable development.
(12) The deep fault line that divides human society between the rich and the poor
and the ever-increasing gap between the developed and developing worlds pose
a major threat to global prosperity, security and stability.
(13) The global environment continues to suffer. Loss of biodiversity continues, fish
stocks continue to be depleted, desertification claims more and more fertile land,
the adverse effects of climate change are already evident, natural disasters are
more frequent and more devastating and developing countries more vulnerable,
and air, water and marine pollution continue to rob millions of a decent life.
(14) Globalization has added a new dimension to these challenges. The rapid
integration of markets, mobility of capital and significant increases in investment
flows around the world have opened new challenges and opportunities for the
pursuit of sustainable development. But the benefits and costs of globalization
are unevenly distributed, with developing countries facing special difficulties in
meeting this challenge.
(15) We risk the entrenchment of these global disparities and unless we act in a
manner that fundamentally changes their lives, the poor of the world may lose
confidence in their representatives and the democratic systems to which we
remain committed, seeing their representatives as nothing more than sounding
brass or tinkling cymbals.
Our commitment to Sustainable development

(16) We are determined to ensure that our rich diversity, which is our collective
strength, will be used for constructive partnership for change and for the
achievement of the common goal of sustainable development.
(17) Recognizing the importance of building human solidarity, we urge the promotion
of dialogue and cooperation among the world’s civilizations and peoples,
irrespective of race, disabilities, religion, language, culture and tradition.
(18) We welcome the Johannesburg Summit focus on the indivisibility of human
dignity and are resolved through decisions on targets, timetables and
partnerships to speedily increase access to basic requirements such as clean
water, sanitation, adequate shelter, energy, health care, food security and the
protection of bio-diversity. At the same time, we will work together to assist
one another to have access to financial resources, benefit from the opening
of markets, ensure capacity building, use modern technology to bring about
development, and make sure that there is technology transfer, human resource
development, education and training to banish forever underdevelopment.
(19) We reaffirm our pledge to place particular focus on, and give priority attention
to, the fight against the worldwide conditions that pose severe threats to the
sustainable development of our people. Among these conditions are: chronic
hunger; malnutrition; foreign occupation; armed conflicts; illicit drug problems;
organized crime; corruption; natural disasters; illicit arms trafficking;
trafficking in persons; terrorism; intolerance and incitement to racial, ethnic,
religious and other hatreds; xenophobia; and endemic, communicable and
chronic diseases, in particular HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis.
174
(20) We are committed to ensure that women’s empowerment and emancipation,

and gender equality are integrated in all activities encompassed within
Agenda 21, the Millennium Development Goals and the Johannesburg Plan of
Implementation.
(21) We recognize the reality that global society has the means and is endowed with
the resources to address the challenges of poverty eradication and sustainable
development confronting all humanity. Together we will take extra steps to
ensure that these available resources are used to the benefit of humanity.
(22) In this regard, to contribute to the achievement of our development goals and
targets, we urge developed countries that have not done so to make concrete
efforts towards the internationally agreed levels of Official Development
Assistance.
(23) We welcome and support the emergence of stronger regional groupings and
alliances, such as the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), to
promote regional cooperation, improved international cooperation and promote
(24) We shall continue to pay special attention to the developmental needs of Small
Island Developing States and the Least Developed Countries.
(25) We reaffirm the vital role of the indigenous peoples in sustainable development.
(26) We recognize sustainable development requires a long-term perspective
and broad-based participation in policy formulation, decision-making and
implementation at all levels. As social partners we will continue to work for
stable partnerships with all major groups respecting the independent, important
roles of each of these.
(27) We agree that in pursuit of their legitimate activities the private sector, both
large and small companies, have a duty to contribute to the evolution of
equitable and sustainable communities and societies.
(28) We also agree to provide assistance to increase income generating employment
opportunities, taking into account the International Labour Organization (ILO)
Declaration of Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work.
(29) We agree that there is a need for private sector corporations to enforce
corporate accountability. This should take place within a transparent and stable
regulatory environment.
(30) We undertake to strengthen and improve governance at all levels, for the
effective implementation of Agenda 21, the Millennium Development Goals and
the Johannesburg Plan of Implementation.
Multilateralism is the Future
(31) To achieve our goals of sustainable development, we need more effective,

democratic and accountable international and multilateral institutions.
(32) We reaffirm our commitment to the principles and purposes of the UN Charter
and international law as well as the strengthening of multilateralism. We
support the leadership role of the United Nations as the most universal and
representative organization in the world, which is best placed to promote
(33) We further commit ourselves to monitor progress at regular intervals towards
the achievement of our sustainable development goals and objectives.
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Making it Happen!
(34) We are in agreement that this must be an inclusive process, involving all the
major groups and governments that participated in the historic Johannesburg
Summit.
(35) We commit ourselves to act together, united by a common determination to save
our planet, promote human development and achieve universal prosperity and
peace.
(36) We commit ourselves to the Johannesburg Plan of Implementation and to
expedite the achievement of the time-bound, socio-economic and environmental
targets contained therein.
(37) From the African continent, the Cradle of Humankind, we solemnly pledge
to the peoples of the world, and the generations that will surely inherit this
earth, that we are determined to ensure that our collective hope for sustainable
development is realized.
We express our deepest gratitude to the people and the Government of South Africa
for their generous hospitality and excellent arrangements made for the World Summit
on Sustainable Development.
(United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs 2002)
13.2 World heritage sites

It is noteworthy that paragraph 37 of the Johannesburg declaration explicitly mentions
Africa as the “cradle of humankind”. In addition to diplomatic instruments that relate
to the conservation and exploitation of natural resources, there is a set of international
political structures that aim to link culture and nature and to render heritage resources
sustainable. South African thinking in this regard is in line with international trends on
the meaning and nature of heritage.
It is important to know about world heritage sites because our heritage is also a resource
that we use sustainably. Just as the natural environment has a value, so has heritage.
World heritage sites are those that the international community has acknowledged as
having outstanding universal value and forming part of a common global inheritance.
The argument behind world heritage is that if we, globally, lose this heritage, we would
lose objects, ideas or places that have shaped the history of humankind and the planet on
which we live.
The South African National Heritage Resources Act 25 of 1999 refers to “heritage
resources”, and by using the word “resource” implies the active use of heritage, shifting
the focus from preservation to use and thus encouraging sustainable activities such
as tourism. Certainly, heritage resources can be material “objects” like paintings or
furniture, but they also include sites/places incorporating groups of buildings, or a
mountain on which certain areas are considered sacred or holy, an entire town, or even
a journey, such as a pilgrimage route. Heritage resources may also include medicinal
plants and other natural features such as rivers or waterfalls. The underlying philosophy
is the global appreciation of cultural richness and diversity.
World Heritage Convention, 1972

2
In 1972 UNESCO (the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural

Organization) adopted the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural
and Natural Heritage (the World Heritage Convention). This developed from the
176
merging of two separate movements taking place at about that time; the first focused
on dangers to cultural sites, and the other dealt with nature conservation. The World
Heritage Convention came into being because a number of threats to both the cultural
and natural global heritage had been identified, and the aim was to establish an effective
system of collective protection of cultural and natural heritage of outstanding universal
value, organised on a permanent basis and in accordance with modern scientific
methods. By signing the convention, member states were bound by these provisions.
The event that proved the catalyst at the time was the decision by Egypt to construct
the Aswan High Dam on the Nile River, which resulted in the flooding of the valley
in which the ancient temples of Abu Simbel were situated. International cooperation
secured this heritage because it was regarded as belonging to the whole world, not just
to Egypt. The temples were dismantled, moved to dry ground and reassembled. Half
of the $80 million needed for this project came from some 50 countries, showing the
importance of shared responsibility in conserving outstanding cultural sites. The other
disaster that mobilised international resources was the flooding of Florence in 1966,
which destroyed many of the art treasures of the Renaissance.
There are a number of bureaucratic processes to be followed in order for a site to

be inscribed in the world heritage site list. A site is nominated by the government
concerned and evaluated by ICOMOS (International Council of Museums and Sites)
and/or the IUCN (International Union for the Conservation of Nature). ICOMOS
is responsible for the evaluation of cultural properties and the IUCN for evaluating
natural properties. Experts visit the site, prepare a detailed evaluation and send their
recommendations to the World Heritage Bureau, which in turn makes recommendations
to the World Heritage Committee. (A list of all the sites approved by the World Heritage
Committee can be viewed on www.icomos.org.)
What are the advantages of inscription as a world heritage site?
• The site receives national and international recognition and can make use of the
world heritage logo.
• The site is protected for future generations.
• Financial assistance from the World Heritage Fund is possible.
• The site becomes part of the outreach and educational endeavours of the World
Heritage Committee so that better knowledge of different cultures and countries and
their sites is disseminated worldwide.
ACTIVITY
(1) What is a world heritage site?
(2) Why can world heritage sites be considered an aspect of sustainable
development?
(3) Do you consider it important for a country to have world heritage
sites? If so, why?
Over the past two decades, the World Heritage Committee has become aware that
the attribution of world heritage site status can be seen as the imposition of Western
values on international heritage thinking. The committee therefore fears that its efforts
to conserve international heritage may be construed as yet another sinister aspect of
globalisation. To rectify this perception, the committee has taken active steps to improve
the universality of the world heritage list so that it reflects a balanced representation of
all regions and cultures in the world. It has also become clear that leaving nomination
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up to individual governments has not worked adequately. For numerous reasons, many
governments with valuable sites do not apply for nomination.
Part of the problem with the Eurocentric perception is that Western governments
regularly present nominations for consideration, and most of these are approved by the
World Heritage Committee because all the criteria are satisfactorily met and there is
adequate financial and human capacity for protection. For these reasons, almost half of
all world heritage sites are located in Europe, while Africa, the Arab states, the Pacific,
Latin America and the Caribbean are poorly represented in comparison. There is also an
overemphasis statistically on Christianity and monumental architecture.
The World Heritage Committee has instituted a “Global Strategy” to correct these
imbalances and obtain a representative list. While making an international inventory of
possible world heritage inclusions seems laudable, there are pitfalls associated with this
approach too. In the first instance, this can be construed as “top down”. Some countries
might regard this as interfering – even interventionist and neocolonialist – when
funding and management for conservation are provided by foreign donors without active
cooperation from the country involved. “Ownership” and people taking possession of
their heritage is a sensitive issue, and the fact that the international organisations might
dictate matters relating to other “heritages” is problematic. Such a global strategy also
involves the World Heritage Committee in regional political issues. An example of an
instance where the committee has been forced to take a political stance is the case of
Kakadu National Park in Australia. Kakadu was inscribed as a world heritage site in
1981, and since then, rich uranium deposits have been located at Jabiluka and Ranger.
Many parties, including some local communities, mining companies and the Australian
government, would like to mine these deposits, and they consider that this can be done
without violating the criteria on which Kakadu was inscribed as a world heritage site.
However, there are other local communities and NGOs that consider mining to be
incompatible with world heritage values and that exploitation would compromise the
cultural and spiritual associations which make up part of the heritage of the Kakadu
National Park.
2World heritage sites in South Africa
www.SA-Venues.com (http://www.sa-venues.com/maps/south-africa.htm)
178
The recognised world heritage sites in South Africa and the dates on which they were
inscribed are listed below.
Cultural
2
Fossil Hominid Sites of Sterkfontein, Swartkrans, Kromdraai, and environs (1999)

Robben Island (1999)
Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape (2003)
Richtersveld Cultural and Botanical Landscape (2007)
Mixed
3
uKhahlamba/Drakensberg Park (2000)
Natural
4
iSimangaliso Wetland Park (1999) (formerly the Greater St Lucia Wetland Park)
Cape Floral Region Protected Areas (2004)
Vredefort Dome (2005)
Because of its apartheid policies, South Africa had been excluded from international
organisations, but in 1996 – readmitted to the international community – it became a
signatory to the World Heritage Convention and thus qualified to have sites inscribed in
the list of world heritage sites for the first time. We will not deal with all the eight listed
sites here, but we will identify two that relate to ideas of engagement as South Africans
with the world around us and demonstrate the world value of our cultural and natural
environmental heritage and its sustainable use.
World heritage sites are declared on the basis of cultural properties, natural properties
or a combination of both (in which case they are referred to as mixed sites). There is
also a cultural landscape category. To be included on the world heritage list, sites must
satisfy the selection criteria that are explained in the Operational Guidelines for the
Implementation of the World Heritage Convention, which is the main working document
on world heritage. The criteria have been revised regularly by the committee to match
the evolution of the world heritage concept itself. Mixed sites have both outstanding
natural and cultural values. South Africa has eight world heritage sites and about ten
that are in the initial planning stages. In terms of their contribution to sustainability,
South Africa’s world heritage sites are drawcards for tourists, opportunities for capacity
building in rural communities and for black economic empowerment and sites of pride
in the country’s important cultural and natural treasures.
The Fossil Hominid Sites of Sterkfontein, Swartkrans, Kromdraai, and Environs (The
2
Cradle of Humankind)
Inscribed in 1999 (with extensions in Taung and Makapan in 2005) on the basis of
cultural criteria (iii) and (vi), the Sterkfontein area contains an exceptionally large and
scientifically significant group of sites which throw light on the earliest ancestors of
humankind. They constitute a vast reserve of scientific information, the potential of
which is enormous. As we said in theme 1, modern human beings (Homo sapiens) first
appeared in Africa 200 000 years ago. We therefore all share common ancestors that
originated in Africa and migrated from here to populate the world. Not only humans,
but also their ancestors, the hominids, first appeared in Africa. Most scientists believe
that there were two migrations out of Africa, first that of the hominids, and, much later,
that of modern human beings. A site such as Sterkfontein is therefore highly significant
for all of humankind, because of the knowledge of our origins that has been inspired by
the fossils that have been unearthed here.
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The Cradle of Humankind is a large area (some 25 000 ha, with a buffer zone of
about 28 000 ha) that straddles the provinces of Gauteng and North West. A number
of important palaeo-anthropological sites are found here: Sterkfontein, Swartkrans,
Kromdraai, Drimolen, Gladysvale, Plover’s Lake, Gondolin and others. Because of the
dolomitic geological formation of this area (sedimentary rock formed about 2,5 billion
years ago), which contains water-soluble calcium carbonates, a number of underground
caves were formed, with entrances at surface level that developed as a result of erosion
and other natural processes. These caverns with surface entrances provided refuge for
creatures such as sabre-toothed cats, giant hyenas and early humans. The bones of these
creatures fossilised in agglomerate rock called breccia, and it is these fossil deposits that
famous South African scientists such as Raymond Dart, Robert Broom, Philip Tobias,
Bob Brain, Ron Clarke and Lee Berger have studied. Not only have these sites produced
fossil human and animal remains (some dating back millions of years), but there are also
relics from the Early, Middle and Late Stone Ages, and the Early and Late Iron Age.
Together these sites have produced many thousands of fossils and there may be many
more sites in the area worth excavating. There are two interpretation centres relating to
this world heritage site, one at the Sterkfontein caves and the other at the nearby venue
of Maropeng.
2uKhahlamba-Drakensberg
Inscribed in 2000, this is listed as a mixed site, one which met the stringent criteria with
regard to both natural and cultural characteristics. There are far fewer sites that qualify
on both these grounds than that qualify as either cultural or natural; of a total of 878
world heritage sites inscribed in 2008, only 25 were mixed.
Cultural Criterion (i): The rock art of the uKhahlamba-Drakensberg is the largest
and most concentrated group of rock paintings in Africa south of the Sahara and is
outstanding both in quality and diversity of subject matter.
Criterion (iii): The San people lived in the mountainous uKhahlamba-Drakensberg

area for more than four millennia, leaving behind them a corpus of outstanding rock art
which throws much light on their way of life and their beliefs.
Natural Criteria (vii) and (x): The site has exceptional natural beauty with soaring
basaltic buttresses, incisive dramatic cutbacks and golden sandstone ramparts. Rolling
high altitude grasslands, the pristine steep-sided river valleys and rocky gorges also
contribute to the beauty of the site. The diversity of habitats protects a large number of
endemic and globally threatened species, especially birds and plants.
The basalt geology of the uKhahlamba-Drakensberg dates back millions of years to

volcanic eruptions that deposited deep beds of lava. Beneath the basalt lies Clarens
sandstone, which bears witness to a geological time when sand dunes covered the
region. The mountains are rich in dinosaur and other fossils, and the modern landscape
is spectacular, with high cliffs and peaks and beautiful rock formations, streams and
waterfalls. The site also contains wetlands of international importance. Biological
diversity is exceptional, the mountains being rich in birdlife, mammals, reptiles and
insects. Some creatures are endemic to the region. The vegetation is also significant,
particularly the grassland ecosystem.
The natural significance is equalled by the cultural, for in these mountains San hunter-
gatherers left priceless and abundant rock art. There are more than 600 sites and more
than 40 000 individual images. What is most important about this treasure trove of
paintings is that they are preserved in the very environment in which they were created.
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ACTIVITY
(1) Which of South Africa’s world heritage sites would you like to visit
and why? Do not necessarily confine yourself to those we described
above, but consult the whole list on the internet if you are able to do
so.
(2) Look at the criteria for world heritage status below and write a
motivated proposal for any site that you are familiar with to become a
world heritage site.
(3) If you do not live in South Africa, list all the world heritage sites in
your country.
(4) Do you think the world heritage sites can be a source for developing
and sustaining a sense of national identity? Give reasons for your
answer. Refer back to the discussion of national identity in theme 1,
which dealt with identity and difference.
WORLD HERITAGE SITES: The Criteria for Selection

2
To be included on the World Heritage List, sites must be of outstanding universal

value and meet at least one out of ten selection criteria. These criteria are explained in
the Operational Guidelines for the Implementation of the World Heritage Convention
which, besides the text of the Convention, is the main working tool on World Heritage.
The criteria are regularly revised by the Committee to reflect the evolution of the
World Heritage concept itself.
Until the end of 2004, World Heritage sites were selected on the basis of six cultural
and four natural criteria. With the adoption of the revised Operational Guidelines for
the Implementation of the World Heritage Convention, only one set of ten criteria
exists.
cultural criteria Natural criteria
Operational
Guidelines 2002 (i) (ii) (iii) (iv) (v) (vi) (i) (ii) (iii) (iv)
Operational
Guidelines 2005 (i) (ii) (iii) (iv) (v) (vi) (vii) (viii) (ix) (x)
Selection criteria:
2
(i) to represent a masterpiece of human creative genius;

(ii) to exhibit an important interchange of human values, over a span of time
or within a cultural area of the world, on developments in architecture or
technology, monumental arts, town-planning or landscape design;
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(iii) to bear a unique or at least exceptional testimony to a cultural tradition or to a

civilization which is living or which has disappeared;
(iv) to be an outstanding example of a type of building, architectural or
technological ensemble or landscape which illustrates (a) significant stage(s) in
human history;
(v) to be an outstanding example of a traditional human settlement, land-use, or
sea-use which is representative of a culture (or cultures), or human interaction
with the environment especially when it has become vulnerable under the
impact of irreversible change;
(vi) to be directly or tangibly associated with events or living traditions, with
ideas, or with beliefs, with artistic and literary works of outstanding universal
significance. (The Committee considers that this criterion should preferably be
used in conjunction with other criteria);
(vii) to contain superlative natural phenomena or areas of exceptional natural
beauty and aesthetic importance;
(viii) to be outstanding examples representing major stages of earth’s history,
including the record of life, significant on-going geological processes in
the development of landforms, or significant geomorphic or physiographic
features;
(ix) to be outstanding examples representing significant on-going ecological and
biological processes in the evolution and development of terrestrial, fresh
water, coastal and marine ecosystems and communities of plants and animals;
(x) to contain the most important and significant natural habitats for in-situ
conservation of biological diversity, including those containing threatened
species of outstanding universal value from the point of view of science or
conservation.
The protection, management, authenticity and integrity of properties are also
important considerations. Since 1992 significant interactions between people and the
natural environment have been recognized as cultural landscapes. (United Nations
Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization 2005)
13.3 Biospheres
Another form of land use identified on the basis of the sustainable development model
is the biosphere reserve. Like world heritage sites, the recognition of biospheres is
a UNESCO initiative, arising from the Man and the Biosphere Program (MAB)
introduced in 1970. This type of protected area is unique in that it satisfies three equally
important aims that relate to sustainability. It must:
• contribute to the conservation of landscapes, ecosystems, species and genetic

variation
• foster economic and human development which is socioculturally and ecologically
sustainable
• provide support for research, monitoring, education and information exchange
related to local, national and global issues of conservation and development
There is no single model for a biosphere reserve, but the underlying principles are
that the management system is open to community concerns and that it is adaptable.
Biospheres contain communities (even urban communities), agriculture and even
industries, such as mining. The basic idea is that the population of the entire biosphere
has a common vision to minimise the loss of biological diversity, exploit resources
sustainably, and to nurture the ecological and cultural values of the area. This fits in well
with the three pillars of sustainable development with which you should be familiar by
182
now, namely economic development, social development and environmental protection.
Every biosphere has its own system of governance and generally a committee or board,
including local and national government structures, is appointed once UNESCO has
registered the biosphere. Participation in a biosphere is voluntary; private property
within the biosphere is not affected (indeed the value of land usually rises if it is situated
in a biosphere). Biosphere reserves are zoned, with a core area surrounded by a buffer
zone which, in turn, is surrounded by a transition zone. Generally speaking the core
area is a formal bird sanctuary, national park or other kind of protected area, and the
buffer zone is where scientific and experimental research takes place, or where activities
related to education, training, tourism and recreation occur. The outer area is a working
landscape of villages and towns, farms, factories, homes, schools and so on. Here
local communities together with civic associations, cultural groups, private enterprise,
scientists and conservation, agricultural and land agencies and other stakeholders
cooperate to develop the area sustainably.
South Africa has four declared biospheres: the Waterberg, Kruger to Canyons, Cape
West Coast and Kogelberg. Others, including the Magaliesberg, a mountain range
straddling Pretoria and Rustenburg, are being negotiated.
We will describe just one South African example, the Waterberg biosphere, which was
the country’s first. Its geology is interesting, and the underlying rock formation is the
most ancient on planet earth. The whole area is extremely rich in minerals and is part of
the Bushveld igneous complex. A number of rivers cut through the Waterberg to drain
into the Limpopo River, which flows in an easterly direction towards Mozambique.
The Waterberg biosphere is fundamentally a dry deciduous forest with elements of
savanna, and for centuries the area abounded in many species of wildlife. The first
human ancestors may have been present in the area as early as three million years ago,
since Makapansgat, 40 km away, has yielded skeletons of Australopithecus africanus.
Hunter-gathering San Bushmen lived in the Waterberg around two thousand years ago,
producing beautiful rock paintings and living off wildlife, while mixed-farming Bantu-
speaking communities brought cattle to the region in about 1300 AD.
These people also arrived with new technologies, including iron and copper smelting,
and they were masters at building dry-stone walls, some of which survive today and are
of immense value to archaeologists. White settlers of the 19th century brought more
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cattle and created a situation of violence in the region. In 2006 there were about 80 000
people living in the Waterberg and the creation of a biosphere, together with a number
of successful land restitution claims, has stimulated a rise in ecotourism.
ACTIVITY
(1) List the main characteristics of a biosphere reserve.
(2) How are the social, economic and natural environments
coordinated in a biosphere?
(3) Do you consider a biosphere to be an appropriate management
structure for sustainable development? Substantiate your
answer.
(4) Describe an area with which you are familiar and that might
qualify as a biosphere reserve. Write a brief proposal to send
to the provincial or local authorities in support of declaring it a
biosphere.
(5) If you do not live in South Africa, list the biosphere reserves in
your country.
(6) Write two paragraphs giving your considered opinion on the
following:
• Do international efforts such as biosphere reserves and

world heritage sites make a difference to people at the
local level? If so, how?
• What are the constraints and challenges to local people
associated with managing their environments sustainably
without recourse to international management structures?
Conclusion
The global environmental governance endeavours that we have discussed so far can be
summarised in the timeline below.
TIMELINE OF GLOBAL ENVIRONMENTAL GOVERNANCE
1970 Man and the Biosphere Program
1972 Stockholm Conference
1972 World Heritage Convention
1980 World Conservation Strategy
1987 Our Common Future (Brundtland report)
1987 Montreal Protocol
1992 Earth Summit, Rio de Janeiro
1997 Kyoto Protocol
2000 Millennium Development Goals
2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development, Johannesburg
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While the world is becoming “smaller” and more integrated, people still live in their
distinct or unique environments, which are affected in different ways by integration in
the global system. Despite the international contracts and sustainability programmes,
globalisation does not mean the homogenisation of all social and economic relations
across space, nor does it make all places in the world alike, or every person like every
other person.
As we have shown in our discussion of heritage, the more universal the diffusion of
material culture and lifestyles, the more valuable regional and ethnic identities become.
The faster the information highway takes people into cyberspace, the more they feel
the need for a subjective setting – a specific place or community – that they can call
their own. The greater the integration of transnational governments and institutions,
the more sensitive people have become to localised cleavages of race, ethnicity and
religion. But the increasing interdependence within the global economy means that
the environmental welfare of nations, cities and regions all over the world will depend
increasingly on complex interactions determined on a global scale. The paradox that
confronts us is that, while we live in an increasingly integrated world, the distinction
between the rich and poor, the developed and developing and the core and periphery in
the global economy remains, and the differences are in fact becoming more pronounced
as globalisation accelerates. In future, the world will be divided into those who have
access to information and knowledge and those who do not. As we grapple with the
many social, economic and political tensions created by global change and integration,
will we have the opportunity to protect what remains of the natural environment? Or
will we focus on economic development to such an extent that the idea of sustainability
will remain an idea never to be translated into reality?
Environmental global governance covers a number of categories and we have dealt

only with those that impact directly on living sustainably. Other global treaties
cover environmental aspects such as fauna and flora, the manufacture, transport and
use of chemicals, nuclear control, and intergovernmental relationships. Placing the
environment on the international diplomatic stage has not only drawn attention to the
care with which humans should treat their natural resources, but it has also provided
a significant formal platform allowing communities that are not politically powerful
to make a contribution to global debates, and permitting their voices to be heard.
The fact that many of the principles of the environmental treaties (such as Kyoto) are
unacceptable to the United States has been instrumental in marginalising that enormous
country and diluting its international leadership, which has been virtually unchallenged
since World War II. Another grouping of civil society that has been empowered by
environmental diplomacy has been the NGO sector, the activity of which has been
extremely visible in the media and also in the outcomes of the international meetings.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Jane Carruthers would like to thank Professor Alet Harmse for the use of her material
on the geography of globalisation.
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Theme 21
5
ACTIVELY ENGAGING
WITH OUR WORLD
Peter Stewart

The message of this theme is: Get involved in the world out there and engage with others
in general – and be responsible and engage in dialogue while you do so.
This theme provides a connection between the earlier themes and the idea that much
needs to be done in our world, and the fact that we can engage actively in our world.
What we provide here are only tastes, or snapshots, of some different kinds of action.
To be properly equipped to do these things, such as take care of the sick or protect
the environment, you will require extensive skills in nursing or ecology and practical
experience of the relevant field – only then will your actions be truly effective.
In South Africa, and indeed in Africa in general, we are in a situation of need and
structural injustice, and our institutions are often unsatisfactory. This situation calls
for active engagement! At the same time, we live in fast-changing, uncertain and fluid
times, where state and private institutions are in processes of formation. This provides
individuals and activist groups with greater opportunities to influence what happens
than in a country of the global North.
The philosopher Hannah Arendt sees active life – the vita activa (which she divides into
labour, work and action) as a basic and extensive part of being human (Arendt 1959). We
achieve our aims through engaging with our various situations.
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Engagement involves learning (as you are doing in this module!), critical thinking, and
being receptive. But to engage properly with our world we also need to act. Through our
actions we intervene in the world and shape it.
The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways;

the point is to change it (Marx 1888).
In this, the concluding theme of this study guide, we provide you with six kinds of
action which can provide significant benefits to communities and societies: acting in a
local community; being an activist in the public arena; giving caring support; exercising
responsible citizenship; doing good work; and acting for sustainable development.
All kinds of action and reflection are mixed up with, and often seduced by, the aims
and interests of social institutions, and their impact is therefore usually very small.
Governments typically create ideologies of nationalism. Economies often serve elite
and global interests. NGOs and churches claim to act in the public interest, but typically
pursue their own interests energetically. Action is also shaped by social norms and
tastes. Because action can be trapped in such processes, it must be constantly reviewed
in open processes of dialogue.
Here we do not consider the kinds of action directed at satisfying one’s own aims, such
as achieving health, sanity and success. However, keep in mind that achieving these
personal aims and having a receptive and critical approach are prerequisites for public
action, because without them we would lack energy and good judgement.
In fact, the types of action considered here correspond, in Anthony Giddens’s terms,
to both “emancipatory politics” (focusing on “justice, equality and participation”) and
“life politics” where “processes of self-realisation influence global strategies” (Giddens
1991:212–214).
Exercising care, responsibility and consumer choice relates to life politics, whereas anti-
globalisation activism, trade unionism and active support for democracy are more on the
side of emancipatory politics.
Emancipatory politics Life politics
(1) The freeing of social life from (1) Political decisions flowing
the fixities of tradition and from freedom of choice and
custom. generative power (power as
transformative capacity).
(2) The reduction or elimination (2) The creation of morally
of exploitation, inequality or justifiable forms of life that
oppression. Concerned with will promote self-actualisation
the divisive distribution of in the context of global
power/ resources. interdependence.
(3) Obeys imperatives (3) Develops ethics concerning
suggested by the ethics the question “how should we
of justice, equality and live?” in a post-traditional order
participation. and against the backdrop of
existential questions.
Giddens (1991:215)
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Actively engaging with our world
Although Giddens’ categories seem to more easily reflect the issues of middle classes
and the global North, they are useful for understanding our context – but only if we are
prepared to adjust the thrust of emancipatory and life politics to address the issues of
the global South and especially Africa. Our situation gives ordinary people an interest
in emancipatory politics and the aims of justice and equality, but these objectives may
seem distant and unattainable. Postcolonial states typically give citizens ethnic or
rural identities rather than inclusive national identities (Mamdani 1996:296). People
experience the extreme inequality and exclusionary mechanisms of the international
political and economic order, rather than global interdependence. Citizens often distrust
their states and their use of resources, law and institutions. States may even use the
dehumanising methods of the former racial colonial order to elevate rulers, while giving
citizens a negative or empty value. Some governments even view their citizens as slave-
like or animal (Mbembe 2001). This can result in citizens being radically disconnected
from the national project, if there is one. Therefore the spaces for public action and
public ethics are different from those found in prosperous states where human rights are
effectively observed.
While active life politics aiming at personal and family wellbeing seems almost
universal in the global South, many out of necessity or even desperation conduct
strategies partly outside the law, and do not experience significant freedom of choice.
The morality of people’s legitimate actions in response to this dangerous uncertainty
may not be backed by the dominant moralities of church and state.
ACTIVITY
(1) Skim through the first four themes of this study guide and write
down five to ten different ways in which people engage with
globalisation, identity, state power and the environment.
(2) Write down five ways in which you yourself actively engage
with your wider society (eg in your home, community or work).
(a)
(b)
(c)
(d)
(e)
(3) Write a sentence on each of two ways in which you think you
can make a difference to your society in the future.
(a)
(b)
As we pay attention to each of the kinds of action covered in the study units making
up this theme, we will consider the place of this kind of action in our context, and
the variety of roles which are related to this kind of action. In each case we provide a
case study and various links to resources. We hope that you enjoy this theme and its
constituent study units, which are as follows:
Study unit 14: Acting in a community
Study unit 15: Being an activist
Study unit 16: Caring support
Study unit 17: Being a responsible citizen
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THEME 5
Study unit 18: Doing good work – struggling for good work
Study unit 19: Action for a sustainable environment
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Study unit
22
14
14
ACTING IN A
COMMUNITY
Introduction
What are we talking about when we speak of communities and action?
While we all accept that households need discussion, cooperation and coordination,
and while we may expect there to be coherent local government of cities, townships,
peri-urban areas and rural areas, many people think that the in-between level of
the community of people with whom you have face-to-face interactions needs no
planned actions and strategy. In towns, in today’s economy, many people work and do
some socialising outside the area where they stay; there is also a flow of people in and
out of each street. Even where you can identify a strong community which involves and
connects most local inhabitants, the community will be complex and ill-defined, and
may be filled with conflicts (cf Brent 2004). Even a rural village which is under a single
chief may have many agendas, and many young men and women may see their future
elsewhere. It is very rare to find a perfectly functioning community involving all the
people in a particular place. So why act at the community level?
The local, community level of society is the level where ordinary people can make
an impact because they have local knowledge and because people often have strong
feelings – and ideas – about the future and welfare of the local community. People living
in an area are often not an “organic community” – they do not really know one another,
nor do they feel any sort of obligation towards one another. At the same time, in your
local area you are usually part of several local networks of people. Beyond this, there
is a wider grouping whom you meet regularly face to face. There are also neighbours
towards whom you have certain duties and who may provide you with some social
resources, for example, insulation from crime.
There are many different roles through which people can act in a community. Street
vendors; shopkeepers; owners of bars; church, mosque and shul leaders; teachers;
sports coaches – all these people can be influential. So can gangs, drug pushers and
drug addicts, although their influence on local communities can be enormously
destructive. Some people may aim to organise all local people or sections of the people
into a community. This grouping includes activists in community based organisations,
activists in civic associations, and community development activists.
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In the rest of this study unit we focus on community development; to do so, we will
• What is community development?

• How has the idea of community development changed?
• What are some key skills of community development?
• What jobs and roles can serve community development?
14.1 community development

14.2 jobs and roles
Conclusion
14.1 Community development

Before considering community development on a wider scale, think about your
own community, and complete the activity below.
ACTIVITY
(1) List two things that your local area/community desperately
needs.
(a)
(b)
(2) Make a realistic proposal about how one of these needs can be
achieved.
Community development is a very popular idea in many countries, and there

are many community based organisations (CBOs), NGOs and government
departments committed to its practice. Thousands of books and articles have been
written on the subject, and many analyses of community development have been
conducted. To simplify, we can divide community development into two strands: One
is a formal programme of integrated community development aiming to systematically
address a range of economic, social, environmental and institutional issues in
a community. Such formal processes must be backed by funds and NGOs or government
structures which have skilled personnel and funds, and must facilitate or empower
the community to gradually take control of the integrated programme.
A second strand of community development in action involves applying a set of skills

to various kinds of local/community intervention. Thus an agricultural extension
officer might help local people by addressing a particular facet of local need, and
assist by providing a perspective in terms of which agricultural extension is viewed as
empowerment. Similarly, the extension officer might aid the community by applying
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Acting in a community
participatory research and action (PRA) tools to help local people – and the extension
officer him or herself – to understand their processes.
In this second sense there may be no integrated formal programme of community

development, but rather particular roles and actions – be they those of social worker,
agricultural extension officer, nurse, or externally funded water supply project – which
may use particular skills to attune such interventions to the local context and the voice
of ordinary people in that context.
In the debate about community development, there has been a shift towards an
approach which prioritises participation and empowerment, and away from top-
down programmes where governments or funders determine the agenda (De Beer &
Swanepoel 1998:chapter 2). However, this has sometimes coincided with new neoliberal
strategies in governments and funding agencies which aim to get the poor to help
themselves without much support from government or other official agencies (Berner &
Phillips 2005:17–29).
There is clearly a need for funded, resourced community interventions involving civil
engineers, agricultural consultants, town planners and so on, but there must also be a
strong process of community involvement and empowerment, and valid community
organisations should share control of resourced interventions by governments and other
institutions.
Here are some of the skills needed for community development:
• skills in facilitating empowerment

• skills in facilitating participation
• needs assessment (eg through PRA)
• project management skills
• professional skills (eg teaching, engineering, town planning, agronomy and
accounting skills)
• financial skills
• coordination skills to bring different elements into an integrated programme
In southern Africa, community development has been mixed up with political and
national issues such as the colonial zoning of urban and rural land to exclude the
national masses, the land ownership situation that resulted from this, very high levels
of inequality, migrant labour systems, weak and corrupt government in some cases and
extreme poverty in some areas. To this political inheritance is added the scourge of HIV
and AIDS and the increasing problem of climate instability.
Moreover, in southern Africa, community development has often been a government-

sponsored activity, and various governments have departments dedicated to community
development. Official community development of this kind has often involved rural
projects, and has taken a modernising approach focusing on physical infrastructure
(roads, electricity, sewerage) and attempts to develop agriculture integrated into the
formal market economy.
The following scenario by De Beer and Swanepoel entitled “The case of the community
worker who met his match” outlines a (heavily male-centred and patriarchal!) situation
in which key skills of community development – facilitating inclusive participation, and
giving weight to local understanding – are not dealt with properly. Read the passage
below and then answer the questions which follow.
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(De Beer & Swanepoel 2006:275–277)
What mistakes did Mr Dladla make? List four:
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
14.2 Jobs and roles

At the end of each study unit in this theme we provide a list of jobs and activities or
roles associated with the focus of the study unit, and which you may find interesting or
aim to pursue. Here is the list for this unit.
• activist in a community based organisation

• community activist
• civic association activist
• community leader
• teacher
• community member
• agricultural extension officer
• agronomist
• civil engineer
• town planner
• community development officer/facilitator
• PRA facilitator
• development consultant
• environmental consultant
Conclusion
Community development can offer many people an avenue for action. If your passion is
for the community, this is for you!
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Study unit 23
1515
BEING AN ACTIVIST
Introduction
To be an activist is to be passionate about a public cause, and to take action in the name
of that cause. An activist is also one who is prepared to give his or her time and energy
to whatever the cause demands. Are you an activist? Do you want to become one?
Being an activist allows you to engage with the world of today, because activists
generally are part of social movements, such as the socialist movement and the
environmental movement, that are trying to change some aspect of society in general.
Social movements arise in response to serious unsolved problems in a society at a time
when a solution of some kind becomes discernable. For example, the socialist movement
arose due to the problem of Western European capitalism forcing workers off the land
and into manual labour in the factories. The sheer number of disempowered workers and
the resource of rapidly developing technology allowed an alternative, socialist vision to
emerge.
• What is an activist?
• How do social movements create activists?
• What are some current examples of activism?
• What jobs and roles are associated with activism?
15.1
social movements and activism
15.2
activism against neoliberal globalisation
15.3
activism for a local people: Ken Saro-Wiwa and the Ogoni resistance to Shell oil
in the Niger Delta
15.4 jobs and roles
Conclusion
15.1 Social movements and activism

Can you think of significant social movements that create activists? Here is a possible
list:
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• the socialist movement
• the labour movement (the trade unions)
• the democratic movement (think of the American and French revolutions and
democratic struggles in the South)
• the women’s movement/feminist movement
• the peace (anti-nuclear) movement
• the environmental movement
• nationalist political movements
• the movement against neoliberal globalisation
• religious movements
Some of these movements (such as the women’s and nationalist movements) have
been around for hundreds of years; others, such as the antiglobalisation and peace
movements, have been established in response to current conditions (cf Fuentes & Frank
1989:179–180). Yet others, such as the democratic, nationalist and labour movements,
underlie party politics and political activism.
In our context of the South, in addition to the movements listed above, there are many
grassroots movements that aim to protect local communities and environments and to
empower marginalised groups. Seddon and Zellig (2005:251–259) discern three “waves
of protest” in modern Africa:
• protest concerning global restructuring and structural adjustment in the 1970s and
1980s, as post-independence growth in nations came to a halt
• a wave of efforts towards democratisation and the demand for legitimate government
in the 1990s
• in the 2000s, protests against global capital
Ballard, Habib, Valodia and Zuern (2005) also view economic globalisation as the
cause of current social movements in South Africa and consider some movements
addressing issues of gender, sexuality and citizenship to have arisen in response to the
social exclusion created by these economic forces. An example is the Treatment Action
Campaign (TAC), which campaigns for the rights of those living with HIV and AIDS.
ACTIVITY
By using a variety of sources, such as TAC offices and brochures,
a public library, information from radio and television, and the
internet, answer the questions below.
If you have access to the internet, visit the TAC website at

http://www.tac.org.za/community/. Then answer the following
questions:
(1) What types of information does the TAC provide?
(2) Which groupings does the TAC network with?
(3) What actions is the TAC involved in?
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Being an activist
ACTIVITY
If you have access to the internet, go to the site of the African
Women’s Development and Communication Network at
http://www.femnet.or.ke/directory.asp. Explore the site. If you do
not have access to the internet, find other sources of information
on any currently active development organisation focusing on
women.
Then answer these questions:
(1) What are the aims of the organisation?
(2) What programmes and campaigns are they involved in?
ACTIVITY
In your opinion, which are the strongest social movements and
activist groupings in your country?
List the top six or seven:
15.2 Activism against neoliberal globalisation

A type of activism that has hit the headlines in the new century is “antiglobalisation”
activism. The activists involved do not in fact intend to roll back all of globalisation–
after all, their activism is of a global type. However, generally they are opposed to
neoliberal capitalist globalisation, which prioritises business and private profit above
democratic decisions and above the needs of communities and natural environments.
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ACTIVITY
If you have access to the internet, go to the site of the Independent
Media Center at indymedia.org/en/index.shtml. This is a very
active left-leaning site that networks with many international
initiatives against global capitalism. Take some time to explore the
site.
Read the passage below by Ian Linden, which gives some background to this activism,
and then answer the questions that follow.
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Being an activist
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(Linden 2003:103–106)
Some acronyms:
WTO: World Trade Organization
IMF: International Monetary Fund
INGO: International Non-Governmental Organisation
CSO: Civil Society Organisation
(1) How big were the street protests against neoliberal globalisation?
(2) How effective were these campaigns, according to Linden?
15.3 Activism for a local people: Ken Saro-Wiwa and the Ogoni
resistance to Shell Oil in the Niger Delta
This case study looks at how some actions taken in the tangled and dangerous situations
prevalent in certain countries may take different forms from the actions of organisations
in Cape Town or Seattle, where the rights of citizens are respected. At the same time,
these actions may have different but strong claims to be moral and admirable.
First, read the following easy passage:
2Ogoni Resistance
Following another coup, General Sani Abacha took power in 1993 at a time when
Shell Petroleum and Development Company of Nigeria (Shell Nigeria), a subsidiary
of the Royal Dutch/Shell Group and the first oil company to commence operations in
Nigeria, was producing nearly one million bpd – half of Nigeria’s total output. Not only
was Shell Nigeria the largest producer, but it was also the most visible; with pipelines
covering 6,200km throughout the Niger Delta. The Ogoni, a small ethnic group who
lived amongst the web of pipelines, were the first Delta-based communities to protest
against the environmental degradation and demand a share of the oil revenues. They
turned to Shell and the Nigerian government for answers.
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Being an activist
In 1990, Ken Saro-Wiwa, an Ogoni activist and author, was the first to mobilize the
Ogoni through the formation of the non-violent group Movement for the Survival of the
Ogoni People (MOSOP), which advocated for autonomy, environmental protection, and
control of a share of the revenues. What started off as a non-violent movement, however,
inspired other members in the Ogoni community to launch a violent campaign aimed
at disrupting the oil industry and thus affecting government revenues. Shell’s own
data on community disturbances in the Delta revealed patterns of escalating violence
– largely sabotage, vandalism, and looting – between 1993–5. At one point, Shell was
forced to suspend production in Ogoniland due to the estimated US$42 million in
damage to its installations. The violent outbreaks, however, led to severe government
crackdowns, including the execution of Saro-Wiwa and other Ogoni activists, and
permanently weakened the Ogoni resistance. Despite this, the ability of the Ogoni to
affect oil production and elicit such a strong government response was a significant
development that only ignited more armed resistance.
(Giroux 2008)
2Now read a more difficult passage. There is a glossary at the end to help you.
In this extract, Ato Qayson argues that in the uncertain, dangerous and politically
extreme conditions of Abacha’s Nigeria (and many other countries), new models of
action, which Qayson calls heroism, are necessary, and he argues that Saro-Wiwa’s
actions classify as heroism. Nevertheless, Saro-Wiwa and other activists were executed;
Ogoni activists had killed a number of chiefs who appeared to side with the military.
This activism therefore failed, in that the leaders died, and some the actions of the
activists were regrettable or even criminal. Read the passage below by Qayson and then
answer the questions that follow.
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Being an activist
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(Qayson 2003:67–73)
2Glossary
Ethical: in accordance with moral behaviour
Discursive: to do with discourses or sets of understanding and interpretation
Genocide: the deliberate killing of a people
Epic: of heroic or impressive proportions
Trope: picture, or figurative use of words
Corps: military company
Vortex: a whirling mass of liquid movement, as in a whirlpool
Patronage: support from a sponsor or superior
Collusion: secret agreement for a fraudulent purpose
(1) What was the cause of the activism against Shell?
(2) Why did the journalist Chris McGreal term Saro-Wiwa a “tainted hero”?
(3) According to Qayson, how did Ken Saro-Wiwa achieve heroism?
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Being an activist
15.4 Jobs and roles

activist against neoliberal globalisation
lobbyist
advocacy campaigner
campaign organiser
press officer
gender activist
climate change/environmental activist
trade union activist
researcher for activist grouping
website manager
fundraiser
underground activist of illegal organisation
Conclusion
This study unit has shown that activism is natural to societies, and comes in different
forms. The readings on the antiglobalisation movement and on Ken Saro-Wiwa have
also shown both that the consequences of activism can be evaluated, and that this
evaluation requires a close understanding of the relevant context.
We hope that this study unit also encourages you to find an area in which you can be an
activist!
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Study unit 24
16 16
CARING SUPPORT
Introduction
Caring for the young, old and sick is one of the main ways of engaging with people
around you. Even if you do not choose to specialise in the role of providing care, you
will probably be a parent or care for old or sick friends or relatives at some time during
your life.
All societies devote a lot of time and energy to caring for people: caring for very young
children and children as they grow up; caring for the old; and caring for the sick,
troubled and injured. Historically these tasks have been carried out primarily by women,
and very often such tasks of caring have been unpaid work in patriarchal household
economies.
The importance of care tasks is widely recognised nowadays, partly because of the
consciousness raised by the women’s movement, and partly as a result of psychological,
sociological and educational studies which have shown the importance of the role of
a primary parent (usually the mother, who provides nurture during the breastfeeding
stage) and the home. Modern society is less affirmative of the sick and the old;
nevertheless a wide range of professions and roles has emerged in response to the need
of these groups and because of the money that people will pay for such care.
At the same time, in industrialising societies in the global age, while people are
prepared to pay for care of the old, sick and troubled and for schooling, though not for
home parenting, caring inside families is disrupted as kinship networks weaken and as
household units become more individualised and fewer households have both parents
present, and fewer still a multigenerational family structure suited to caring for the
old. In this study unit we will examine the topic of caring support, and to do so we will
• Why are there roles involving caring support in society?

• What forces threaten caring support?
• What issues do parents face in their attempt to provide caring support?
• What roles and tasks are associated with caring support?
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Caring support
16.1 parenting
16.2 care for those living with HIV
16.3 jobs and roles
Conclusion
16.1 Parenting
There are many different roles and professions through which people provide care. First
among these is parenting. Many adults seem to have some natural parenting skills, which
all relate to an ability to love the child. However, this “natural” love (when it occurs)
is a complex thing: “A mother’s love is a pretty crude affair. There’s possessiveness in
it, appetite, even a ‘drat the kid’ element; there’s generosity in it, and power, as well as
humility” (Winnicott 1991:17). All cultures also instil certain parenting skills, especially
in providing an extensive model of the various family roles, but these rather rigid
culturally defined roles are not necessarily well adapted to our new contexts. Therefore,
parents constantly need to learn from other parents, and even from formal counselling:
Preparing our children for the world they will face as adults is an awesome and
challenging task. Equipping children with a positive self-esteem that will enable them
to act wisely and assertively in their lives is the most important responsibility we carry.
However, parenting is not instinctive. Attitudes, information and skills need to be learned
and many parents lack confidence or feel ill-equipped for the task of providing the
emotional containment, information and skills their children need to realise their creative
potential (The Parent Centre [sa])
The importance given to childcare and parenting by professionals and governments

has not led to parents, particularly mothers, being formally paid for their work.
Further, a large proportion of families do not function well, due to poverty, alcoholism,
overburdened single parents and sickness – in recent years in southern Africa AIDS has
resulted in an enormous need for care of different kinds, ranging from care of the sick to
emotional and therapeutic support, and support for AIDS orphans. There are also cultural
reasons for family stress. Many men are uncomfortable in a marriage relationship with
a woman who rejects a subservient role. Women may not understand men’s difficulty in
disclosing their emotional processes. The culture of conspicuous consumption, instant
gratification and entitlement that is seen in parts of youth culture and the culture of
newly rich classes is not good for the wealthy, but has an even more negative effect on
poorer families, especially their youth, and is one of the causes of crime, drug-taking and
alcoholism.
So, while parenting is an absolutely vital activity within the sphere of care, it often occurs
in very difficult situations. Parents need to work at parenting, and they will often need the
assistance of others.
ACTIVITY
Find information on support for parents provided by counselling
services, government social welfare agencies or NGOs. If you
have access to the internet, visit the website of The Parent Centre
at www.theparentcentre.org.za.
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16.2 Care for those living with HIV and AIDS

Because of the prevalence of HIV and AIDS in southern African countries, the issue of
care for those living with HIV and AIDS is at the forefront of care issues. It is an issue
that may be close to you.
ACTIVITY
Locate and talk to an HIV and AIDS care centre near you. (To find a
centre of this kind, ask people, use the phone book, use the internet
– engage!)
Find out the following:
(1) What is the work routine at the centre?

(2) How many people work at the centre?
(3) How many people with HIV and AIDS are cared for by the
centre?
(4) How is the care centre funded?
The following case study entitled “How to support and care for a person with HIV”
provides you with a simple and clear mini-handbook on practical things to do in terms
of caring for a person with this illness. It is very clearly and simply written, and gives
many logical and practical suggestions. The passage is self-explanatory, so there are no
questions afterwards. However, here is an activity for you to complete before doing the
reading.
ACTIVITY
Before doing the reading, write down what you think are the most
important things to remember when caring for someone who has
HIV.
Now go to the reading. As you read the passage, do the following:
(1) Note down the section headings, which give you an indication
of the issues covered.
(2) Select two of the sections and make detailed notes on them.
(3) Find and write down three things in the reading that made you
reassess your view of HIV care.
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Caring support
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Caring support
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Caring support
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Caring support
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(Granich & Merman 2006:chapter 10, 112-114, 116-118, 120-121)
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Caring support
16.3 Jobs and roles

mother
father
guardian
nurse
doctor
traditional healer
preschool teacher
primary school teacher
community health worker
community counsellor
trauma counsellor
psychotherapist
caregiver caring for the aged
employee of nursing home
employee of home for the aged
relief worker
Conclusion
There are vulnerable people around us – the old, the young, the sick, the displaced – so
we are surrounded by tasks of care. Giving caring support can be as valuable as any
other kind of action. Is it for you?
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Study unit25
17 17
BEING A
RESPONSIBLE
CITIZEN
Introduction
Being a responsible citizen may involve a number of different things, such as upholding
the law; understanding and using government services; actively engaging in the public
sphere; voting; engaging in protest and resistance against injustice or corruption; taking
up issues such as equity, diversity, corruption, tolerance, racism, crime and xenophobia;
and keeping informed about your country. In this study unit we will consider the
following key questions:
• What are the different components of being a responsible citizen?

• How do the responsibilities of a citizen change in unjust and dysfunctional
situations?
• What responsibilities do we have as “global citizens”?
• What roles and jobs are connected with responsible citizenship?
17.1 responsible citizenship

17.2 global citizenship
17.3 jobs and roles
Conclusion
17.1 Responsible citizenship

2Responsible citizenship in the global South
What does being a responsible citizen in the global South today entail? After all,
international financial institutions, transnational corporations and the dominance
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Being a responsible citizen
of great powers such as the United States undermine the sovereignty of our
governments, and in many countries a significant proportion of government personnel
are far from responsible. The tasks of citizenship in Zimbabwe, Somalia and the DRC
are surely different from those of, for instance, citizens of Botswana.
Our exploration of responsible citizenship in this study unit acknowledges the

responsibilities that a person has towards the particular state he or she lives in, but it is
also necessary to take a broader approach than this. Citizenship includes responsibility
towards the common good of all citizens, and also some degree of global citizenship
and responsibility towards noncitizens who are involved in our social life. Thus one can
say, as a South African, a Nigerian or a Palestinian, that one has duties to the state, but
one also has duties to those whom one’s state attacks, to the marginalised members of
one’s society, to victimised foreigners, to South–South solidarity and to international
environmental protection.
2Responsible citizenship in the extended sense
In well-functioning political orders that uphold justice (perhaps through possessing

a good constitution and a separate judiciary), part of being a responsible citizen is
performing routine duties: obeying the laws of the land (including municipal bye-laws),
paying taxes, following the rules of the road, and voting every few years. But even in a
well-ordered society a more extended kind of responsible citizenship is necessary.
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(Regan 2006:139)
226
Here are some of the actions of a responsible citizen:
Keep informed by regularly reading news reports and analysis in reputable newspapers
and current affairs magazines and on reputable websites. Going to see and hear things
first-hand is equally important for keeping informed.
ACTIVITY
(1) List the news, analysis and information sources about your
country that you have used in the past year.
(2) Then rate how well informed you are on national issues. Are
you:
⁯ very well informed ⁯ well informed ⁯poorly informed ⁯very badly
informed
Utilise public services effectively.
ACTIVITY
Do you know what your local government does? Find out whether
your local government has put out a brochure or published an
online programme of what they do and what services they offer.
Get or print a copy.
Tick here if you have done this: ……….
• Help the economically marginalised members of society through actions such as

creating employment, extending financial support, assisting with legal and official
paperwork, and giving active support to policies and trade unions that contribute to
effective relief of poverty.
• Actively defend your own and other people’s rights.
• Take effective action to oppose racism and xenophobia and to promote a nonracial
and tolerant society.
• Take action to oppose sexism in both the public arena and your own circle.
• Take action to oppose corruption and illegality and to promote legal means to attain
goals.
• Participate in groupings such as street committees and police forums to assist in the
fight against crime.
• Participate in civic or citizens’ groups to mobilise, pressurise and lobby for laws and
processes and raise awareness in the common interest.
• Organise or participate in resistance to unjust laws and practices of government or
big businesses that damage communities or their environment.
• Be an environmentally responsible consumer.
• Enter government or the public service to take forward these aims of responsible
citizenship.
For people living under failed and anticitizen governments, the tasks of responsible
citizenship are significantly different, in that there are more laws to be opposed; the
legal system may not defend human rights; ordinary people may not be aided by
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government in their fight against crime; and the state itself, which grants citizenship,
may be the biggest danger to citizens. In this sort of context, responsible citizenship
may involve extended forms of resistance to government, and may involve many actions
to protect civil society and local communities, which may bypass poor or exploitative
government structures. A responsible citizen in this context still has a civic duty to
refrain from most types of crime and to work for tolerance and similar values, but
resistance and informal forms of local self-governance run afoul of certain kinds of
laws. Responsible citizens will attempt to create a responsible civic culture from the
bottom up, perhaps starting with “prophetic” activist groupings. This returns us to the
issue of social movements and activism!
The following case study concerns activism to achieve full citizenship by an indigenous
people in Bolivia, the Chiquitano, following centuries of exclusion from full rights.
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ACTIVITY
Read the case study below and then answer the questions that
follow.
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(Green 2009:31–33)
Now answer the following:
(1) How were the Chiquitano people excluded from full citizenship?
(2) What processes led to Chiquitano activism?
List five factors that allowed change to occur:
(a)
(b)
(c)
(d)
(e)
17.2 Global citizenship

The idea of citizenship can be applied to how we engage with issues of global
justice, global tolerance and the global environment, and this can be termed “global
citizenship”.
In his contribution entitled “An ethics for global responsibility and citizenship”, Lars
Rydén (2007:31) suggests the following as “eight characteristics needed by citizens of
the 21st century to cope with and constructively engage with major global trends”:
(1) looking at problems in a global context

(2) working cooperatively and responsibly
(3) accepting cultural differences
(4) thinking in a critical and systematic way
(5) solving conflicts nonviolently
(6) changing lifestyles to protect the environment
(7) defending human rights
(8) participating in politics
ACTIVITY
Read Rydén’s list carefully. Do you think these principles
reflect the needs of the global South? If not, suggest two more
characteristics that global citizens should have:
(1) ……………………………………………………………………….............
(2) ……………………………………………………………………….............
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17.3 Jobs and roles

responsible citizen
responsible global citizen
“watchdog” against corruption
journalist (concerned with public affairs)
participant in public debates
human rights activist
public intellectual
taxpayer
community activist
national issue activist
politician
government employee
local government official
opposition activist
Conclusion
Being a responsible citizen, then, involves some common duties towards other people
and the state. Sometimes though, it requires taking creative action to overcome
suffering, injustice and inefficiency. Furthermore a responsible citizen has some
responsibility to the global society and environment.
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Study unit 26
18 18
DOING GOOD WORK–
STRUGGLING FOR
GOOD WORK
Introduction
Considering the centrality of work in human life, one might have expected every
textbook on economics, sociology, politics, and related subjects would present
a theory of work as one of the indispensable foundation stones for all further
expositions. After all, it is work which occupies most of the energies of the human
race, and what people actually do is normally more important, for understanding
them, than what they say, or what they spend their money on, or what they own, or
how they vote. A person’s work is undoubtedly one of the most decisive formative
influences on his [or her] character and personality. However, the truth of the matter
is that we look in vain for any presentations of theories of work in these textbooks.
The question of what the work does to the worker is hardly ever asked (Schumacher
1979:2–3).
Work is central to the lives of adults. Geoff Hodgson argues that work is a “major forum
for social interaction” where people can obtain a sense of position in society. As such,
work can partly “satisfy the needs for belongingness, self-respect, self-esteem and self-
actualization” (Hodgson 1984:148). Yet in our societies work is often alienating and
often done badly. Some work, such as parenting and overseeing children’s school work,
is unpaid. Much informal self-employment generates little income and is geared to
survival rather than to quality work that makes a social contribution.
2In our discussion of good work in this unit, we will consider the following key questions:
• Why is work central to adult lives?

• What problems are there with work today?
• What is good work?
• What strategies can facilitate good work?
• In what roles can good work be done?
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Doing good work– struggling for good work
18.1 the notion of good work

18.2 a realistic approach to good work
18.3 jobs and roles
Conclusion
18.1 The notion of good work

Is a discussion of good work therefore something that only those with decent jobs and
those who have some say over the work they do can engage in? For some the issue is not
doing good work, but struggling for formal or informal employment: unemployment is
high in the global South. Others may be involved in the struggle to improve working
conditions and the quality of work. Nevertheless, in all the issues of unemployment,
self-employment and meaningless jobs, the issues of good work and the quality of work
are central.
Many of the lower level jobs in capitalist market economies are repetitive and tightly
controlled (cf Braverman 1974). Even middle-level jobs in the capitalised sectors
of economies are often stressful as employment becomes less secure, automation
restructures work, some skills become extinct, teamwork is used by managers to screen
for talent and constantly raise productivity, and young talent is favoured over older talent
(Sennett 1998:98ff; Sennett 2006:15ff). Self-employment is difficult without resources
even if there are government funds to start up businesses, as is the case in South Africa,
and the urgency of needs within poor families often leads new graduates to select jobs
largely on the basis of the salary they offer. However, where possible, it is better to
select work which is satisfying and which serves a social role.
Read the article below by Ed Mayo on good work, and then answer the questions
that follow. Copyright provided by the New Economics Foundation, for more on the
Foundation see www.neweconomics.org
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(
Mayo 2001:349–352)
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(1) According to Mayo, good work should address real needs. List three different
needs that, in Mayo’s opinion, such work should address.
(a)
(b)
(c)
(2) Write a brief paragraph on what changes in the economy are necessary, in Mayo’s
view, if they are to provide the conditions for good work.
18.2 A realistic approach to good work

Mayo presents an ideal that most work done today could never hope to live up to. In this
study unit we propose a less perfect but more achievable model of good work, which
takes into account that working conditions are highly imperfect, that work often has
to in part serve a market function, and that employers push employees to accept their
model of good work. Nevertheless, unless working conditions are really bad, there
is generally the space to do the assigned job (within the constraints posed by bosses,
bureaucracy and markets) in a way that adds your creative individuality to it. In a
chapter on work, Viktor Frankl says the following:
and what about the work of nurses? … They sterilize syringes, carry bedpans,
change bedding – all highly necessary acts, but scarcely enough in themselves
to satisfy the human spirit. But when a nurse does some little thing beyond her
more or less regimented duties, when, say, she finds a word to say to a critically
ill person – then and then only is she giving meaning to her life through her work.
Every occupation allows for this, as long as the work is seen in proper light (Frankl
1965:119).
In the imperfect conditions in which most work is carried out, what is necessary in order
to do good work – to do work which gives some satisfaction and which serves some
constructive social role?
• You need to acquire (or have acquired) the skills and moral habits (or virtues) which
enable you to make good judgements and carry out tasks effectively. This involves
making good choices about how and what you study at school and tertiary level.
It involves making a habit of careful work as a learner and of critical thinking. It
may even involve developing friendships with people who will help you to develop
appropriate skills and virtues.
• Whether employed or not, you need to fight against unemployment, and for better
working conditions.
• If you have the chance, you need to select or create a good type of work which is not
criminal or exploitative; which allows you to grow and learn; and
• which produces a creative solution to a need experienced by your society.
• You need to do good work, through a disciplined approach, through constantly being
prepared to learn, and through creative application of your skills. Skills and good
work habits emerge through constant practice.
• You need to engage your whole, unique self in your work so that you can use the
work to express yourself, and so that a creative compromise can be reached between
an active creative, socially oriented practice and a practice complying with duties
and constraints.
For example, in the formal sector, doing good work is also achieved through applying
“critical workplace ethics” which apply some of the values that employers – and the
240
market – wish you to have, such as punctuality, productivity, profitability, teamwork,
participation, efficiency and diplomacy. But these must be combined with values which
facilitate your flourishing – values such as being energetically involved in public and
political affairs, engaging in the life politics of self-realisation, balancing work with
home, having courage, exercising good sense, and working with independence and
enjoyment. Lastly, all must also be guided by values which lead you to hold your
workplace accountable to society in general. These include the values of fair labour
practices, providing a good product and honest advertising.
Those who are self-employed face different but related issues. They are free of bosses
and defined duties, but are more directly at the mercy of market forces. They may have
to impose duties on themselves! Self-employed people can fail to allow their own self-
expression in work because the objective of securing money becomes totally dominant.
ACTIVITY
If you have a job, or even if your job entails being a
student, complete the following table:
Duties that you must perform; Creative ways in which you express
things you have to do yourself, communicate more fully
and give something extra to people
out there
18.3 Jobs and roles

human resources officer
manager
employee
self-employed person
labour consultant
trade unionist
career guidance officer
Conclusion
Work is central to adult lives: But many are unemployed and conditions of work
are poor. In each job, there is a need for good work. Good work has elements of
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conformity, creativity and resistance at the same time, and people need to develop the
skills to make their work good. Are you prepared to do this?
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Study unit 27
1919
ACTION FOR A
SUSTAINABLE
ENVIRONMENT
Introduction
This study unit consists largely of a reading that provides an extensive list of actions
you can take in your own environment in support of a sustainable environment. In
addition, we consider the issue of where to obtain information on this very pressing and
relevant topic. We end by suggesting a way in which you can help raise awareness of
environmental issues and of sustainable development.
2 In this study unit, we therefore consider the following key questions:
• How can you find what needs to be done about your environment?
• What are the diverse and numerous tasks associated with environmentally friendly
living?
• What can you do to raise environmental awareness?
• What jobs and roles are associated with working for a sustainable environment?
19.1 becoming informed

19.2 environmentally friendly living
19.3 raising awareness
19.4 jobs and roles
Conclusion
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19.1 Becoming informed

The first action you can take to protect the environment and promote and contribute to
sustainable development is to become informed about sustainable development. Nature
is not a thing “out there”; it is our life support system, and it is a delicate, complicated
and rich system, or set of systems. How does soil work? What is the role of bacteria?
What is the ecology of your part of the country? How does the carbon cycle work and
what is causing climate instability? You can educate yourself about such issues by
studying sustainable development and environmental sciences such as ecology.
People from rural and farming backgrounds may have a keener sense of how nature
works. Older people who have been preceded by generations of ancestors on the land
may have extensive indigenous knowledge of aspects of the local environment, such
as the medicinal qualities of plants. Talk to people who know about the particular
environments of your country and locality.
Because there are such urgent problems associated with the global environment, there
are huge numbers of activists, websites, publications and organisations devoted to
issues of protecting the environment and adjusting the way we live to be ecologically
sustainable. You need to find out about this extensive social movement and its thinking.
ACTIVITY
Find out about the wide variety of organisations and resources
concerned with the environment.
If you do not have access to the internet, visit a public library,

bookshop or an NGO concerned with the environment. See if
you can find books or pamphlets featuring lists of resources,
organisations and contacts. Note down those that interest you.
If you have access to the internet, consult the website

of the Big Volcano Ecotourism Resource Centre at
http://www.bigvolcano.com.au/ercentre/sustain.htm.
This site provides a guide to a wide variety of Australian and

international resources for strategies for sustainable development
and the status of the global environment.
Scroll down to the international section and go into two or three of

the listed sites that interest you.
19.2 Environmentally friendly living

The reading below, which is from a Sri Lankan site and compiled by Dr Hiran
Amarasekera of the University of Sri Jayewardenepura, consists of an extensive and
clear list of things you yourself can do to live in an environmentally friendly way.
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Action for a sustainable environment
What can you do for Environmentally Friendly Living

What Can You Do to Help Sustain Soils?
• Keep soil covered with vegetation.
• When building a home save as much soil as possible. Require the contractor to
disturb as little soil as possible, set up barriers to catch any soil eroded during
construction, and save and replace any topsoil removed instead of hauling it off and
selling it.
• Set up a compost bin and use it to produce soil conditioner for yard and garden
plants.
What Can You Do to Promote More Sustainable Agriculture?

• Waste less food.
• Eat lower on the food chain by reducing or eliminating meat consumption to reduce
its environmental impact.
• Grow some of your own food using organic farming techniques and drip irrigation
to water your crops.
• Buy organic food at grocery stores, food co-ops, and farmer’s markets.
• Compost your food wastes.
• Think globally, eat locally. Whenever possible, eat food that is locally grown and in
season.
What Can You Do to Help Reduce Pesticide Use and Exposure?

• Do not insist on perfect-looking fruits and vegetables. These are more likely to
contain high levels of pesticide residues.
• Use pesticides in or around your home only when absolutely necessary, and use them
in the smallest amount possible.
• Wash and scrub all fresh fruits and vegetables and when possible peel them to help
remove pesticide residues.
• Grow your own fruits and vegetable using organic methods.
• Buy organically grown food.
What Can You Do to Reduce Outdoor and Indoor Air Pollution?

• Reduce use of fossil fuels. Drive a car that gets at least 15 kilometers per liter (35
miles per gallon), join a carpool, and use mass transit, walking, and bicycling as
much as possible. This reduces emissions of CO2 and other air pollutants, saves
energy and money, and can improve your health.
• Obtain as much heat and cooling as possible from noncarbon natural sources,
especially the sun, wind, geothermal energy, and trees.
• Buy the most energy-efficient homes, lights, cars, and appliances available. Evaluate
them only in terms of lifetime cost.
• Test for radon inside your house and take corrective measures as needed.
• Remove your shoes before entering your house. This reduces inputs of dust, lead,
and pesticides.
• Do not store gasoline, solvents, or other volatile hazardous chemicals inside a home
or attached garage.
• If you smoke, do it outside or in a closed room vented to the outside.
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What Can You Do to Reduce Water Waste?

• Install water-saving toilets that use no more than 6 liters (1.6 gallons) per flush.
• If you live in a water-short area, flush toilets only when necessary. Consider using
the advice found on a bathroom wall in a drought-stricken area: “If it’s yellow, let it
mellow; if it’s brown, flush it down.”
• Shower instead of taking baths and take short showers.
• Check frequently for water leaks in toilets and pipes, and repair them promptly. A
toilet must be leaking more than 940 liters (250 gallons) per day before you can hear
the leak. To test for toilet leaks, add a water-soluble vegetable dye to the water in the
tank but don’t flush. If you have a leak, some color will show up in the bowl within
about 15 minutes.
• Turn off sink faucets while brushing teeth, shaving, or washing.
• Wash only full loads of clothes or use the lowest possible water-level setting for
smaller loads.
• When buying a new washer, choose one that uses the least amount of water and that
fills up to different levels for loads of different sizes. Front-loading models use less
water and energy than comparable top-loading models.
• When washing many dishes by hand, do not let the faucet run. Instead, use one filled
dishpan or sink for washing and another for rinsing.
• Keep one or more large bottles of water in the refrigerator rather than running water
from the tap until it gets cold enough for drinking.
• Wash a car from a bucket of soapy water, and use the hose for rinsing only. If you
use a commercial car wash, try to find one that recycles its water.
• Reduce evaporation losses by watering lawns and gardens in the early morning or
evening rather than in the heat of midday or when it’s windy.
• Use drip irrigation and mulch for gardens and flowerbeds. Better yet, landscape
with native plants adapted to local average annual precipitation so that watering is
unnecessary.
• Use recycled (gray) water for watering lawns and houseplants and for washing cars.
What Can You Do to Reduce Water Pollution?

• Use manure or compost instead of commercial inorganic fertilizers to fertilize
garden and yard plants.
• Use biological methods or integrated pest management instead of conventional
chemical pesticides to control garden, yard, and household pests.
• Grow some of your own food using organic farming techniques and drip irrigation
to water your crops.
• Buy organic foods at grocery stores or better at local food co-ops and farmer’s
markets.
• Compost your food wastes.
• Use low-phosphate, phosphate-free, or biodegradable dishwashing liquid, laundry
detergent, and shampoo.
• Do not use water fresheners in toilets.
• Do not throw unwanted medicines down the toilet.
• Never apply fertilizer or pesticides near a body of water.
• Clean up spilled oil, antifreeze, brake fluid, and other harmful chemicals.
• Use less harmful substances instead of commercial chemicals for most household
cleaners. For example, use (1) liquid ammonia to clean appliances and windows, (2)
vinegar to polish metals, clean surfaces, and remove stains and mildew, (3) baking
soda to clean household utensils, deodorize, and remove stains, (4) borax to remove
stains and mildew, and (5) mineral oil to wax floors and polish furniture.
246
• Do not pour pesticides, paints, solvents, oil, antifreeze, or other products containing
harmful chemicals down the drain or onto the ground. Contact your local health
department about disposal.
What Can You Do to Reduce Solid Waste?

• Buy less by asking yourself whether you really need a particular item.
• Follow the four R’s of resource use: Refuse, Reduce, Reuse, and Recycle.
• Rent, borrow, or barter goods and services when you can.
• Buy things that are reusable, recyclable, or compostable, and be sure to reuse,
recycle, and compost them.
• Buy environmentally friendly (green) products.
• Reduce your use of wood and paper products, recycle paper products, and buy
recycled paper products.
• Try to buy beverages in refillable glass containers instead of cans or throwaway
bottles.
• Use reusable plastic or metal lunchboxes.
• Carry sandwiches and store food in the refrigerator in reusable containers instead of
wrapping them in aluminum foil or plastic wrap.
• Use rechargeable batteries and recycle them when their useful life is over.
• Carry groceries and other items in a reusable basket, a canvas or string bag, or a
small cart.
• Use reusable sponges and washable cloth napkins, dishtowels, and handkerchiefs
instead of throwaway paper ones.
• Do not use throwaway paper and plastic plates, cups, and eating utensils, and other
disposable items when reusable or refillable versions are available.
• Buy recycled goods, especially those made by primary recycling, and then make an
effort to recycle them.
• Reduce the amount of junk mail you get.
• Use e-mail in place of conventional paper mail.
• Buy products in concentrated form whenever possible.
• Lobby local officials to set up a community composting program if you don’t have
such a program.
What Can You Do to Help Preserve Biodiversity?

• Plant trees regularly and take care of them.
• Reduce your use of wood and paper products, recycle paper products, and buy
recycled paper products.
• Only buy furniture, doors, flooring, paneling, and other wood that have been
certified as having been grown sustainably.
• Help rehabilitate or restore a degraded area of forest or grassland near your home.
• When building a home, save all the trees and as much natural vegetation as possible.
• When building a home save as much soil as possible.
• Landscape areas not used for gardening with a mix of wildflowers, herbs (for
cooking and for repelling insects), low-growing ground cover, small bushes, and
other forms of vegetation natural to the area.
What Can You Do to Be a Responsible Ecotourist?

• Before embarking on an ecotour, seek answers in writing to the following questions:
(1) What precautions are taken to reduce the tour’s impact on local ecosystems and
247 EWS2601/1
STUDY UNIT 19
species? (2) What percentage of the people involved in planning, organising, and
guiding tours are local? (3) Are the guides trained naturalists? (4) Will you stay in
locally owned hotels or other facilities, or will you be staying in accommodations
owned by national or international companies? (5) Does the tour operation respect
local customs and cultures? If so, how? (6) What percentage of the tour’s gross
income goes into the salaries and businesses of local residents? (7) What percentage
of the tour’s gross income does the tour company donate to local conservation and
social projects?
• Stay on designated trails and at designated campsites and follow the wilderness
motto of leaving no trace.
• Do not harass or disturb animal and plant life.
• Do not buy furs, ivory products, items made of reptile skin, tortoiseshell jewelry,
feathers, and materials made from endangered or threatened animal species.
What Can You Do to Help Protect Endangered and Threatened Species?

• On land you own do not destroy or degrade wetlands or terrestrial habitats that
contain endangered or threatened species and develop a plan for protecting such
species.
• Do not buy furs, ivory products, items made of reptile skin or other animal skins,
tortoiseshell jewelry, feathers, and materials made from endangered or threatened
animal species.
• Do not buy wood and paper products produced by cutting remaining old-growth
forests in the tropics and elsewhere. Information on such products can be obtained
from the Rainforest Action Network, Rainforest Alliance, and Friends of the Earth.
• Do not buy aquarium fish taken from coral reefs. Often these fish are harvested by
stunning them with squirts of cyanide or dynamite. This harms coral reefs and kills
other aquatic species.
• Do not buy birds, snakes, turtles, birds and other animals that are taken from the
wild.
• Do not buy orchids, cacti, and other plants that are taken from the wild.
• Do buy sustainably harvested products such as shade-grown coffee, nuts and other
sustainably harvested products.
• Get pets from the Humane Society or other animal shelters.
• Do buy fabrics made from organically grown linen, cotton, and other fabrics.
What Can You Do to Waste Less Energy?

much as possible.
• Drive less and consolidate trips.
• See if you can substitute a phone call or e-mail for a trip by car.
• Turn off lights, TV sets, computers, and other electronic equipment when they are
not in use.
• Fix faucet or pipe leaks, especially for hot water.
• Wash laundry in warm or cold water.
• Eat locally grown foods in season.
• Recycle paper, metals and glass, and compost organic wastes.
• Buy materials and products that are made locally and that are long lasting.
• Obtain as much heat and cooling as possible from natural sources, especially the
sun, wind, geothermal energy, and trees.
248
• Lower the cooling load on an air conditioner by increasing the thermostat setting,
installing energy-efficient lighting, using floor and ceiling fans, and using whole-
house window or attic fans to bring in outside air (especially at night, when
temperatures are cooler).
What Can You Do to Help Protect Your Health?

• Do not smoke.
• Avoid excess sunlight (which ages skin and can cause skin cancer).
• Eat a variety of fruits and vegetables.
• Reduce consumption of foods containing cholesterol, fats, saturated fats, sugars, salt,
and sodium.
• If you drink alcoholic beverages, do so in moderation (no more than two drinks in a
single day).
• Lose excess weight.
• Exercise regularly.
• If you drive, do it safely and in a vehicle with the best available safety equipment.
Driving is the most dangerous thing most people do.
What Can You Do to Reduce the Threat of Climate Change By Reducing Carbon
Dioxide Emissions?
much as possible.
• Drive less and consolidate trips.
• See if you can substitute a phone call or e-mail for a trip by car.
• Insulate new or existing houses heavily, caulk and weatherstrip to reduce air
infiltration and heat loss, and use energy-efficient windows.
• Obtain as much heat and cooling as possible from natural noncarbon sources,
especially the sun, wind, geothermal energy, and trees.
• Wash laundry in warm or cold water.
• Use a low-flow showerhead.
• Turn thermostats down in winter and up in summer.
• Recycle paper, metals and glass, and compost organic wastes.
• Buy materials and products that are made locally and that are long lasting.
(Amarasekera 2008)
ACTIVITY
Now tick or circle all the activities in the above reading which you
think you can and will carry out.
249 EWS2601/1
STUDY UNIT 19
ACTIVITY
After reflecting on the reading above,
(1) State what you think the effect would be if most people
followed these guidelines.
(2) State whether such good practices by global citizens would

be any use if global industrial growth continues, and if
transnational corporations retain their power.
19.3 Raising awareness

Something else you can do is to get others to be aware of global issues relating to the
environment and sustainable living.
ACTIVITY
Persuade a group of friends or family to commit themselves to the
activities in the reading (or sections of it) above for a period of a month.
After the month has passed, call them together again and evaluate the
success of this exercise.
19.4 Jobs and roles

teacher of sustainable development
environmental scientist
environmental impact assessor
soil scientist
forester
agronomist
parks employee
climatologist
botanist
zoologist
250
Conclusion
Action for a sustainable environment is already urgent and can only increase in urgency.
There are many actions in this field which can be easily done. This is a field of action
for everybody!
251 EWS2601/1
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Theme 1: “US AND THEM”: IDENTITY AND DIFFERENCE 1

2 SIGNALLING IDENTITY AND ASSERTING DIFFERENCE 14

3 “TO BE OR NOT TO BE ...”:

4 IDENTITY, DIFFERENCE AND CONFLICT 32

Theme 2: WEALTH AND STATUS 43

5.6 The social relations of consumption and class 52

6 POVERTY AND INEQUALITY IN SOUTH AFRICA AND THE WORLD 59

7 THE CHANGING DISTRIBUTION OF LIFE CHANCES: FROM

Theme 3: SOCIETY AND THE CHALLENGE OF CRIMINALITY 91

9 HUMANS AND THEIR ENCOUNTERS WITH CRIME 110

10 THE EFFECT OF CRIME ON HUMANITY 124

Theme 4: LIVING SUSTAINABLY 139

12 SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 160

13 GLOBAL GOVERNANCE AND THE NATURAL AND CULTURAL

Theme 5: ACTIVELY ENGAGING WITH OUR WORLD 187

15 BEING AN ACTIVIST 197

16 CARING SUPPORT 212

17 BEING A RESPONSIBLE CITIZEN 224

17.3 Jobs and roles 233

18 DOING GOOD WORK– STRUGGLING FOR GOOD WORK 234

19 ACTION FOR A SUSTAINABLE ENVIRONMENT 243

ENGAGING WITH SOCIETY: MEETING THE

Globalisation is linked to large-scale economic transformations that have produced

The fundamentalist reaction is strengthened if it takes place in the context of a perceived

Fundamentalism represents what Giddens (1994:6) calls a refusal to dialogue.

The United Nations Global Compact

Stephné Herselman, Gert Maree, Natalie Swanepoel

Orientation to the theme

Note: Examples of these identity aspects include: elements of

3The study unit is organised as follows:

1.1 what is identity?

1.1 What is identity?

1.2 Categories of identity

If not, return to your news sources and find such an example.

What factors apart from land feature in those conflicts?

Some forms of identity transcend national boundaries. Transnational identities

Modern-day nation-states are today often composed of a variety of different ethnic

At the root of the apartheid project was a sustained attempt to

In this section, we examine evidence about the type and extent of

… we asked respondents in the 2000 Afrobarometer survey to tell

In July–September 2000, one-fifth (20 percent) chose an explicit

Another 9 percent answered ‘African,’ which in the South African

Another one-fifth (20 percent) chose a linguistic or ethnic identity.

We can also look to Idasa surveys dating back to 1994 to assess

As noted above, the second set of items measures a sense of

If South Africans exhibit apparently strong attachments to their

Answer the following multiple-choice questions based on the

(1) The Afrobarometer survey established that in the year 2000 …

(a) South Africans mostly identified with their apartheid-era

(2) An example of national chauvinism is when …

(a) your other identities are subordinate to (rated as less

1.3 Ascribed and achieved identity attributes

2Ascribed attributes: race and gender

Political reality has, however, overtaken academic discussion. In September 2008, a

2Achieved attributes: membership of associations

Achieved status is often derived from membership of an association. Membership of

2The study unit is organised as follows:

2.1 marking identity