The Media Studies Reader (PDFDrive)

The
Media Studies Reader

The
Media Studies Reader
Edited by
Tim O'Sullivan
Reader in Media Education and Cultural Studies, School of Humanities, De Montfort University,
Leicester, UK
and
Yvonne Jewkes
Associate lecturer in Media and Cultural Studies, Open University, UK
ARNOLD
A member of the Hodder Headline Group
L O N D O N • N E W YORK • SYDNEY • A U C K L A N D
First published in Great Britain in 1997 by
Arnold, a member of the Hodder Headline Group
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© 1997 Selection and editorial matter Edward Arnold (Publishers) Ltd
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Printed and bound in Great Britain by J. W Arrowsmith Ltd, Bristol
Contents
Acknowledgements vin
Introduction 1
Section 1: The Media and Modem Life 5
1 The Invasion f r o m M a r s 6
HADLEY CANTRIL
2 Mass a n d Masses 18
RAYMOND WILLIAMS
3 Mass C o m m u n i c a t i o n and M o d e r n Culture 28
JOHN B. THOMPSON
4 T h e Separation o f Social Space f r o m Physical Place 42
JOSHUA MEYROWITZ
5 C o m m u n i c a t i o n s a n d the C o n s t i t u t i o n o f M o d e r n i t y 52
GRAHAM MURDOCK
6 Public Service Broadcasting a n d M o d e r n Public L i f e 60
PADDY SCANNELL
Section 2: Stereotypes and Representations 73
7 R e t h i n k i n g Stereotypes 75
TESSA PERKINS
8 T h e L o s t W o r l d o f Stereotypes 86
MARTIN BARKER
9 T h e Power o f Popular Television: T h e Case o f Cosby 91
JUSTIN LEWIS
10 M a p p i n g the M y t h i c a l : A G e o p o l i t i c s o f N a t i o n a l Sporting
Stereotypes 101
HUGH O'DONNELL
11 A p p r o a c h e s t o 'the N o r t h ' : C o m m o n M y t h s a n d A s s u m p t i o n s 110
ESTHER ADAMS
vi Contents
12 C r i p p l i n g Images 114
ANNE KARPF
13 M o r a l Panics 124
SIMON WATNEY
14 T h e M o s t Repeated, M o s t Read Messages o f the C u l t : 1 9 4 9 - 7 4 134
MARJORIE FERGUSON
15 T h e Social Role o f A d v e r t i s i n g 154
T. H. QUALTER
16 Television's 'Personality System' 164
JOHN LANGER
Section 3: Audiences and Reception 173
17 O n A l c o h o l a n d the M y s t i q u e o f M e d i a Effects 174

ANDREW TUDOR
18 T h e Television and D e l i n q u e n c y Debate 181
GRAHAM MURDOCK ANDROBIN MCCRON
19 I n Defence o f ' V i d e o Nasties' 188
JULIAN PETLEY
20 L o o k i n g at The Sun: I n t o the N i n e t i e s w i t h a T a b l o i d and its Readers 196
MARK PURSEHOUSE
21 T e c h n o l o g y i n the D o m e s t i c E n v i r o n m e n t 207
ANN GRAY
22 Satellite T V as C u l t u r a l Sign 214
SHAUN MOORES
23 C r i t i c a l Perspectives w i t h i n Audience Research 231
NICK STEVENSON
Section 4: Producers and Production 249
24 T h e M i s s i n g D i m e n s i o n s - N e w s M e d i a and the M a n a g e m e n t o f
Social Change 250
PETER GOLDING
25 T h e Problems o f M a k i n g Political Television: A Practitioner's
Perspective 260
ROGER BOLTON
26 Keepers o f the Castle: Producers, Programmers a n d M u s i c Selection 2 7 1
STEPHEN BARNARD
27 Priorities and Prejudice: 'Artist and R e p e r t o i r e ' a n d the A c q u i s i t i o n
o f Artists 289
KEITH NEGUS
28 H o w A r e Television Soaps Produced? 305
RICHARD KILBORN
Contents vii
29 F i l m P r o d u c t i o n i n the I n f o r m a t i o n Age 319

JANET WASKO
30 V i d e o D i a r i e s : W h a t ' s U p Doc? 328
PETER KEIGHRON
31 R i d i n g w i t h A m b u l a n c e s : Television a n d its Uses 335
ANDREW GOODWIN
Section 5: Global Media and New Media 343
32 T h e Poisoned Chalice? I n t e r n a t i o n a l Television a n d the Idea o f

Dominance 345
MICHAEL TRACEY
33 N o t Yet the Post-Imperialist Era 360
HERBERT SCHILLER
34 W h e r e the G l o b a l M e e t s the L o c a l : N o t e s f r o m the S i t t i n g R o o m 372
DAVID MORLEY
35 T h e Roots o f the I n f o r m a t i o n Society Idea 384
DAVID LYON
36 Disinformocracy 402
HOWARD RHEINGOLD
37 P o s t m o d e r n i s m a n d Popular C u l t u r e 421
DOMINIC STR IN A T I
38 H i g h e r E d u c a t i o n , T r a i n i n g a n d C u l t u r a l Industries:
A W o r k i n g Partnership 433
IAN CONNELL A N DG E O F F HURD
39 M e d i a Studies a n d the ' K n o w l e d g e P r o b l e m ' 445
JOHN CORNER
Index 457
Acknowledgements
The a u t h o r s w o u l d l i k e t o t h a n k Stephen B a r n a r d , Pam Birley, Rinella

C e r e , Steve C h i b n a l l , S i m o n Cross, Joyce G a r d i n e r , Jane H a m m o n d - F o s t e r ,
S h a u n M o o r e s , M a r c i a R i c k e t t s , Lesley R i d d l e , J u d i t h S m i t h , Paul W e l l s ,
Terry W i l l i t s , D a v i d W r i g h t and the copyright holders listed below.
ESTHER ADAMS: Selection f r o m Television and the North b y Esther

A d a m s . C o p y r i g h t © 1985 Esther A d a m s . R e p r i n t e d b y permission o f
D e p a r t m e n t o f C u l t u r a l Studies, U n i v e r s i t y o f B i r m i n g h a m
MARTIN BARKER: Selection f r o m T h e Lost W o r l d o f Stereotypes' f r o m
Comics: Ideology, Power and the Critics b y M a r t i n Barker. C o p y r i g h t ©
1989 M a r t i n Barker. R e p r i n t e d b y p e r m i s s i o n o f M a n c h e s t e r U n i v e r s i t y
Press
STEPHEN BARNARD: Selection f r o m On the Radio: Music Radio in Britain
by Stephen B a r n a r d . C o p y r i g h t © 1 9 8 9 Stephen B a r n a r d . R e p r i n t e d b y
permission o f O p e n U n i v e r s i t y Press
ROGER BOLTON: Selection f r o m T h e Problems o f M a k i n g Political
Television: A Practitioner's Perspective' by Roger Bolton from
Communicating Politics edited b y P. G o l d i n g , G. Murdock, a n d P.
Schlesinger. C o p y r i g h t © 1 9 8 6 Roger B o l t o n . R e p r i n t e d by permission o f
Pinter Publishers, 125 Strand, L o n d o n , E n g l a n d
HAD LEY CANTRIL: T h e Invasion f r o m M a r s ' f r o m Readings in Social
Psychology edited by N e w c o m b , H a r t l e y , et al., published by H e n r y H o l t &
C o . , N e w Y o r k , 1 9 4 7 , a s u m m a r y f r o m The Invasion from Mars by Hadley
Cantril, Hazel Gaudet and Herta Herzog. Copyright © 1940/1968.
Renewed b y Princeton U n i v e r s i t y Press. Reprinted b y permission of
P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press
IAN C O N N E L L and G E O F F HURD: 'Higher Education, Training and the
C u l t u r a l Industries: A W o r k i n g Partnership' by I a n C o n n e l l a n d G e o f f
H u r d . C o p y r i g h t © 1988 I a n C o n n e l l a n d G e o f f H u r d . R e p r i n t e d b y per-
mission o f the A u t h o r s
JOHN CORNER: ' M e d i a Studies a n d the " K n o w l e d g e Problem'" from
Screen 3 6 ( 2 ) , Summer 1 9 9 5 . C o p y r i g h t © 1995 J o h n C o r n e r . R e p r i n t e d b y
permission o f O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Press
Acknowledgements ix
MARJORIE FERGUSON: Selection f r o m Forever Feminine by M a r j o r i e

Ferguson, p u b l i s h e d b y H e i n e m a n n E d u c a t i o n a l B o o k s , L o n d o n . C o p y r i g h t
© 1 9 8 3 M a r j o r i e Ferguson. R e p r i n t e d b y permission o f the A u t h o r
PETER GOLDING: Selection f r o m T h e M i s s i n g D i m e n s i o n s ' b y Peter
G o l d i n g f r o m Mass Media and Social Change edited b y E. Katz a n d T.
Szecsko. C o p y r i g h t © 1 9 8 1 Peter G o l d i n g . R e p r i n t e d b y permission o f
Sage Publications L t d , L o n d o n
A. GOODWIN: ' R i d i n g w i t h Ambulances: Television a n d Its Uses' b y A .
G o o d w i n f r o m Sight and Sound 3 ( 1 ) . C o p y r i g h t © 1993 A . G o o d w i n .
R e p r i n t e d b y p e r m i s s i o n o f Sight and Sound magazine, L o n d o n
ANN GRAY: Selection f r o m Video Playtime b y A n n Gray. C o p y r i g h t © 1 9 9 2
A n n Gray. R e p r i n t e d b y permission o f Routledge, L o n d o n
ANNE KARPF: ' C r i p p l i n g Images' i n Doctoring the Media by Anne Karpf.
C o p y r i g h t © 1 9 8 8 A n n e K a r p f . R e p r i n t e d b y permission o f Routledge,
London
PETER KEIGHRON: ' V i d e o Diaries: W h a t ' s u p D o c ? ' b y Peter K e i g h r o n
f r o m Sight and Sound 3 ( 1 0 ) . C o p y r i g h t © 1993 Peter K e i g h r o n . R e p r i n t e d
by permission o f Sight and Sound magazine, L o n d o n
RICHARD KILBORN: Selection f r o m Television Soaps b y R i c h a r d K i l b o r n .
C o p y r i g h t © 1 9 9 2 R i c h a r d K i l b o r n . R e p r i n t e d b y permission o f B a t s f o r d
Ltd, London
JOHN LANGER: Selection f r o m 'Television's "Personality System'" b y J o h n
Langer f r o m Media, Culture and Society 4, 1981. Copyright © 1981 John
Langer. R e p r i n t e d b y permission o f Sage Publications L t d , L o n d o n .
JUSTIN LEWIS: Selection f r o m ' T h e Power o f Popular Television: T h e Case
o f Cosby' f r o m The Ideological Octopus: An Exploration of Television and
its Audience by Justin L e w i s . C o p y r i g h t © 1 9 9 1 Justin L e w i s . R e p r i n t e d b y
p e r m i s s i o n o f Routledge Inc., N e w Y o r k
DAVID LYON: Selection f r o m The Information Society: Issues and Illusions
by D a v i d L y o n , published by Polity Press, C a m b r i d g e . C o p y r i g h t © 1988
D a v i d L y o n . R e p r i n t e d by permission o f Blackwell Publishers, O x f o r d
JOSHUA MEYROWITZ: Selection f r o m N o Sense of Place: The Impact of
Electronic Media on Social Behaviour by Joshua M e y r o w i t z . C o p y r i g h t ©
1985 Joshua M e y r o w i t z . R e p r i n t e d by permission o f O x f o r d University Press
Inc.
SHAUN MOORES: Selection f r o m Interpreting Audiences b y Shaun M o o r e s .
Copyright © 1993 Shaun Moores. Reprinted by permission o f Sage
Publications L t d , L o n d o n
DAVID MORLEY: Selection f r o m Television, Audiences and Cultural Studies
by D a v i d M o r l e y . C o p y r i g h t © 1 9 9 2 D a v i d M o r l e y . R e p r i n t e d b y p e r m i s -
sion o f R o u t l e d g e , L o n d o n
GRAHAM MURDOCK: Selection from 'Communications and the
C o n s t i t u t i o n o f M o d e r n i t y ' b y G r a h a m M u r d o c k f r o m Media, Culture and
Society 1 5 , 1 9 9 3 . C o p y r i g h t © 1993 G r a h a m M u r d o c k . R e p r i n t e d b y per-
mission o f Sage Publications L t d , L o n d o n
x Acknowledgements
GRAHAM M U R D O C K and ROBIN M C C R O N : Selection from The

Television and Delinquency Debate' i n Screen Education 30, 1979.
Copyright © 1979 Graham M u r d o c k and Robin M c C r o n . Reprinted by
permission o f Screen, T h e J o h n Logie B a i r d Centre, Glasgow
KEITH NEGUS: Selection f r o m Producing Pop: Culture and Conflict in the
Popular Music Industry b y K e i t h Negus. C o p y r i g h t © 1 9 9 4 K e i t h Negus.
R e p r i n t e d b y permission o f A r n o l d Publishers, L o n d o n
HUGH o'DONNELL: ' M a p p i n g the M y t h i c a l : A Geopolitics o f N a t i o n a l
S p o r t i n g Stereotypes' b y H u g h O ' D o n n e l l f r o m Discourse and Society 5(3),
1994. C o p y r i g h t © 1 9 9 4 H u g h O ' D o n n e l l . R e p r i n t e d by permission o f
TESSA PERKINS: Selection f r o m ' R e t h i n k i n g Stereotypes' b y Tessa Perkins
f r o m Ideology and Cultural Production edited b y M i c h e l e Barratt, et al.
C o p y r i g h t © 1 9 7 9 Tessa Perkins. R e p r i n t e d b y permission o f C r o o m H e l m ,
London
JULIAN PET LEY: ' I n Defence o f " V i d e o Nasties'" by Julian Petley f r o m
British Journalism Review 5(3), 1994. Copyright © 1994 Julian Petley.
R e p r i n t e d b y permission o f J o h n Libbey M e d i a , L u t o n
MARK PURSEHOUSE: Selection f r o m ' L o o k i n g at The Sun: I n t o t h e
Nineties with a T a b l o i d a n d its Readers' by M a r k Pursehouse f r o m
Cultural Studies from Birmingham 1. Copyright © 1991 Mark
Pursehouse. R e p r i n t e d b y permission o f D e p a r t m e n t o f C u l t u r a l Studies,
University o f Birmingham
T. H . QUALTER: ' T h e Social Role o f A d v e r t i s i n g ' f r o m Advertising and
Democracy in the Mass Age by T. H . Q u a k e r . C o p y r i g h t © 1 9 9 1 T . H .
Quaker. Reprinted by permission o f M a c m i l l a n L t d , L o n d o n , a n d St
M a r t i n ' s Press I n c . , N e w Y o r k
HOWARD RHEINGOLD: Selection f r o m The Virtual Community: Surfing
the Internet by H o w a r d R h e i n g o l d , published by M i n e r v a , London.
C o p y r i g h t © 1 9 9 4 H o w a r d R h e i n g o l d . R e p r i n t e d b y permission o f Reed
C o n s u m e r Books L t d , a n d A b n e r Stein L t d , N e w Y o r k
PADDY SCANNELL: Selection from 'Public Service Broadcasting a n d
M o d e r n Public L i f e ' by Paddy Scannell f r o m Media, Culture and Society
11, 1 9 8 9 . C o p y r i g h t © 1 9 8 9 Paddy Scannell. R e p r i n t e d by permission o f
HERBERT SCHILLER: Selection f r o m ' N o t Yet the Post-Imperialist E r a ' b y
H e r b e r t Schiller f r o m Critical Studies in Mass Communication 8, 1 9 9 1 .
C o p y r i g h t © 1 9 9 1 H e r b e r t Schiller. R e p r i n t e d b y permission o f Critical
Studies in Mass Communication, T h e Speech C o m m u n i c a t i o n Association,
Canada
NICK STEVENSON: Selection f r o m ' C r i t i c a l Perspectives w i t h i n Audience
Research' from Understanding Media Cultures by N i c k Stevenson.
Copyright © 1995 N i c k Stevenson. R e p r i n t e d by permission o f Sage
Publications L t d , L o n d o n
Acknowledgements xi
DOMINIC S T R I N A T I : 'Postmodernism a n d Popular C u l t u r e ' i n Sociology

Review 1 ( 4 ) , 1 9 9 2 . C o p y r i g h t © 1 9 9 2 D o m i n i c S t r i n a t i . R e p r i n t e d b y per-
m i s s i o n o f P h i l i p A l l e n Publishers L t d .
JOHN B. THOMPSON: 'Mass C o m m u n i c a t i o n and M o d e r n Culture:
C o n t r i b u t i o n t o a C r i t i c a l T h e o r y o f I d e o l o g y ' f r o m Sociology 22(3), 1988.
R e p r i n t e d b y p e r m i s s i o n o f C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y Press
MICHAEL TRACEY: Selection f r o m ' T h e Poisoned Chalice? I n t e r n a t i o n a l
Television a n d t h e Idea o f D o m i n a n c e ' b y M i c h a e l Tracey f r o m Daedalus,
f r o m t h e issue e n t i t l e d The Moving Image, 1 1 4 ( 4 ) , Fall 1 9 8 5 . C o p y r i g h t ©
1985 M i c h a e l Tracey. R e p r i n t e d b y permission o f Daedalus, Journal of the
A m e r i c a n A c a d e m y o f A r t s a n d Sciences, C a m b r i d g e , USA
ANDREW TUDOR: Selection f r o m ' O n A l c o h o l a n d t h e M y s t i q u e o f M e d i a
Effects' b y A n d r e w T u d o r f r o m Images of Alcoholism edited by J. C o o k a n d
M . L e w i n g t o n , published by British Film Institute, L o n d o n . C o p y r i g h t ©
1979 A n d r e w T u d o r . R e p r i n t e d b y permission o f the A u t h o r
JANET W A S K O : Selection f r o m Hollywood in the Information Age b y Janet
Wasko. C o p y r i g h t © 1 9 9 4 Janet Wasko. R e p r i n t e d b y permission o f Polity
Press, C a m b r i d g e , a n d U n i v e r s i t y o f Texas Press
SIMON WATNEY: Selection f r o m 'Policing Desire: Pornography, A i d s a n d
the M e d i a ' b y S i m o n Watney. C o p y r i g h t © 1 9 8 9 S i m o n Watney. R e p r i n t e d
by p e r m i s s i o n o f Cassell, L o n d o n
RAYM OND W I L L I A M S : Selection f r o m Culture and Society 1780-1950 by
Raymond Williams. Copyright © 1961 Raymond Williams. Reprinted by
permission o f Random House U K
Introduction
O n e o f t h e d e f i n i n g characteristics o f m o d e r n social a n d c u l t u r a l life has

i n v o l v e d l i v i n g a n d l e a r n i n g t o live i n a c u l t u r e o f m e d i a t i o n . F r o m the late
nineteenth century o n w a r d s , Western a n d other cultures have become
increasingly r e l i a n t u p o n a n d saturated w i t h f o r m s o f mass c o m m u n i c a t e d
i n f o r m a t i o n a n d e n t e r t a i n m e n t . T h e rise o f the p o p u l a r press a n d p u b l i s h i n g
i n d u s t r i e s , the e x p a n s i o n o f f i l m , r a d i o , advertising a n d television have trans-
f o r m e d a n d e x t e n d e d the experience o f everyday life a n d r e d e f i n e d c r u c i a l
aspects o f t h e relationships between the p u b l i c a n d the p r i v a t e spheres. I n the
process, o u r senses o f i d e n t i t y - w h o w e t h i n k w e are - a n d o f i m m e d i a t e sit-
u a t i o n - w h e r e w e t h i n k w e are - have become p o w e r f u l l y l i n k e d w i t h f o r m s
o f c u l t u r e w h i c h are m e d i a t e d f r o m b e y o n d the geographical a n d t e m p o r a l
confines o f the everyday a n d the personal. As one w r i t e r has recently argued,
the mediascapes o f m o d e r n life have become increasingly g l o b a l i n t h e i r oper-
a t i o n a n d character. 1
T h e 'mass' m e d i a ( a n d , as R a y m o n d W i l l i a m s c a u t i o n e d m o r e t h a n 3 0
years ago, i t is i m p o r t a n t t o use the p r e f i x 'mass' w i t h care ) have n o t o n l y
2
e x p a n d e d a n d d e v e l o p e d as a prerequisite f o r m o d e r n i t y , b u t have also gained

an e q u i v o c a l r e p u t a t i o n a n d been d e f i n e d as p r o b l e m s f o r m o d e r n times.
T h e y have r e c u r r e n t l y sparked debates w h i c h have centred o n three, o f t e n
l i n k e d , levels o f c o n c e r n : first, the p o w e r a n d influence o f the m e d i a as public
i n s t i t u t i o n s charged w i t h the responsibilities o f m a k i n g sense o f the w o r l d f o r
t h e i r audiences, readers a n d viewers; second, the assumed o r c l a i m e d i m p a c t
o f f o r m s o f m e d i a c o n s u m p t i o n a n d r e c e p t i o n o n the private sphere; t h i r d , a
p a r t i c u l a r focus o n the media's r o l e i n the p r o d u c t i o n a n d p o l i t i c s o f f o r m s o f
popular c u l t u r e a n d t h e i r c l a i m e d consequences. F r o m t h e i r early days, m o d -
ern m e d i a have been regarded w i t h suspicion a n d have themselves become
the c e n t r a l figures i n a series o f cyclical m o r a l panics about w h a t has been
p e r c e i v e d as t h e i r increasingly pervasive a n d i n t r u s i v e presence.
T h e s t r u c t u r e o f m u c h m o d e r n p o p u l a r debate about the m e d i a was estab-
lished i n the early p a r t o f the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y w h e n they seemed t o encap-
sulate p e r f e c t l y aspects o f t h e 'mass society' w h i c h was perceived t o be
e m e r g i n g as t h e c o n d i t i o n o f m o d e r n times. O n the one h a n d , especially i n
t h e f o r m s o f f i l m a n d broadcasting p r o p a g a n d a , the n e w m e d i a seemed capa-
ble o f mass m a n i p u l a t i o n , o f exercising n e w sorts o f p o w e r a n d c o n t r o l over
2 Introduction
v u l n e r a b l e , atomised p o p u l a t i o n s , u p r o o t e d a n d estranged f r o m t h e i r t r a d i -
t i o n a l c o m m u n i t i e s a n d ways o f l i f e . O n the other, the appearance a n d the
success o f new, t w e n t i e t h century, 'mass' m e d i a t e d c u l t u r a l f o r m s was also
t a k e n by critics t o indicate a p r o f o u n d challenge t o c u l t u r a l values, as the p o p -
ular was perceived t o threaten established d e f i n i t i o n s a n d boundaries o f 'the
g o o d ' , 'the c i v i l i s e d ' a n d 'the c u l t u r e d ' i n a n u m b e r o f ways. A t the heart o f
these a n d related concerns lies a v i e w o f the m o d e r n m e d i a as p o w e r f u l i n s t i -
t u t i o n s w h i c h have become increasingly technologised a n d w h i c h are capable
o f d i r e c t 'effects' o n t h e i r audiences a n d users. Isolated acts a n d general levels
o f violence, c r i m i n a l i t y , p r o m i s c u i t y a n d m a n y other negative social develop-
ments have been r e c u r r e n t l y a n d f r e q u e n t l y a t t r i b u t e d t o the m e d i a . T h e t e n -
dency t o isolate the media f r o m their social a n d c o m m e r c i a l contexts a n d t o
cast ' t h e m ' as causal agencies has i m p l i c i t l y u n d e r p i n n e d a great deal o f m o d -
e r n t h o u g h t , speculation a n d p o p u l a r debate.
M o r e recent p o s t m o d e r n accounts o f the m e d i a have sought t o break o u t
o f these ways o f t h i n k i n g , emphasising the o v e r w h e l m i n g c e n t r a l i t y o f m o d -
e r n c o m m u n i c a t i o n systems a n d technologies a n d p r o c l a i m i n g the t r i u m p h o f
the m e d i a t e d a n d the s i m u l a t e d , o f the relative over the absolute. I n such a
scenario, the m e d i a emerge as p a r t cause, p a r t s y m p t o m o f the p o s t m o d e r n
condition.
I f the m e d i a have been d e f i n e d as a p r o b l e m a t i c focus f o r a range o f p o l i t i -
cal a n d c u l t u r a l c o m m e n t a t o r s i n this century, they have also e n d u r e d a t r o u -
b l e d r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h f o r m a l education. T h e questions o f h o w , w h y a n d
w h e t h e r t o i n c l u d e the m e d i a as objects w i t h i n educational c u r r i c u l a have
resulted i n a n u m b e r o f educational responses, largely i n the p o s t w a r p e r i o d .
O f t e n these have oscillated between arguments about m a k i n g available certain
k i n d s o f c r i t i c a l awareness o f the m e d i a , a n d an emphasis u p o n teaching a n d
l e a r n i n g about p a r t i c i p a t i o n a n d practice i n the p r o d u c t i o n o f m e d i a o u t p u t .
T h e first o f these positions stresses the necessity f o r a k i n d o f i n f o r m e d a n d
critical media literacy, i n t o u c h w i t h ( p o s t ) m o d e r n times a n d enabling f u l l a n d
c r i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n c o n t e m p o r a r y media c u l t u r e . Stuart H a l l , f o r instance,
has stated this case f o r c e f u l l y o n a n u m b e r o f occasions, a r g u i n g t h a t M e d i a
a n d C u l t u r a l Studies are p r o f o u n d l y logical subjects f o r study given the
e x p a n d i n g n a t u r e o f c o n t e m p o r a r y media a n d c u l t u r a l industries a n d their
c e n t r a l i t y w i t h i n social a n d p o l i t i c a l process. G i v e n this state o f affairs, the
subjects p r o v i d e ' w h a t y o u need t o k n o w ' i n o r d e r t o live i n the p o s t m o d e r n
w o r l d . T h e second t y p e o f response advances a slightly d i f f e r e n t case w h i c h
has f o r e g r o u n d e d f o r m s o f media education f o r practice - f o r practical
i n v o l v e m e n t , v o c a t i o n a l p r e p a r a t i o n a n d creative relevance. T h e h i s t o r y o f
m e d i a e d u c a t i o n a n d o f the fairly recent d e v e l o p m e n t o f M e d i a Studies as a
d e f i n e d subject area has developed a r o u n d a n d between these t w o poles. I n
recent years, h o w e v e r , the expansion o f educational p r o v i s i o n i n M e d i a
Studies a n d related subjects, i n c l u d i n g C u l t u r a l a n d C o m m u n i c a t i o n Studies,
has itself become an object o f media a t t e n t i o n , especially i n B r i t a i n .
Introduction 3
M u c h o f this has s i m p l y a n d depressingly replayed older elitist o r p r o f o u n d l y

a n t i - i n t e l l e c t u a l anxieties about t h e place, p o s i t i o n a n d value o f the study o f
p o p u l a r f o r m s w h i c h have accompanied M e d i a Studies f r o m its earliest days.
A t t e m p t s t o take p o p u l a r c u l t u r e seriously have always encountered resistance,
a dismissive 'bias' against t h e idea that they c o u l d constitute a v a l i d subject f o r
e n q u i r y i n t h e i r o w n r i g h t as opposed t o w i t h i n the n a r r o w confines o f p a r t i c u -
lar d e f i n i t i o n s o f v o c a t i o n a l relevance. H o w e v e r , m u c h o f the recent wave o f
this c r i t i c i s m has u n d o u b t e d l y been p r o m p t e d , i f n o t r e i g n i t e d , b y t h e sheer
a n d r a p i d g r o w t h i n t h e numbers o f students a p p l y i n g f o r , s t u d y i n g o n a n d
g r a d u a t i n g f r o m such courses.
I t is f o r these students, those o n 'A' level o r undergraduate courses i n M e d i a
Studies a n d o t h e r r e l a t e d areas, t h a t this reader has been designed. Its p r i n c i -
p a l a i m is t o i n t r o d u c e t h e k e y dimensions a n d debates w h i c h characterise t h e
f i e l d a n d act as a s p r i n g b o a r d f o r f u r t h e r study. W h a t f o l l o w s is t h e result o f a
series o f o f t e n d i f f i c u l t a n d d e m a n d i n g choices. W e have organised t h e read-
ings i n t o five m a i n sections. U n d e r l y i n g this organisation is a t h e m a t i c
sequence w h i c h commences w i t h some b r o a d , c o n t e x t u a l i s i n g extracts w h i c h
f o r e g r o u n d t h e relationships between T h e M e d i a a n d M o d e r n L i f e ' . T h i s is
f o l l o w e d b y sections o n 'Stereotypes a n d Representations', Audiences a n d
R e c e p t i o n ' , 'Producers a n d P r o d u c t i o n ' a n d f i n a l l y ' G l o b a l M e d i a a n d N e w
M e d i a ' . W h i l e w e have used this sequence t o organise the readings, interest o r
o t h e r factors m a y lead y o u t o use t h e m o u t o f t h e i r sequential o r d e r . Each sec-
t i o n is prefaced w i t h a s h o r t i n t r o d u c t o r y overview, each r e a d i n g is also c o n -
t e x t u a l i s e d a n d a c c o m p a n i e d b y a series o f questions, designed t o p r o v i d e a
basis f o r discussion o r r e f l e c t i o n , a n d these are i n t u r n c o m p l e m e n t e d b y sug-
gestions f o r f u r t h e r r e a d i n g .
I f y o u have a n y c o m m e n t s o r suggestions about t h e reader, please contact us
via t h e publishers.
T i m O ' S u l l i v a n , Y v o n n e Jewkes
October 1996
Notes
1. A . Appadurai, 'Disjuncture and Difference i n the Global Cultural Economy',
Theory, Culture and Society, 7 (1990), pp. 295-310. See also for recent useful dis-
cussion J.B. Thompson, The Media and Modernity (Cambridge, Polity Press, 1996).
2. See Section 1 , Reading 2.
Section 1
The Media and Modem Life
The six readings which follow consider the modern, especially postwar, growth and devel-
opment of electronic media. In various ways, the readings assess how radio, television and
the emerging new media technologies fit into the economic, political and cultural systems of
modem life in both its public and private spheres. In doing so, they offer a fairly cohesive
definition of 'modernity' and demonstrate how media institutions and products have been
implicated in the ideological structures and struggles which, over the last 50 years have
accompanied countless scientific and technological innovations, unprecedented political
upheaval across the globe and a shift, in Western societies, from industrialisation and man-
ufacturing-based economies to a widespread growth in leisure and consumerism.
The first reading, by Hadley Cantril, concerns public reaction to the famous 1938 radio
drama based on H. G. Wells' War of the Worlds, which was accordant with 'mass society'
theories and beliefs about the potentially harmful effects of the media at that particularly
turbulent period in history. The subsequent readings by Raymond Williams and John B.
Thompson explore further the notion of 'mass' - mass media, mass communication and
so on - and analyse the development of media as important ideological agencies in the
face of competing social and political forces. Joshua Meyrowitz (reading 4) extends the
discussion of the increasingly important role that media and communications have come
to play in public and in private, and focuses attention on the ways in which the realms of
subjective, everyday experience are expanded and mediated by modern communication
systems. One of the main tenets of Graham Murdock's argument (reading 5) is that a
central concern in the study of media and communications systems must, as a result,
involve an understanding of their relations to power and politics. Finally Paddy Scannell
focuses attention on the role of broadcasting in shaping national cultures and constructing
and mediating a sense of national life. His concern lies in understanding the centrality of
forms of public broadcasting, as embodied in institutions such as the BBC, and their contri-
butions to modern, democratic forms of social life.
These introductory readings also pose important questions about the nature of culture
in modern society, the representation by media of social groups and the development of
education - including the rise of Media Studies as a subject for academic study - all of
which form a focus for discussion in later extracts. Thus, Section 1 introduces many of
the principal discourses, debates and theoretical concerns which have characterised the
study of the media in the modern era and as such provides a useful starting point for
many of the key concepts and arguments that are picked up and explored in subsequent
sections of the book.
1
The Invasion from Mars
Hadley Cantril
Originally published as The invasion from Mars: a study in the psychology of panic, with H. Gaudet
and H. Herzog. (Princeton University Press 1940). This edited selection is taken from a short sum-
mary of the full study, in W. Schramm and D. F. Roberts (eds.), The processes and effects of mass
communication (University of Illinois Press 1954)
Based on an early combination of an extraordinary 'media event' and its detailed study
which occurred in America just prior to the Second World War, this first reading has
become a 'classic' reference and metaphor for much thinking about the media in the modem
period. It focuses on public reaction to a radio drama adaptation of H. G. Wells' War of the
Worlds broadcast to American audiences on Hallowe'en Night in October 1938. A great
many listeners reacted to the play as if it were a real report of invading creatures from
Mars, radio fiction was understood as radio fact and panic outbreaks ensued on a signifi-
cant scale. The event encapsulates the popularly held view of the widespread intrusive and
persuasive power of the modem media to cause and trigger mass outbreaks of usually neg-
ative social consequence and psychological effect. Like the invading Martians with their ray
guns and poisonous gases, the media have often been perceived as alien invaders, danger-
ous and life-threatening in their impact on established forms of social and cultural life.
What follows is an extract which deals with some of the reports of people who misper-
ceived the fictional performance and the recorded versions of their various and alarmed
responses. On the face of it, the story of 'the invasion from Mars' would seem to embody
the crude hypodermic syringe model of media effects, namely a singular, immediate and
dramatic effect - in this case, mass panic - caused by the broadcast. In fact, as the
research by Cantril and his associates demonstrates, explaining the reactions to the broad-
cast involves consideration of a complex series of social, political and psychological fac-
tors. It was the life-like quality of the broadcast, interacting with the social and cultural
situation of some listeners in late 1930s America, which brought about the scare.
O n t h e evening o f O c t o b e r 3 0 , 1 9 3 8 , thousands o f Americans became panic-

stricken b y a broadcast p u r p o r t e d t o describe an invasion o f M a r t i a n s w h i c h
threatened o u r w h o l e c i v i l i z a t i o n . Probably never before have so m a n y people
i n a l l w a l k s o f life a n d i n a l l parts o f t h e c o u n t r y become so suddenly a n d so
intensely d i s t u r b e d as they d i d o n this n i g h t .
Such rare occurrences p r o v i d e o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r t h e social scientist t o study
mass behavior. T h e y must be e x p l o i t e d w h e n they come. A l t h o u g h t h e social
scientist u n f o r t u n a t e l y cannot usually p r e d i c t such situations a n d have his
tools o f i n v e s t i g a t i o n ready t o analyze the p h e n o m e n o n w h i l e i t is still o n t h e
w i n g , he can begin his w o r k before t h e effects o f the crisis are over a n d m e m -
The Invasion from Mars 7
ories are b l u r r e d . T h e s i t u a t i o n created b y t h e broadcast was o n e w h i c h shows

us h o w t h e c o m m o n m a n reacts i n a t i m e o f stress a n d strain. I t gives us
insights i n t o his i n t e l l i g e n c e , his anxieties, a n d his needs, w h i c h w e c o u l d
never get b y tests o r s t r i c t l y e x p e r i m e n t a l studies. T h e panic s i t u a t i o n w e have
investigated h a d a l l t h e f l a v o r o f everyday life a n d , at t h e same t i m e , p r o v i d e d
a s e m i - e x p e r i m e n t a l c o n d i t i o n f o r research. I n spite o f t h e u n i q u e c o n d i t i o n s
g i v i n g rise t o this p a r t i c u l a r panic, t h e w r i t e r has a t t e m p t e d t o indicate
t h r o u g h o u t t h e study t h e p a t t e r n o f t h e circumstances w h i c h , f r o m a psycho-
l o g i c a l p o i n t o f view, m i g h t make this the p r o t o t y p e o f any panic.
T h e fact t h a t this p a n i c was created as a result o f a r a d i o broadcast is
today n o mere circumstance. T h e importance o f radio's role i n current
n a t i o n a l a n d i n t e r n a t i o n a l affairs is t o o w e l l k n o w n t o be r e c o u n t e d here.
By its v e r y n a t u r e r a d i o is t h e m e d i u m p a r excellence f o r i n f o r m i n g a l l seg-
ments o f a p o p u l a t i o n o f current happenings, f o r arousing i n t h e m a c o m -
m o n sense o f fear o r j o y ; a n d f o r e x c i t i n g t h e m t o s i m i l a r reactions d i r e c t e d
t o w a r d a single o b j e c t i v e .
Because t h e social p h e n o m e n o n i n question was so c o m p l e x , several methods
w e r e e m p l o y e d t o seek o u t d i f f e r e n t answers a n d t o compare results obtained
by o n e m e t h o d w i t h those obtained b y another. M u c h o f o u r i n f o r m a t i o n was
d e r i v e d f r o m detailed interviews o f 135 persons. Over 100 o f these persons
w e r e selected because they were k n o w n t o have been upset by the broadcast.
L o n g before t h e broadcast h a d ended, people all over t h e U n i t e d States w e r e
p r a y i n g , c r y i n g , fleeing f r a n t i c a l l y t o escape death f r o m the M a r t i a n s . Some r a n
t o rescue l o v e d ones. Others t e l e p h o n e d farewells o r w a r n i n g s , h u r r i e d t o
i n f o r m neighbors, sought i n f o r m a t i o n f r o m newspapers o r r a d i o stations, s u m -
m o n e d ambulances a n d police cars. A t least six m i l l i o n people heard the b r o a d -
cast. A t least a m i l l i o n o f t h e m w e r e f r i g h t e n e d o r disturbed.
For weeks after t h e broadcast, newspapers c a r r i e d h u m a n - i n t e r e s t stories
r e l a t i n g t h e shock a n d t e r r o r o f local citizens. M e n a n d w o m e n t h r o u g h o u t
the c o u n t r y c o u l d have described t h e i r feelings a n d reactions o n t h a t f a t e f u l
evening. O u r o w n i n t e r v i e w e r s a n d correspondents gathered h u n d r e d s o f
accounts. A f e w o f these selected almost at r a n d o m w i l l give us a glimpse o f
the e x c i t e m e n t . L e t t h e people speak f o r themselves.
' I k n e w i t was s o m e t h i n g t e r r i b l e a n d I was f r i g h t e n e d , ' said M r s . Ferguson,
a n o r t h e r n N e w Jersey h o u s e w i f e , t o t h e i n q u i r i n g i n t e r v i e w e r . ' B u t I d i d n ' t
k n o w just w h a t i t was. I c o u l d n ' t m a k e myself believe i t was the e n d o f t h e
w o r l d . I've always h e a r d t h a t w h e n t h e w o r l d w o u l d come t o an e n d , i t w o u l d
c o m e so fast n o b o d y w o u l d k n o w - so w h y s h o u l d G o d get i n t o u c h w i t h this
announcer? W h e n they t o l d us w h a t r o a d t o take a n d get u p over t h e hills a n d
the c h i l d r e n began t o cry, t h e f a m i l y decided t o g o o u t . We t o o k blankets a n d
m y g r a n d - d a u g h t e r w a n t e d t o take t h e cat a n d t h e canary. W e w e r e outside
t h e garage w h e n t h e n e i g h b o r ' s b o y came back a n d t o l d us i t was a play.'
[...]
Archie Burbank, a filling station operator i n N e w a r k , described his
8 The Media and Modern Life
reactions. ' M y g i r l f r i e n d a n d I stayed i n the car f o r a w h i l e , just d r i v i n g

a r o u n d . T h e n w e f o l l o w e d t h e lead o f a f r i e n d . A l l o f us r a n i n t o a grocery
store a n d asked t h e m a n i f w e c o u l d go i n t o his cellar. H e said, " W h a t ' s t h e
matter? A r e y o u t r y i n g t o r u i n m y business?" So he chased us o u t . A c r o w d
collected. W e rushed t o an a p a r t m e n t house a n d asked the m a n i n t h e apart-
m e n t t o l e t us i n his cellar. H e said, " I d o n ' t have any cellar! G e t a w a y ! " T h e n
people started t o r u s h o u t o f t h e a p a r t m e n t house a l l undressed. We g o t i n t o
the car a n d listened some m o r e . Suddenly, the announcer was gassed, t h e sta-
t i o n w e n t dead so w e t r i e d another station b u t n o t h i n g w o u l d come o n . T h e n
w e w e n t t o a gas station a n d f i l l e d u p o u r t a n k i n p r e p a r a t i o n f o r just r i d i n g as
far as w e c o u l d . T h e gas station m a n d i d n ' t k n o w a n y t h i n g about i t . T h e n o n e
f r i e n d , male, decided he w o u l d call u p t h e Newark Evening News. He found
o u t i t was a play. W e listened t o the rest o f the play a n d t h e n w e n t d a n c i n g . '
M r s . Joslin, w h o lives i n a p o o r section o f a large eastern c i t y a n d whose
h u s b a n d is a day laborer, said, ' I was t e r r i b l y f r i g h t e n e d . I w a n t e d t o pack a n d
take m y c h i l d i n m y arms, gather u p m y friends, a n d get i n t h e car a n d just go
n o r t h as far as w e c o u l d . B u t w h a t I d i d was just set b y one w i n d o w , p r a y i n ' ,
l i s t e n i n ' , a n d scared s t i f f a n d m y husband by the other s n i f f l i n ' a n d l o o k i n '
o u t t o see i f people were r u n n i n ' . T h e n w h e n t h e announcer said "evacuate
the c i t y , " I r a n a n d called m y boarder a n d started w i t h m y c h i l d t o r u s h d o w n
the stairs, n o t w a i t i n ' t o ketch m y hat o r a n y t h i n g . W h e n I g o t t o t h e f o o t o f
the stairs I just c o u l d n ' t get o u t , I d o n ' t k n o w w h y . M e a n t i m e m y husband he
t r i e d o t h e r stations a n d f o u n d t h e m still r u n n i n ' . H e c o u l d n ' t smell any gas o r
see people r u n n i n ' , so he called m e back a n d t o l d me i t was just a play. So I set
d o w n , still ready t o go at any m i n u t e t i l l I h e a r d O r s o n Welles say, " F o l k s , I
h o p e w e a i n ' t a l a r m e d y o u . T h i s is just a p l a y ! " T h e n , I just set!'
I f w e are t o e x p l a i n t h e r e a c t i o n , t h e n , w e must answer t w o basic questions:
W h y d i d this broadcast f r i g h t e n some people w h e n other fantastic broadcasts
d o not? A n d w h y d i d this broadcast f r i g h t e n some people b u t n o t others? A n
answer t o t h e first question must be sought i n the characteristics o f this p a r t i c -
ular p r o g r a m w h i c h aroused false standards o f j u d g m e n t i n so m a n y listeners.
N o o n e r e a d i n g t h e script can deny that the broadcast was so realistic f o r
the first f e w m i n u t e s t h a t i t was almost credible t o even relatively sophisticat-
ed a n d w e l l - i n f o r m e d listeners. T h e sheer d r a m a t i c excellence o f t h e b r o a d -
cast m u s t n o t be o v e r l o o k e d . T h i s unusual realism o f the p e r f o r m a n c e may be
a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e fact that t h e early parts o f the broadcast fell w i t h i n t h e exist-
i n g standards o f j u d g m e n t o f the listeners.
A large p r o p o r t i o n o f listeners, p a r t i c u l a r l y those i n t h e l o w e r i n c o m e a n d
e d u c a t i o n a l brackets, have g r o w n t o rely m o r e o n t h e r a d i o t h a n o n t h e news-
papers f o r t h e i r news. A l m o s t a l l o f the listeners, w h o h a d been f r i g h t e n e d
a n d w h o w e r e i n t e r v i e w e d , m e n t i o n e d somewhere d u r i n g the course o f t h e i r
retrospections t h e confidence they h a d i n r a d i o a n d t h e i r e x p e c t a t i o n t h a t i t
w o u l d be used f o r such i m p o r t a n t announcements. A f e w o f t h e i r c o m m e n t s
indicate t h e i r attitudes:
'We have so m u c h faith in broadcasting. I n a crisis i t has t o reach all people.

T h a t ' s w h a t r a d i o is here f o r . '
' T h e a n n o u n c e r w o u l d n o t say i f i t was n o t t r u e . They always quote if some-
thing is a play.'
As i n m a n y situations w h e r e events a n d ideas are so c o m p l i c a t e d o r far
r e m o v e d f r o m one's o w n i m m e d i a t e everyday experience t h a t o n l y t h e e x p e r t
can r e a l l y u n d e r s t a n d t h e m , here, t o o , t h e l a y m a n was f o r c e d t o rely o n t h e
e x p e r t f o r his i n t e r p r e t a t i o n .
T h e l o g i c a l ' e x p e r t ' i n this instance was the astronomer. Those m e n t i o n e d
(all f i c t i t i o u s ) w e r e Professor Farrell o f t h e M o u n t Jennings O b s e r v a t o r y o f
C h i c a g o , Professor Pierson o f t h e Princeton Observatory, Professor M o r s e o f
M a c M i l l a n U n i v e r s i t y i n T o r o n t o , Professor I n d e l l k o f f e r o f t h e C a l i f o r n i a
A s t r o n o m i c a l Society a n d 'astronomers a n d scientific bodies' i n E n g l a n d ,
France, a n d G e r m a n y . Professor R i c h a r d Pierson ( O r s o n Welles) was t h e chief
character i n t h e d r a m a .
W h e n t h e s i t u a t i o n called f o r o r g a n i z e d defense a n d a c t i o n t h e e x p e r t was
once m o r e b r o u g h t i n . General M o n t g o m e r y S m i t h , c o m m a n d e r o f t h e state
m i l i t i a at T r e n t o n , M r . H a r r y M c D o n a l d , vice-president o f t h e R e d Cross,
C a p t a i n L a n s i n g o f t h e Signal C o r p s , a n d f i n a l l y t h e Secretary o f t h e I n t e r i o r
described t h e s i t u a t i o n , gave orders f o r evacuation a n d attack, o r u r g e d every
m a n t o d o his duty.
T h i s d r a m a t i c t e c h n i q u e h a d its effect.
' I believed t h e broadcast as soon as I heard the professor from Princeton and
the o f f i c i a l s i n W a s h i n g t o n . '
' I k n e w i t was an a w f u l l y dangerous s i t u a t i o n when all those military men
were there and the Secretary of State spoke.'
T h e realistic nature o f the broadcast was further enhanced b y descriptions o f
particular occurrences that listeners c o u l d readily imagine. Liberal use was made
o f the c o l l o q u i a l expressions t o be expected o n such an occasion. T h e gas was 'a
sort o f y e l l o w i s h - g r e e n ' ; the c o p w a r n e d , ' O n e side, there. Keep back, I tell
you'; a voice shouts, ' T h e d a r n thing's unscrewing.' A n example o f the spec-
i f i c i t y o f detail is the announcement o f Brigadier General M o n t g o m e r y S m i t h : ' I
have been requested by t h e G o v e r n o r o f N e w Jersey t o place t h e counties o f
M e r c e r a n d M i d d l e s e x as far west as Princeton, a n d east t o Jamesburg, under
m a r t i a l law. N o o n e w i l l be p e r m i t t e d t o enter this area except b y special pass
issued b y state o r m i l i t a r y authorities. Four companies o f state m i l i t i a are p r o -
ceeding f r o m T r e n t o n t o Grovers M i l l and w i l l aid i n the evacuation o f homes
w i t h i n the range o f m i l i t a r y operations.'
T h e events r e p o r t e d proceeded f r o m the relatively credible t o t h e h i g h l y
i n c r e d i b l e . T h e first announcements were m o r e o r less believable, a l t h o u g h
u n u s u a l t o be sure. First there is an 'atmospheric disturbance,' t h e n ' e x p l o -
sions o f incandescent gas.' A scientist t h e n r e p o r t s t h a t his seismograph has
registered a shock o f earthquake intensity. T h i s is f o l l o w e d b y t h e discovery o f
a m e t e o r i t e t h a t has s p l i n t e r e d nearby trees i n its f a l l . So far so g o o d .
B u t as the less credible bits o f the story begin t o enter, the clever dramatist
also indicates that he, t o o , has d i f f i c u l t y i n believing w h a t he sees. W h e n w e
learn that the object is n o meteorite but a metal casing, we are also t o l d that
the w h o l e p i c t u r e is 'a strange scene like something o u t o f a m o d e r n A r a b i a n
N i g h t s , ' 'fantastic,' that the ' m o r e d a r i n g souls are v e n t u r i n g near.' Before w e
are i n f o r m e d that the end o f the casing is beginning t o unscrew, w e experience
the announcer's o w n astonishment: 'Ladies a n d gentlemen, this is t e r r i f i c ! '
W h e n the t o p is o f f he says, 'This is the most t e r r i f y i n g t h i n g I have ever w i t -
nessed.... T h i s is the most e x t r a o r d i n a r y experience. I can't f i n d w o r d s . . . . '
T h e b e w i l d e r m e n t o f the listener is shared by the eye-witness. W h e n the sci-
entist is h i m s e l f p u z z l e d , the layman recognizes the e x t r a o r d i n a r y intelligence
o f the strange creatures. N o e x p l a n a t i o n o f the event can be p r o v i d e d . T h e
resignation a n d hopelessness o f the Secretary o f the I n t e r i o r , counseling us t o
'place o u r f a i t h i n G o d , ' provides n o effective guide f o r a c t i o n .
I n spite o f the realism o f the broadcast, i t w o u l d seem h i g h l y u n l i k e l y that
any listener w o u l d take i t seriously h a d he heard the announcements that were
clearly made at the b e g i n n i n g o f the hour. H e m i g h t t h e n have been excited,
even f r i g h t e n e d . But i t w o u l d be an excitement based o n the dramatic realism
o f the p r o g r a m . T h e r e w o u l d n o t be the intense feeling o f personal i n v o l v e -
m e n t . H e w o u l d k n o w that the events were happening ' o u t there' i n the s t u d i o ,
n o t ' r i g h t here' i n his o w n state or his o w n county. I n one instance a 'correct'
(aesthetically detached o r dramatic) standard o f j u d g m e n t w o u l d be used by
the listener t o i n t e r p r e t events, i n another instance a 'false' (realistic or news)
standard o f j u d g m e n t w o u l d be e m p l o y e d . T u n i n g i n late was a very essential
c o n d i t i o n f o r the arousal o f a false standard o f j u d g m e n t . T o be sure, m a n y
people recognized the broadcast as a play even t h o u g h they t u n e d i n late. I t is
i m p o r t a n t t o raise a n d t o answer the question o f h o w anyone w h o t u n e d i n at
the b e g i n n i n g c o u l d have mistaken the clearly i n t r o d u c e d play f o r a news
broadcast. Analysis o f these cases reveals t w o m a i n reasons w h y such a m i s i n -
t e r p r e t a t i o n arose. I n the first place, m a n y people w h o t u n e d i n t o hear a play
by the M e r c u r y T h e a t r e t h o u g h t the regular dramatic p r o g r a m h a d been i n t e r -
r u p t e d t o give special news bulletins. T h e technique was n o t a n e w one after
their experience w i t h r a d i o r e p o r t i n g o f the w a r crisis i n September, 1938. The
other m a j o r reason for the misunderstanding is the widespread habit o f n o t
p a y i n g a t t e n t i o n t o the first announcements o f a p r o g r a m . Some people d o n o t
listen attentively t o their radios u n t i l they are aware that something o f p a r t i c u -
lar interest is being broadcast.
T u n i n g i n late was very decisive i n d e t e r m i n i n g w h e t h e r or n o t the listener
w o u l d f o l l o w the p r o g r a m as a play or as a news r e p o r t . For the story o f the
M a r t i a n i n v a s i o n was so realistic that m i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n was apt t o arise w i t h -
o u t p r o p e r w a r n i n g signals.
I n spite o f the fact that m a n y persons t u n e d i n late t o hear this very realistic
broadcast, by n o means all o f t h e m believed i t was news. A n d n o t all o f those
w h o t h o u g h t the invasion was u p o n t h e m behaved the same w a y i n the face o f
danger. Before w e can u n d e r s t a n d t h e reasons f o r t h e v a r y i n g behavior, t h e

reactions m u s t be a r r a n g e d i n some significant g r o u p i n g . O t h e r w i s e n o f r u i t -
f u l c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n is possible.
Classifying the listeners

/. Those who checked the internal evidence of the broadcast
T h e persons i n this category w e r e those w h o d i d n o t r e m a i n f r i g h t e n e d
t h r o u g h o u t t h e w h o l e broadcast because they w e r e able t o discern t h a t t h e
p r o g r a m was f i c t i t i o u s . Some realized t h a t t h e reports must be false because
t h e y s o u n d e d so m u c h l i k e certain f i c t i o n l i t e r a t u r e they w e r e accustomed t o .
'At first I was v e r y interested i n t h e fall o f the meteor. I t isn't o f t e n t h a t they
f i n d a b i g o n e just w h e n i t falls. B u t when it started to unscrew and monsters
came out, I said to myself, "They've taken one of those Amazing Stories and
are acting it out." I t just c o u l d n ' t be real. I t was just like some o f the stories I
r e a d i n Amazing Stories b u t i t was even m o r e e x c i t i n g . '
2. Those who checked the broadcast against other information and

learned that it was a play
These listeners t r i e d t o o r i e n t themselves f o r the same reasons as those i n t h e
first g r o u p - t h e y w e r e suspicious o f t h e ' n e w s ' they w e r e g e t t i n g . Some s i m -
p l y t h o u g h t t h e r e p o r t s w e r e t o o fantastic t o believe; others detected t h e
i n c r e d i b l e speeds revealed; w h i l e a f e w listeners checked t h e p r o g r a m just
because i t seemed t h e reasonable t h i n g t o d o . T h e i r m e t h o d o f v e r i f y i n g t h e i r
hunches was t o c o m p a r e the news o n the p r o g r a m t o some o t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n .
' I t u n e d i n a n d heard that a meteor h a d fallen. T h e n w h e n they talked about
monsters, I t h o u g h t s o m e t h i n g was w r o n g . So I looked in the newspaper t o see
w h a t p r o g r a m was supposed t o be o n and discovered i t was o n l y a play.'
3. Those who tried to check the program against other information but
who, for various reasons, continued to believe the broadcast was an
authentic news report
T w o characteristic differences separated the people i n this g r o u p f r o m those w h o
made successful checks. I n the first place, i t was difficult t o determine f r o m the
interviews just w h y these people w a n t e d t o check anyway. T h e y d i d n o t seem t o
be seeking evidence t o test the authenticity o f the reports. T h e y appeared, rather,
t o be frightened souls t r y i n g t o f i n d o u t whether o r n o t they were yet i n any per-
sonal danger. I n the second place, the type o f checking behavior they used was
singularly ineffective a n d unreliable. T h e most frequent m e t h o d e m p l o y e d by
almost t w o - t h i r d s o f this g r o u p was t o l o o k o u t the w i n d o w o r g o o u t d o o r s .
Several o f t h e m telephoned their friends o r ran t o consult their neighbors.
T h e r e are several reasons w h y t h e checks made b y these persons w e r e inef-
fectual. F o r some o f t h e m , t h e n e w i n f o r m a t i o n o b t a i n e d o n l y v e r i f i e d t h e
i n t e r p r e t a t i o n w h i c h t h e i r already f i x e d standard o f j u d g m e n t p r o v i d e d .
' I l o o k e d o u t o f the w i n d o w a n d e v e r y t h i n g l o o k e d the same as usual so I

thought it hadn't reached our section yet'
'We l o o k e d o u t o f the w i n d o w and W y o m i n g Avenue was black w i t h cars.
People were rushing away, I figured.'
' N o cars came d o w n m y street. " T r a f f i c is j a m m e d o n account o f the roads
being destroyed," I thought.'
4. Those who made no attempt to check the broadcast or the event

I t is usually m o r e d i f f i c u l t t o discover w h y a person d i d not do something
t h a n w h y he d i d . Consequently i t is m o r e d i f f i c u l t f o r us t o e x p l a i n w h y peo-
ple i n this g r o u p d i d n o t a t t e m p t t o v e r i f y the news or l o o k f o r signs o f the
M a r t i a n s i n t h e i r v i c i n i t y t h a n i t was t o d e t e r m i n e w h y those w h o a t t e m p t e d
unsuccessful checks displayed their aimless behavior. O v e r half o f the people
i n this g r o u p w e r e so f r i g h t e n e d that they either s t o p p e d listening, ran a r o u n d
i n a frenzy, o r e x h i b i t e d behavior that can o n l y be described as paralyzed.
Some o f t h e m r e p o r t e d t h a t they were so f r i g h t e n e d they never t h o u g h t o f
checking.
'We were so i n t e n t u p o n listening that w e d i d n ' t have enough sense t o t r y
other h o o k - u p s — w e were just so frightened.'
O t h e r s a d o p t e d an a t t i t u d e o f complete resignation. For t h e m any a t t e m p t
t o check u p , l i k e any other behavior, appeared senseless.
' I was w r i t i n g a h i s t o r y theme. T h e g i r l f r o m upstairs came a n d made me go
u p t o her place. E v e r y b o d y was so excited I felt as i f I was g o i n g crazy a n d
k e p t o n saying, " W h a t can w e d o , what difference does it make w h e t h e r w e
die sooner or later?" We were h o l d i n g each other. E v e r y t h i n g seemed u n i m -
p o r t a n t i n the face o f death. I was a f r a i d t o die, just k e p t o n l i s t e n i n g . '
Some felt that i n v i e w o f the crisis s i t u a t i o n , action was d e m a n d e d . A f e w
p r e p a r e d i m m e d i a t e l y f o r their escape or for death.
' I c o u l d n ' t stand i t so I t u r n e d i t off. I d o n ' t remember w h e n , b u t e v e r y t h i n g
was c o m i n g closer. M y husband w a n t e d t o p u t i t back o n b u t I t o l d h i m we'd
better do something instead of just listen, so w e started t o pack.'
Some listeners i n t e r p r e t e d the s i t u a t i o n i n such a w a y that they were n o t
interested i n m a k i n g a check-up. I n a f e w instances the i n d i v i d u a l t u n e d i n so
late that he missed the most incredible parts o f the p r o g r a m a n d was o n l y
aware o f the fact that some k i n d o f c o n f l i c t was being waged.
' I was i n m y drugstore a n d m y b r o t h e r p h o n e d a n d said, " T u r n the r a d i o
o n , a meteor has just f a l l e n . " We d i d and heard gas was c o m i n g u p South
Street. T h e r e w e r e a f e w customers a n d we all began wondering where it could
come from. I was w o r r i e d about the gas, i t was spreading so r a p i d l y b u t I was
puzzled as t o w h a t was actually h a p p e n i n g , w h e n I heard airplanes I t h o u g h t
a n o t h e r c o u n t r y was a t t a c k i n g us.'
Why the panic?

A v a r i e t y o f influences a n d c o n d i t i o n s are related t o the panic r e s u l t i n g f r o m
this p a r t i c u l a r broadcast. We have found no single observable variable
c o n s i s t e n t l y r e l a t e d t o the r e a c t i o n , a l t h o u g h a lack o f c r i t i c a l a b i l i t y seemed

particularly conducive t o fear i n a large p r o p o r t i o n o f the p o p u l a t i o n .
Personality characteristics m a d e some people especially susceptible t o belief
a n d f r i g h t ; the i n f l u e n c e o f others i n the i m m e d i a t e e n v i r o n m e n t caused a
f e w listeners t o react i n a p p r o p r i a t e l y . T h e p s y c h o l o g i c a l p a t t e r n revealed by
these a n d o t h e r influences m u s t be s h o w n i f w e are t o u n d e r s t a n d the situa-
t i o n as a w h o l e a n d n o t have t o resort exclusively t o the u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f
single, i s o l a t e d cases.
Why the suggestion was or was not believed

W h a t is most inconceivable and therefore especially interesting psychologically
is w h y so m a n y people d i d n o t d o something t o v e r i f y the i n f o r m a t i o n they
were receiving f r o m their loudspeakers. T h e failure t o d o this accounts f o r the
persistence o f the f r i g h t . To understand any panic - whether the cause is a legiti-
mate one o r n o t - i t is necessary t o see precisely w h a t happens t o an i n d i v i d u a l ' s
m e n t a l processes that prevents h i m f r o m m a k i n g an adequate check-up.
T h e persons w h o w e r e f r i g h t e n e d by the broadcast w e r e , f o r this occasion
at least, h i g h l y suggestible, that is, they believed w h a t they heard w i t h o u t
m a k i n g s u f f i c i e n t checks t o p r o v e t o themselves that the broadcast was o n l y a
story. T h o s e w h o were n o t f r i g h t e n e d a n d those w h o believed the broadcast
f o r o n l y a s h o r t t i m e w e r e n o t suggestible - they w e r e able t o display w h a t
psychologists once called a ' c r i t i c a l faculty.' T h e p r o b l e m is, t h e n , t o deter-
m i n e w h y some people are suggestible, or t o state the p r o b l e m d i f f e r e n t l y ,
w h y some people lack c r i t i c a l ability.
T h e r e are essentially f o u r psychological c o n d i t i o n s that create i n an i n d i v i d -
ual the p a r t i c u l a r state o f m i n d w e k n o w as suggestibility. A l l these m a y be
described i n terms o f the concept o f standard o f j u d g m e n t .
I n the first place, i n d i v i d u a l s may refer a given stimulus t o a s t a n d a r d o r t o
several standards o f j u d g m e n t w h i c h they t h i n k are relevant f o r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n .
T h e m e n t a l c o n t e x t i n t o w h i c h the stimulus enters i n this case is o f such a
character t h a t i t is w e l c o m e d as t h o r o u g h l y consistent a n d w i t h o u t c o n t r a d i c -
t i o n . A person w i t h standards o f j u d g m e n t that enable h i m t o 'place' o r 'give
m e a n i n g t o ' a s t i m u l u s i n an almost a u t o m a t i c w a y finds n o t h i n g i n c o n g r u o u s
a b o u t such acceptance; his standards have l e d h i m t o 'expect' the possibility
o f such an occurrence.
We have f o u n d t h a t m a n y o f the persons w h o d i d n o t even t r y t o check the
broadcast h a d p r e e x i s t i n g m e n t a l sets that made the stimulus so u n d e r s t a n d -
able t o t h e m t h a t they i m m e d i a t e l y accepted i t as t r u e . H i g h l y religious people
w h o believed t h a t G o d w i l l e d a n d c o n t r o l l e d the destinies o f m a n were
already f u r n i s h e d w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r standard o f j u d g m e n t t h a t w o u l d make an
i n v a s i o n o f o u r planet a n d a d e s t r u c t i o n o f its members m e r e l y an 'act of
G o d . ' T h i s was p a r t i c u l a r l y t r u e i f the religious frame o f reference was o f the
eschatological variety providing the individual w i t h d e f i n i t e attitudes or
beliefs r e g a r d i n g t h e e n d o f t h e w o r l d . O t h e r people w e f o u n d h a d been so

i n f l u e n c e d b y t h e recent w a r scare t h a t they believed an attack b y a f o r e i g n
p o w e r was i m m i n e n t a n d an invasion - w h e t h e r i t was due t o t h e Japanese,
H i t l e r , o r M a r t i a n s - was n o t unlikely. Some persons h a d b u i l t u p such f a n c i -
f u l n o t i o n s o f t h e possibilities o f science that they c o u l d easily believe t h e
p o w e r s o f strange superscientists w e r e being t u r n e d against t h e m , perhaps
m e r e l y f o r e x p e r i m e n t a l purposes.
W h a t e v e r t h e cause f o r t h e genesis o f t h e standards o f j u d g m e n t p r o -
v i d i n g ready acceptance o f t h e event, t h e fact remains t h a t m a n y persons
already possessed a c o n t e x t within which they i m m e d i a t e l y placed t h e
s t i m u l u s . N o n e o f t h e i r o t h e r e x i s t i n g standards o f j u d g m e n t was s u f f i c i e n t -
ly r e l e v a n t t o engender disbelief. W e f o u n d this t o be p a r t i c u l a r l y t r u e o f
persons w h o s e lack o f o p p o r t u n i t i e s o r abilities t o acquire i n f o r m a t i o n o r
t r a i n i n g h a d i n s u f f i c i e n t l y f o r t i f i e d t h e m w i t h p e r t i n e n t standards o f j u d g -
m e n t t h a t w o u l d m a k e t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e broadcast as a p l a y seem
p l a u s i b l e . M o r e h i g h l y educated p e o p l e , w e f o u n d , w e r e better able t o relate
a g i v e n event t o a s t a n d a r d o f j u d g m e n t t h e y knew was a n appropriate
r e f e r e n t . I n such instances, t h e k n o w l e d g e itself was used as a s t a n d a r d o f
j u d g m e n t t o d i s c o u n t t h e i n f o r m a t i o n received i n t h e broadcast. These
listeners, t h e n , h a d t h e a b i l i t y t o refer t o relevant standards o f j u d g m e n t
w h i c h t h e y c o u l d r e l y o n f o r c h e c k i n g purposes a n d t h e r e f o r e h a d n o need
of further orientation.
A second c o n d i t i o n o f suggestibility exists w h e n an i n d i v i d u a l is n o t sure o f
the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n he s h o u l d place o n a given stimulus a n d w h e n he lacks ade-
quate standards o f j u d g m e n t t o make a reliable check o n his i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . I n
this s i t u a t i o n t h e i n d i v i d u a l attempts t o check o n his i n f o r m a t i o n b u t fails f o r
one o f three reasons. (1) H e may check his o r i g i n a l i n f o r m a t i o n against u n r e -
liable data w h i c h m a y themselves be affected by t h e s i t u a t i o n he is checking.
We f o u n d t h a t persons w h o checked unsuccessfully t e n d e d t o check against
i n f o r m a t i o n o b t a i n e d f r o m friends o r neighbors. O b v i o u s l y , such people w e r e
apt themselves t o be t i n g e d w i t h d o u b t a n d hesitation w h i c h w o u l d o n l y c o n -
f i r m early suspicions. (2) A person m a y rationalize his checking i n f o r m a t i o n
a c c o r d i n g t o t h e o r i g i n a l hypothesis he is checking a n d w h i c h he t h i n k s he has
o n l y t e n t a t i v e l y accepted. M a n y listeners made hasty m e n t a l o r b e h a v i o r a l
checks b u t t h e false standard o f j u d g m e n t they h a d already accepted was so
pervasive t h a t t h e i r check-ups were r a t i o n a l i z e d as c o n f i r m a t o r y evidence. For
e x a m p l e , o n e w o m a n said t h a t t h e announcer's charred b o d y was f o u n d t o o
q u i c k l y b u t she ' f i g u r e d t h e announcer was excited a n d h a d made a mistake.'
A m a n n o t i c e d t h e incredible speeds b u t t h o u g h t 'they were r e l a y i n g r e p o r t s
or s o m e t h i n g . ' O t h e r s t u r n e d t o d i f f e r e n t stations b u t t h o u g h t the broadcast-
ers w e r e deliberately t r y i n g t o calm the people. A w o m a n l o o k e d o u t o f her
w i n d o w a n d saw a greenish eerie l i g h t w h i c h she t h o u g h t was f r o m t h e
M a r t i a n s . (3) I n contrast t o those w h o believe almost any check they make are
the people w h o earnestly t r y t o v e r i f y their i n f o r m a t i o n b u t d o n o t have s u f f i -
c i e n t l y w e l l - g r o u n d e d standards o f j u d g m e n t t o d e t e r m i n e w h e t h e r o r n o t
t h e i r n e w sources o f i n f o r m a t i o n are reliable.
A t h i r d a n d perhaps m o r e general c o n d i t i o n o f suggestibility exists w h e n an
i n d i v i d u a l is c o n f r o n t e d w i t h a s t i m u l u s w h i c h he m u s t i n t e r p r e t o r w h i c h he
w o u l d l i k e t o i n t e r p r e t a n d w h e n none o f his existing standards o f j u d g m e n t is
adequate t o t h e task. O n such occasions t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s m e n t a l c o n t e x t is
u n s t r u c t u r e d , t h e s t i m u l u s does n o t f i t any o f his established categories a n d he
seeks a s t a n d a r d t h a t w i l l suffice h i m . T h e less s t r u c t u r e d his m e n t a l c o n t e x t ,
the f e w e r meanings he is able t o call f o r t h , t h e less able w i l l he be t o u n d e r -
stand t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between h i m s e l f a n d t h e s t i m u l u s , a n d t h e greater w i l l
b e c o m e his anxiety. A n d t h e m o r e desperate his need f o r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , t h e
m o r e l i k e l y w i l l he be t o accept t h e first i n t e r p r e t a t i o n given h i m . M a n y c o n -
d i t i o n s existed t o create i n t h e i n d i v i d u a l s w h o listened t o t h e i n v a s i o n f r o m
M a r s a chaotic m e n t a l universe t h a t c o n t a i n e d n o stable standards o f j u d g -
m e n t b y means o f w h i c h t h e strange event r e p o r t e d c o u l d be evaluated. A lack
o f i n f o r m a t i o n a n d f o r m a l educational t r a i n i n g h a d l e f t m a n y persons w i t h o u t
any generalized standards o f j u d g m e n t applicable t o this n o v e l s i t u a t i o n . A n d
even i f they d i d have a f e w such standards these w e r e vague a n d tenuously
h e l d because t h e y h a d n o t p r o v e d sufficient i n t h e past t o i n t e r p r e t o t h e r p h e -
nomena. T h i s was especially t r u e o f those persons w h o h a d been most
adversely affected b y t h e c o n d i t i o n s o f the times.
T h e p r o l o n g e d e c o n o m i c unrest a n d t h e consequent insecurity felt b y m a n y
o f t h e listeners was a n o t h e r cause f o r b e w i l d e r m e n t . T h e depression h a d
already lasted n e a r l y t e n years. People w e r e still o u t o f w o r k . W h y d i d n ' t
s o m e b o d y d o s o m e t h i n g a b o u t it? W h y d i d n ' t t h e experts f i n d a solution?
W h a t was t h e cause o f i t anyway? A g a i n , w h a t w o u l d h a p p e n , n o o n e c o u l d
t e l l . A g a i n , a mysterious invasion f i t t e d t h e p a t t e r n o f the mysterious events o f
the decade. T h e lack o f a sophisticated, relatively stable economic o r p o l i t i c a l
f r a m e o f reference created i n m a n y persons a psychological d i s e q u i l i b r i u m
w h i c h m a d e t h e m seek a s t a n d a r d o f j u d g m e n t f o r this p a r t i c u l a r event. I t was
a n o t h e r p h e n o m e n o n i n t h e outside w o r l d b e y o n d t h e i r c o n t r o l a n d c o m p r e -
h e n s i o n . O t h e r people possessed certain economic security a n d social status
b u t w o n d e r e d h o w l o n g this w o u l d last w i t h 'things i n such a t u r m o i l . ' They,
too, sought a stable i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , o n e t h a t w o u l d at least give this n e w
occurrence m e a n i n g . T h e w a r scare h a d l e f t m a n y persons i n a state o f c o m -
plete b e w i l d e r m e n t . T h e y d i d n o t k n o w w h a t t h e t r o u b l e was all a b o u t o r w h y
t h e U n i t e d States s h o u l d be so concerned. T h e c o m p l e x i d e o l o g i c a l , class, a n d
n a t i o n a l antagonisms responsible f o r t h e crises w e r e b y n o means f u l l y c o m -
p r e h e n d e d . T h e s i t u a t i o n was p a i n f u l l y serious a n d distressingly confused.
W h a t w o u l d h a p p e n , n o b o d y c o u l d foresee. T h e M a r t i a n i n v a s i o n was just
a n o t h e r event r e p o r t e d over t h e r a d i o . I t was even m o r e personally dangerous
and n o m o r e e n i g m a t i c . N o e x i s t i n g standards w e r e available t o judge its
m e a n i n g o r significance. B u t there was q u i c k need f o r j u d g m e n t , a n d i t was
p r o v i d e d b y t h e announcers, scientists, a n d a u t h o r i t i e s .
Persons w i t h h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , w e f o u n d h a d a c q u i r e d
m o r e g e n e r a l i z e d standards o f j u d g m e n t w h i c h t h e y c o u l d p u t t h e i r f a i t h i n .
The result was t h a t m a n y o f t h e m ' k n e w ' t h a t t h e p h e n o m e n a l speeds
w i t h w h i c h t h e a n n o u n c e r s a n d soldiers m o v e d was impossible even i n this
day a n d age. T h e greater t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f c h e c k i n g against a v a r i e t y o f r e l i -
able standards o f j u d g m e n t , t h e less suggestible w i l l a p e r s o n be. W e f o u n d
t h a t some persons w h o i n m o r e n o r m a l circumstances m i g h t have h a d c r i t i -
cal a b i l i t y w e r e so o v e r w h e l m e d b y t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r l i s t e n i n g s i t u a t i o n t h a t
t h e i r better j u d g m e n t was suspended. T h i s indicates t h a t a h i g h l y consistent
s t r u c t u r a t i o n o f t h e e x t e r n a l s t i m u l u s w o r l d may, at t i m e s , be e x p e r i e n c e d
w i t h s u f f i c i e n t i n t e n s i t y because o f its personal i m p l i c a t i o n s t o i n h i b i t t h e
operation o f usually applicable i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r a t i o n s o r standards of
j u d g m e n t . O t h e r persons w h o m a y n o r m a l l y have e x h i b i t e d c r i t i c a l a b i l i t y
w e r e u n a b l e t o d o so i n this s i t u a t i o n because t h e i r o w n e m o t i o n a l insec-
u r i t i e s a n d anxieties m a d e t h e m susceptible t o suggestion w h e n c o n f r o n t e d
w i t h a p e r s o n a l l y dangerous circumstance. I n such instances, t h e b e h a v i o r a l
consequence is t h e same as f o r a p e r s o n w h o has n o standards o f j u d g m e n t
t o b e g i n w i t h , b u t t h e p s y c h o l o g i c a l processes u n d e r l y i n g t h e b e h a v i o r are
different.
A f o u r t h c o n d i t i o n o f suggestibility results w h e n an i n d i v i d u a l n o t o n l y
lacks standards o f j u d g m e n t by means o f w h i c h he m a y o r i e n t himself, b u t
lacks even t h e realization t h a t any i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s are possible o t h e r t h a n t h e
one o r i g i n a l l y presented. H e accepts as t r u t h whatever he hears o r reads w i t h -
o u t even t h i n k i n g t o c o m p a r e i t t o other i n f o r m a t i o n .
Why such extreme behavior?

G r a n t e d t h a t some people believed the broadcast t o be t r u e , w h y d i d they
become so hysterical? W h y d i d they pray, telephone relatives, drive at danger-
ous speeds, cry, awaken sleeping c h i l d r e n , a n d flee? O f a l l t h e possible modes
o f r e a c t i o n they may have f o l l o w e d , w h y d i d these p a r t i c u l a r patterns emerge?
T h e o b v i o u s answer is t h a t this was a serious affair. As i n a l l o t h e r panics, the
i n d i v i d u a l believed his w e l l - b e i n g , his safety, o r his life was at stake. T h e situa-
t i o n was a real threat t o h i m . Just w h a t constitutes a personal threat t o an
i n d i v i d u a l must be b r i e f l y e x a m i n e d .
W h e n an i n d i v i d u a l believes t h a t a s i t u a t i o n threatens h i m he means t h a t i t
threatens n o t o n l y his physical self b u t all o f those things a n d people w h i c h he
s o m e h o w regards as a p a r t o f h i m . T h i s ego o f an i n d i v i d u a l is essentially
c o m p o s e d o f t h e m a n y social a n d personal values he has accepted. He feels
t h r e a t e n e d i f his investments are threatened, he feels i n s u l t e d i f his c h i l d r e n o r
parents are i n s u l t e d , he feels elated i f his alma mater w i n s t h e sectional f o o t -
ball c u p . T h e p a r t i c u l a r p a t t e r n o f values that have been i n t r o c e p t e d b y an
i n d i v i d u a l w i l l give h i m , t h e n , a p a r t i c u l a r ego. For some i n d i v i d u a l s this is
e x p a n d e d t o i n c l u d e b r o a d ideals a n d a m b i t i o n s . They w i l l be d i s t u r b e d i f a
p a r t i c u l a r race is persecuted i n a distant c o u n t r y because that persecution runs

c o u n t e r t o t h e i r ideal o f h u m a n justice a n d democracy; they w i l l be f l a t t e r e d i f
s o m e o n e admires an idea o f theirs o r a p a i n t i n g they have c o m p l e t e d .
A panic occurs w h e n some h i g h l y cherished, rather c o m m o n l y accepted
value is threatened a n d w h e n n o certain e l i m i n a t i o n o f the threat is i n sight.
T h e i n d i v i d u a l feels that he w i l l be r u i n e d , physically, financially, o r socially.
T h e invasion o f the M a r t i a n s was a direct threat t o l i f e , t o other lives that one
l o v e d , as w e l l as t o all other cherished values. T h e M a r t i a n s were destroying
practically e v e r y t h i n g . T h e s i t u a t i o n was, t h e n , indeed a serious affair. Frus-
t r a t i o n resulted w h e n n o directed behavior seemed possible. O n e was faced
w i t h the alternative o f resigning oneself a n d all o f one's values t o complete
a n n i h i l a t i o n , o r o f m a k i n g a desperate e f f o r t t o escape f r o m the f i e l d o f danger,
o r o f appealing t o some higher p o w e r o r stronger person w h o m one vaguely
t h o u g h t c o u l d destroy the o n c o m i n g enemy.
I f one assumed that destruction was inevitable, t h e n certain l i m i t e d behavior
was possible: one c o u l d cry, make peace w i t h one's M a k e r , gather one's l o v e d
ones a r o u n d a n d perish. I f one attempted escape, one c o u l d r u n t o the house o f
friends, speed away i n a car o r t r a i n , o r hide i n some gas-proof, bomb-proof,
o u t - o f - t h e - w a y shelter. I f one still believed that something o r someone m i g h t
repulse the enemy, one c o u l d appeal t o G o d o r seek p r o t e c t i o n f r o m those w h o
h a d p r o t e c t e d one i n the past. Objectively, none o f these modes o f behavior was
a direct attack o n the p r o b l e m at h a n d ; n o t h i n g was done t o remove the cause
o f the crisis. T h e behavior i n a panic is characteristically undirected a n d , f r o m
the p o i n t o f v i e w o f the situation at h a n d , functionally useless.
Questions
1 The study deals with radio in pre-television America. Nowadays, radio is seldom
seen as a 'dangerous medium' but the study has parallels with concerns and
scares made in the context of modem media. Can you think of any recent exam-
ples of 'panic' or alleged effect which could be considered in this context? How
have media audiences changed from 1938 to the present day?
2 The study notes the ways in which people in modern times have increasingly
come to rely or depend upon mediated information - especially in the form of
news - for the authentic 'truth' of the world and events occurring outside direct,
first-hand experience. What do you see as the key issues at stake in debating
this relationship nearly 50 years after the study was conducted?
Further reading
Glover, D . 1984: The sociology of the mass media. Ormskirk: Causeway Press.
M c Q u a i l , D . 1977: The influence and effects of mass media. In Curran, J., Gurevitch,
M . and Woollacott, J. (eds.), Mass communication and society. London: Edward
Arnold.
M c Q u a i l , D . 1994: Mass communication theory: an introduction. London: Sage.

M e r t o n , R. 1946: Mass persuasion. New York: Free Press.
Tudor, A . 1979: O n alcohol and the mystique of media effects. I n Cook, J.
and Lewington, M . (eds.), Images of alcoholism. London: BFI. (See Section 3,
reading 1.)
Recordings of the original broadcast are available on cassette and C D : e.g. Golden Age
Radio, v o l . 1 , Metacom, ISBN 0-88676-569-2.
2
Mass and Masses
Raymond Williams
From Culture and society 1780-1950 (Penguin 1961)
Williams is rightly regarded as one of the significant if not founding voices of modern cul-
tural and media studies. Subsequent to his death in 1988, his contribution and reputation
are being given due recognition and assessment. This reading is taken from the conclusion
to one of his earliest studies, which was completed in 1956. The overall project, put into
motion in this study, was the development and elaboration of a new and general theory of
culture. In Culture and society, Williams seeks to map out and trace key historical
moments and themes concerning the ways in which the idea of culture has come to be
understood in modem Britain. The analysis is grounded in the study of shifts in the mean-
ings of key words - democracy, art, industry, etc. - and a commentary on key writers and
thinkers - such as Robert Owen, Samuel Coleridge, George Orwell - taken to be indicative
of allied forms of historical transition.
From looking backwards at the historical past, Williams turns, in the final phase of the
book, to consider the more recent present. In his assessment of the first half of the twenti-
eth century, he draws attention to and challenges conventional understanding associated
with the idea of 'mass', so fundamental to thinking about modern mass culture, forms of
mass production and mass consumption. In a period - 40 years after the publication of
Culture and society - when the ideas of mass society, mass media and mass communica-
tion are being contradicted by the forces of cultural fragmentation and proliferation, the
notion of 'mass' still continues to exert considerable power. This extract seeks to contextu-
alise the ideas lurking behind the prefix 'mass', to render it uncomfortable and unstable,
and to challenge its utility or value in modem debate.
We n o w r e g u l a r l y use b o t h t h e idea o f t h e 'masses', a n d t h e consequent ideas

o f ' m a s s - c i v i l i z a t i o n ' , 'mass-democracy', ' m a s s - c o m m u n i c a t i o n ' a n d others.
H e r e , I t h i n k , lies a central and very d i f f i c u l t issue w h i c h m o r e t h a n any o t h e r
needs r e v i s i o n .
Mass and Masses 19
Masses was a n e w w o r d f o r m o b , a n d i t is a very significant w o r d . I t seems

p r o b a b l e t h a t three social tendencies j o i n e d t o c o n f i r m its m e a n i n g . First,
there was t h e c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f p o p u l a t i o n i n t h e i n d u s t r i a l t o w n s , a physical
massing o f persons w h i c h t h e great increase i n t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n accentuated,
and w h i c h has c o n t i n u e d w i t h c o n t i n u i n g u r b a n i z a t i o n . Second, there was
the c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f w o r k e r s i n t o factories: again, a physical massing, made
necessary b y m a c h i n e p r o d u c t i o n ; also, a social massing, i n t h e w o r k - r e l a t i o n s
made necessary b y t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f large-scale collective p r o d u c t i o n .
T h i r d , there was t h e consequent d e v e l o p m e n t o f an organized a n d self-orga-
n i z i n g w o r k i n g class: a social a n d p o l i t i c a l massing. T h e masses, i n practice,
have been any o f these p a r t i c u l a r aggregates, a n d because t h e tendencies have
been i n t e r r e l a t e d , i t has been possible t o use t h e t e r m w i t h a certain unity.
A n d t h e n , o n t h e basis o f each tendency, t h e d e r i v e d ideas have arisen: f r o m
u r b a n i z a t i o n , t h e mass m e e t i n g ; f r o m t h e factory, i n p a r t i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e
w o r k e r s , b u t m a i n l y i n r e l a t i o n t o the things m a d e , m a s s - p r o d u c t i o n ; f r o m t h e
w o r k i n g class, mass-action. Yet, masses was a n e w w o r d f o r m o b , a n d t h e t r a -
d i t i o n a l characteristics o f t h e m o b w e r e retained i n its significance: g u l l i b i l i t y ,
fickleness, h e r d - p r e j u d i c e , lowness o f taste a n d h a b i t . T h e masses, o n this evi-
dence, f o r m e d t h e p e r p e t u a l threat t o c u l t u r e . M a s s - t h i n k i n g , mass-sugges-
t i o n , mass-prejudice w o u l d threaten t o s w a m p considered i n d i v i d u a l t h i n k i n g
a n d feeling. Even democracy, w h i c h h a d b o t h a classical a n d a l i b e r a l r e p u t a -
t i o n , w o u l d lose its savour i n b e c o m i n g mass-democracy.
Now mass-democracy, t o take t h e latest example, can be either an observa-
t i o n o r a p r e j u d i c e ; sometimes, i n d e e d , i t is b o t h . As an o b s e r v a t i o n , t h e t e r m
d r a w s a t t e n t i o n t o certain p r o b l e m s o f a m o d e r n democratic society w h i c h
c o u l d n o t have been foreseen b y its early partisans. T h e existence o f immense-
ly p o w e r f u l m e d i a o f m a s s - c o m m u n i c a t i o n is at t h e heart o f these p r o b l e m s ,
for t h r o u g h these p u b l i c o p i n i o n has been observably m o u l d e d a n d d i r e c t e d ,
o f t e n b y questionable means, o f t e n f o r questionable ends. I shall discuss this
issue separately, i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e n e w means o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n .
But t h e t e r m mass-democracy is also, evidently, a prejudice. Democracy, as i n
E n g l a n d w e have i n t e r p r e t e d i t , is m a j o r i t y rule. T h e means t o this, i n represen-
t a t i o n a n d f r e e d o m o f expression, are generally a p p r o v e d . But, w i t h universal
suffrage, m a j o r i t y rule w i l l , i f w e believe i n the existence o f the masses, be mass-
rule. Further, i f t h e masses are, essentially, the m o b , democracy w i l l be m o b -
rule. T h i s w i l l h a r d l y be g o o d government, o r a g o o d society; i t w i l l , rather, be
the r u l e o f lowness o r mediocrity. A t this p o i n t , w h i c h i t is evidently very satisfy-
i n g t o some t h i n k e r s t o reach, i t is necessary t o ask again: w h o are t h e masses?
I n practice, i n o u r society and i n this context, they can h a r d l y be other t h a n the
w o r k i n g people. B u t i f this is so, i t is clear that w h a t is i n question is n o t o n l y
gullibility, fickleness, herd-prejudice, o r lowness o f taste a n d habit. I t is also,
f r o m t h e o p e n r e c o r d , the declared i n t e n t i o n o f the w o r k i n g people t o alter
society, i n m a n y o f its aspects, i n ways w h i c h those t o w h o m the franchise was
f o r m e r l y restricted deeply disapprove. I t seems t o m e , w h e n this is considered,
t h a t w h a t is b e i n g questioned is n o t mass-democracy, b u t democracy. I f a

m a j o r i t y can be achieved i n favour o f these changes, t h e democratic c r i t e r i o n
is satisfied. B u t i f y o u disapprove o f the changes y o u can, i t seems, a v o i d o p e n
o p p o s i t i o n t o democracy as such b y i n v e n t i n g a n e w category, mass-democra-
cy, w h i c h is n o t such a g o o d t h i n g at a l l . T h e submerged opposite is class-
democracy, w h e r e democracy w i l l merely describe t h e processes b y w h i c h a
r u l i n g class conducts its business o f r u l i n g . Yet democracy, as i n t e r p r e t e d i n
E n g l a n d i n this century, does n o t mean this. So, i f change reaches t h e p o i n t
w h e r e i t deeply h u r t s a n d cannot be accepted, either democracy m u s t be
d e n i e d o r refuge t a k e n i n a n e w t e r m o f o p p r o b r i u m . I t is clear t h a t this c o n -
f u s i o n o f t h e issue cannot be t o l e r a t e d . Masses = m a j o r i t y cannot be glibly
equated w i t h masses = m o b .
A d i f f i c u l t y arises here w i t h t h e w h o l e concept o f masses. H e r e , most
urgently, w e have t o r e t u r n the meanings t o experience. O u r n o r m a l p u b l i c
c o n c e p t i o n o f an i n d i v i d u a l p e r s o n , f o r example, is 'the m a n i n t h e street'. B u t
n o b o d y feels h i m s e l f t o be o n l y t h e m a n i n t h e street; w e all k n o w m u c h m o r e
a b o u t ourselves t h a n t h a t . T h e m a n i n t h e street is a collective image, b u t w e
k n o w , a l l t h e t i m e , o u r o w n difference f r o m h i m . I t is t h e same w i t h ' t h e p u b -
lic', w h i c h includes us, b u t yet is n o t us. 'Masses' is a l i t t l e m o r e c o m p l i c a t e d ,
yet similar. I d o n o t t h i n k o f m y relatives, friends, neighbours, colleagues,
acquaintances, as masses; w e none o f us can o r d o . T h e masses are always t h e
others, w h o m w e d o n ' t k n o w , a n d can't k n o w . Yet n o w , i n o u r k i n d o f society,
we see these others regularly, i n t h e i r m y r i a d v a r i a t i o n s ; stand, physically,
beside t h e m . T h e y are here, and w e are here w i t h t h e m . A n d t h a t w e are w i t h
t h e m is o f course t h e w h o l e p o i n t . T o other people, w e also are masses.
Masses are o t h e r people.
T h e r e are i n fact n o masses; there are o n l y ways o f seeing people as mass-
es. I n a n u r b a n i n d u s t r i a l society there are m a n y o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r such ways
o f seeing. T h e p o i n t is n o t t o reiterate t h e objective c o n d i t i o n s b u t t o consid-
er, p e r s o n a l l y a n d collectively, w h a t these have d o n e t o o u r t h i n k i n g . T h e
fact is, surely, t h a t a w a y o f seeing o t h e r people w h i c h has become character-
istic o f o u r k i n d o f society, has been capitalized f o r t h e purposes o f p o l i t i c a l
or c u l t u r a l e x p l o i t a t i o n . W h a t w e see, neutrally, is o t h e r p e o p l e , m a n y o t h -
ers, p e o p l e u n k n o w n t o us. I n practice, w e mass t h e m , a n d i n t e r p r e t t h e m ,
a c c o r d i n g t o some c o n v e n i e n t f o r m u l a . W i t h i n its t e r m s , t h e f o r m u l a w i l l
h o l d . Yet i t is t h e f o r m u l a , n o t t h e mass, w h i c h i t is o u r real business t o
e x a m i n e . I t m a y h e l p us t o d o this i f w e r e m e m b e r t h a t w e ourselves are a l l
the t i m e b e i n g massed b y others. T o t h e degree t h a t w e f i n d t h e f o r m u l a
inadequate f o r ourselves, w e can w i s h t o e x t e n d t o others t h e courtesy o f
acknowledging the u n k n o w n .
I have m e n t i o n e d the p o l i t i c a l f o r m u l a by means o f w h i c h i t seems possible
to c o n v e r t t h e m a j o r i t y o f one's f e l l o w h u m a n beings i n t o masses, a n d thence
i n t o s o m e t h i n g t o be hated o r feared. I w i s h n o w t o examine another f o r m u l a ,
w h i c h underlies t h e idea o f m a s s - c o m m u n i c a t i o n .
Mass and Masses 21
Mass-communication
T h e n e w means o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n represent a m a j o r technical advance. T h e
oldest, a n d still t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t , is p r i n t i n g , w h i c h has itself passed
t h r o u g h m a j o r technical changes, i n p a r t i c u l a r the c o m i n g o f the s t e a m - d r i v e n
m a c h i n e press i n 1 8 1 1 , a n d the d e v e l o p m e n t o f ever faster c y l i n d e r a n d r o t a r y
presses f r o m 1 8 1 5 . T h e m a j o r advances i n t r a n s p o r t , b y r o a d , r a i l , sea, a n d
air, themselves greatly affected p r i n t i n g : at once i n the c o l l e c t i o n o f news a n d
i n t h e w i d e a n d q u i c k d i s t r i b u t i o n o f the p r i n t e d p r o d u c t . T h e d e v e l o p m e n t
o f t h e cable, t e l e g r a p h , a n d telephone services even m o r e r e m a r k a b l y f a c i l i t a t -
ed the c o l l e c t i o n o f news. T h e n , as n e w m e d i a , came s o u n d broadcasting, t h e
cinema, and television.
We need t o l o o k again at these f a m i l i a r factual elements i f w e are t o be able
adequately t o r e v i e w the idea o f ' m a s s - c o m m u n i c a t i o n ' w h i c h is t h e i r p r o d u c t .
I n s u m , these changes have given us m o r e a n d n o r m a l l y cheaper b o o k s , maga-
zines, a n d newspapers; m o r e bills a n d posters; broadcasting a n d television
p r o g r a m m e s ; v a r i o u s k i n d s o f f i l m . I t w o u l d be d i f f i c u l t , I t h i n k , t o express a
s i m p l e a n d d e f i n i t e j u d g e m e n t o f value a b o u t a l l these very v a r i e d p r o d u c t s ,
yet they are a l l things t h a t need t o be v a l u e d . M y question is w h e t h e r the idea
o f ' m a s s - c o m m u n i c a t i o n ' is a useful f o r m u l a f o r this.
T w o p r e l i m i n a r y p o i n t s are e v i d e n t : first, t h a t there is a general tendency t o
confuse t h e techniques themselves w i t h t h e uses t o w h i c h , i n a given society,
t h e y have been p u t ; second, t h a t , i n c o n s i d e r i n g these uses, o u r a r g u m e n t is
c o m m o n l y selective, at times t o an e x t r e m e degree.
T h e techniques, i n m y view, are at w o r s t n e u t r a l . T h e o n l y substantial objec-
t i o n t h a t is made t o t h e m is that they are relatively i m p e r s o n a l , by c o m p a r i s o n
w i t h o l d e r techniques serving t h e same ends. W h e r e the theatre presented
actors, the cinema presents the photographs o f actors. W h e r e the m e e t i n g p r e -
sented a m a n speaking, the wireless presents a voice, o r television a voice a n d a
p h o t o g r a p h . Points o f this k i n d are relevant, b u t need t o be carefully made. I t
is n o t relevant t o contrast an evening spent w a t c h i n g television w i t h an evening
spent i n c o n v e r s a t i o n , a l t h o u g h this is o f t e n done. T h e r e is, I believe, n o f o r m
o f social a c t i v i t y w h i c h t h e use o f these techniques has replaced. A t most, by
a d d i n g alternatives, they have a l l o w e d altered emphases i n t h e t i m e given t o
p a r t i c u l a r activities. B u t these alterations are obviously c o n d i t i o n e d , n o t o n l y
by the techniques, b u t m a i n l y by the w h o l e circumstances o f the c o m m o n life.
T h e p o i n t a b o u t i m p e r s o n a l i t y o f t e n carries a l u d i c r o u s rider. I t is supposed,
f o r instance, t h a t i t is a n o b j e c t i o n t o listening t o wireless talks o r discussions
t h a t t h e listener c a n n o t answer t h e speakers back. But the s i t u a t i o n is that o f
almost any reader; p r i n t i n g , after a l l , was the first great impersonal m e d i u m . I t
is as easy t o send an answer t o a broadcast speaker o r a newspaper e d i t o r as t o
send o n e t o a c o n t e m p o r a r y a u t h o r ; b o t h are very m u c h easier t h a n t o t r y
t o answer A r i s t o t l e , B u r k e , o r M a r x . W e fail t o realize, i n this matter, that
m u c h o f w h a t w e call c o m m u n i c a t i o n is, necessarily, n o m o r e i n itself t h a n
transmission: that is t o say, a one-way sending. Reception a n d response, w h i c h

complete c o m m u n i c a t i o n , depend o n other factors t h a n the techniques.
W h a t can be observed as a fact about t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f these techniques
is a steady g r o w t h o f w h a t I propose t o call multiple transmission. The
p r i n t e d b o o k is t h e first great m o d e l o f this, a n d the other techniques have
f o l l o w e d . T h e n e w factor, i n o u r society, is an expansion o f the p o t e n t i a l a u d i -
ence f o r such transmissions, so great as t o present n e w kinds o f p r o b l e m . Yet
i t is clear t h a t i t is n o t t o this expansion that w e can p r o p e r l y object, at least
w i t h o u t c o m m i t t i n g ourselves t o some rather extraordinary politics. T h e
expansion o f t h e audience is due t o t w o factors: first, t h e g r o w t h o f general
e d u c a t i o n , w h i c h has accompanied t h e g r o w t h o f democracy; second, t h e
technical i m p r o v e m e n t s themselves. I t is interesting, i n t h e l i g h t o f the earlier
discussion o f 'masses', that this expansion s h o u l d have been i n t e r p r e t e d b y t h e
phrase 'mass-communication'.
A speaker o r w r i t e r , addressing a l i m i t e d audience, is o f t e n able t o get t o
k n o w this audience w e l l e n o u g h t o feel a d i r e c t l y personal relationship w i t h
t h e m w h i c h can affect his m o d e o f address. Once this audience has been
e x p a n d e d , as w i t h e v e r y t h i n g f r o m b o o k s t o televised parlour-games i t has
been e x p a n d e d , this is clearly impossible. I t w o u l d be rash, however, t o
assume t h a t this is necessarily t o his a n d the audience's disadvantage. Certain
types o f address, n o t a b l y serious art, a r g u m e n t , a n d e x p o s i t i o n , seem i n d e e d
t o be distinguished b y a q u a l i t y o f i m p e r s o n a l i t y w h i c h enables t h e m frequent-
ly t o survive their i m m e d i a t e occasion. H o w far this u l t i m a t e i m p e r s o n a l i t y
may be dependent o n a close i m m e d i a t e relationship is i n fact very d i f f i c u l t t o
assess. B u t i t is always u n l i k e l y that any such speaker o r w r i t e r w i l l use, as a
m o d e l f o r c o m m u n i c a t i o n , any concept so crude as 'masses'. T h e idea o f
mass-communication, i t w o u l d seem, depends very m u c h m o r e o n t h e i n t e n -
t i o n o f the speaker o r w r i t e r , t h a n o n t h e particular technique e m p l o y e d .
A speaker o r w r i t e r w h o k n o w s , at t h e t i m e o f his address, that i t w i l l reach
almost i m m e d i a t e l y several m i l l i o n persons, is faced w i t h an obviously d i f f i -
c u l t p r o b l e m o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Yet, whatever t h e d i f f i c u l t y , a g o o d speaker o r
w r i t e r w i l l be conscious o f his i m m e d i a t e responsibility t o t h e matter being
c o m m u n i c a t e d . H e cannot, i n d e e d , feel otherwise, i f he is conscious o f h i m -
self as t h e source o f a particular transmission. H i s task is t h e adequate expres-
sion o f this source, w h e t h e r i t be o f feeling, o p i n i o n , o r i n f o r m a t i o n . H e w i l l
use f o r this expression t h e c o m m o n language, t o t h e l i m i t o f his p a r t i c u l a r
s k i l l . T h a t this expression is t h e n given m u l t i p l e transmission is a next stage,
o f w h i c h he may w e l l be conscious, b u t w h i c h cannot, o f its nature, affect t h e
source. T h e d i f f i c u l t i e s o f expressing this source - d i f f i c u l t i e s o f c o m m o n
experience, c o n v e n t i o n , a n d language - are certainly always his c o n c e r n . B u t
the source c a n n o t i n any event be denied, o r he denies himself.
Now i f , o n this p e r e n n i a l p r o b l e m o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n , w e impose t h e idea
o f masses, w e radically alter t h e p o s i t i o n . T h e c o n c e p t i o n o f persons as masses
springs, n o t f r o m an i n a b i l i t y t o k n o w t h e m , b u t f r o m an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f
Mass and Masses 23
t h e m a c c o r d i n g t o a f o r m u l a . H e r e t h e question o f the i n t e n t i o n o f the trans-

m i s s i o n makes its decisive r e t u r n . O u r f o r m u l a can be t h a t o f t h e r a t i o n a l
b e i n g speaking o u r language. I t can be t h a t o f the interested being s h a r i n g o u r
c o m m o n experience. O r - a n d i t is here t h a t 'masses' w i l l operate - i t can be
t h a t o f the m o b : g u l l i b l e , f i c k l e , h e r d - l i k e , l o w i n taste a n d habit. T h e f o r m u -
la, i n fact, w i l l p r o c e e d f r o m o u r i n t e n t i o n . I f o u r p u r p o s e is art, e d u c a t i o n ,
the g i v i n g o f i n f o r m a t i o n o r o p i n i o n , o u r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n w i l l be i n terms o f the
r a t i o n a l a n d interested b e i n g . I f , o n t h e other h a n d , o u r purpose is m a n i p u l a -
t i o n - t h e persuasion o f a large n u m b e r o f people t o act, feel, t h i n k , k n o w , i n
certain ways - the c o n v e n i e n t f o r m u l a w i l l be that o f the masses.
T h e r e is a n i m p o r t a n t d i s t i n c t i o n t o be d r a w n here between source a n d
agent. A m a n o f f e r i n g a n o p i n i o n , a p r o p o s a l , a feeling, o f course n o r m a l l y
desires t h a t o t h e r persons w i l l accept this, a n d act o r feel i n t h e ways t h a t he
defines. Yet such a m a n m a y be p r o p e r l y described as a source, i n d i s t i n c t i o n
f r o m a n agent, whose characteristic is that his expression is s u b o r d i n a t e d t o an
u n d e c l a r e d i n t e n t i o n . H e is an agent, a n d n o t a source, because t h e i n t e n t i o n
lies elsewhere. I n social terms, t h e agent w i l l n o r m a l l y i n fact be a subordinate
- o f a g o v e r n m e n t , a c o m m e r c i a l f i r m , a newspaper p r o p r i e t o r . Agency, i n t h e
simple sense, is necessary i n any c o m p l e x a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . But i t is always d a n -
gerous unless its f u n c t i o n a n d i n t e n t i o n are n o t o n l y o p e n l y declared b u t c o m -
m o n l y a p p r o v e d a n d c o n t r o l l e d . I f this is so, t h e agent becomes a collective
source, a n d he w i l l observe the standards o f such expression i f w h a t he is
r e q u i r e d t o t r a n s m i t is such that he can w h o l l y acknowledge a n d accept i t - r e -
create i t i n his o w n person. W h e r e he cannot thus accept i t f o r himself, b u t
a l l o w s h i m s e l f t o be persuaded t h a t i t is i n a f i t f o r m f o r others - presumably
i n f e r i o r s - a n d t h a t i t is his business merely t o see that i t reaches t h e m effec-
tively, t h e n he is i n t h e bad sense an agent, a n d w h a t he is d o i n g is i n f e r i o r t o
t h a t d o n e b y t h e poorest k i n d o f source. A n y practical denial o f t h e r e l a t i o n
between c o n v i c t i o n a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n , between experience a n d expression, is
m o r a l l y d a m a g i n g alike t o the i n d i v i d u a l a n d t o the c o m m o n language.
Yet i t is certainly t r u e , i n o u r society, that m a n y m e n , m a n y o f t h e m i n t e l l i -
gent, accept, w h e t h e r i n g o o d o r bad f a i t h , so dubious a r o l e a n d activity. T h e
acceptance i n b a d f a i t h is a matter f o r t h e law, a l t h o u g h w e have n o t y e t gone
very far i n w o r k i n g o u t this necessary c o m m o n c o n t r o l . T h e acceptance i n
g o o d f a i t h , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , is a matter o f c u l t u r e . I t w o u l d clearly n o t be
possible unless i t appeared t o be r a t i f i e d b y a c o n c e p t i o n o f society w h i c h rele-
gates t h e m a j o r i t y o f its members t o mob-status. T h e idea o f t h e masses is an
expression o f this c o n c e p t i o n , a n d the idea o f mass-communication a c o m m e n t
o n its f u n c t i o n i n g . T h i s is t h e real danger t o democracy, n o t the existence o f
effective a n d p o w e r f u l means o f m u l t i p l e transmission. I t is less a p r o d u c t o f
d e m o c r a c y t h a n its d e n i a l , s p r i n g i n g f r o m that h a l f - w o r l d o f feeling i n w h i c h
we are i n v i t e d t o have o u r being. W h e r e the p r i n c i p l e o f democracy is accept-
ed, a n d yet its f u l l a n d active practice feared, the m i n d is l u l l e d i n t o an acquies-
cence, w h i c h is y e t n o t so complete that a f i t f u l conscience, a defensive i r o n y ,
cannot visit i t . ' D e m o c r a c y w o u l d be all r i g h t / w e can come t o say, ' i t is indeed

w h a t w e personally w o u l d prefer, i f i t were n o t f o r the actual people. So, i n a
g o o d cause i f w e can f i n d i t , i n some other i f w e can n o t , w e w i l l t r y t o get
by at a level o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n w h i c h o u r experience a n d t r a i n i n g tell us is
i n f e r i o r . Since t h e people are as they are, the t h i n g w i l l d o . ' B u t i t is as w e l l t o
face t h e fact that w h a t w e are really d o i n g , i n such a case, is t o cheapen o u r
o w n experience a n d t o adulterate the c o m m o n language.
Mass-observation
Yet t h e people are as they are, the o b j e c t i o n is r e t u r n e d . O f course t h e masses
are o n l y o t h e r p e o p l e , y e t m o s t other people are, o n t h e evidence, a m o b . I n
p r i n c i p l e , w e w o u l d w i s h i t n o t t o be so; i n practice, t h e evidence is clear.
T h i s is t h e negative side o f the idea o f mass-communication. Its evidence is
collected under t h e title o f mass-culture, o r popular culture. I t is i m p o r t a n t evi-
dence, a n d m u c h o f i t is i n c o n t r o v e r t i b l e . There remains, however, the question
o f its i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . I have said that o u r arguments o n this matter are n o r m a l l y
selective, o f t e n t o an extreme degree. I w i l l t r y n o w t o illustrate this.
We are faced w i t h t h e fact that there is n o w a great deal o f b a d a r t , b a d
e n t e r t a i n m e n t , b a d j o u r n a l i s m , b a d advertisement, b a d a r g u m e n t . W e are n o t
l i k e l y t o be d i v e r t e d f r o m this c o n c l u s i o n b y t h e usual diversionary arguments.
M u c h t h a t w e judge t o be b a d is k n o w n t o be b a d b y its producers. A s k any
j o u r n a l i s t , o r a n y c o p y w r i t e r , i f he w i l l n o w accept that famous d e f i n i t i o n :
' w r i t t e n b y m o r o n s f o r m o r o n s ' . W i l l he n o t r e p l y t h a t i n fact i t is w r i t t e n b y
s k i l l e d a n d i n t e l l i g e n t people f o r a p u b l i c that hasn't t h e t i m e , o r hasn't t h e
e d u c a t i o n , o r hasn't, let's face i t , t h e intelligence, t o read a n y t h i n g m o r e c o m -
plete, a n y t h i n g m o r e c a r e f u l , a n y t h i n g nearer t h e k n o w n canons o f e x p o s i t i o n
o r argument? H a d w e n o t better say, f o r simplicity, a n y t h i n g good? G o o d a n d
b a d are h a r d w o r d s , a n d w e c a n , o f course, f i n d easier ones. T h e s t r i p news-
paper, t h e beer advertisement, t h e detective n o v e l - i t is n o t exactly t h a t they
are g o o d , b u t they are g o o d o f t h e i r (possibly bad) k i n d ; they have t h e merits
at least o f b e i n g b r i g h t , attractive, p o p u l a r . Yet, clearly, t h e strip newspaper
has t o be c o m p a r e d w i t h o t h e r k i n d s o f newspaper; t h e beer advertisement
w i t h o t h e r k i n d s o f d e s c r i p t i o n o f a p r o d u c t ; t h e detective n o v e l w i t h other
novels. By these standards - n o t by reference t o some ideal quality, b u t b y ref-
erence t o t h e best things t h a t m e n exercising this faculty have done o r are
d o i n g - w e are n o t l i k e l y t o d o u b t that a great deal o f w h a t is n o w p r o d u c e d ,
and w i d e l y s o l d , is m e d i o c r e o r bad.
But this is said t o be p o p u l a r c u l t u r e . T h e d e s c r i p t i o n has a ready-made his-
t o r i c a l thesis. A f t e r t h e E d u c a t i o n A c t o f 1 8 7 0 , a n e w mass-public came i n t o
b e i n g , literate b u t u n t r a i n e d i n r e a d i n g , l o w i n taste a n d habit. T h e mass-cul-
t u r e f o l l o w e d as a matter o f course. I t h i n k always, w h e n I hear this thesis, o f
an earlier o n e , f r o m t h e second h a l f o f the eighteenth century. T h e n , t h e deci-
sive date w a s between 1 7 3 0 a n d 1 7 4 0 , a n d w h a t h a d emerged, w i t h t h e
Mass and Masses 25
advance o f t h e m i d d l e classes t o prosperity, was a n e w middle-class r e a d i n g

p u b l i c . T h e i m m e d i a t e result was t h a t vulgar p h e n o m e n o n , t h e n o v e l . As a
m a t t e r o f fact there is i n b o t h theses a considerable element o f t r u t h . I f t h e
f o r m e r is n o t n o w so c o m m o n l y m e n t i o n e d , i t is o n l y because i t w o u l d be
indiscreet, i n a s i t u a t i o n w h e r e ' g o o d ' a n d ' m i d d l e class' are equivalent terms.
A n d o f course w e can p r o p e r l y see t h e earlier s i t u a t i o n i n its t r u e perspective.
We can see t h a t w h a t t h e rise o f the m i d d l e classes p r o d u c e d was n o t o n l y t h e
n o v e l b u t m a n y o t h e r things g o o d a n d bad. Further, n o w t h a t t h e bad novels
are a l l o u t o f p r i n t , a n d t h e g o o d ones are a m o n g o u r classics, w e see t h a t t h e
n o v e l itself, w h i l e c e r t a i n l y a p h e n o m e n o n , cannot be l i g h t l y dismissed as v u l -
gar. O f t h e s i t u a t i o n after 1 8 7 0 w e are n o t able t o speak so clearly. F o r o n e
t h i n g , since t h e emergence as a w h o l e still divides us, w e can resent t h e c u l t u r -
al s i t u a t i o n f o r p o l i t i c a l reasons a n d n o t realize this. For another, since t h e
p e r i o d has n o t fallen i n t o settled history, w e can be m u c h m o r e subjective i n
o u r selection o f evidence.
1870 is i n fact very questionable as a decisive date. There h a d been w i d e -
spread literacy m u c h earlier t h a n this, the bad p o p u l a r press is i n fact also e a r l i -
er. T h e result o f the n e w educational p r o v i s i o n was i n p a r t a n actual increase i n
literacy, i n p a r t an evening-up between t h e f o r t u n a t e places a n d t h e u n f o r t u -
nate. T h e increase is certainly large enough t o be i m p o r t a n t , b u t i t was n o k i n d
o f sudden o p e n i n g o f the flood-gates. I n itself, i t is far f r o m enough t o account
f o r the i n s t i t u t i o n o f the n o w characteristic features o f p o p u l a r c u l t u r e .
Further, w e need t o remember that t h e n e w i n s t i t u t i o n s were n o t p r o d u c e d
by t h e w o r k i n g people themselves. T h e y w e r e , rather, p r o d u c e d f o r t h e m b y
others, o f t e n (as most n o t a b l y w i t h the cheap newspaper a n d c o m m e r c i a l
advertisement o n a large scale) f o r conscious p o l i t i c a l o r c o m m e r c i a l advan-
tage. Such things i n this sphere as the w o r k i n g people p r o d u c e d f o r themselves
(radical newspapers, p o l i t i c a l pamphlets a n d publicity, t r a d e - u n i o n banners a n d
designs) w e r e , i f by n o means always g o o d , at least quite d i f f e r e n t i n i m p o r t a n t
respects. A g a i n , i t is w r o n g t o see t h e n e w i n s t i t u t i o n s as catering o n l y f o r t h e
n e w class. T h e n e w types o f newspaper a n d advertisement w e r e a n d are m u c h
m o r e w i d e l y received. I f the masses are t o be d e f i n e d as those f o r w h o m these
i n s t i t u t i o n s n o w cater, a n d by w h o m they are n o w received w i t h apparent satis-
f a c t i o n , t h e n t h e masses e x t e n d far b e y o n d the categories o f , say, t h e m a n u a l
w o r k e r s , o r those whose education has been restricted t o an elementary stage. I
m a k e this p o i n t because 'masses = w o r k i n g a n d l o w e r - m i d d l e class' is so c o m -
m o n l y confused w i t h 'masses = m o b ' . T h e m o b , i f there is o n e , is at almost
everyone's e l b o w ; i t may, i n d e e d , be even nearer t h a n that.
A n d i f this is so o f t h e n e w newspapers a n d advertisements, i t is even m o r e
t r u e o f the o t h e r b a d w o r k w h i c h has been n o t e d , i n t h e n o v e l , i n t h e theatre,
i n t h e c i n e m a , i n t h e wireless a n d television programmes. I f , i n this k i n d o f
e n t e r t a i n m e n t , there has been a c o n t i n u a l decline o f standards, t h e n i t is n o t
f r o m 1 8 7 0 t h a t w e shall date t h i s , b u t at least f r o m 1 7 4 0 . A s a matter o f fact, I
see l i t t l e evidence w h y t h e b a c k w a r d d a t i n g s h o u l d stop there, b u t t h e n I a m
not so sure about the c o n t i n u a l decline i n standards. T h e m u l t i p l i c a t i o n o f

transmission, a n d the discovery o f p o w e r f u l media, seem t o me m a i n l y t o have
emphasized a n d made m o r e evident certain long-standing tastes a n d means o f
satisfying t h e m . I shall r e t u r n t o this p o i n t w h e n I have made a f u r t h e r obser-
v a t i o n a b o u t o u r practices o f selection.
I n the matter o f selection, there are t w o m a i n points. First, i t is clear that i n
an anxiety t o p r o v e their case, w h i c h is indeed an i m p o r t a n t one i f the badness
is n o t t o go unchallenged, the c o n t e m p o r a r y historians o f p o p u l a r culture have
t e n d e d t o concentrate o n w h a t is bad a n d t o neglect w h a t is g o o d . I f there are
m a n y b a d books, there are also an i m p o r t a n t n u m b e r o f g o o d books, a n d
these, l i k e the b a d books, circulate m u c h m o r e w i d e l y t h a n i n any previous
p e r i o d . I f the readers o f bad newspapers have increased i n n u m b e r , so have the
readers o f better newspapers and periodicals, so have the users o f p u b l i c
libraries, so have students i n all kinds o f f o r m a l and i n f o r m a l adult education.
T h e audiences for serious music, opera, a n d ballet have increased, i n some
cases t o a remarkable degree. Attendances at museums a n d e x h i b i t i o n s have, i n
general, steadily risen. A significant p r o p o r t i o n o f w h a t is seen i n the cinemas,
and o f w h a t is heard o n the wireless, is w o r k o f m e r i t . I n every case, certainly,
the p r o p o r t i o n s are less t h a n w e c o u l d desire, but they are n o t negligible.
Secondly, i t is i m p o r t a n t t o remember t h a t , i n j u d g i n g a c u l t u r e , i t is n o t
e n o u g h t o concentrate o n habits w h i c h coincide w i t h those o f the observer. T o
the h i g h l y literate observer there is always a t e m p t a t i o n t o assume that read-
i n g plays as large a p a r t i n the lives o f most people as i t does i n his o w n . But i f
he compares his o w n k i n d o f r e a d i n g w i t h the reading-matter that is most
w i d e l y d i s t r i b u t e d , he is n o t really c o m p a r i n g levels o f c u l t u r e . H e is, i n fact,
c o m p a r i n g w h a t is p r o d u c e d f o r people t o w h o m r e a d i n g is a major a c t i v i t y
w i t h t h a t p r o d u c e d f o r people t o w h o m i t is, at best, m i n o r . To the degree
that he acquires a substantial p r o p o r t i o n o f his ideas a n d feelings f r o m w h a t
he reads he w i l l assume, again w r o n g l y , that the ideas a n d feelings o f the
m a j o r i t y w i l l be s i m i l a r l y c o n d i t i o n e d . B u t , f o r g o o d o r i l l , the m a j o r i t y o f
people d o n o t yet give reading this i m p o r t a n c e i n their lives; t h e i r ideas a n d
feelings are, t o a large extent, still m o u l d e d by a w i d e r a n d m o r e c o m p l e x pat-
t e r n o f social a n d f a m i l y l i f e . T h e r e is an evident danger o f d e l u s i o n , t o the
h i g h l y literate person, i f he supposes that he can judge the q u a l i t y o f general
l i v i n g by p r i m a r y reference t o the reading artifacts. H e w i l l , i n particular, be
d r i v e n t o this delusion i f he retains, even i n its most benevolent f o r m , the c o n -
cept o f the m a j o r i t y o f other people as 'masses', w h o m he observes as a k i n d
o f b l o c k . T h e e r r o r resembles that o f the n a r r o w r e f o r m e r w h o supposes that
f a r m labourers a n d village craftsmen were once uneducated, m e r e l y because
they c o u l d n o t read. M a n y h i g h l y educated people have, i n fact, been so d r i -
ven i n o n t h e i r r e a d i n g , as a stabilizing h a b i t , that they fail t o notice that there
are o t h e r f o r m s o f s k i l l e d , i n t e l l i g e n t , creative activity: n o t o n l y the cognate
f o r m s o f theatre, concert, a n d picture-gallery; b u t a w h o l e range o f general
skills, f r o m g a r d e n i n g , m e t a l w o r k , a n d carpentry t o active politics. The
Mass and Masses 27
c o n t e m p t f o r m a n y o f these activities, w h i c h is always latent i n the h i g h l y l i t -

erate, is a m a r k o f the observers' l i m i t s , n o t those o f the activities themselves.
N e g l e c t o f the e x t r a o r d i n a r y p o p u l a r i t y o f m a n y o f these activities, as evi-
dence o f the q u a l i t y o f l i v i n g i n c o n t e m p o r a r y society, is the result o f partisan
selection f o r the reasons g i v e n .
T h i s p o i n t comes t o be o f particular i m p o r t a n c e w h e n w e remember that the
general tendency o f m o d e r n development has been t o b r i n g many m o r e levels o f
culture w i t h i n the general c o n t e x t o f literacy t h a n was ever previously the case.
A n u m b e r o f tastes w h i c h w o u l d f o r m e r l y have been g r a t i f i e d i n pre-literate a n d
therefore largely u n r e c o r d e d ways are n o w catered for a n d even fostered i n
p r i n t . O r , t o p u t i t i n another way, the historical counterpart o f a m o d e r n p o p u -
lar newspaper, i n its i n f o r m i n g f u n c t i o n , is n o t an earlier m i n o r i t y newspaper,
b u t that c o m p l e x o f r u m o u r a n d travellers' tales w h i c h then served the m a j o r i t y
w i t h news o f a k i n d . T h i s is n o t t o surrender the finest literacy w e have, w h i c h
at all times offers a standard for the n e w l y literate functions. But, equally, t o
l o o k at the matter i n this w a y helps us t o keep a just sense o f p r o p o r t i o n .
Questions
1 The extract traces a number of meanings which have historically developed and
condensed around the word 'mass'. According to Williams, what are the princi-
pal ideas and values that have been associated with the term?
2 Is the idea or spectre of 'the mass' still a popular way of thinking about aspects
of modem life and experience? List a number of terms which are commonly pre-
fixed with 'mass' and think about their common or distinctive features. What
judgements are implied by the term?
3 How are the notions of mass media and mass communication implicated in
such debates, judgements and values? Can you think of any recent relevant
examples? Does it make sense to talk of a mass medium or of the mass media?
What are the alternatives?
Further reading
Eldridge, J. and Eldridge, L. 1994: Raymond Williams: making connections. London:
Routledge.
Gray, A . and McGuigan, J. (eds.) 1993: Studying culture: an introductory reader.
London: Edward A r n o l d .
Inglis, E 1995: Raymond Williams. London: Routledge.
LeMahieu, D . H . 1986: A culture for democracy. O x f o r d : O x f o r d University Press.
Lury, C. 1992: Popular culture and the mass media. In Bocock, R. and Thompson, K.
(eds.), Social and cultural forms of modernity. Cambridge: Polity.
McGuigan, J. 1992: Cultural populism. London: Routledge.
Williams, R. 1974/1990: Television: technology and cultural form. London: Fontana.
Williams, R. 1976: Keywords: a vocabulary of culture and society. London: Fontana.
3
Mass Communication and Modern Culture
John B. Thompson
From Sociology 22(3), 359-83 (1988)
In this reading, Thompson initially focuses on the impact of systems of mass commun-
ication on modern cultural life and experience. His overall aim in the original article was
to argue for the centrality of the study of the media and modern culture in a fully
developed sociological understanding of modernity and modern conditions. Fundamental
to his approach is a view of the modern media as key ideological agencies in modern
society, powerfully implicated in the production and circulation of symbols, images,
values and ideas.
The extract commences with some ideas about the place and presence of the media in
modern times, then proceeds to the central question concerning the relationship between
social and historical development in general, and the expansion of the institutions and sys-
tems capable of mass cultural transmission, the 'mass' media. Thompson suggests that
the growth of 'mass communication' in the modern period has seen several distinctive and
important developments which distinguish it from face-to-face, direct forms of interperson-
al communication. Finally, the extract outlines three aspects or components of mass com-
munication, which provide a useful and applicable 'map' with which to chart and develop
approaches to studying the media.
Few people w o u l d deny that t h e nature o f c u l t u r a l experience i n m o d e r n soci-

eties has been p r o f o u n d l y affected b y t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f mass c o m m u n i c a -
tion.. B o o k s , magazines a n d newspapers, r a d i o , television a n d cinema, records,
tapes a n d videos: these a n d other f o r m s o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n occupy a cen-
t r a l r o l e i n o u r lives, p r o v i d i n g us w i t h a c o n t i n u o u s f l o w o f i n f o r m a t i o n a n d
e n t e r t a i n m e n t . N e w s p a p e r s , r a d i o a n d television are major sources o f i n f o r -
m a t i o n , ideas a n d images c o n c e r n i n g events w h i c h take place b e y o n d o u r
i m m e d i a t e social m i l i e u . T h e figures w h o feature i n f i l m s a n d p r o g r a m m e s
become c o m m o n p o i n t s o f reference i n a c u l t u r e w h i c h extends far b e y o n d
the sphere o f social i n t e r a c t i o n , w h i l e f i l m s , p r o g r a m m e s a n d other p r o d u c t s
f o r m a tissue o f shared experience a n d collective m e m o r y . Even those f o r m s
o f e n t e r t a i n m e n t w h i c h have existed for m a n y centuries, such as p o p u l a r
music a n d sports, are t o d a y inseparable f r o m the m e d i a o f mass c o m m u n i c a -
t i o n . Pop music, c o m p e t i t i v e sports a n d other activities are t o d a y sustained b y
the m e d i a industries, w h i c h are i n v o l v e d n o t merely i n t h e transmission o f
p r e - e x i s t i n g c u l t u r a l f o r m s b u t i n t h e i r creation a n d r e p r o d u c t i o n .
[...]
Mass Communication and Modern Culture 29
T h e modalities o f c u l t u r a l transmission i n m o d e r n societies have been p r o -

f o u n d l y affected b y the development o f institutions o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n .
T h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f these institutions - o f newspapers, b o o k publishers, b r o a d -
casting organizations, etc. - m a r k e d the emergence o f n e w forms o f i n f o r m a t i o n
d i f f u s i o n a n d c u l t u r a l transmission. T h e p r o d u c t i o n and circulation o f meaning-
f u l objects a n d expressions became increasingly mediated by industrial organiza-
tions concerned w i t h the c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n o f symbolic goods. Prior t o the
d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e p o p u l a r press a n d broadcasting, most c u l t u r a l f o r m s a n d
processes were p r o d u c e d a n d reproduced t h r o u g h o r a l language a n d face-to-
face i n t e r a c t i o n . W h i l e systems o f w r i t i n g have probably existed since the t h i r d
m i l l e n n i u m B.C., t h e practice o f reading a n d w r i t i n g has, for most o f the 5 , 0 0 0
years since t h e n , been restricted t o a small m i n o r i t y o f the p o p u l a t i o n . I t seems
l i k e l y that w r i t i n g was o r i g i n a l l y l i n k e d t o the task o f r e c o r d i n g i n f o r m a t i o n r e l -
evant t o trade a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ; i t was thus a means whereby p o w e r c o u l d be
exercised b y i n d i v i d u a l s engaged i n commerce a n d p o l i t i c a l r u l e . 1
W i t h the
d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e p r i n t i n g i n d u s t r y i n Europe i n the fifteenth a n d sixteenth
centuries, t h e capacity t o produce m u l t i p l e copies o f texts a n d documents was
r a p i d l y increased. I t is estimated that i n 1 5 8 0 as m a n y as 150 b o o k titles were
published i n E n g l a n d , c o m p a r e d t o o n l y 13 titles i n 1 5 1 0 . T h e development o f
2
the newspaper i n d u s t r y i n the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries significantly

extended t h e availability o f the w r i t t e n w o r d . T h e first daily newspaper i n
E n g l a n d , t h e Courant, appeared i n 1 7 0 2 ; the first Sunday newspaper, the
Sunday Monitor; appeared i n 1 7 7 9 . By 1 8 5 0 the estimated total circulation o f
the daily newspapers was a r o u n d 6 0 , 0 0 0 , w h i l e the estimated total circulation
o f t h e Sunday newspapers was a r o u n d 2 7 5 , 0 0 0 . As the levels o f illiteracy
declined i n England a n d elsewhere i n Europe d u r i n g the second half o f the nine-
teenth century, the c i r c u l a t i o n o f daily a n d Sunday newspapers steadily
increased. By t h e e n d o f the nineteenth century the leading daily paper i n
E n g l a n d , the Daily Telegraph, h a d a circulation o f a r o u n d 3 0 0 , 0 0 0 a n d the lead-
i n g Sunday paper, Lloyd's Weekly News, reached a circulation o f one m i l l i o n .
T h e g r o w t h o f t h e mass c i r c u l a t i o n newspapers c o n t i n u e d i n t o t h e t w e n t i -
eth century, a l t h o u g h this t r e n d has tapered o f f i n recent years. By 1 9 4 7 t h e
c i r c u l a t i o n o f Sunday papers i n B r i t a i n was 28.3 m i l l i o n a n d t h e c i r c u l a t i o n o f
n a t i o n a l m o r n i n g papers was 15.6 m i l l i o n . A f t e r 1 9 5 0 , however, t h e circula-
t i o n o f Sunday papers a n d n a t i o n a l m o r n i n g papers began t o decline; t h e cir-
c u l a t i o n o f t h e m o r n i n g papers fell f r o m a peak o f nearly 17 m i l l i o n i n 1 9 5 0
t o just over 14 m i l l i o n i n 1 9 7 5 . T h e decline i n newspaper c i r c u l a t i o n c o i n c i d -
ed w i t h t h e g r o w t h o f television as a m e d i u m o f mass communication.
Although experiments with television took place i n the late 1920s a n d
t h r o u g h o u t t h e 1930s, i t was n o t u n t i l after t h e Second W o r l d W a r that i t
became a rrtajor m e d i u m . ' Television broadcasting i n B r i t a i n was c o n t r o l l e d
i n i t i a l l y b y t h e B r i t i s h Broadcasting C o r p o r a t i o n , b u t i n 1 9 5 4 t h e BBC's
m o n o p o l y was b r o k e n b y t h e establishment o f the c o m m e r c i a l television chan-
nel I T V T h e 1950s a n d 1960s witnessed a massive a n d r a p i d g r o w t h i n t h e
size o f t h e television audience. T h e n u m b e r o f television licences i n B r i t a i n

increased f r o m 3 m i l l i o n i n 1 9 5 4 t o 15 m i l l i o n i n 1 9 6 8 . I n 1 9 5 0 o n l y 1 0 % o f
homes h a d T V sets, whereas i n 1963 they c o u l d be f o u n d i n 9 0 % o f homes
( G o l d i n g 1 9 7 4 : 3 5 ) . Today television v i e w i n g accounts f o r a substantial p a r t o f
people's t i m e . T h e average a m o u n t o f t i m e spent w a t c h i n g television i n
B r i t a i n i n early 1 9 8 4 was 2 2 h o u r s per week a m o n g m e n a n d m o r e t h a n 25
h o u r s a m o n g w o m e n : this is nearly 6 0 % o f the average a m o u n t o f t i m e spent
at w o r k . T h e a m o u n t o f t i m e spent w a t c h i n g television is even higher f o r t h e
elderly, averaging a r o u n d 3 0 hours per week f o r those aged 65 a n d over
(Social Trends 1985:150).
A l t h o u g h these figures relate t o B r i t a i n , they are indicative o f trends charac-
teristic o f m a n y m o d e r n i n d u s t r i a l societies. C u l t u r a l f o r m s i n m o d e r n soci-
4
eties are increasingly m e d i a t e d b y t h e mechanisms a n d i n s t i t u t i o n s o f mass

c o m m u n i c a t i o n . These have emerged i n a relatively short p e r i o d o f t i m e , a n d
are c u r r e n t l y u n d e r g o i n g f u r t h e r significant changes as a result o f t h e d e p l o y -
m e n t o f n e w technologies, such as those i n v o l v i n g cable a n d satellite transmis-
sion. 5
I n a p e r i o d o f less t h a n 2 0 0 years t h e c o n d i t i o n s u n d e r which
i n d i v i d u a l s acquire i n f o r m a t i o n about the w o r l d , derive e n t e r t a i n m e n t a n d
p a r t i c i p a t e i n p u b l i c life have changed dramatically. For m a n y people i n i n d u s -
t r i a l societies today, t h e p r o d u c t s a n d i n s t i t u t i o n s o f the mass m e d i a - newspa-
pers, b o o k s , magazines, r a d i o , cinema, television - are a p r i n c i p a l source o f
i n f o r m a t i o n a n d e n t e r t a i n m e n t . Hence m u c h o f t h e i n f o r m a t i o n a n d enter-
t a i n m e n t w h i c h w e receive a n d consume is a product o f specific i n s t i t u t i o n s , a
p r o d u c t w h i c h is t h e o u t c o m e o f the mechanisms a n d c r i t e r i a characteristic o f
these i n s t i t u t i o n s . These mechanisms a n d c r i t e r i a operate as filters f o r t h e
selection, p r o d u c t i o n a n d d i f f u s i o n o f items o f i n f o r m a t i o n a n d e n t e r t a i n -
m e n t ; they help t o establish w h a t may be described as t h e selective reproduc-
tion of cultural forms. I n creating media p r o d u c t s , t h e personnel o f m e d i a
i n s t i t u t i o n s d r a w u p o n everyday f o r m s o f c u l t u r e a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n , i n c o r -
p o r a t i n g these f o r m s i n t o media p r o d u c t s a n d thereby r e p r o d u c i n g , i n a selec-
tive a n d creative way, t h e c u l t u r a l f o r m s o f everyday life. Selectivity a n d
creativity: t h e o p e r a t i o n o f m e d i a i n s t i t u t i o n s involves b o t h a selective extrac-
tion f r o m t h e contents o f everyday f o r m s o f c u l t u r e a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d a
creative extension o f these f o r m s . I t involves b o t h p r o d u c t i o n a n d r e p r o d u c -
t i o n , b o t h r e p e t i t i o n a n d creativity. I n these t w o respects t h e c u l t u r a l f o r m s o f
m o d e r n society are m e d i a t e d by the mechanisms a n d i n s t i t u t i o n s o f mass c o m -
munication.
I n speaking o f 'mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n ' , w e are presupposing a very special
sense o f t h e t e r m ' c o m m u n i c a t i o n ' . I n general the t e r m c o m m u n i c a t i o n refers
to t h e transmission o f m e a n i n g f u l messages. These messages are o f t e n
expressed i n language, b u t they may also be conveyed by images, gestures o r
o t h e r symbols used i n accordance w i t h shared rules o r codes. A great deal o f
c o m m u n i c a t i o n i n everyday life takes place i n t h e c o n t e x t o f face-to-face
social i n t e r a c t i o n : messages are conveyed t o an i n d i v i d u a l o r i n d i v i d u a l s w h o
are physically present, a n d w h o s e responses p r o v i d e the person c o n v e y i n g the

message w i t h an i m m e d i a t e a n d c o n t i n u o u s source o f feedback. I n the case o f
mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n , h o w e v e r , the nature o f the c o m m u n i c a t i v e process is
q u i t e d i f f e r e n t . L e t m e h i g h l i g h t f o u r i m p o r t a n t differences. I n the first place,
w h i l e messages i n mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n are p r o d u c e d f o r an audience, the
i n d i v i d u a l s w h o comprise the audience are n o t physically present at the place
o f p r o d u c t i o n a n d transmission o r d i f f u s i o n o f the message; mass c o m m u n i c a -
t i o n involves w h a t w e may describe as an instituted break between production
and reception. H e n c e the personnel i n v o l v e d i n the p r o d u c t i o n a n d transmis-
s i o n o r d i f f u s i o n o f the message are d e p r i v e d o f the i m m e d i a t e a n d c o n t i n u -
ous sources of feedback characteristic of face-to-face interaction. The
communicative process i n mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n is m a r k e d by a distinctive
f o r m o f indeterminacy, since the message must be p r o d u c e d a n d t r a n s m i t t e d
o r d i f f u s e d i n the absence o f direct a n d c o n t i n u o u s m o n i t o r i n g o f audience
response. T h e personnel i n v o l v e d i n mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n e m p l o y a v a r i e t y o f
strategies t o cope w i t h this (cf. M c Q u a i l ( 1 9 6 9 ) , Burns ( 1 9 6 9 ) ) . T h e y d r a w
u p o n past experience a n d use i t as a guide t o l i k e l y f u t u r e o u t c o m e s ; they
e m p l o y w e l l - t r i e d f o r m u l a e w h i c h have a predictable audience appeal; they
m a k e occasional b u t h i g h l y selective use o f audience m o n i t o r i n g devices, such
as the i n f o r m a t i o n p r o v i d e d by m a r k e t research or by the r o u t i n e m o n i t o r i n g
o f audience size a n d response. These a n d other strategies are i n s t i t u t i o n a l
mechanisms w h i c h enable t h e m t o reduce i n d e t e r m i n a c y i n a w a y that concurs
w i t h the aims o f the i n s t i t u t i o n s o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n .
A second difference between mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d the exchange o f
messages i n everyday l i f e concerns the nature o f the technical means o f mass
c o m m u n i c a t i o n . I n contrast t o everyday i n t e r a c t i o n , w h e r e the exchange o f
messages t y p i c a l l y occurs as a transient verbal utterance or visual display, the
messages are inscribed i n texts o r encoded i n some o t h e r m a t e r i a l m e d i u m
such as f i l m , tape, records or discs. These a n d other information storage
mechanisms affect the nature o f the message itself a n d e n d o w i t w i t h a p e r m a -
nence w h i c h the utterances exchanged i n everyday i n t e r a c t i o n d o n o t have.
T h e y affect the n a t u r e o f the message i n the sense that they d e t e r m i n e w h a t
can a n d c a n n o t be r e c o r d e d a n d t r a n s m i t t e d i n the m e d i u m concerned. I n this
respect there are significant differences between the various media w h i c h
d e m a n d systematic a n d detailed analysis. The k i n d s o f messages that are
r e c o r d e d i n w r i t t e n texts such as b o o k s o r newspapers, f o r example, are quite
d i f f e r e n t f r o m the messages r e c o r d e d o n f i l m a n d t r a n s m i t t e d o n television, i n
so far as the latter consist o f c o m p l e x audio-visual constructs i n w h i c h l a n -
guage is s p o k e n i n accordance w i t h the g r a m m a r a n d conventions o f everyday
speech, a n d i n w h i c h the t e m p o r a l f l o w o f the message is i n t r i n s i c t o i t . T h e
r e c o r d i n g o f messages i n the various media o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n also
endows t h e m w i t h a permanence w h i c h extends b e y o n d the m o m e n t of
r e c o r d i n g . T h e messages are stored i n a m e d i u m w h i c h persists; they thereby
acquire a t e m p o r a l i t y q u i t e d i f f e r e n t f r o m t h a t characteristic o f utterances i n
face-to-face i n t e r a c t i o n : they are extended i n t i m e , t e m p o r a l i z e d , h i s t o r i c i z e d .

I n d e e d , they become part of history, i n the double sense o f b e l o n g i n g t o the
past as w e l l as the present a n d o f c o n s t i t u t i n g some o f the resources t h r o u g h
w h i c h the past is reconstructed a n d u n d e r s t o o d . T h e messages conveyed by
the mass m e d i a f o r m p a r t o f the tissue o f t r a d i t i o n i n m o d e r n societies a n d the
legacy t h r o u g h w h i c h o u r historical memories are f o r m e d .
A t h i r d characteristic o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n w h i c h distinguishes i t f r o m the
c o m m u n i c a t i v e process i n everyday social interaction is that the messages i n
mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n are generally commodified, that is, constituted as objects
w h i c h are exchanged i n a m a r k e t . Mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n may be regarded as the
institutionalized production and diffusion of symbolic goods via the transmis-
sion and storage of information!communication. M e d i a messages are i n c o r p o -
rated i n t o p r o d u c t s w h i c h are sold, or w h i c h are used t o facilitate the sale o f
other goods; hence calculations concerning the m a r k e t a b i l i t y o f the p r o d u c t
shape the character a n d content o f the message p r o d u c e d . I n the newspaper
industry, f o r example, changes i n the f o r m a t a n d content o f newspapers are
o f t e n l i n k e d t o strategies a i m e d at m a i n t a i n i n g or increasing c i r c u l a t i o n . I n the
f i l m i n d u s t r y a n d i n broadcasting, m a r k e t i n g considerations also play an
i m p o r t a n t r o l e ; one i n d i c a t i o n o f this is the g r o w i n g tendency t o produce f i l m s
a n d programmes f o r an i n t e r n a t i o n a l audience, so that they can be d i s t r i b u t e d
i n a global m a r k e t . T h e c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n o f messages is facilitated by the fact
that they are reproducible, that is, f i x e d i n a m e d i u m w h i c h enables t h e m t o be
p r o d u c e d i n m u l t i p l e copies for sale a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n . T h e m o d e o f r e p r o d u c -
t i o n varies significantly f r o m one m e d i u m t o another. I n each case, however,
media i n s t i t u t i o n s c o m m o n l y seek t o c o n t r o l the m o d e o f r e p r o d u c t i o n , since i t
is a m a j o r source o f the revenue derived f r o m their products. T h e capacity t o
c o n t r o l the m o d e o f r e p r o d u c t i o n has been threatened i n recent years by the
d e v e l o p m e n t o f n e w technologies, such as tape r e c o r d i n g , video r e c o r d i n g a n d
p h o t o c o p y i n g , w h i c h enable messages t o be accurately a n d cheaply repro-
duced. T h u s the p r o p e r t y w h i c h facilitates the c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n o f media mes-
sages is also the p r o p e r t y w h i c h enables that process t o be u n d e r c u t . I n this
respect, the mechanisms and institutions o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n are embedded
i n a broader social f i e l d characterized by asymmetrical relations o f p o w e r a n d
o n g o i n g struggles f o r access t o , o r for the preservation of, scarce resources.
A f o u r t h distinctive characteristic o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n concerns the avail-
ability o f the messages, that is, the fact that the messages are potentially avail-
able to an extended audience which is altogether different from the
interlocutors o f a face-to-face interaction. T h e f i x a t i o n and transmission or dif-
fusion o f media messages extends their availability i n time and space, enabling
t h e m t o endure a n d t o reach a large number o f spatially dispersed recipients.
But the fact that they are potentially available t o an extended audience does n o t
mean that they are actually available i n an unrestricted fashion; o n the contrary,
their c i r c u l a t i o n is restricted and regulated in a variety of ways. I t is restricted by
c o m m e r c i a l considerations, f o r example, i n the sense that the institutions w h i c h
p r o d u c e t h e m m a y also seek t o c o n t r o l their d i f f u s i o n i n order t o secure their

financial r e t u r n . T h e c i r c u l a t i o n o f media messages m a y also be restricted b y
state i n s t i t u t i o n s . Since the early development o f the media industries i n the sev-
enteenth a n d eighteenth centuries, state institutions have sought t o exercise
some c o n t r o l over t h e c i r c u l a t i o n o f media messages. T h e state has e m p l o y e d
various mechanisms, f r o m the early stamp duties o n newspapers t o the current
r e g u l a t i n g bodies w h i c h m o n i t o r broadcasting, t o restrict the availability o f mes-
sages. T h e r e are m a n y reasons w h y , i n d i f f e r i n g circumstances, state officials
may act t o restrict availability. O n e reason w h i c h may be o f particular i m p o r -
tance is that the d i f f u s i o n o f messages may be regarded as a threat t o the capaci-
t y o f the state t o exercise p o w e r o n the basis o f restricted access t o i n f o r m a t i o n .
A n o t h e r reason is that certain kinds o f messages may be t h o u g h t t o endanger
the capacity o f the state, o r o f particular governments o r officials, t o secure suf-
ficient p u b l i c s u p p o r t f o r the effective i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f decisions a n d policies.
I t is thus the very availability o f media messages - that is, their capacity t o circu-
late a m o n g a n extended audience - that m a y induce state officials t o restrict
their c i r c u l a t i o n . T h e relations between media institutions a n d the state are
f r a u g h t w i t h tension a n d potential conflict, as is a m p l y illustrated i n B r i t a i n b y a
variety o f controversies i n v o l v i n g the government, the p o l i t i c a l parties a n d the
B B C , f r o m the General Strike o f 1926 t o the present day. 6
T h e capacity o f m e d i a messages t o circulate a m o n g an extended audience is

one o f the characteristics i n v i r t u e o f w h i c h w e c o m m o n l y speak o f mass c o m -
m u n i c a t i o n : i t is c o m m u n i c a t i o n f o r a mass audience, f o r t h e masses. B u t t h e
t e r m 'mass' m a y be m i s l e a d i n g o n this c o n t e x t . For this t e r m connotes n o t
o n l y a large q u a n t i t y b u t also a n i n d e f i n i t e shape, a n i n e r t , u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d
heap. H o w e v e r t h e messages t r a n s m i t t e d b y t h e mass media are received b y
specific i n d i v i d u a l s situated i n d e f i n i t e social-historical contexts. These i n d i -
viduals a t t e n d t o m e d i a messages w i t h v a r y i n g degrees o f concentration,
actively i n t e r p r e t a n d make sense o f these messages a n d relate t h e m t o other
aspects o f t h e i r lives. T h i s o n g o i n g a p p r o p r i a t i o n o f m e d i a messages is a n
i n h e r e n t l y c r i t i c a l a n d socially d i f f e r e n t i a t e d process. I t is i n h e r e n t l y c r i t i c a l i n
so f a r as t h e a p p r o p r i a t i o n o f m e d i a messages is a process o f creative i n t e r p r e -
t a t i o n i n w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l s actively construct sense a n d p l o t , actively a p p r o v e
o r d i s a p p r o v e o f w h a t is said a n d d o n e , a n d thereby assimilate media messages
i n t o t h e i r o w n social-historical c o n t e x t , t r a n s f o r m i n g these messages i n t h e
very process o f assimilation. T h e a p p r o p r i a t i o n o f media messages is also a
socially d i f f e r e n t i a t e d process i n t h e sense that t h e i n d i v i d u a l s w h o make u p
the audience are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n terms o f specific social attributes such as
class, gender a n d age. M e d i a messages are received b y i n d i v i d u a l s w h o are sit-
u a t e d i n socially s t r u c t u r e d c o n t e x t s . I t c a n n o t be assumed that these messages
w i l l be a p p r o p r i a t e d i n t h e same w a y b y d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l s i n d i f f e r e n t c o n -
texts. O n t h e c o n t r a r y , i t may be t h e case that there are systematic variations
i n t h e i r a p p r o p r i a t i o n o f m e d i a messages, variations w h i c h are l i n k e d t o
socially s t r u c t u r e d differences w i t h i n t h e audience.
[...]
Analysing mass communication

I n this f i n a l section I w i s h t o s h o w h o w t h e approach developed above can be
e m p l o y e d i n t h e study o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n . I n d o i n g so I d o n o t w a n t t o
suggest t h a t t h e m a n y other m e t h o d s w h i c h have been used i n t h e h i s t o r y o f
m e d i a research are w i t h o u t interest. O n t h e contrary, some o f these m e t h o d s
are o f great value a n d f o r m a n integral part o f t h e approach t h a t I shall
sketch. T h e distinctiveness o f this approach nevertheless stems f r o m t h e c o n -
cern t o analyse mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n as a cultural phenomenon, t h a t is, t o
study mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n i n terms o f t h e historically specific a n d socially
s t r u c t u r e d f o r m s a n d processes w i t h i n w h i c h , a n d b y means o f w h i c h , s y m -
b o l i c f o r m s are p r o d u c e d , t r a n s m i t t e d a n d received. H e n c e w e shall n o t lose
sight o f t h e fact t h a t w e are dealing w i t h m e a n i n g f u l objects a n d expressions
w h i c h call f o r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , w h i l e at t h e same t i m e recognizing that t h e p r o -
d u c t i o n a n d transmission o f these objects a n d expressions are socially situated
a n d i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y m e d i a t e d processes. T h e distinctiveness o f this a p p r o a c h
also stems f r o m t h e concern t o specify t h e ways i n w h i c h t h e objects a n d
expressions o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n may be studied as ideological. I shall t r y
t o s h o w t h a t t h e latter concern requires us t o pay particular a t t e n t i o n t o t h e
complex problems raised b y t h e reception a n d appropriation o f media
messages b y socially d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n d i v i d u a l s a n d groups.
L e t m e begin b y d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between three aspects o f mass c o m m u n i c a -
t i o n . These aspects are closely interconnected i n t h e process o f p r o d u c i n g a n d
t r a n s m i t t i n g m e d i a messages, b u t b y d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between t h e m w e can
delineate three object domains o f analysis. T h e first aspect is t h e process o f
p r o d u c t i o n a n d d i f f u s i o n , that is, t h e process o f p r o d u c i n g t h e m a t e r i a l o f
mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d t r a n s m i t t i n g o r d i s t r i b u t i n g i t via channels o f selec-
tive d i f f u s i o n . T h i s process is situated w i t h i n specific social-historical c i r c u m -
stances a n d generally involves particular i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements. T h e
second aspect is t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the media message. T h e m a t e r i a l t r a n s m i t -
t e d b y mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n is a p r o d u c t w h i c h is s t r u c t u r e d i n various ways:
i t is a c o m p l e x symbolic c o n s t r u c t i o n w h i c h displays a n a r t i c u l a t e d structure.
T h e t h i r d aspect o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n is the reception a n d a p p r o p r i a t i o n o f
m e d i a messages. These messages are received b y i n d i v i d u a l s , a n d groups o f
i n d i v i d u a l s , w h o are situated w i t h i n specific social-historical circumstances,
a n d w h o e m p l o y t h e resources available t o t h e m i n o r d e r t o make sense o f the
messages received a n d t o i n c o r p o r a t e t h e m i n t o their everyday lives.
Consider first t h e analysis o f the p r o d u c t i o n a n d d i f f u s i o n o f television p r o -
grammes. Such analysis is concerned above all w i t h w h a t I described earlier as
social-historical analysis, that is, w i t h t h e study o f the social-historical a n d
i n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n t e x t w i t h i n w h i c h , a n d b y means o f w h i c h , p r o g r a m m e s are
p r o d u c e d a n d t r a n s m i t t e d . T h i s c o n t e x t consists of, a m o n g other t h i n g s , these
characteristics: t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n o f producers a n d o f transmission

n e t w o r k s ; patterns o f o w n e r s h i p a n d c o n t r o l w i t h i n broadcasting i n s t i t u t i o n s ;
the relations between broadcasting i n s t i t u t i o n s a n d state organizations respon-
sible f o r m o n i t o r i n g o u t p u t ; t h e techniques a n d technologies employed i n
p r o d u c t i o n a n d t r a n s m i s s i o n ; t h e r o u t i n e a n d practical procedures f o l l o w e d
by television p e r s o n n e l ; t h e aims o f producers a n d p r o g r a m m e r s a n d t h e i r
expectations o f audience response; a n d so o n . Some o f these characteristics
can be e x a m i n e d b y means o f e m p i r i c a l , i n c l u d i n g documentary, research.
O t h e r s , such as t h e r o u t i n e a n d practical procedures f o l l o w e d b y television
p e r s o n n e l o r t h e i r aims a n d expectations, can be elucidated o n l y b y e m p l o y i n g
a m o r e c o n t e x t u a l , i n t e r p r e t a t i v e a p p r o a c h . Suppose w e w a n t e d t o analyse,
f o r e x a m p l e , t h e processes i n v o l v e d i n the p r o d u c t i o n o f a p a r t i c u l a r televi-
sion p r o g r a m m e . I n a d d i t i o n t o e x a m i n i n g the o v e r a l l i n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n t e x t
w i t h i n w h i c h t h e p r o g r a m m e is p r o d u c e d , i n c l u d i n g the various decision-mak-
i n g processes a n d t h e a l l o c a t i o n o f resources, w e w o u l d w a n t t o analyse i n
d e t a i l t h e processes o f s c r i p t - w r i t i n g , casting, f i l m i n g , e d i t i n g a n d s c h e d u l i n g . 7
We w o u l d w a n t t o e x a m i n e t h e r o u t i n e procedures f o l l o w e d i n t h e design a n d
a c t u a l i z a t i o n o f the p r o g r a m m e , as w e l l as t h e special competencies a n d crite-
r i a e m p l o y e d . W e w o u l d w a n t t o consider variations between d i f f e r e n t k i n d s
o f p r o g r a m m e - f o r e x a m p l e , t h e extent t o w h i c h , i n d i f f e r e n t k i n d s o f p r o -
g r a m m e , p r e - s c r i p t e d m a t e r i a l is s u p p l e m e n t e d b y i m p r o m p t u performances
a n d m o d i f i e d i n t h e very process o f actualization. T h i s k i n d o f research w o u l d
h e l p t o i l l u m i n a t e t h e rules, procedures a n d assumptions i m p l i c i t i n t h e p r o -
d u c t i o n process, i n c l u d i n g assumptions about t h e audience a n d its needs,
interests a n d abilities. These rules, procedures a n d assumptions are p a r t o f the
social c o n d i t i o n s a n d codes w h i c h m e d i a personnel d r a w u p o n a n d i m p l e m e n t
i n p r o d u c i n g p a r t i c u l a r p r o g r a m m e s . Together w i t h other aspects o f the i n s t i -
t u t i o n a l c o n t e x t , these c o n d i t i o n s a n d codes b o t h facilitate a n d circumscribe
the p r o d u c t i o n process, thereby enabling the m e d i a message t o be p r o d u c e d as
a meaningful symbolic construction.
T h e second aspect o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n is t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the m e d i a

message. W h e n w e focus o n its c o n s t r u c t i o n a n d analyse its characteristics, w e
give p r i o r i t y t o w h a t I described earlier as f o r m a l o r discursive analysis; that
is, w e analyse i t p r i m a r i l y as a c o m p l e x symbolic c o n s t r u c t i o n w h i c h displays
an a r t i c u l a t e d s t r u c t u r e . A m o n g t h e s t r u c t u r a l features t h a t w e m a y h i g h l i g h t
i n t h e analysis o f television are: t h e syntax, style a n d tone o f t h e language
e m p l o y e d ; t h e j u x t a p o s i t i o n o f w o r d a n d image; the angles, colours a n d
sequences o f the i m a g e r y used; the structure o f the n a r r a t i v e o r a r g u m e n t ; t h e
e x t e n t t o w h i c h t h e n a r r a t i v e o r argumentative structure allows f o r sub-plots,
digression o r dissent; t h e use o f specific devices such as flashbacks a n d voice-
overs; t h e ways i n w h i c h tension is c o m b i n e d w i t h features such as h u m o u r ,
sexuality a n d v i o l e n c e ; t h e interconnections between p a r t i c u l a r p r o g r a m m e s
w h i c h f o r m p a r t o f a f i n i t e o r o p e n - e n d e d sequence; a n d so o n . These a n d
o t h e r s t r u c t u r a l features o f television messages can be analysed b y a variety o f
techniques, f r o m d i f f e r e n t f o r m s o f content analysis t o various k i n d s o f semi-

o t i c , n a r r a t i v e a n d discourse analysis/ I t is i m p o r t a n t t o emphasize, h o w e v e r ,
t h a t t h e analysis o f the i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r a l features o f media p r o d u c t s is l i m i t e d
i n certain respects. I t is l i m i t e d , i n t h e first place, i n so far as i t abstracts f r o m
the process o f p r o d u c t i o n a n d d i f f u s i o n . Hence i t does n o t take account o f the
social a n d i n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n d i t i o n s w i t h i n w h i c h , a n d by means o f w h i c h ,
m e d i a messages are p r o d u c e d a n d t r a n s m i t t e d . T h e analysis o f t h e i n t e r n a l
s t r u c t u r a l features o f m e d i a p r o d u c t s is also l i m i t e d i n so far as i t abstracts
f r o m t h e r e c e p t i o n a n d a p p r o p r i a t i o n o f media messages. H e n c e i t does n o t
take account o f t h e sense w h i c h these messages have f o r the i n d i v i d u a l s w h o
w a t c h t h e m , hear t h e m , read t h e m , n o r o f the ways i n w h i c h these i n d i v i d u a l s
i n t e r p r e t m e d i a messages, accept t h e m , reject t h e m a n d i n c o r p o r a t e t h e m i n t o
t h e i r lives.
T h e r e c e p t i o n a n d a p p r o p r i a t i o n o f media messages is the t h i r d aspect o f
mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n w h i c h defines a d o m a i n o f analysis. A great deal o f
research has been d o n e , a n d continues t o be done, o n t h e r e c e p t i o n o f m e d i a
messages a n d o n t h e size a n d nature o f audience response. Researchers have
sought t o study, f o r e x a m p l e , t h e s h o r t - t e r m a n d l o n g - t e r m effects o f m e d i a
messages, t h e ways i n w h i c h audiences use t h e media a n d t h e gratifications
w h i c h they derive f r o m t h e m . B u t these approaches, h o w e v e r interesting they
9
m a y be, pay i n s u f f i c i e n t a t t e n t i o n t o t h e ways i n w h i c h d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l s

a n d g r o u p s actively make sense o f media messages a n d integrate t h e m i n t o
o t h e r aspects o f t h e i r lives. T h e d i f f e r e n t phases o f the d e p t h - h e r m e n e u t i c a l
p r o c e d u r e can be used t o e x p l o r e w h a t w e m a y describe as t h e modes of
reception o f m e d i a messages. T h u s i n t h e study o f television w e must e x a m i n e ,
by means o f social-historical analysis, t h e specific circumstances and the
socially d i f f e r e n t i a t e d c o n d i t i o n s w i t h i n w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l s receive television
messages. T h e specific circumstances: i n w h a t contexts, w i t h w h a t company,
w i t h w h a t degree o f a t t e n t i o n , consistency a n d commentary, d o i n d i v i d u a l s
w a t c h p r o g r a m m e s , o r series o f p r o g r a m m e s , o f d i f f e r i n g kinds? T h e socially
d i f f e r e n t i a t e d c o n d i t i o n s : i n w h a t ways does the reception o f media messages
vary a c c o r d i n g t o considerations such as class, gender, age, ethnic b a c k g r o u n d
a n d t h e c o u n t r y o f t h e recipient? T h e latter question can be pursued b y care-
f u l l y designed research w h i c h uses s t r u c t u r e d interviews t o e x p l o r e h o w d i f -
ferent individuals, a n d d i f f e r e n t groups o f individuals, make sense o f
particular programmes. 10
These interviews y i e l d recipient texts w h i c h can i n
t u r n b y analysed i n various ways, f o r example b y methods o f f o r m a l o r discur-
sive analysis. T h e features o f one recipient t e x t can be c o m p a r e d a n d contrast-
ed w i t h those o f others a n d together they can be considered i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e
c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h e m e d i a message itself. T h e f o r m a l o r discursive analysis o f
these texts does n o t displace t h e need f o r the creative i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f m e d i a
messages a n d r e c i p i e n t responses. D r a w i n g u p o n t h e f o r m a l analysis o f struc-
t u r a l features a n d t h e social-historical analysis o f t h e c o n d i t i o n s o f p r o d u c -
t i o n / d i f f u s i o n a n d r e c e p t i o n / a p p r o p r i a t i o n , the process o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n seeks
t o explicate w h a t is said a n d n o t said, asserted a n d i m p l i e d , represented a n d

obscured, i n m e d i a messages a n d recipient texts. I t seeks t o u n f o l d t h e possi-
ble meanings o f m e d i a messages, a n d i t seeks t o s h o w h o w recipients m a k e
sense o f these a n d i n c o r p o r a t e t h e m i n t o their lives. As an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , this
process necessarily builds u p o n , a n d p o t e n t i a l l y intervenes i n , t h e everyday
activities o f the subjects w h o m a k e u p t h e social w o r l d .
Against t h e b a c k g r o u n d o f this general approach t o the study o f mass c o m -
m u n i c a t i o n , w e can reconsider w h a t is i n v o l v e d i n the analysis o f ideology.
Earlier attempts t o analyse the ideological character o f the mass media have
t e n d e d t o focus o n t h e p r o d u c t i o n o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the media message.
T h u s t h e early c r i t i c a l theorists a n d authors influenced b y t h e m tended t o sub-
sume t h e mass m e d i a w i t h i n a general analysis o f the 'culture i n d u s t r y ' , arguing
t h a t t h e imperatives o f capitalist p r o d u c t i o n result i n standardized a n d r e p e t i -
tive p r o d u c t s w h i c h leave n o r o o m f o r critical reflection (see especially
H o r k h e i m e r a n d A d o r n o ( 1 9 7 2 ) ) . These theorists t e n d t o assume that the
p r o d u c t s o f t h e c u l t u r e i n d u s t r y effectively n u m b the m i n d s o f t h e masses,
deceiving t h e m , c a p t i v a t i n g t h e m a n d absorbing t h e m i n t o a system w h i c h is
thereby r e p r o d u c e d . W h i l e critical theorists are r i g h t t o call a t t e n t i o n t o the
d e v e l o p m e n t a l characteristics o f t h e culture industries, their assumption con-
c e r n i n g t h e effects o f c u l t u r a l products is a supposition w i t h o u t s u p p o r t : i t
lacks clear a n d c o n v i n c i n g d o c u m e n t a t i o n . O t h e r attempts t o analyse the i d e o -
logical character o f the mass media have suffered f r o m similar l i m i t a t i o n s . T h e
w o r k c o n d u c t e d w i t h i n a b r o a d l y 'structuralist' o r 'semiotic' approach has shed
l i g h t o n t h e s t r u c t u r a l features o f media messages. B u t b y focusing o n t h e c o n -
s t r u c t i o n o f t h e message, such w o r k generally fails t o examine h o w messages
are p r o d u c e d a n d received i n specific social-historical circumstances. 11
Hence
w h e n this w o r k employs t h e concept o f ideology, i t o f t e n does so i n a vague
a n d general way. I t o f t e n takes f o r granted a social-historical analysis o f the
i n s t i t u t i o n s a n d divisions i n m o d e r n societies, a l t h o u g h i t does n o t p r o v i d e an
e x p l i c i t statement a n d defence o f this analysis. I t o f t e n analyses ideology i n
terms o f t h e s t r u c t u r a l features o f the message itself, w i t h o u t e x a m i n i n g t h e
ways i n w h i c h messages are i n t e r p r e t e d by the individuals u p o n w h o m this i d e -
o l o g y is supposed t o take h o l d . T h e w o r k conducted w i t h i n a structuralist o r
semiotic a p p r o a c h is therefore o f l i m i t e d value, for i t pays insufficient a t t e n t i o n
t o t h e specific social a n d i n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n d i t i o n s w i t h i n w h i c h , a n d by v i r t u e o f
w h i c h , m e d i a messages may be ideological.
T h e l i m i t a t i o n s o f earlier w o r k can be a v o i d e d b y situating t h e analysis o f
the i d e o l o g i c a l character o f the mass m e d i a w i t h i n a m o r e general a p p r o a c h t o
the study o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n . T h i s approach enables us t o see that t h e
three distinct aspects - p r o d u c t i o n / d i f f u s i o n , construction a n d reception/appro-
p r i a t i o n - are a l l essential ingredients i n the analysis o f its ideological character.
T h e study o f p r o d u c t i o n a n d d i f f u s i o n is an essential ingredient because i t
elucidates t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s a n d social relations w h i c h enable media messages
t o be p r o d u c e d a n d t r a n s m i t t e d . Since these are the o u t c o m e o f specific
p r o d u c t i o n processes a n d are circulated via channels o f selective d i f f u s i o n , t h e

study o f these processes a n d channels may shed light o n the c o n s t r u c t i o n a n d
availability o f media messages. T h e study o f the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f media mes-
sages is a n essential ingredient because i t examines t h e structural features b y
v i r t u e o f w h i c h they are c o m p l e x symbolic phenomena, capable o f m o b i l i z i n g
m e a n i n g . By e x a m i n i n g structural features such as t h e syntax a n d style o f t h e
language e m p l o y e d , o r the structure o f the narrative o r argument, this k i n d o f
analysis brings o u t the constitutive characteristics o f the message, that is, t h e
characteristics w i t h w h i c h t h e message is constructed as m e a n i n g f u l . T h e study
o f t h e r e c e p t i o n / a p p r o p r i a t i o n o f media messages is an essential ingredient
because i t considers b o t h the social-historical conditions w i t h i n w h i c h messages
are received b y i n d i v i d u a l s , a n d the ways i n w h i c h these i n d i v i d u a l s make sense
o f t h e messages a n d i n c o r p o r a t e t h e m i n t o their lives. I t considers h o w t h e
m e a n i n g m o b i l i z e d by media messages is taken u p b y t h e i n d i v i d u a l s w h o
receive t h e m ; hence i t examines the ways i n w h i c h these messages are effective
w i t h i n t h e social relations i n w h i c h the i n d i v i d u a l recipients are enmeshed.
I f w e a d o p t this general approach t o t h e analysis o f t h e ideological charac-
ter o f the mass m e d i a , t h e n w e can see that m a n y o f the crucial questions c o n -
cern t h e relations between t h e p r o d u c t i o n / d i f f u s i o n a n d c o n s t r u c t i o n o f m e d i a
messages, o n t h e o n e h a n d , a n d t h e i r r e c e p t i o n / a p p r o p r i a t i o n b y i n d i v i d u a l s
situated w i t h i n specific social-historical c o n d i t i o n s , o n the other. I t is w i t h i n
this semantic space that the m e a n i n g m o b i l i z e d b y media messages becomes
(or does n o t become) effective i n t h e social w o r l d , serves (or does n o t serve)
t o sustain relations o f d o m i n a t i o n . T h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f i d e o l o g y i n t h e mass
m e d i a cannot be based solely o n the analysis o f t h e p r o d u c t i o n a n d construc-
t i o n o f messages: i t must also be based o n an analysis o f t h e c o n d i t i o n s a n d
characteristics o f r e c e p t i o n . T h u s o n e o f t h e tasks c o n f r o n t i n g t h e i n t e r p r e t a -
t i o n o f i d e o l o g y i n t h e mass media is that o f r e l a t i n g the p r o d u c t i o n / d i f f u s i o n
a n d c o n s t r u c t i o n o f m e d i a messages, o n t h e one h a n d , t o t h e p r o d u c t i o n a n d
c o n s t r u c t i o n o f recipient texts, o n the other. I n this w a y t h e process o f i n t e r -
p r e t a t i o n can begin t o explicate the connections between t h e m o b i l i z a t i o n o f
m e a n i n g i n m e d i a messages a n d t h e relations o f d o m i n a t i o n w h i c h this m e a n -
i n g serves t o sustain. W h a t these relations o f d o m i n a t i o n are, a n d w h e t h e r this
m e a n i n g serves t o sustain o r t o subvert t h e m , t o reinforce o r t o u n d e r m i n e
them, are questions which can be answered only by linking the
p r o d u c t i o n / d i f f u s i o n a n d c o n s t r u c t i o n o f media messages t o t h e ways i n w h i c h
they are received a n d i n t e r p r e t e d by i n d i v i d u a l s situated w i t h i n specific social-
h i s t o r i c a l contexts.
[...]
By a t t e n d i n g t o t h e c o m p l e x ways i n w h i c h media messages are received a n d

i n t e r p r e t e d , w e can begin t o examine h o w t h e m e a n i n g m o b i l i z e d b y t h e m is
t r a n s f o r m e d i n t h e process o f r e c e p t i o n , is a p p r o p r i a t e d by i n d i v i d u a l s situat-
ed i n t h e s t r u c t u r e d contexts o f everyday life a n d serves t h e r e i n t o sustain o r
d i s r u p t relations o f d o m i n a t i o n . W e can thus o p e n t h e w a y f o r a d y n a m i c ,

c r i t i c a l a p p r o a c h t o t h e analysis o f i d e o l o g y i n t h e mass m e d i a . W h i l e t a k i n g
a c c o u n t o f t h e p r o d u c t i o n / d i f f u s i o n a n d c o n s t r u c t i o n o f m e d i a messages, this
a p p r o a c h does n o t r e m a i n at the level o f analysing their s t r u c t u r a l features b u t
seeks t o relate these features t o t h e ways i n w h i c h messages are u n d e r s t o o d by,
a n d the sense w h i c h t h e r e c e p t i o n o f these messages has for, i n d i v i d u a l s situat-
ed i n specific social contexts. T h e analysis o f i d e o l o g y i n t h e mass m e d i a thus
bears a p o t e n t i a l l y c r i t i c a l r e l a t i o n , n o t o n l y t o t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f m e a n i n g i n
m e d i a messages, b u t also t o t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f messages b y recipients a n d t o
the relations o f d o m i n a t i o n w h i c h characterize the contexts within which
these messages are received. T o analyse i d e o l o g y i n the mass m e d i a is t o o f f e r
an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n w h i c h m a y i n t e r v e n e , w h i c h may serve as a resource f o r c r i t -
ical r e f l e c t i o n a m o n g t h e v e r y i n d i v i d u a l s w h o receive a n d i n t e r p r e t m e d i a
messages as a r o u t i n e p a r t o f t h e i r everyday lives. I t m a y enable t h e subjects
w h o m a k e u p t h e social w o r l d t o reflect c r i t i c a l l y o n their u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f
m e d i a messages a n d o n t h e s t r u c t u r e d social relations o f w h i c h they are p a r t .
Notes
1. The origins of writing, and its relation to administrative activities and the exercise of
power, are examined in Gelb (1952), Innis (1950), Goody (1977), Giddens (1985).
2. For more detailed accounts of the development of the printing and newspaper indus-
tries i n England and elsewhere i n Europe see Steinberg (1974), Williams (1961),
Olson (1966), Collins (1959), Boyce, Curran and Wingate (1978), Curran and
Seaton (1985).
3. Detailed discussions of the development of broadcasting in Britain may be found i n
Briggs (1961-), Burns (1977), Curran and Seaton (1985), Tunstall (1983).
4. The development of broadcasting i n the United States is documented by Head
(1976). For a discussion of the development of the media industries i n France see
Flichy (1980).
5. Some aspects of new communications technologies and their consequences are dis-
cussed in Chayes et al (1973), Galloway (1972), Mattelart (1979), Ferguson (1986).
6. Among recent controversies are those stemming from criticisms of the BBC by the
Chairman of the Conservative Party for the BBC's allegedly biased coverage of the
American bombing of Libya, and from a raid by Special Branch officers on the BBC's
offices in Glasgow in order to seize material relating to the 'Secret Society' series of
programmes.
7. There are numerous studies of the production of television programmes which are
pertinent here. Many are concerned with the production of news; see, for example,
Golding and Elliott (1979), Schlesinger (1978), Tuchman (1978).
8. The relevant literature is extensive. For a small selection see Rosengren (1981),
Schlesinger, Murdock and Elliott (1983), Davis and Walton (1983), Rowland and
Watkins (1985).
9. For a selection of relevant literature see Halloran (1970), Seymour-Ure (1973),
Gerbner and Gross (1976), Blumler and Katz (1974).
10. Interesting attempts to pursue this line of reflection may be found in Piepe, Emerson
and Lannon (1975), Morley (1980, 1986), Hodge and Tripp (1986), Liebes and Katz
(1986).
11. This limitation is evident, for example, in the otherwise illuminating work of
Williamson (1978).
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Liebes, Tamar and Katz, Elihu 1986: Patterns of involvement in television fiction: a com-
parative analysis. European Journal of Communication 1, 151-71.
Mattelart, Armand 1979: Multinational corporations and the control of culture: the ideo-
logical apparatuses of imperialism, tr. Michael Chanan. Brighton, Sussex: Harvester.
McQuail, Denis 1969: Uncertainty about the audience and the organization of mass
communication. In Halmos, Paul (ed.), The sociology of mass-media communicators.
The Sociological Review Monograph 13, 75-84.

Morley, David 1980: The 'nationwide' audience: structure and decoding. London: British
Film Institute.
Morley, David 1986: Family television: cultural power and domestic leisure. London:
Comedia.
Olson, Kenneth, E. 1966: The history makers: the press of Europe from its beginnings
through 1965. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press.
Piepe, Anthony, Emerson, Miles and Lannon, Judy 1975: Television and the working
class. Westmead, Farnborough, Hants: Saxon House.
Rosengren, Karl Erik (ed.) 1981: Advances in content analysis. London and Beverly
Hills: Sage.
Rowland, Willard D . and Watkins, Bruce (eds.) 1985: Interpreting television: current
research perspectives. London and Beverly Hills: Sage.
Schlesinger, Philip 1978: Putting 'reality* together: BBC news. London: Constable.
Schlesinger, Philip, Murdock, Graham and Elliott, Philip 1983: Televising 'terrorism':
political violence in popular culture. London: Comedia.
Seymour-Ure, Colin. 1973: The political impact of mass media. London: Constable.
Social Trends 15. 1985. London: H M S O .
Steinberg, S. H . 1974: Five hundred years of printing. Harmondsworth, Middlesex:
Penguin.
Tuchman, Gaye 1978: Making news: a study in the construction of reality. New York:
The Free Press.
Tunstall, Jeremy 1983: The media in Britain. London: Constable.
Williams, Raymond 1961: The long revolution. Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin.
Williamson, Judith 1978: Decoding advertisements: ideology and meaning in advertising.
London: Marion Boyars.
Questions
1 How are modern systems of mass communication distinguished, in the extract,
from earlier forms of direct, interpersonal communication?
2 Apply the three aspects of mass communication which Thompson outlines, to
the study of a medium other than television.
3 Discuss the development of 'new' forms of mass communication or new'
media (the internet, satellite and cable broadcasting, etc.) in the light of ideas
and arguments put forward in the extract.
Further reading
Curran, J. and Gurevitch, M . (eds.) 1996: Mass media and society, 2nd edn. London:
Edward A r n o l d .
O'Sullivan, X , Dutton, B. and Rayner, P 1994: Studying the media: an introduction.
London: Edward Arnold.
Thompson, J. B. 1990: Ideology and modern culture. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Thompson, J. B. 1995: The media and modernity. Cambridge: Polity Press.
4
The Separation of Social Space from Physical Place
Joshua Meyrowitz
From No sense of place: the impact of electronic media on social behaviour (Oxford University Press
1985)
The central theme in this reading, as the title implies, is the analysis of how modern com-
munication systems have had significant consequences for social experience and identi-
ty. In this part of his discussion, Meyrowitz develops a key issue which has preoccupied a
number of writers and researchers, notably for instance the work of Marshall McLuhan in
the 1960s. The extract extends one of the key points made by Thompson in the previous
reading concerning the ways in which mass communication systems have both extended
and expanded forms of communication across time and space. If, as in pre-industrial cul-
tures, the physical boundaries and horizons of one's place and location once limited and
anchored experience and identity, under conditions of modernity this is no longer the
case. Increasingly, modern social life, especially in the 'electronic age', has meant living
not only in a culture of physical situation but also in the world of mediated culture - medi-
ated into the situation by means of film, radio, television screen and computer terminal.
Meyrowitz suggests that the emergence of these and other communication technologies
have effected revolutionary changes in modern consciousness and experience. The land-
scapes of immediate environment and location coexist and are shot through with other
worlds - mediascapes - from 'outer space'.
Being 'alone' i n a given place once meant that one was o u t o f range o f others'
scrutiny. For people t o experience each other directly, they h a d t o travel
t h r o u g h space, stay t h r o u g h t i m e , a n d be a d m i t t e d t h r o u g h t h e entrances o f
r o o m s a n d b u i l d i n g s . A n d these rules o f physical place pertained t o tents a n d
palaces alike.
A l t h o u g h o r a l a n d p r i n t cultures d i f f e r greatly, t h e b o n d between physical
place a n d social place was c o m m o n t o b o t h o f t h e m . P r i n t , l i k e a l l n e w
m e d i a , changed t h e patterns o f i n f o r m a t i o n f l o w to a n d from places. As a
result, i t also changed the relative status a n d p o w e r o f those i n d i f f e r e n t
places. Changes i n m e d i a i n t h e past have always affected t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p
among places. T h e y have affected t h e i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t people bring t o places
a n d t h e i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t people have in g i v e n places. B u t t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p
b e t w e e n place a n d social s i t u a t i o n was still q u i t e s t r o n g . E l e c t r o n i c m e d i a g o
one step f u r t h e r : T h e y lead t o a nearly t o t a l dissociation o f physical place
a n d social 'place.' W h e n w e c o m m u n i c a t e t h r o u g h t e l e p h o n e , r a d i o , t e l e v i -
s i o n , o r c o m p u t e r , w h e r e w e are physically n o l o n g e r determines w h e r e a n d
w h o w e are socially.
Social Space and Physical Place 43
Physical passage and social passage

T h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n p h y s i c a l place a n d social s i t u a t i o n s t i l l seems so
n a t u r a l t h a t w e c o n t i n u e t o confuse p h y s i c a l places w i t h t h e behaviors t h a t
g o o n i n t h e m . T h e w o r d s ' s c h o o l ' a n d ' h o m e , ' f o r e x a m p l e , are used t o
refer b o t h t o p h y s i c a l b u i l d i n g s a n d t o c e r t a i n types o f social i n t e r a c t i o n a n d
behavior.
Before electronic m e d i a , there was ample reason t o o v e r l o o k t h e difference
b e t w e e n physical places a n d social situations. Places d e f i n e d most social i n f o r -
mation-systems. A g i v e n place-situation was spatially a n d t e m p o r a l l y r e m o v e d
f r o m o t h e r place-situations. I t t o o k t i m e t o travel f r o m s i t u a t i o n t o s i t u a t i o n ,
a n d distance was a measure o f social i n s u l a t i o n a n d i s o l a t i o n . Since r o o m s a n d
b u i l d i n g s can be entered o n l y t h r o u g h set d o o r w a y s , people once c o u l d be
i n c l u d e d i n a n d e x c l u d e d f r o m situations i n clearly observable a n d predictable
ways. E l e c t r o n i c m e d i a , h o w e v e r , make significant inroads i n t o t h e situations
once d e f i n e d b y physical l o c a t i o n .
C o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d travel w e r e once s y n o n y m o u s . O u r c o u n t r y ' s c o m m u -
n i c a t i o n channels w e r e once roads, w a t e r w a y s , a n d railroads. I n t h e 1830s,
the fastest means o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n i n t h e U n i t e d States was t h e Pony
Express. I t t o o k t e n a n d a h a l f days t o c o m m u n i c a t e a message f r o m M i s s o u r i
t o C a l i f o r n i a . T h e i n v e n t i o n o f t h e telegraph caused t h e first break between
1
i n f o r m a t i o n m o v e m e n t a n d physical m o v e m e n t . For t h e first t i m e , c o m p l e x

messages c o u l d m o v e m o r e q u i c k l y t h a n a messenger c o u l d carry t h e m . W i t h 2
the i n v e n t i o n a n d use o f the telegraph, t h e i n f o r m a t i o n a l differences between

d i f f e r e n t places began t o erode.
Just as students t o d a y are less anxious about a t t e n d i n g a faraway college
w h e n h o m e is o n l y a p h o n e call away, so d i d t h e telegraph greatly a i d i n t h e
settlement o f t h e Western f r o n t i e r . T h e telegraph b r o u g h t East a n d West
[coasts o f t h e U S A ] closer together i n f o r m a t i o n a l l y . Physical distance as a
social b a r r i e r began t o be bypassed t h r o u g h t h e s h o r t e n i n g o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n
'distance.' T h e m u t u a l m o n i t o r i n g o f East a n d West made t h e c o u n t r y seem
smaller a n d o t h e r places a n d people closer.
M o v e m e n t f r o m s i t u a t i o n t o s i t u a t i o n a n d f r o m social status t o social status
once i n v o l v e d m o v e m e n t f r o m place t o place. A place d e f i n e d a distinct situa-
t i o n because its boundaries l i m i t e d p e r c e p t i o n a n d i n t e r a c t i o n . L i k e a l l elec-
t r o n i c m e d i a , t h e telegraph n o t o n l y defies l i m i t s f o r m e r l y set b y distance, b u t
also bypasses t h e social r i t e o f 'passage,' that is, t h e act o f m o v i n g b o t h p h y s i -
cally a n d socially f r o m o n e ' p o s i t i o n ' t o another.
If people are t o behave very d i f f e r e n t l y i n d i f f e r e n t social situations,
some clear f o r m o f m o v e m e n t f r o m o n e s i t u a t i o n t o t h e n e x t is needed. I f a
c e l e b r a t i o n a n d a m e m o r i a l service take place i n t h e same place a n d t i m e ,
there can be n o d i s t i n c t behaviors f o r each s i t u a t i o n . Entrances a n d t h e rites
associated w i t h t h e m , w h e t h e r f o r m a l ( c a r r y i n g a b r i d e over t h e t h r e s h o l d ) o r
informal ('Please k n o c k before y o u enter m y r o o m ' ) , have t r a d i t i o n a l l y
a l l o w e d f o r o r d e r l y transitions f r o m s i t u a t i o n t o s i t u a t i o n a n d f r o m behavior
p a t t e r n t o behavior p a t t e r n .
T h e boundaries m a r k e d by w a l l s , d o o r s , a n d barbed w i r e , a n d e n f o r c e d by
laws, guards, a n d t r a i n e d dogs, c o n t i n u e t o define situations by i n c l u d i n g a n d
e x c l u d i n g p a r t i c i p a n t s . But t o d a y such boundaries f u n c t i o n t o define social sit-
uations o n l y t o the extent that i n f o r m a t i o n can still be restricted by r e s t r i c t i n g
physical access. A n d w h i l e m u c h social i n f o r m a t i o n is still accessible o n l y by
g o i n g t o a certain place or by m e e t i n g people face-to-face, the once consonant
r e l a t i o n s h i p between access t o i n f o r m a t i o n a n d access t o places has been
greatly w e a k e n e d by recent changes i n c o m m u n i c a t i o n media.
T h e messages i n all early media - stone, clay, papyrus, p a r c h m e n t , a n d
paper - have physical v o l u m e a n d w e i g h t . W h e n they are heavy or u n m o v -
able, people have t o go t o a specific place t o experience t h e m . Even w h e n
they are p o r t a b l e , h o w e v e r , they still have t o be physically t r a n s p o r t e d f r o m
place t o place, a n d they m o v e w i t h the people w h o possess t h e m . T h e y have
t o be c a r r i e d i n t o places, stored i n places, a n d c a r r i e d o u t o f places. These
m e d i a , l i k e the people w h o carry t h e m , are subject t o the restraints o f social
a n d physical passage.
E l e c t r o n i c messages, however, d o n o t make social entrances; they steal i n t o
places l i k e thieves i n the n i g h t . T h e 'guests' received by a c h i l d t h r o u g h elec-
t r o n i c m e d i a n o longer can be stopped at the d o o r t o be a p p r o v e d o f by the
masters o f the house. O n c e a telephone, r a d i o , or television is i n the h o m e ,
spatial i s o l a t i o n a n d g u a r d i n g o f entrances have n o effect o n i n f o r m a t i o n f l o w .
Electronic messages seep t h r o u g h walls a n d leap across great distances.
I n d e e d , w e r e w e n o t so accustomed t o television a n d r a d i o a n d telephone
messages i n v a d i n g o u r homes, they m i g h t be the r e c u r r i n g subjects o f n i g h t -
mares a n d h o r r o r f i l m s . W h e t h e r the effects o f such media o n o u r society are
g o o d , b a d , or n e u t r a l , the reprocessing o f o u r physical a n d social e n v i r o n m e n t
is r e v o l u t i o n a r y .
As a result o f electronically m e d i a t e d interactions, the d e f i n i t i o n o f situa-
tions a n d o f behaviors is n o longer d e t e r m i n e d by physical l o c a t i o n . To be
physically alone w i t h someone is n o longer necessarily t o be socially alone
w i t h t h e m . W h e n there are other people 'there' o n the telephone, o r r a d i o , or
t e l e v i s i o n , i n t i m a t e encounters are changed.
By a l t e r i n g the i n f o r m a t i o n a l characteristics o f place, electronic media
reshape social situations a n d social identities. T h e social m e a n i n g o f a ' p r i s o n , '
f o r e x a m p l e , has been changed as a result o f electronic media o f c o m m u n i c a -
t i o n . Prisons were once m o r e t h a n places o f physical i n c a r c e r a t i o n ; they
w e r e places o f i n f o r m a t i o n a l i s o l a t i o n as w e l l . A prisoner was n o t o n l y l i m i t e d
i n m o v e m e n t b u t also ' e x - c o m m u n i c a t e d ' f r o m society. T h e placement of
prisoners i n a secure, isolated location once led t o b o t h physical a n d i n f o r m a -
t i o n a l separation f r o m society. Today, however, many prisoners share w i t h the
larger society the privileges o f r a d i o , television, and telephone.* W h e t h e r this
is g o o d or b a d is d i f f i c u l t t o say, b u t i t is d i f f e r e n t .
Prisoners' access t o t h e w o r l d changes t h e social e n v i r o n m e n t o f b o t h those

inside a n d outside p r i s o n . Those outside p r i s o n cannot use television as a ' p r i -
vate' f o r u m i n w h i c h t o discuss problems o f c r i m e a n d crime p r e v e n t i o n , a n d
prisoners can ' e n t e r ' society t h r o u g h the wires o f the telephone. O n e survey o f
2 0 8 inmates i n d i c a t e d that n i n e o u t o f t e n prisoners h a d 'learned n e w tricks
a n d i m p r o v e d t h e i r c r i m i n a l expertise b y w a t c h i n g c r i m e p r o g r a m s . ' 4
Special
p u b l i c a t i o n s such as The Prisoner's Yellow Pages have been prepared t o help
prisoners contact l a w libraries, counselling services, a n d e m p l o y m e n t agencies. 5
For better o r w o r s e , those prisoners w i t h access t o electronic m e d i a are n o

l o n g e r c o m p l e t e l y segregated f r o m society. T h e use o f electronic m e d i a has l e d
t o a r e d e f i n i t i o n o f the nature o f ' i m p r i s o n m e n t ' a n d t o a de facto r e v i s i o n o f
the p r i s o n classification system: T h e c o m m u n i c a t i o n variables o f ' h i g h i n f o r -
m a t i o n ' prisons versus ' l o w i n f o r m a t i o n ' prisons n o w have been a d d e d t o t h e
physical variables o f ' h i g h s e c u r i t y ' a n d ' l o w security.'
T h e e x a m p l e o f prisons m a y be e x t r e m e , b u t the i m p a c t o f electronic m e d i a
o n prisoners is p a r a l l e l e d b y t h e effects o f electronic media o n c h i l d r e n ,
w o m e n , t h e p o o r , t h e disabled, a n d o t h e r groups whose social place was once
shaped, at least i n p a r t , b y physical i s o l a t i o n f r o m the larger w o r l d .
E l e c t r o n i c m e d i a b r i n g i n f o r m a t i o n a n d experience t o everyplace from
everyplace. State f u n e r a l s , w a r s , hostage crises, a n d space f l i g h t s are dramas
t h a t can be p l a y e d o n t h e stage o f anyone's l i v i n g r o o m . A n d t h e characters
i n these dramas are e x p e r i e n c e d almost as i f they w e r e s i t t i n g o n t h e l i v i n g
r o o m sofa.
C o m m u n i c a t i n g t h r o u g h electronic media is certainly n o t equivalent t o
t r a v e l i n g f r o m place t o place a n d i n t e r a c t i n g w i t h others i n live encounters,
b u t t h e i n f o r m a t i o n t r a n s m i t t e d b y electronic m e d i a is m u c h m o r e similar t o
face-to-face i n t e r a c t i o n t h a n is t h e i n f o r m a t i o n conveyed by books o r letters.
A n d ' r e l a t i o n s h i p s ' w i t h others t h r o u g h electronic m e d i a are accessible t o v i r -
t u a l l y everyone w i t h o u t r e g a r d t o physical l o c a t i o n a n d social ' p o s i t i o n . '
Media 'friends'
E l e c t r o n i c media's e n c r o a c h m e n t o n place is suggested i n o n e o f the clichés o f
the b r o a d c a s t i n g i n d u s t r y : ' T h i s s h o w is b r o u g h t t o y o u live f r o m ...' Once,
physical presence was necessary f o r t h e experience o f a ' l i v e , ' o n g o i n g event.
Y o u ' h a d t o be t h e r e ' t o experience a n i n f o r m a l a n d i n t i m a t e i n t e r a c t i o n . Place
once d e f i n e d a v e r y special category o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n . Electronic m e d i a ,
h o w e v e r , have changed t h e relative significance o f live a n d m e d i a t e d e n c o u n -
ters. T h r o u g h electronic m e d i a o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n , social p e r f o r m e r s n o w ' g o '
w h e r e they w o u l d n o t o r c o u l d n o t t r a v e l , a n d audiences are n o w 'present' at
distant events.
W h a t sort o f relationship is f o r m e d between people w h o experience each
o t h e r o n l y t h r o u g h electronic media? I n a perceptive article o n media w r i t t e n i n
the 1950s, D o n a l d H o r t o n a n d R. R i c h a r d W o h l suggfest that even w h e n t h e
c o m m u n i c a t i o n is u n i d i r e c t i o n a l , such as i n r a d i o a n d television, a special
relationship develops that d i d n o t and c o u l d n o t exist i n p r i n t media. W h a t is

unusual about the n e w mass media, they suggest, is that they offer the illusion o f
face-to-face i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h performers and p o l i t i c a l figures. T h e conditions o f
response t o t h e p e r f o r m e r are analogous t o those i n a p r i m a r y g r o u p . T h e most
remote and illustrious m e n are met as / / t h e y were i n the circle o f one's peers.' 6
H o r t o n a n d W o h l suggest that the n e w media lead t o a n e w type o f rela-

t i o n s h i p w h i c h they call 'para-social i n t e r a c t i o n . ' T h e y argue that a l t h o u g h t h e
r e l a t i o n s h i p is m e d i a t e d , i t psychologically resembles face-to-face i n t e r a c t i o n .
V i e w e r s come t o feel they ' k n o w ' t h e people they 'meet' o n television i n t h e
same w a y they k n o w t h e i r friends a n d associates. I n fact, m a n y viewers begin
t o believe t h a t they k n o w a n d u n d e r s t a n d a p e r f o r m e r better t h a n a l l t h e
o t h e r viewers d o . Paradoxically, t h e para-social p e r f o r m e r is able t o establish
'intimacy w i t h millions.'
H o r t o n a n d W o h l ' s f r a m e w o r k explains t h e p o p u l a r i t y o f t a l k s h o w hosts
such as Jack Paar, J o h n n y C a r s o n , a n d D i c k Cavett. These are people, accord-
i n g t o H o r t o n a n d W o h l , w h o have n o t r a d i t i o n a l p e r f o r m a n c e s k i l l ; they are
n o t singers, musicians, actors, o r even professional-quality comedians. T h e
c o n t e n t o f t h e i r ' p e r f o r m a n c e ' is m o s t l y small t a l k a n d r u n n i n g gags. Yet they
are likeable a n d interesting i n t h e same w a y that a close f r i e n d is likeable a n d
i n t e r e s t i n g . T h e v i e w e r can rely o n t h e m t o be 'themselves.' As H o r t o n a n d
W o h l suggest, t h e p u r e para-social p e r f o r m e r is s i m p l y ' k n o w n f o r b e i n g
k n o w n . ' W i t h i n this f r a m e w o r k , i t makes sense that stories about Johnny
Carson's threats t o resign f r o m t h e ' T o n i g h t ' show, his arrest f o r suspicion o f
d r u n k d r i v i n g , a n d his d i v o r c e settlement have been r e p o r t e d o n t h e n e t w o r k
news a n d i n f r o n t page headlines.
Even p e r f o r m e r s w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l skills o f t e n e x p l o i t the i n t i m a c y o f the n e w
media (or f i n d that they cannot a v o i d i t ) . As a result o f close personal observa-
t i o n , m a n y athletes, musicians, journalists, and politicians are n o w judged n o t
o n l y o n t h e basis o f their 'talent' b u t also o n the basis o f their personalities.
T h e para-social f r a m e w o r k may explain w h y many singing stars t u r n t o m o r e
a n d m o r e personal lyrics a n d themes as their careers develop a n d w h y p u b l i c
officials o f t e n a d d m o r e private i n f o r m a t i o n t o their public speeches as they
become m o r e w i d e l y k n o w n . T h e t h e o r y can also be extended t o actors p l a y i n g
f i c t i o n a l roles. For m a n y viewers, soap opera a n d other television characters
are real people t o w h o m they can t u r n f o r i n s p i r a t i o n a n d advice. D u r i n g his
first five years o n n e t w o r k television, the f i c t i o n a l ' D r . M a r c u s W e l b y ' received
a quarter o f a m i l l i o n letters, most requesting medical advice. 7
H o r t o n a n d W o h l d o n o t l i n k their f r a m e w o r k t o an analysis o f t h e i m p a c t
o f electronic m e d i a o n physical place, but they d o o f f e r observations that sup-
p o r t such an analysis. T h e y n o t e , f o r example, that the para-social r e l a t i o n -
ship has its greatest i m p a c t o n the 'socially isolated, t h e socially i n e p t , t h e
aged a n d i n v a l i d , t h e t i m i d a n d rejected.' 8
Because electronic m e d i a p r o v i d e
the types o f i n t e r a c t i o n a n d experience w h i c h were once restricted t o i n t i m a t e
live encounters, i t makes sense that they w o u l d have their greatest effect o n
those w h o are physically o r psychologically r e m o v e d f r o m everyday social

i n t e r a c t i o n . ( O n e researcher has f o u n d that t h e strength o f t h e para-social
r e l a t i o n s h i p increases w i t h t h e v i e w e r ' s age, that m a n y elderly people t h i n k o f
newscasters as t h e i r f r i e n d s , a n d t h a t some o l d e r viewers ' i n t e r a c t ' w i t h news-
casters b y r e s p o n d i n g t o t h e m verbally. ) Even a m o n g 'average' people, t h e
9
para-social r e l a t i o n s h i p takes its place a m o n g d a i l y live interactions with

f r i e n d s , f a m i l y , a n d associates. I n d e e d , ' r e a l ' friends o f t e n discuss the antics o f
t h e i r para-social f r i e n d s .
T h e para-social f r a m e w o r k is e x t r e m e l y useful i n analyzing m a n y p h e n o m e -
na n o t specifically discussed b y H o r t o n a n d W o h l . T h e f r a m e w o r k explains,
f o r e x a m p l e , w h y i t is t h a t w h e n a ' m e d i a f r i e n d ' such as Elvis Presley, J o h n
Kennedy, o r J o h n L e n n o n dies o r is k i l l e d , m i l l i o n s o f people m a y experience
a sense o f loss as great as (and sometimes greater than) t h e feelings o f loss
a c c o m p a n y i n g t h e death o f a relative o r f r i e n d . Even an awareness o f t h e
para-social m e c h a n i s m is n o t e n o u g h t o p e r m i t escape f r o m its ' m a g i c ' ; t h e
death o f J o h n L e n n o n , f o r e x a m p l e , was strangely p a i n f u l t o m e a n d m y u n i -
versity colleagues w h o h a d ' k n o w n ' h i m a n d g r o w n u p ' w i t h ' h i m . Sociologist
C a n d i c e L e o n a r d has suggested that such m e d i a t e d relationships lead t o a
' n e w genre o f h u m a n g r i e f . ' 10
U n l i k e t h e loss o f a real f r i e n d o r relative, t h e death o f a m e d i a f r i e n d does

n o t p r o v i d e t r a d i t i o n a l rituals o r clear ways t o c o m f o r t t h e bereaved. I n d e e d ,
the m o u r n i n g f o r a para-social f r i e n d is f i l l e d w i t h p a r a d o x a n d helplessness.
A t t e m p t s t o c o m f o r t the dead person's f a m i l y w i t h w o r d s o r f l o w e r s are i n t r u -
sions b y strangers. A n d intensely f e l t personal g r i e f is simultaneously s t r e n g t h -
ened a n d w e a k e n e d b y t h e extent t o w h i c h i t is shared w i t h t h e c r o w d . I n
o r d e r t o banish t h e demons o f g r i e f a n d helplessness, t h e r e f o r e , thousands o f
p e o p l e take t o t h e streets o r h o l d vigils near t h e para-social f r i e n d ' s h o m e o r
place o f death.
I r o n i c a l l y , b u t a p p r o p r i a t e l y , the m e d i a p r o v i d e the most r i t u a l i z e d channels
o f m o u r n i n g . R a d i o a n d television present specials a n d retrospectives. A n d
m a n y p e o p l e use t h e telephone t o contact real friends w h o shared the i n t i m a -
cy w i t h t h e para-social f r i e n d . B u t t h e f i n a l i r o n y is t h a t , i n some ways, t h e
para-social p e r f o r m e r does n o t die. F o r t h e only means t h r o u g h w h i c h m o s t
p e o p l e came t o k n o w h i m o r h e r - records, f i l m s , a n d videotape - are still
available. T h e r e l a t i o n s h i p is f r o z e n , rather t h a n destroyed. I n p a r t , i t is the
p o t e n t i a l a n d h o p e f o r increased i n t i m a c y that dies, a n d t h e never t o be face-
to-face c o n s u m m a t i o n o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p that is m o u r n e d .
T h e para-social r e l a t i o n s h i p has also l e d t o a n e w f o r m o f m u r d e r a n d a
n e w t y p e o f m u r d e r m o t i v e . Police generally distinguish between t w o types o f
m u r d e r s : those c o m m i t t e d b y a person w h o k n o w s t h e v i c t i m , a n d those
c o m m i t t e d b y a stranger. Yet, there is n o w a t h i r d category: t h e para-social
m u r d e r . W h i l e the m e d i a a n d police n o t e d that J o h n L e n n o n ' s m u r d e r e r was a
' c o m p l e t e stranger' - m e a n i n g t h a t t h e t w o h a d never physically m e t - they
overlooked the powerful para-social ties between them. Mark David
C h a p m a n k n e w J o h n L e n n o n so w e l l that f o r a t i m e he t h o u g h t he was John

Lennon. 11
A s i m i l a r l y bizarre relationship existed between w o u l d - b e presiden-
t i a l assassin J o h n H i n c k l e y a n d actress Jodie Foster. H i n c k l e y c o m m i t t e d his
' h i s t o r i c act' i n o r d e r t o cement a 'personal' relationship w i t h Foster. 12
I n b o t h love a n d hate, n o r m a l a n d bizarre, the para-social relationship is a

n e w f o r m o f i n t e r a c t i o n . I t has some o f the t r a d i t i o n a l characteristics o f b o t h
live encounters a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n t h r o u g h books, b u t i t is, i n fact, neither.
I n f o r m u l a t i n g the n o t i o n o f para-social i n t e r a c t i o n , H o r t o n a n d W o h l p o i n t
t o the differences between ' o l d ' and ' n e w ' media. But they o v e r l o o k the overall
e v o l u t i o n a r y t r e n d , even w i t h i n each type o f m e d i u m , t o w a r d a s h r i n k i n g o f
the differences between live a n d mediated encounters. W r i t i n g systems have
evolved t o w a r d greater replication o f spoken sounds ( f r o m hieroglyphs t o the
p h o n e t i c alphabet) a n d p h o t o g r a p h y and electronic media have evolved t o w a r d
fuller representations o f face-to-face sensory experiences.
M e d i a theorist Paul Levinson has detailed the l o n g - t e r m e v o l u t i o n a r y course
o f m e d i a . ' H e argues that the t r e n d is t o w a r d fuller replication o f the means o f
1
c o m m u n i c a t i o n that existed before media and technology. Levinson's theory

gives substance t o o u r i n t u i t i v e sense that one f o r m o f a m e d i u m is 'better'
t h a n another. T h e a d d i t i o n o f voice t o the telegraph, or sound t o silent movies,
o r color t o television, he suggests, is perceived as an ' i m p r o v e m e n t ' simply
because the m e d i u m becomes less like a m e d i u m a n d m o r e like life.
L e v i n s o n uses his theoretical f r a m e w o r k t o reject the c r i t i c i s m o f m a n y
social theorists w h o suggest that media are d i s t o r t i n g the h u m a n c o n d i t i o n by
t a k i n g us f u r t h e r a n d f u r t h e r away f r o m 'reality.' Levinson argues, i n contrast,
that h u m a n beings use media t o recreate as ' n a t u r a l ' a n d as ' h u m a n ' a means
o f c o m m u n i c a t i n g as possible, w h i l e at the same t i m e o v e r c o m i n g pre-techno-
logical l i m i t a t i o n s t o c o m m u n i c a t i o n (lack o f permanent records, i m p o s s i b i l i t y
o f speaking o r seeing across vast distances, i m p o s s i b i l i t y o f being i n t w o places
at once, a n d so o n ) .
Levinson's fascinating d e s c r i p t i o n o f media h i s t o r y shows h o w an early
f o r m o f a m e d i u m first gives u p aspects o f the 'real w o r l d ' i n o r d e r t o over-
c o m e a spatial o r t e m p o r a l l i m i t a t i o n a n d h o w later f o r m s o f the m e d i u m t h e n
recapture aspects o f n a t u r a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n . T h e telegraph, f o r example, gave
u p speech i n o r d e r t o travel q u i c k l y across the c o n t i n e n t a n d globe; b u t t h e n
the telegraph e v o l v e d i n t o the telephone w h i c h regained the h u m a n voice.
A major p r o b l e m w i t h Levinson's f r a m e w o r k , however, is that he completely
overlooks the ways i n w h i c h the o r i g i n a l spatial and t e m p o r a l ' l i m i t s ' help t o
define the nature o f social interaction. I n suggesting that media recreate reality,
Levinson defines ' r e a l i t y ' i n terms o f sensory functions o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n - see-
i n g , hearing, speaking. H e ignores the ways i n w h i c h the substance o f h u m a n
interaction changes w h e n the barriers a m o n g situations are r e m o v e d .
T h e theories o f L e v i n s o n a n d o f H o r t o n a n d W o h l are h e l p f u l here because
they suggest t h a t face-to-face i n t e r a c t i o n is n o longer the o n l y d e t e r m i n a n t o f
personal a n d i n t i m a t e i n t e r a c t i o n . T h e e v o l u t i o n o f m e d i a has begun t o c l o u d
the differences between stranger a n d f r i e n d a n d t o weaken t h e d i s t i n c t i o n

b e t w e e n p e o p l e w h o are 'here' a n d people w h o are 'somewhere else.' These
f r a m e w o r k s suggest t h a t electronic m e d i a are u n i q u e i n that they mask the d i f -
ferences between d i r e c t a n d i n d i r e c t c o m m u n i c a t i o n . W h a t is missing f r o m
these theories, h o w e v e r , is a n a p p r e c i a t i o n o f h o w m u c h social behavior
changes w h e n people are able t o c o m m u n i c a t e 'as i f they w e r e i n t h e same
place w h e n they are, i n fact, i n d i f f e r e n t places.
[...]
Time and space 'saturation'

W i t h its n a t u r a l i n s u l a t i o n , physical place was once t h e p r i m e d e t e r m i n a n t o f
the d e f i n i t i o n o f a s i t u a t i o n . T h e spatial a n d t e m p o r a l i s o l a t i o n o f a physical
l o c a t i o n a l l o w e d f o r one d e f i n i t i o n o f the s i t u a t i o n t o 'saturate' the time/space
f r a m e . G o f f m a n discusses ' s a t u r a t i o n ' as a characteristic of Anglo-American
societies w h e r e social performances t e n d t o be given i n d o o r s a n d w h e r e ' t h e
i m p r e s s i o n a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g fostered b y t h e p e r f o r m a n c e w i l l t e n d t o satu-
rate the r e g i o n a n d t i m e span, so t h a t any i n d i v i d u a l located i n this space-time
m a n i f o l d w i l l be i n a p o s i t i o n t o observe t h e p e r f o r m a n c e a n d be g u i d e d b y
the d e f i n i t i o n o f the s i t u a t i o n w h i c h the p e r f o r m a n c e fosters.' 14
A n y m e d i u m can p u l l a person o u t o f the d e f i n i t i o n o f the s i t u a t i o n . P r i n t

m e d i a a n d electronic m e d i a , h o w e v e r , d i f f e r i n t h e i r i m p a c t o n the d e f i n i t i o n s
o f situations a n d o n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between situations a n d places.
P r i n t m e d i a t e n d t o create new, t o t a l l y absorbing d e f i n i t i o n s . Reading is best
d o n e alone, i n a q u i e t place, a n d t o t h e exclusion o f other activities. I n d e e d ,
special places are designated f o r r e a d i n g . These places are designed t o sepa-
rate p e o p l e , o f t e n i n t o single-person cubicles. A reader, o f course, is 'connect-
e d ' w i t h o t h e r people b y r e a d i n g w h a t they have w r i t t e n o r w h a t has been
w r i t t e n a b o u t t h e m , b u t the reader tends t o be r e m o v e d f r o m those physically
present. ( I n d e e d , even w h e n someone hands y o u a greeting c a r d , y o u m u s t
i g n o r e t h e m f o r a m o m e n t i n o r d e r t o read i t . ) I n this sense, r e a d i n g is ' a n t i -
social'; i t isolates t h e reader f r o m live interactions. Reading is linear a n d
a b s o r b i n g . I t is d i f f i c u l t t o w a l k , t a l k , eat, exercise, make l o v e , o r d r i v e a n
a u t o m o b i l e w h i l e r e a d i n g . Yet most o f these activities are possible while
w a t c h i n g t e l e v i s i o n , a n d all are possible w h i l e listening t o the r a d i o .
I n these ways, electronic m e d i a invade places, yet d o n o t ' o c c u p y ' t h e m i n
the w a y t h a t o t h e r m e d i a such as books d o . Television n o t o n l y changes t h e
d e f i n i t i o n o f the s i t u a t i o n i n places, b u t i t does so i n an unstable a n d inconsis-
tent manner.
[...]
E l e c t r o n i c m e d i a destroy t h e specialness o f place a n d t i m e . Television, r a d i o ,
and telephone t u r n once p r i v a t e places i n t o m o r e p u b l i c ones b y m a k i n g
t h e m m o r e accessible t o t h e outside w o r l d . A n d car stereos, w r i s t w a t c h
televisions, a n d personal s o u n d systems such as t h e Sony ' W a l k m a n ' make
p u b l i c spaces p r i v a t e . T h r o u g h such m e d i a , w h a t is h a p p e n i n g almost any-

w h e r e can be h a p p e n i n g w h e r e v e r w e are. Yet w h e n w e are e v e r y w h e r e , w e
are also n o place i n p a r t i c u l a r .
' H o m e is wherever there's a telephone,' says one telephone c o m p a n y ad.
T h i s analysis suggests, as w e l l , that 'anywhere there's a telephone is n o longer
the same h o m e . ' Those entering m a n y places n o longer f i n d t h e m i n f o r m a t i o n -
ally special. Places visited f o r the first t i m e n o w l o o k f a m i l i a r i f they (or places
like t h e m ) have already been seen o n television. A n d places that were once very
d i f f e r e n t are n o w m o r e similar because nearly every place has a television set,
r a d i o , a n d telephone. W i t h electronic media, most places - f r o m the child's
r o o m t o the priest's h o m e t o the prisoner's cell - n o w have a s t r o n g c o m m o n
d e n o m i n a t o r . Those aspects o f g r o u p identity, socialization, a n d hierarchy that
were once dependent o n particular physical locations a n d the special e x p e r i -
ences available i n t h e m have been altered by electronic media.
Notes
1. Settel, 1967, p. 17.
2. One exception to this was the system of semaphore tower stations designed by
Claude Chappe about fifty years before Morse's telegraph. The 'arms' were set in
different positions to signify different letters. The system was adopted by the French
government. But the semaphore was only a crude forerunner of the telegraph. The
transmission of semaphore messages still depended on 'ordinary' sensory perception
(the arms were large enough to be visible five miles away at the next relay station).
N o messages could be sent during bad weather or at night. And such a system must
have been relatively difficult to construct and operate and impossible to duplicate in
as many locations as the telegraph and other electronic media would later service.
See Settel, 1967, p. 15 for a brief discussion of semaphores.
3. Access to media in prisons varies from state to state and from prison to prison, and,
apparently, there have been no comprehensive surveys of media access in correction-
al institutions. Available sources of information, however, indicate that there has
been substantial access to media among most prisoners since the late 1960s.
Charlotte A. Nesbitt, of the American Correctional Association notes that ' i n most
jails and prisons, prisoners do have access to telephones, radios, and television' (per-
sonal correspondence, June 1983). A survey conducted in 1979 by the Criminal
Justice Information Service (operated by the Contact organization) indicates that all
states except Ohio allow prisoners to make telephone calls and that approximately
fifty percent of the states allow inmates to receive calls ('Your Number, Please,'
1979). The Director of the Federal Prison System, Norman A. Carlson, reports that
federal prisons do not allow personal television sets, but that each housing unit with-
in each prison generally has at least one television set and that a majority vote among
prisoners determines program selection (personal correspondence, June 1983). Many
state prisons do allow personal television sets, radios, tape players, and stereos in
prisoners cells (Donna Hunzeker, Director, Information Services, Contact Inc., per-
sonal correspondence, June 1983).
4. Hendrick, 1977, p. 5.
5. Board of Institutional Ministry, 1978.
6. H o r t o n and Wohl, 1956, p. 215.
7. Gross and Jeffries-Fox, 1978, p. 247.
8. H o r t o n and Wohl, 1956, p. 223.

9. Levy, 1979.
10. Candice Leonard, personal communication, December 1980.
11. Mathews et al., 1980. Like Lennon, Chapman played the guitar and married a
Japanese woman. Chapman had also taped Lennon's name over his own on his
workplace identification tag.
12. Hinckley's last love letter, 1981.
13. Levinson, 1979.
14. Goffman, 1959, p. 106.
References
Board of Institutional Ministry 1978: The prisoners yellow pages. Los Angeles: Universal
Press.
Goffman, E. 1959: The presentation of self in everyday life. New York: Anchor.
Gross, L . and Jeffries-Fox, S. 1978: What do you want to be when you grow up, little
girl? I n Tuchman, G . (ed.), Hearth and home: images of women in the mass media.
New York: O x f o r d University Press.
Hendrick, G. H . 1977: When television is a school for criminals. TV Guide, 29 January,
4-10.
Hinkley's last love letter 1981. Newsweek, 13 April, 35.
H o r t o n , D . and Wohl, R. 1956: Mass communication and para-social interaction: obser-
vations on intimacy at a distance. Psychiatry 19, 215-29.
Levinson, P. 1979: Human replay: a theory of the evolution of media. Diss: New York
University.
Levy, M . 1979: Watching T V news as para-social interaction. Journal of Broadcasting 23,
69-80.
Mathews, T. et al. 1980: Lennon's alter ego. Newsweek, 22 December, 3 4 - 5 .
Settel, I . 1967: A pictorial history of radio. N e w York: Grosset & Dunlap.
Questions
1 Briefly summarise the key ideas covered in the extract, substituting some of your
own examples for those discussed by Meyrowitz. What do you understand by
para-social interaction! How have electronic media had implications for the pub-
lic sphere and for private spaces and situations?
2 In a celebrated and much quoted metaphor, Marshall McLuhan once argued that
modern media systems had the potential to establish a 'global village', networks
of communication capable of shrinking the world, or at least of bringing it to us.
What are the arguments and issues posed by this idea? How much of your own
everyday media consumption takes you out of the immediate confines of space
and time?
3 Underlying some of the assumptions made in the extract is a strong emphasis on
electronic communication technologies as key factors in explaining historical and
cultural change. Refer to any current or historical media technologies and assess
the degree to which the technologies, considered in isolation, can be accepted as
the most significant factors in understanding processes of social change.
Further reading
Carey, J.W 1989: Communication as culture: essays on media and society. St Albans:
Paladin.
Carpenter, E. 1976: Oh, what a blow that phantom gave me! St Albans: Paladin.
Ferguson, M . 1 9 9 1 : Marshall McLuhan re-visited: 1960s Zeitgeist victim or pioneer
postmodernist? Media, Culture and Society 13, 71-90.
Giddens, A. 1991: Modernity and self-identity. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Jensen, J. 1990: Redeeming modernity. London: Sage.
McLuhan, M . 1964: Understanding media. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
Morley, D . 1992: Where the global meets the local: notes from the sitting-room. I n
Television, audiences and cultural studies. London: Routledge. (See Section 5,
reading 3.)
Stevenson, N . 1995: Understanding media cultures. London: Sage.
5
Communications and the Constitution of Modernity
Graham Murdock
From Media, Culture and Society 15, 521-39 (1993)
This extract continues the interrogation of the rise of modern social and cultural conditions
and the centrality of increasingly large-scale networks and systems of mass communication
in that process. In this essay, Murdock aims to counter and qualify some of the themes in
recent postmodern writing by restating the need for forms of analysis and research which
are both historically informed and take into account the central dynamics of modem com-
munications systems. In understanding modern times, he argues, the organisation of media
and communications systems have come to play an increasingly important role in shaping
and constituting both institutional and everyday levels of culture and interaction.
The extract provides an account of the relationships between opposing versions of the
modern consumer versus the modern citizen, as they have been mobilised in and under-
pinned media development in the twentieth century. It also serves to develop some key
themes introduced in earlier readings in this section, concerning the impact of mass com-
munications on the public and private spheres of contemporary culture and social life.
Approaching modernity
We can define m o d e r n i t y i n its most general sense as t h a t c o m p l e x o f process-
es t h a t detached societies f r o m the e c o n o m i c , social a n d c u l t u r a l f o r m a t i o n s
w e n o w characterize as 'ancient' o r ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' , a n d c o n s t r u c t e d t h e f o r m a -
t i o n s w e have come t o see as d e f i n i n g t h e distinctiveness o f t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y
w o r l d . These processes i n c l u d e : the rise o f capitalism as t h e d o m i n a n t m o d e
Communications and Modernity 53
o f e c o n o m i c o r g a n i z a t i o n , the d e v e l o p m e n t o f the nation-state as the m o d a l

u n i t o f p o l i t i c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a n d a c t i o n , the e n d i n g o f religious m o n o p o l i e s
over t h o u g h t a n d k n o w l e d g e a n d the emergence o f a m o r e f r a g m e n t e d a n d
contested c u l t u r a l f i e l d , i n w h i c h c o n t e n d i n g discourses struggle f o r p u b l i c vis-
ibility and authority.
Several features o f this d e f i n i t i o n are w o r t h u n d e r l i n i n g . First, i t insists t h a t
m o d e r n i t y is best seen as a set o f dynamics rather t h a n as a c o n d i t i o n , a c o n -
t i n u a l process o f b e c o m i n g rather t h a n an accomplished state o f being. T h e
c e n t r a l i t y o f m o v e m e n t a n d m o b i l i t y struck c o m m e n t a t o r s w i t h increasing
force i n the early decades o f the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y as they witnessed m o d e r -
n i t y ' s c o m i n g o f age. For Jane Austen i n Persuasion, t o be m o d e r n was t o
embrace a 'state o f a l t e r a t i o n ' . For Charles Baudelaire, a l i t t l e later, i t was an
altogether m o r e v e r t i g i n o u s experience d o m i n a t e d by the 'ephemeral, f u g i t i v e
and contingent'. W h i l e f o r M a r x , i n that m u c h q u o t e d passage i n the
Communist Manifesto, i t was a wholesale process o f 'creative d e s t r u c t i o n ' , i n
w h i c h the d y n a m i c s o f capitalism swept away ' a l l f i x e d , fast-frozen r e l a t i o n s '
a n d ushered i n an era o f ' u n i n t e r r u p t e d disturbance' a n d 'everlasting uncer-
t a i n t y ' . T h i s experience was, f r o m the outset, a source o f p r o f o u n d a m b i v a -
lence, w h e r e b y hopes f o r progress a n d a better f u t u r e were soured by the
r e c o g n i t i o n o f n o v e l risks a n d n e w sources o f servitude. Consequently, as
B e r m a n has r e m i n d e d us, t o be m o d e r n is t o ' f i n d ourselves i n an e n v i r o n m e n t
t h a t promises us a d v e n t u r e , p o w e r , joy, g r o w t h , t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f ourselves
a n d the w o r l d - a n d at the same t i m e , that threatens t o destroy e v e r y t h i n g w e
have, e v e r y t h i n g w e k n o w , e v e r y t h i n g w e are' (Berman, 1983: 39).
[...]
O n e o f the central tensions i n m o d e r n experience centres o n the c o m p e t i t i o n
b e t w e e n t h e identities o f consumer a n d c i t i z e n . T h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f the m o d -
e r n nation-state can be r e a d , i n p a r t , as a h i s t o r y o f attempts t o manage mass
p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the p o l i t i c a l process. These efforts have been d o m i n a t e d by
t w o o p p o s e d r h e t o r i c a l figures. O n the one side s t o o d the c r o w d , e m o t i o n a l ,
seduced by d r a m a t i c images, acting i n concert, b a r g a i n i n g by r i o t a n d d e m o n -
s t r a t i o n . O n the o t h e r side s t o o d the c i t i z e n , r a t i o n a l , o p e n t o sequential a r g u -
m e n t , m a k i n g considered personal choices a n d registering preferences soberly,
i n the s o l i t u d e o f the v o t i n g b o o t h . O f f i c i a l discourse has, n o t surprisingly,
d e v o t e d itself t o a d v a n c i n g the responsibilities o f citizenship a n d d e n i g r a t i n g
the seductions o f the c r o w d . T h e figure o f the consumer, h o w e v e r , presents
considerable p r o b l e m s f o r this enterprise, f o r t w o reasons. First, the consumer
system offers personal s o l u t i o n s t o p u b l i c d i f f i c u l t i e s . I t promises that i t is pos-
sible t o purchase peace o f m i n d a n d w e l l - b e i n g by b u y i n g a suitable c o m m o d i -
ty. I n so d o i n g , i t cuts across the appeals t o the p u b l i c g o o d that u n d e r p i n the
r h e t o r i c s o f c i t i z e n s h i p . Secondly, as early observers were q u i c k t o see, con-
sumer m a r k e t s c o u l d be v i e w e d as 'psychological c r o w d s ' i n the sense t h a t the
vagaries o f fashion a n d the advent o f crazes also r e q u i r e d i m m e r s i o n i n the
w a r m b a t h o f collective a c t i o n .
T h i s perceived tension between the ideal citizen a n d the p r o t o t y p i c a l m o d -

ern consumer m a p p e d itself o n t o t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l struggles between t h e sys-
tems o f representation m o b i l i z e d w i t h i n the sphere o f legitimated ' p o l i t i c s '
(organized a r o u n d p a r t y c o m p e t i t i o n and pressure g r o u p lobbying) a n d the sys-
tems being developed within the emerging mass consumer system a n d
the commercial cultural industries. These tensions emerge particularly
clearly w i t h i n t h e h i s t o r y o f p u b l i c broadcasting as i t struggles t o accommodate
itself t o t h e c o n t r o l l i n g impetus o f the state a n d t h e requirements o f mass
democracy w i t h i n a p o p u l a r c u l t u r a l f i e l d d o m i n a t e d b y commercialized enter-
t a i n m e n t . F r o m this perspective, w h a t Bauman characterizes as a distinctively
p o s t m o d e r n p r o b l e m o f representation is m o r e usefully seen as an intensifica-
t i o n o f c o n t r a d i c t i o n s that have been u n f o l d i n g since t h e early years o f the cen-
tury, w h e n t h e state, t h e party system, t h e mass consumer system a n d t h e
m o d e r n p o p u l a r media, began t o coalesce i n t o something like their present
f o r m s . T h e present crisis o f representation is precisely a crisis i n t h e r e l a t i o n -
ship between t h e discourses o f the major parties (particularly o n t h e Left) a n d
the available i n s t i t u t i o n s o f public c o m m u n i c a t i o n s . These discourses are losing
their purchase o n p u b l i c a t t e n t i o n a n d s u p p o r t a n d are subject t o challenge
f r o m counter-discourses r o o t e d i n racism, n a t i o n a l i s m , fundamentalism and t h e
n e w social movements. T h i s fragmentation o f t h e f i e l d o f ' p o l i t i c a l ' discourse
creates a n acute crisis f o r a public broadcasting system organized a r o u n d t h e
i n s t i t u t i o n s a n d rhetorics o f t h e major parties. A t the same t i m e , t h e accelerat-
i n g p r i v a t i z a t i o n o f t h e c u l t u r a l f i e l d a n d the p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f n e w d i s t r i b u t i o n
channels alter t h e terms o f public broadcasting's relation t o commercialized
p o p u l a r culture a n d t h e consumer system. C o m p e t i t i o n f o r core p r o d u c t i v e
resources, creative labour, intellectual p r o p e r t y rights a n d audience t i m e a n d
allegiance intensifies. O n e response is t o redefine the rights o f citizenship as
c o t e r m i n o u s w i t h t h e rights o f consumers. As a result, public institutions begin
t o t a l k o f t h e constituencies they serve as clients o r customers. T o understand
these shifts, however, w e need t o see t h e m as a f u r t h e r extension o f the process
o f c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n that lies at the heart o f m o d e r n i t y ' s p o l i t i c a l economy.
[...]
T h e rise o f m o d e r n c o m m u n i c a t i o n s is i n e x t r i c a b l y b o u n d u p w i t h t h e o n w a r d
m a r c h o f c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n . M o r e a n d m o r e areas o f c o m m u n i c a t i v e a c t i v i t y
become c o m m o d i f i e d . C u l t u r a l artefacts are increasingly made under c o n d i -
t i o n s o f wage labour f o r sale i n t h e m a r k e t . Newspaper readerships a n d a u d i -
ences f o r c o m m e r c i a l broadcasting become c o n s t i t u t e d as c o m m o d i t i e s f o r
sale t o advertisers. Ideas a n d expressions o f a l l k i n d s become intellectual
p r o p e r t i e s , p r o t e c t e d by t h e walls a n d ditches o f c o p y r i g h t law. W h a t theorists
o f p o s t m o d e r n c u l t u r e celebrate as i n t e r t e x t u a l i t y a n d p l a y f u l pastiche, c o r p o -
rate lawyers prosecute as t h e f t . W h e n a B r i t i s h artist can be b r o u g h t before
the c o u r t f o r i n c l u d i n g ' u n a u t h o r i z e d ' images o f t h e children's storybook
character, N o d d y , i n a p a i n t i n g , i t is d i f f i c u l t n o t t o see c u l t u r a l capitalism
r e d r a w i n g the boundaries o f permissible q u o t a t i o n i n its favour.
T h e process o f c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n is also c e n t r a l t o u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e r e o r -
g a n i z a t i o n o f w h a t w e can call t h e c e n t r a l c o o r d i n a t e s o f m o d e r n i t y - t h e
n e w s t r u c t u r e s o f t i m e a n d space. P r o m p t e d b y d e v e l o p m e n t s i n h u m a n
g e o g r a p h y a n d elsewhere, questions a b o u t t h e r o l e o f t i m e a n d space i n c o n -
s t i t u t i n g social o r d e r have r e c e n t l y received r e n e w e d a t t e n t i o n f r o m social
t h e o r i s t s . H e r e a g a i n , G i d d e n s has been i n t h e v a n g u a r d . F o r h i m , e x p l i c a t -
i n g ' h o w t h e l i m i t a t i o n s o f i n d i v i d u a l " p r e s e n c e " are t r a n s c e n d e d b y t h e
" s t r e t c h i n g " o f social r e l a t i o n s across t i m e a n d space' is the ' f u n d a m e n t a l
q u e s t i o n o f social t h e o r y ' (Giddens, 1 9 8 4 : 3 8 ) . H e c e r t a i n l y sees this
process as c e n t r a l t o m o d e r n i t y , a r g u i n g t h a t ' T h e d y n a m i s m o f m o d e r n i t y
derives f r o m t h e s e p a r a t i o n o f t i m e a n d space a n d t h e i r r e c o m b i n a t i o n '
(Giddens, 1990: 16-17).
T h e first o f these movements, separation, has p r o v e d t o be h i g h l y problematic
f o r conceptualization, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n r e l a t i o n t o space. M o d e r n t h o u g h t has
t e n d e d t o associate t i m e w i t h m o b i l i t y a n d change a n d space w i t h stasis a n d
rootedness. A n d as Massey has p o i n t e d o u t , this dualistic t h i n k i n g has prevented
us f r o m v i e w i n g space m o r e productively, 'as a m o m e n t i n the intersection o f
c o n f i g u r e d social relations' w h i c h have an existence t h r o u g h t i m e (Massey,
1992: 8 0 ) . T h i s is easier t o see i n r e l a t i o n t o ' p r e - m o d e r n ' societies since social
activities generally r e q u i r e d people t o come together i n a particular place at an
agreed t i m e . Buyers a n d sellers h a d t o meet a n d bargain i n t h e marketplace.
Priests a n d believers p e r f o r m e d rituals at special times i n sacred sites set apart
f r o m m u n d a n e space. Storytellers a n d performers addressed physical audiences.
U n d e r c o n d i t i o n s o f m o d e r n i t y , however, a w i d e range o f social relations can be
sustained w i t h o u t co-presence. Space becomes detached f r o m place. M a r k e t s
become n e t w o r k s rather t h a n spaces f o r encounters. Audiences become inter-
pretive c o m m u n i t i e s rather t h a n physical congregations.
These n e w ' d i s t a n c e d ' relations d e p e n d i n t u r n o n w h a t G i d d e n s calls ' d i s -
e m b e d d i n g ' mechanisms, w h i c h ' l i f t o u t social a c t i v i t y f r o m localised c o n -
texts, r e o r g a n i s i n g social relations across large time-space distances' (1990:
5 3 ) . M o n e y is o n e such m e c h a n i s m , t h e m o d e r n m e d i a o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n are
another. I n c o m b i n a t i o n they present a p o w e r f u l t r a n s f o r m a t i v e force. G o o d s
can be o r d e r e d a n d d e l i v e r e d b y m a i l . Deals can be done b y letter a n d paper
money. Tellers o f tales can reach unseen audiences through printed texts
w h i c h readers can t h e n peruse at a t i m e t o suit t h e m .
T h i s increasing d e t a c h m e n t o f experience f r o m specific times a n d places is
accompanied b y a second a n d , i n m a n y ways, c o n t r a d i c t o r y m o v e m e n t
towards s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n , based o n t h e i m p o s i t i o n o f measures t h a t are
abstract, u n i f o r m a n d i n v a r i a n t . T h e s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n o f calendars, coupled
w i t h t h e ascendency o f c l o c k t i m e a n d t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f a g l o b a l g r i d o f
t i m e zones (measured i n degrees east o r west o f t h e G r e e n w i c h m e r i d i a n ) dis-
places o t h e r ways o f m a r k i n g t h e passage o f t i m e , relegating t h e m t o s u b o r d i -
nate o r l o c a l i z e d p o s i t i o n s . These i n c l u d e d i u r n a l m o v e m e n t s f r o m l i g h t t o
d a r k , seasonal cycles, b o d y r h y t h m s , a n d l i t u r g i c a l intervals between feasts
a n d fasts. Similarly, standard units o f distance a n d t e r r i t o r i a l measurement

i n c o r p o r a t e space i n t o a single regime o f measurement.
Communications and modernity

W h a t , t h e n , can w e say i n general terms about t h e relations between c o m m u -
nications a n d t h e f o r m a t i o n s o f m o d e r n i t y ? W h a t lines o f e n q u i r y suggest
themselves f o r f u t u r e w o r k ? Several candidates have already presented t h e m -
selves. By w a y o f a c o n c l u s i o n , I w a n t t o o f f e r a m o r e synoptic account o f
w h e r e w e m i g h t g o f r o m here.
We first need t o reject all f o r m s o f technological d e t e r m i n i s m a n d media cen-
t r i s m . T h e h i s t o r y o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n s is n o t a history o f machines b u t a h i s t o r y
o f t h e w a y n e w media help t o reconfigure systems o f p o w e r and n e t w o r k s o f
social relations. I n o r d e r t o understand this process w e must a v o i d i n s t r u m e n -
talism. C o m m u n i c a t i o n s technologies are certainly p r o d u c e d w i t h i n particular
centres o f p o w e r a n d d e p l o y e d w i t h particular purposes i n m i n d b u t , once i n
play, they o f t e n have u n i n t e n d e d a n d c o n t r a d i c t o r y consequences. T h e y are,
t h e r e f o r e , m o r e usefully v i e w e d n o t as technologies o f c o n t r o l o r o f f r e e d o m ,
b u t as the site o f c o n t i n u a l struggles over i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and use. A t the heart o f
these struggles, lies t h e s h i f t i n g b o u n d a r y between t h e p u b l i c a n d private
spheres. T r a c i n g these movements provides a p r o d u c t i v e place t o begin a n
investigation o f the role o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n s a n d the c o n s t i t u t i o n o f m o d e r n i t y .
I t has become increasingly evident i n the last few years that the metaphor o f
the t e x t and the reader n o longer captures the c o m p l e x i t y o f the people's rela-
t i o n s h i p t o c o m m u n i c a t i o n systems. This has p r o m p t e d researchers t o develop
alternative models based a r o u n d notions o f c o n s u m p t i o n a n d use. T h i s line o f
e n q u i r y has been pursued most vigorously i n relation t o the n e w domestic tech-
nologies o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n , particularly t h e video recorder, h o m e computers
a n d the telephone, w h i c h up u n t i l recently had been m o r e o r less passed over by
communications research. T h i s w o r k challenges the conventional line that
research has d r a w n between public and private media a n d obliges us t o r e t h i n k
o u r approach t o the relations between communications a n d sociability.
These relations w o r k i n at least three dimensions. First, a n d perhaps most
obviously, m o d e r n c o m m u n i c a t i v e facilities a l l o w f o r t h e extension o f i n t i m a -
cy. A m a n carries t h e p h o t o o f his w i f e i n his w a l l e t . A w o m a n talks o n t h e
telephone t o a close f r i e n d n o w l i v i n g i n another city. Secondly, they p r o d u c e
n e w f o r m s o f sociability a n d offer n e w pretexts f o r solitude a n d social w i t h -
d r a w a l . Friends gather r o u n d t h e television screen t o celebrate p e r i o d i c r i t u -
als: t h e C u p F i n a l , t h e Super B o w l , a Royal W e d d i n g . M o r e mundanely, m e d i a
are i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o domestic routines m a r k i n g o f f segments o f t h e day a n d
p e r i o d s o f gregariousness. T h e y also p r o v i d e n e w sites f o r separation a n d
a u t o n o m y . A c h i l d w i t h d r a w s t o t h e b e d r o o m t o play a c o m p u t e r game. A
m o t h e r takes t i m e o f f f r o m t e n d i n g t o her f a m i l y ' s needs b y r e a d i n g a r o m a n -
tic n o v e l . T h i r d l y , a n d m o r e c o m p l e x l y , m o d e r n m e d i a p r o d u c e n e w f o r m s o f
parasocial i n t e r a c t i o n , i n w h i c h people enjoy i n t i m a t e relations w i t h people

t h e y m a y never meet o r t a l k t o i n person. A u n i v e r s i t y student leaves a mes-
sage o n a c o m p u t e r b u l l e t i n b o a r d i n v i t i n g replies. A listener calls a disc j o c k -
ey at a r a d i o s t a t i o n t o ask f o r a f a v o u r i t e song t o be p l a y e d . A n elderly,
h o u s e b o u n d l a d y f o l l o w s t h e trials a n d t r i b u l a t i o n s o f t h e characters i n her
f a v o u r i t e soap o p e r a as t h o u g h they w e r e an extension o f her o w n e x t e n d e d
family. A dedicated f a n searches o u t every f i l m f e a t u r i n g t h e i r f a v o u r i t e star
a n d a v i d l y collects p h o t o g r a p h s a n d m e m o r a b i l i a . A p o l i t i c i a n ' s personal
m i s d e m e a n o u r s are p a r a d e d i n t h e p o p u l a r press, e r o d i n g t h e line between
f r o n t - a n d backstage areas, p u b l i c persona a n d p r i v a t e l i f e .
These c o m p l e x r e c o n f i g u r a t i o n s o f the p u b l i c a n d private domains are l i n k e d
in turn t o t h e ways that communications systems help t o reconstitute
space/time relations. O n e o f the m a j o r social 'effects' o f broadcasting has been
t o r e i n f o r c e t h e hegemony o f standard t i m e . F r o m L o r d Reith's early celebra-
t i o n o f the B B C ' s a b i l i t y t o carry the chimes o f Big Ben i n t o every h o m e i n t h e
l a n d , t o t h e present u b i q u i t y o f t i m e checks, broadcasting has helped t o cement
a standardized regime o f t i m e . B u t i t has also helped t o reconfigure personal
t i m e a n d its l i n k s t o historical m e m o r y . As a m o d e o f storage, i t has constructed
an u n p a r a l l e l e d archive o f personal, vernacular testimonies, professional per-
formances a n d p r o n o u n c e m e n t s b y experts a n d p u b l i c figures. T h i s dense net-
w o r k o f o r a l threads is n o w w o v e n i n t o the t e x t u r e o f p o p u l a r m e m o r y ,
p r o v i d i n g social markers f o r measuring the passage o f personal t i m e , a n d
p o t e n t resources f o r t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f n e w f o r m s o f reminiscence a n d nostal-
gia. Together w i t h o l d f i l m s , past h i t records a n d selected p h o t o g r a p h s , b r o a d -
cast archives f u r n i s h t h e m a j o r means o f connecting a u t o b i o g r a p h y t o history.
A p a r a l l e l process is at w o r k i n t h e d o m a i n o f space. I t is n o t s i m p l y t h a t
m o d e r n c o m m u n i c a t i o n s systems are t h e basic p r e c o n d i t i o n f o r m o d e r n i t y ' s
characteristic separation o f space f r o m place, together w i t h the displacement
o f l o c a t i o n s b y n e t w o r k s a n d t h e creation o f n e w f o r m s o f social relations
c o m b i n i n g i n t i m a c y a n d distance. N e w c o m m u n i c a t i o n s facilities also gener-
ate e n t i r e l y n e w f o r m s o f space. W h a t is n o w called 'dataspace', f o r e x a m p l e ,
is t h e latest o u t c o m e o f a l o n g process t h r o u g h w h i c h measures o f exchange
value have become progressively less tangible. As t h e economic dynamics o f
m o d e r n i t y u n f o l d e d so g o l d coinage gave w a y t o p r i n t e d notes backed b y
g o l d , w h i c h i n t u r n gave w a y t o ' p u r e ' paper money, w h i c h is t h e n translated
i n t o c o m p u t e r records so t h a t t h e m o n e y i n m y bank account exists n o w
only as an object i n the dataspace, located i n the section defined by my bank's

computers. While i t has a physical representation as a pattern of magnetisation
on a disc, its 'reality' is in the computer-defined domain of the dataspace.
(Thompson, 1993: 17)
T h i s e x a m p l e is a g o o d instance o f a general p r o b l e m i n o u r c u r r e n t
a p p r o a c h t o t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f m o d e r n c o m m u n i c a t i o n s . Discussions o f
'dataspace' w o u l d n o t f i n d t h e i r w a y i n t o m a n y accounts because they are
seen t o be about ' p r i v a t e ' c o m m u n i c a t i o n s n e t w o r k s a n d , t h e r e f o r e , n o t rele-

vant t o t h e h i s t o r y o f ' p u b l i c ' c o m m u n i c a t i o n s . A n u m b e r o f c o m m e n t a t o r s
have recognized t h a t this simplistic d i v i s i o n is u n h e l p f u l i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e n e w
c o m m u n i c a t i o n s technologies, w h e r e n e t w o r k s such as b u l l e t i n boards strad-
dle b o t h d o m a i n s . B u t they have failed t o u n d e r s t a n d that i t is equally u n p r o -
ductive f o r earlier periods. Against this w e need t o see t h e b o u n d a r y
separating p u b l i c a n d private as c o n t i n u a l l y contested, a n d t o e x p l o r e the
s h i f t i n g , a n d sometimes s u r p r i s i n g , interactions between t h e m .
M o d e r n w a r f a r e is a n instructive case i n p o i n t . M o s t histories focus o n the
d e v e l o p m e n t o f w e a p o n systems, b u t i t is arguable that the development o f
c o m m a n d c o n t r o l a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s systems is m o r e i m p o r t a n t . These p r o -
vide the basic p r e c o n d i t i o n s f o r the effective c o o r d i n a t i o n o f t r o o p s a n d sup-
plies across extensive theatres o f c o n f l i c t . T h e y also shift the relationship
between action a n d consequence. By facilitating the progressive detachment o f
aggression f r o m its target, as i n h i g h - a l t i t u d e b o m b i n g raids o r long-distance
artillery, c o m m u n i c a t i o n s systems reconfigure the m o r a l calculus o f c o n f l i c t ,
p r o d u c i n g images o f the recent G u l f War i n w h i c h v i d e o footage shot f r o m t h e
c o c k p i t p u r p o r t e d t o s h o w 'clean' surgical strikes o n m i l i t a r y targets. These
images, o r i g i n a t e d i n t h e p r i v i l e g e d a n d restricted d o m a i n o f i n t e r n a l m i l i t a r y
c o m m u n i c a t i o n , were released i n t o the p u b l i c d o m a i n as part o f a propaganda
offensive. O n l y w h e n counter images, taken o n the g r o u n d , began t o appear i n
the p u b l i c d o m a i n d i d i t become evident that the declared intentions h a d gone
badly w r o n g , causing extensive civilian casualties. T h i s slippage p o i n t s t o the
increasing problems o f m a i n t a i n i n g an effective system o f o f f i c i a l controls over
c o m m u n i c a t i o n i n an era o f p r o l i f e r a t i n g image m a k i n g . Images carefully craft-
ed f o r p u b l i c c o n s u m p t i o n are counterposed against ' u n a u t h o r i z e d ' a n d vernac-
ular images o f p u b l i c functionaries a n d their actions.
T h e c o n t e m p o r a r y crisis o f representation is i n p a r t a crisis o f c o n t r o l . A
n u m b e r o f w r i t e r s have stressed t h e central role o f r e f l e x i v i t y i n t h e c o n s t i t u -
t i o n o f m o d e r n i t y , t h e fact t h a t ' m o d e r n i t y transforms the w e b o f i n s t i t u t i o n s '
a n d t h a t ' r e f l e x i v i t y is t h e measure a n d m e d i u m o f this t r a n s f o r m a t i o n ' (Beck,
1992: 1 6 4 ) . C o m m u n i c a t i o n s systems play a central role i n this process, since
they are t h e m a i n means t h r o u g h w h i c h i n f o r m a t i o n a n d debate about past
plans a n d actions can be stored a n d r e t r i e v e d . C o n t r o l over access t o t h e
means o f c r i t i c a l r e f l e c t i o n is therefore o f considerable significance. Recent
c o m m e n t a r i e s o n this issue have emphasized the central role o f experts a n d
e x p e r t systems i n r e g u l a t i n g r e f l e x i v i t y a n d addressing the issue o f risk. W h a t
people k n o w depends o n w h a t they are t o l d a n d b y w h o m . W h a t they believe
depends o n w h o they t r u s t . I n t h e contest f o r m i n d s a n d hearts under m o d e r -
nity, t h e claims o f expertise have been continually p i t c h e d against the testimony
o f experience. T h i s is p a r t i c u l a r l y evident i n certain f o r m s o f news a n d
d o c u m e n t a r y expression, w h e r e the ethos o f radical p o p u l i s m , w i t h its deep-
r o o t e d distrust o f o f f i c i a l d o m i n a l l its f o r m s , has been a n c h o r e d b y t h e cele-
b r a t i o n o f eye-witness accounts a n d g r o u n d e d experience, w h e t h e r p r o v i d e d
by journalists o r p a r t i c i p a n t s . As w e n o t e d earlier, h o w e v e r , t h e question o f

r e p r e s e n t a t i o n involves issues o f c u l t u r a l f o r m as w e l l as o f social delegation.
H e r e w e need t o e x p l o r e , m u c h m o r e f u l l y t h a n w e have done so far, t h e
s h i f t i n g r e l a t i o n between language a n d imagery i n p o p u l a r representation.
T h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f l i t h o g r a p h y a n d , later, o f p h o t o - j o u r n a l i s m a n d t h e silent
c i n e m a , changed t h e terms o f this r e l a t i o n , creating n e w collisions between
the sequential arguments c a r r i e d b y language a n d t h e p r o l i f e r a t i n g c o n n o t a -
t i o n s d e t o n a t e d b y t h e a c c o m p a n y i n g imagery. Claims t o p l a u s i b i l i t y a n d
a u t h o r i t y came t o d e p e n d as m u c h o n w h a t speakers o r w r i t e r s l o o k e d l i k e as
o n w h a t they said. I n a p p r o a c h i n g this p r o b l e m , there is l i t t l e t o be gained
f r o m l a m e n t i n g t h e loss o f some i m a g i n e d era o f ' p u r e ' discourse a n d c o m -
p l a i n i n g a b o u t t h e i n a b i l i t y o f c o m m e r c i a l television o r t h e t a b l o i d press t o
stage r a t i o n a l debates. Instead, w e need t o investigate t h e c o m p l e x i n t e r p l a y
b e t w e e n f o r m a t i o n s o f discourse a n d f o r m a t i o n s o f visual representation as i t
has u n f o l d e d u n d e r m o d e r n i t y , a n d t o trace its consequences f o r t h e c o n s t i t u -
t i o n o f p u b l i c k n o w l e d g e a n d belief.
As argued earlier, p a r t o f this h i s t o r y centres o n t h e c o m p e t i n g identities a n d
vocabularies o f m o t i v e o f f e r e d b y the rhetorics o f c o n s u m p t i o n a n d citizenship.
B a u m a n speaks f o r m a n y recent w r i t e r s w h e n he argues that whereas 'classical'
m o d e r n i t y was organized a r o u n d p r o d u c t i o n , p o s t m o d e r n i t y (or, as I prefer,
h i g h m o d e r n i t y ) is o r i e n t e d t o c o n s u m p t i o n a n d that 'consumer choice has
been e n t r e n c h e d as t h e p o i n t at w h i c h systematic r e p r o d u c t i o n , social integra-
t i o n a n d i n d i v i d u a l life w o r l d are c o o r d i n a t e d a n d h a r m o n i z e d ' (Bauman,
1992: 5 2 ) . O n c e again, t h e s h i f t i n g relations between t h e p u b l i c a n d private
spheres, u n d e r s t o o d i n this instance as the progressive c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n a n d
c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n o f p u b l i c c u l t u r e , is central t o an adequate analysis. B u t
B a u m a n is perhaps o v e r l y eager t o c l a i m a fait accompli. T h e consumer system
is u n d o u b t a b l y central t o late m o d e r n i t y , as b o t h an i n s t i t u t i o n a l a n d c u l t u r a l
f o r m a t i o n a n d as an o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e o f everyday l i f e . A n d t h e c o m m e r c i a l
c o m m u n i c a t i o n s system has certainly played a p i v o t a l role i n b r i n g i n g this
a b o u t , b y p r o v i d i n g t h e m a i n site f o r t h e advertising a n d p u b l i c i t y t h a t p r o -
motes t h e system a n d b y o f f e r i n g an e n t i c i n g array o f consumer o p t i o n s i n its
o w n r i g h t . B u t its f o r w a r d m a r c h has n o t gone uncontested. I t has t o c o n t e n d
w i t h t h e still p o w e r f u l rhetorics o f f e r e d b y t h e i m a g i n e d c o m m u n i t y o f the
n a t i o n a n d w i t h p r o l i f e r a t i n g claims t o social representation a n d social justice.
I n t h e e n d , arguments about unequal life chances cannot be entirely satisfied b y
the o f f e r o f a n o p e n choice o f life styles i n t h e marketplace. T h e h i s t o r y o f t h e
struggle between t h e discourses a n d dynamics o f citizenship, consumerism a n d
social d i v i s i o n , is o n e w e need t o trace as a matter o f urgency i f w e are t o
address t h e present crisis o f representation i n all its r a m i f i c a t i o n s .
References
Bauman, Zygmunt 1992: Intimations of postmodernity. London: Routledge.
Beck, Ulrich 1992: H o w modern is modern society? Theory, Culture and Society 9(2),
163-9.
Berman, Marshal 1983: All that is solid melts into air. London: Verso.
Giddens, Anthony 1984: The constitution of society. O x f o r d : Polity Press.
Giddens, Anthony 1990: The consequences of modernity. O x f o r d : Polity Press.
Massey, Doreen 1992: Politics and space-time. New Left Review 196 (Nov./Dec),
65-84.
Thompson, Bill 1993: Tapping into a new universe. Guardian 18 February, 17.
Questions
1 Summarise and review the definition of modernity offered in the extract. What
does Murdock suggest about the relations between communications and the
formations of modernity?
2 How have the notions and identities of 'consumer' and 'citizen' been influential
in the development of modern conditions and modern media systems?
3 How have recent advances in communications reshaped or reconfigured public
and private domains? Develop some of these ideas with reference to examples
of your own.
Further reading
Curran, J. and Gurevitch, M . (eds.) 1991: Mass media and society. London: Edward
Arnold.
Dahlgren, P. 1995: Television and the public sphere: citizenship, democracy and the
media. London: Sage.
Kellner, D . 1995: Media culture. London: Routledge.
McRobbie, A. 1994: Postmodernism and cultural studies. London: Routledge.
Stevenson, N . 1995: Understanding media cultures: social theory and mass communi-
cation. London: Sage. (See Section 3, reading 7.).
Thompson, J.B. 1996: The media and modernity. Cambridge: Polity Press.
6
Public Service Broadcasting and Modern Public Life
Paddy Scannell
From Media, Culture and Society 11, 135-66 (1989)
In their differing ways the last three readings have suggested that the nature, scale and
shape of twentieth-century experience has been profoundly transformed, extended and
constituted by the expansion of mass communication systems. In this final reading of
Section 1, Scannell focuses on the consequences of the development of broadcasting,
both radio and television. In particular he is concerned to evaluate the historical contribu-
tions made to modern democratic cultures by the institutional practices and consequences
of public service broadcasting.
Public Service Broadcasting 61
In Britain and many other modem nation states, public service forms of broadcasting
have entailed the organisation of radio and television services primarily as public utilities
and resources, rather than as profitable commodities. This emphasis has encompassed
their organisation and control as national cultural institutions owned, regulated and run in
the public interest and dedicated to the public provision of information and entertainment.
In these terms, broadcasters have been obliged to serve the public in various ways rather
than simply to follow the dictates of commercial markets. The history of the development
of broadcasting systems in many nation states from the 1920s onwards has been pro-
foundly influenced by the values and discourses of public service, either in the form of pub-
licly owned state monopolies (for example, the BBC, pre-1955) or more recently as a
significant public element within mixed systems which allow for competition between
commercial and public variants of radio and TV.
The ethos of public service broadcasting and the practices associated with it have
changed considerably since earlier decades of the century. Scannell's historical assessment
- and what follows is again only an extract from the whole essay - needs to be set in the
context of two particular issues. First, the accelerating demise of the public service ideal
which has occurred particularly as a result of the policies of deregulation in the British
broadcast sector in the last 20 years and the expansion of new commercial and techno-
logical forms of media to challenge the previous dominance of public service media.
Second, Scannell is concerned to argue for a more positive reassessment of the achieve-
ments and values of public service broadcasting than has generally been accorded. In par-
ticular he takes issue with what he sees as the rather one-dimensional critiques of public
service broadcasting which have condemned it for its elitism and ideological bias. From his
point of view, public service radio and television have enabled genuinely new forms of com-
municative relationships to emerge in an expanded, modern and democratic public sphere.
This leads him to argue for the centrality of communicative entitlements or communicative
rights, which he sees as enshrined in and guaranteed by public service provision and wor-
thy of retaining into the twenty-first century.
We defend public services as if they existed only for the poor when i n fact their
rationale is to create common conditions of life for all classes.
(Michael Ignatieff, Guardian, 4 April 1988)
I f broadcasting t o d a y is defensible as a p u b l i c service i t can o n l y be as a service

t o t h e p u b l i c . A n d yet w h a t t h e w o r d public means i n t h e c o n t e x t o f broadcast-
i n g remains r e m a r k a b l y u n d e r e x a m i n e d i n debates about t h e social role o f
r a d i o a n d television n o w a n d i n the f u t u r e . W h e n t h e Peacock C o m m i t t e e
t u r n e d t o t h e broadcasters f o r their interpretations o f p u b l i c service they
r e m a i n e d u n e n l i g h t e n e d . ' W e h a d some d i f f i c u l t y ' , their Report observed, ' i n
o b t a i n i n g an o p e r a t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n f r o m broadcasters', a n d i t c r i t i c i z e d the
B B C p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r being t o o vague o r f o r c l a i m i n g t o o m u c h (Peacock, 1 9 8 6 :
130). I f t h e broadcasters are confused, so t o o are politicians a n d academics.
T h e f o r m e r have always treated r a d i o a n d television i n terms o f their i m m e d i -
ate interests. T h e w h o l e h i s t o r y o f t h e relationship between broadcasting a n d
the w o r l d o f politics is o n e o f m a n i p u l a t i o n a n d pressures (overt a n d covert)

exerted o n broadcast news a n d discussion by politicians, parties a n d g o v e r n -
ments (Scannell, 1 9 8 4 ) . As f o r academics i n this country, f r o m F. R. Leavis
t h r o u g h R i c h a r d H o g g a r t t o Stuart H a l l , t h e d o m i n a n t educational ideology
has been t h a t t h e media are m a n i p u l a t i v e , audiences are beguiled against their
better interests a n d t h e benevolent, disinterested role o f education is t o teach
critical awareness o f h o w these manipulations take place ' b e h i n d men's backs'.
I n this article I w i s h t o revalue broadcasting's social r o l e against its devalua-
t i o n i n arguments t h a t regard i t p r i m a r i l y as a f o r m o f social c o n t r o l , o r o f
c u l t u r a l s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n o r o f ideological (mis)representation. T o t h e contrary,
I w i s h t o argue f o r broadcasting i n its present f o r m , as a p u b l i c g o o d t h a t has
u n o b t r u s i v e l y c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n o f everyday l i f e , i n p u b l i c
a n d p r i v a t e contexts, f r o m its b e g i n n i n g t h r o u g h t o today. I d o n o t see h o w
there can be a n y reasonable case f o r t h e present system other t h a n a l o n g such
lines. I w i l l a t t e m p t t o d e f e n d this p r o p o s i t i o n first b y d e v e l o p i n g an account
o f broadcasting as a p u b l i c g o o d a n d t h e n considering t h e w i d e r i m p l i c a t i o n s
o f this account i n r e l a t i o n t o possible objections a n d criticisms. I n d o i n g this I
have i n m i n d t h e w o r k o f Jurgen Habermas, whose concepts o f t h e p u b l i c
sphere, a n d o f c o m m u n i c a t i v e r a t i o n a l i t y , have helped t o c l a r i f y m y u n d e r -
s t a n d i n g o f broadcasting. A g a i n , I w i l l n o t i n i t i a l l y a t t e m p t a c o m m e n t a r y o n
Habermas's t h e o r e t i c a l concerns other t h a n t o note here t h a t , a l t h o u g h I d o
n o t accept t h e p a r t i c u l a r theoretical lines o f e n q u i r y he pursues, t h e issues he
addresses a n d t h e p r o b l e m s he poses seem t o me t o be f u n d a m e n t a l f o r t h e
study o f m o d e r n societies a n d t h e c o n t r i b u t o r y role o f m o d e r n media.
T w o things I d o take f r o m Habermas that underlie w h a t f o l l o w s : a historical
approach t o t h e f o r m a t i o n o f broadcasting's public sphere (cf. G a r n h a m , 1 9 8 6 ,
for a recent discussion o f the concept), a n d a concern w i t h the rational charac-
ter o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n i n everyday actual contexts. I w i l l offer a brief, historical
account o f the development o f broadcasting i n this c o u n t r y w h i c h focuses o n i t
as a public service i n t w o related ways: first, i n terms o f a content - p r o g r a m m e
o u t p u t - w h i c h constitutes a n e w k i n d o f public life t h r o u g h the relaying a n d
creation o f r e a l - w o r l d events and occasions that are public i n a m i n i m a l sense,
viz. open a n d accessible t o the public. T w o kinds o f such events are taken i n t o
account; o n the one h a n d those that are external t o broadcasting b u t w h i c h
broadcasting redistributes, f r o m their o w n locations, t o its audiences (a c o r o n -
a t i o n , a f o o t b a l l match) a n d , o n the other h a n d , those that are internal t o b r o a d -
casting w h i c h i t has created f o r its audiences i n its studios (a p o l i t i c a l interview,
a chat show, a game s h o w ) . T h e c o n t i n u i n g interplay o f such events, outside a n d
inside the studios, make u p w h a t I w i l l refer t o as the public life o f broadcasting.
M y second, related concern is w i t h the audiences, the n e w k i n d o f general p u b -
lic, o n whose behalf this public life is r o u t i n e l y accessed and p r o d u c e d .
I have argued elsewhere that there were t w o essential characteristics that have
r e m a i n e d , f r o m t h e b e g i n n i n g t h r o u g h t o t h e present, as c o n s t i t u t i v e o f p u b l i c
service b r o a d c a s t i n g : t h e p r o v i s i o n o f a service o f mixed programmes o n

national channels available t o a l l (Scannell, 1 9 8 9 ) . T h e p r i n c i p l e o f universal
a v a i l a b i l i t y has technical a n d e c o n o m i c c o m p o n e n t s . T h e f u l l establishment o f
b r o a d c a s t i n g presupposes a society t h a t has, f o r t h e great m a j o r i t y , risen above
the level o f necessity. T o enjoy t h e services o f broadcasting people need at t h e
least a m a r g i n a l surplus o f disposable t i m e a n d i n c o m e . I n B r i t a i n before t h e
w a r r a d i o sets w e r e n o t cheap, a n d represented a m a j o r i t e m o f e x p e n d i t u r e i n
households w i t h o n l y pennies t o spare each week. Nevertheless, 75 percent o f
households h a d a r a d i o set b y 1 9 3 9 , a n d t o d a y w h e n 1 0 0 percent o f house-
h o l d s have r a d i o s i t is c o m m o n f o r h o u s e h o l d members t o have t h e i r o w n
sets; 9 8 percent o f households presently have at least o n e television set. T h u s
as c o m m o d i t i e s r a d i o a n d T V sets (as distinct f r o m v i d e o display units) have
b e c o m e things t h a t every h o u s e h o l d possesses.
A t t h e same t i m e t h e broadcasting a u t h o r i t i e s ( B B C a n d I B A ) have seen i t as
a f u n d a m e n t a l p a r t o f t h e i r c o m m i t m e n t t o p u b l i c service t o make t h e i r p r o -
g r a m m e s , as far as is technically possible, available t o anyone w i t h a receiving
apparatus a n y w h e r e i n t h e U n i t e d K i n g d o m . T h e BBC's television services
n o w reach 9 9 . 1 percent o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n . T o reach t h a t extra o n e - t e n t h o f 1
p e r c e n t , 65 n e w t r a n s m i t t i n g stations w e r e added t o t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n system
(Peacock, 1 9 8 6 : 1 3 0 n ) . Such a n investment is t h e m a r k o f p u b l i c service
broadcasting's disregard o f s t r i c t l y c o m m e r c i a l considerations i n r e l a t i o n t o its
audiences. W h e r e those are p r i m a r y , broadcasters w i l l deliver a service o n l y t o
the m o s t p r o f i t a b l e markets - w h i c h l i e i n densely p o p u l a t e d u r b a n areas t h a t
can deliver large audiences w i t h o u t d i f f i c u l t i e s . T h e markets f o r cable services
are l i k e l y t o p r o v e even m o r e selective. T h e a f f l u e n t areas o f m a j o r t o w n s a n d
cities w i l l be w i r e d u p , w h i l e t h e p o o r e r areas w i l l be neglected. M o r e sparsely
p o p u l a t e d , r e m o t e r regions w i l l be i g n o r e d entirely.
I f t h e universal d i s t r i b u t i o n o f its services is o n e basic m a r k e r o f a b r o a d -
casting service c o n s t i t u t e d as a p u b l i c g o o d , t h e o t h e r is t h e s u p p l y o f m i x e d
p r o g r a m m e services t o its n a t i o n w i d e audiences, i.e. a w i d e range o f d i f f e r e n t
k i n d s o f p r o g r a m m e s d e l i v e r e d o n a single channel. T h e m i x t o d a y is f a m i l i a r
i n t h e o u t p u t o f the f o u r n a t i o n a l television channels at present available t o a l l
i n t h e U K : news, c u r r e n t affairs, a n d t o p i c a l magazine p r o g r a m m e s ; chat
s h o w s , game shows a n d quizzes; d r a m a o f a l l k i n d s f r o m soap operas a n d s i t u -
a t i o n comedies t o p o l i c e series a n d single-authored plays; documentaries o n a
w i d e range o f topics - social issues, history, science, w i l d l i f e ; religious p r o -
g r a m m e s ; c h i l d r e n ' s p r o g r a m m e s ; music f r o m t h e c u r r e n t t o p f o r t y t o t h e
classics, o p e r a a n d ballet; a w i d e a n d v a r y i n g s u p p l y o f s p o r t i n g events t h a t
includes a l l t h e m a j o r sports a n d m a n y n e w ones ( t o t e l e v i s i o n , t h a t is) such as
A m e r i c a n f o o t b a l l , basketball, b a d m i n t o n a n d i n d o o r b o w l i n g .
A l l this is deeply k n o w n a n d taken f o r granted, bedded d o w n i n t o the very
fabric o f daily life f o r a l l o f us. I n the sum o f its parts broadcasting has b r o u g h t
i n t o b e i n g a c u l t u r e i n c o m m o n t o w h o l e populations a n d a shared p u b l i c life o f
a quite n e w k i n d . I t exists as such today i n national television services b u t n o t i n
r a d i o . T h e o r i g i n a l Reithian concept o f m i x e d p r o g r a m m i n g was e m b o d i e d i n

the p r e - w a r N a t i o n a l Programme (Scannell a n d C a r d i f f , 1982). A f t e r the w a r a
three-tiered r a d i o service was i n t r o d u c e d - the L i g h t , the H o m e a n d the T h i r d
Programmes - w h i c h stratified audiences i n t o three b r o a d c u l t u r a l taste publics,
l o w b r o w , m i d d l e b r o w and h i g h b r o w . Reith, w h o had l o n g since left the BBC,
r i g h t l y saw this as a fundamental betrayal o f his f o u n d i n g concept o f public ser-
vice broadcasting. T h e w o r m i n the p r o m i s i n g b u d o f his vision for r a d i o was
music. For obvious reasons music has always constituted the b u l k o f o u t p u t o n
r a d i o , b u t i t was impossible - i n the l o n g r u n - t o p r o v i d e a general musical ser-
vice o n a single national channel because there is n o t , a n d never has been, a
c o m m o n musical culture (Scannell, 1981). M u s i c consists o f different taste
publics d e f i n e d as m u c h i n terms o f w h a t they loathe as w h a t they l i k e . T h i s is
especially so i n relation t o 'serious' music and the avant-garde for w h o m the
idea o f music f o r a l l , and o f all music as o f equal value, is anathema. T h u s , the
history o f r a d i o , v i e w e d i n the l o n g t e r m , can be seen as its gradual fragmenta-
t i o n i n t o d i f f e r e n t musical taste publics (Radios 1 , 2 and 3) w i t h talk bracketed
o u t i n t o specific talk channels (Radio 4).
T h i s d e v e l o p m e n t , w h i c h t o o k place earlier i n the U n i t e d States u n d e r
harsher e c o n o m i c pressures, is n o t explicable s i m p l y i n e c o n o m i c terms. B u t i t
is e c o n o m i c a n d p o l i t i c a l pressures f o r deregulation today that threaten t o
f r a g m e n t television i n t o m u l t i p l e - c h a n n e l o p t i o n s p r o v i d e d by cable a n d satel-
lite services o w n e d by m e d i a entrepreneurs a n d conglomerates. Such services
w i l l consist either o f l o w - c o s t repeats o f p o p u l a r A n g l o - A m e r i c a n television
p r o g r a m m e s a n d features f i l m s , o r o f generic p r o g r a m m i n g i n w h i c h all the
m a t e r i a l i n a p a r t i c u l a r channel is o f the same k i n d . T h i s later d e v e l o p m e n t is
at present most advanced i n A m e r i c a n cable services - H o m e Box Office
( n e w l y released f i l m s ) , M T V (music videos), C N N (Cable N e t w o r k N e w s )
a l o n g w i t h p a y - p e r - v i e w channels that offer m a i n l y s p o r t i n g f i x t u r e s .
Generic p r o g r a m m i n g fragments the general p u b l i c that is still c o n s t i t u t e d
i n t o d a y ' s f o u r n a t i o n a l U K television channels i n t o particular taste publics
w h o m advertisers are increasingly keen t o target. I n so d o i n g i t destroys the
p r i n c i p l e o f equality o f access f o r all t o e n t e r t a i n m e n t , i n f o r m a t i o n a l a n d c u l -
t u r a l resources i n a c o m m o n p u b l i c d o m a i n . T h e Peacock R e p o r t has rede-
fined broadcasting as a private c o m m o d i t y rather than a public good,
r e p l a c i n g the general interest by i n d i v i d u a l interests. I n d i v i d u a l consumers, i n
the m e d i a universe o f the n e x t century, as envisaged by Peacock, w i l l choose
w h a t they w a n t a n d pay f o r w h a t they get. But consumers are n o t all equal i n
t h e i r p u r c h a s i n g p o w e r . T h e p r i v a t i z a t i o n o f i n f o r m a t i o n , c u l t u r e a n d enter-
t a i n m e n t may w e l l create a t w o - t i e r e d society o f those w h o are r i c h a n d p o o r
i n such resources. Such a d e v e l o p m e n t w o u l d u n d e r c u t the f u n d a m e n t a l l y
d e m o c r a t i c p r i n c i p l e s u p o n w h i c h p u b l i c service broadcasting rests.
I t is i m p o r t a n t t o see that that service, as we k n o w i t today, rests u p o n a r i g h t

o f access, asserted by the broadcasters o n behalf o f their audiences, t o a w i d e
range o f p o l i t i c a l , r e l i g i o u s , social, c u l t u r a l , s p o r t i n g events a n d t o e n t e r t a i n -

ments t h a t p r e v i o u s l y w e r e available o n l y t o small, self-selecting a n d m o r e o r
less p r i v i l e g e d p a r t i c u l a r publics. W h a t was public life before broadcasting? I n
a general sense there w e r e certain k i n d s o f b u i l d i n g s a n d spaces i n w h i c h peo-
ple c o u l d m e e t , outside t h e i r homes, f o r r e l a x a t i o n , pleasure o r s e l f - i m p r o v e -
m e n t ; p u b l i c parks a n d libraries a n d p u b l i c houses. M o r e specifically there
w e r e p u b l i c events t h a t t o o k place i n p a r t i c u l a r places f o r p a r t i c u l a r publics.
T h u s , attendance at c h u r c h , a theatre, a concert or variety h a l l , a cinema, a
f o o t b a l l m a t c h , a p u b l i c lecture, a p o l i t i c a l rally, a civic or state ceremony,
w o u l d seem t o c o n s t i t u t e the m a i n k i n d s o f events t h a t w e r e , by d e f i n i t i o n ,
p u b l i c - t h a t is, o p e n t o anyone w h o c o u l d get there a n d a f f o r d (where neces-
sary) the price o f entry.
I n the 1920s the broadcasters h a d a sharp struggle t o establish the r i g h t o f
the m i c r o p h o n e t o relay such events b e y o n d their i m m e d i a t e l o c a t i o n a n d
audience t o the f a s t - g r o w i n g l i s t e n i n g p u b l i c . C o n c e r t a n d variety impresarios
feared a f a l l - o f f at the b o x o f f i c e , the F o o t b a l l Association w o r r i e d about
d e c l i n i n g gates a n d the churches foresaw d i m i n i s h i n g congregations. Such i n i -
t i a l fears w e r e , i n m o s t cases, q u i t e q u i c k l y overcome. M o r e patient a n d per-
sistent diplomacy was r e q u i r e d before the authorities would allow the
m i c r o p h o n e t o relay m a j o r state ceremonies, especially those i n v o l v i n g r o y a l -
ty. O n e i m p o r t a n t k i n d o f access t h a t the BBC pressed f o r very early o n was
the r i g h t t o t r a n s m i t , o n a d a i l y basis, the proceedings o f the H o u s e of
C o m m o n s . T h i s was rejected by B a l d w i n i n 1926 a n d was n o t a l l o w e d (for
r a d i o ) u n t i l f i f t y years later. O n l y n o w , o n an e x p e r i m e n t a l basis, has p e r m i s -
s i o n been g r a n t e d f o r the television cameras t o enter the l o w e r H o u s e .
T h u s the particular publics w h o h i t h e r t o had enjoyed privileged access t o
such events n o w h a d grafted o n t o t h e m a general public constituted i n a n d by
the general nature o f the m i x e d p r o g r a m m e service and its general, unrestricted
availability. T h e f u n d a m e n t a l l y democratic thrust o f broadcasting lay i n the n e w
k i n d o f access t o v i r t u a l l y the w h o l e spectrum o f public life that r a d i o first, a n d
later television, made available t o a l l . By placing p o l i t i c a l , religious, civic, c u l t u r -
al events a n d entertainments i n a c o m m o n d o m a i n , public life was equalized i n
a w a y that h a d never before been possible. M o r e o v e r whereas previously such
events h a d been quite discrete a n d separate, they t o o k o n n e w meanings as they
came i n contact w i t h each other i n c o m m o n national broadcast channels.
C o n s i d e r the FA C u p F i n a l , the G r a n d N a t i o n a l or W i m b l e d o n . A l l these
existed b e f o r e broadcasting, b u t whereas previously they existed o n l y f o r their
p a r t i c u l a r s p o r t i n g publics they became t h r o u g h r a d i o a n d television, some-
t h i n g m o r e . M i l l i o n s n o w h e a r d o r saw t h e m w h o h a d l i t t l e direct interest i n
the sports themselves. T h e events became, a n d have r e m a i n e d , punctual
moments i n a shared n a t i o n a l l i f e . Broadcasting created, i n effect, a n e w
n a t i o n a l calendar o f p u b l i c events. U n o b t r u s i v e l y threaded t h r o u g h the c o n -
t i n u i n g d a i l y o u t p u t was the cyclical r e p r o d u c t i o n , year i n year o u t , o f an
o r d e r l y a n d regular progression o f festivities, celebrations a n d remembrances
t h a t m a r k e d t h e u n f o l d i n g o f the broadcast year. T h e calendar n o t o n l y orga-

nizes a n d coordinates social l i f e , b u t gives i t a renewable content, a n t i c i p a t o r y
pleasures, a h o r i z o n o f expectations. T h e B B C calendar became the expressive
register o f a c o m m o n , c o r p o r a t e p u b l i c life that persists t o this day.
T h u s far I have considered a range o f p u b l i c events that existed before b r o a d -

casting, a n d w h i c h r a d i o a n d television r e d i s t r i b u t e d t o far w i d e r audiences
t h a n they h a d ever h i t h e r t o possessed. O n e consequence was that m a n y o f t h e
performers i n those events achieved, t h r o u g h broadcasting, fame o n an
u n p r e c e d e n t e d scale. Today t h e faces o f royalty, o f leading p o l i t i c i a n s , c h u r c h -
m e n , entertainers a n d sportsmen a n d w o m e n circulate o n a global scale.
Broadcasting has created a p u b l i c w o r l d o f p u b l i c persons w h o are r o u t i n e l y
made available t o w h o l e p o p u l a t i o n s . B u t at t h e same t i m e i t has b r o u g h t p r i -
vate persons i n t o t h e p u b l i c d o m a i n , thereby e x t e n d i n g a n d e n r i c h i n g its char-
acter. Private l i f e has been p r o f o u n d l y resocialized b y r a d i o a n d television.
T h e y have b r o u g h t i n t o the p u b l i c d o m a i n t h e experiences a n d pleasures o f
the m a j o r i t y i n ways that h a d been denied i n t h e d o m i n a n t t r a d i t i o n s o f l i t e r a -
t u r e a n d t h e arts. R a y m o n d W i l l i a m s has d r a w n a t t e n t i o n t o t h e g r a d u a l
b r o a d e n i n g o f the basis o f representation i n literature a n d d r a m a since t h e six-
t e e n t h century. I n Shakespeare's day o n l y those o f gentle b l o o d were suitable
subjects f o r tragedy o r r o m a n c e . Rude mechanicals were f i t subjects o n l y f o r
k n o c k a b o u t farce. Since t h e n , a r t a n d literature have increasingly dealt w i t h
the u n e v e n t f u l lives o f t h e m i d d l i n g classes. By the e n d o f t h e last century,
w o r k i n g people h a d become subjects f o r a r t a n d l i t e r a t u r e , b u t usually as
objects o f compassion o r as social p r o b l e m s , a n d always as described b y
middle-class authors f o r middle-class readers.
Broadcasting, because its service was addressed t o t h e w h o l e society, g r a d u -
ally came t o represent t h e w h o l e o f society i n its programmes. I d o n o t w i s h
t o i m p l y t h a t this was s i m p l y o r easily achieved t h e n o r n o w . N o r d o I u n d e r -
estimate t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s o f middle-class, w h i t e , male i n s t i t u t i o n s i n adequately
representing those w h o are other t h a n themselves. Nevertheless, i t is i m p o r -
tant t o a c k n o w l e d g e t h e ways i n w h i c h r a d i o a n d television have given voices
t o t h e voiceless a n d faces t o t h e faceless, creating n e w c o m m u n i c a t i v e e n t i t l e -
ments f o r e x c l u d e d social groups. We are n o w f a m i l i a r w i t h d o c u m e n t a r y p r o -
grammes o n m a j o r social issues such as h o u s i n g , u n e m p l o y m e n t o r poverty, i n
w h i c h people w h o live i n such c o n d i t i o n s describe w h a t they are l i k e . Such
techniques h a d actually t o be discovered a n d w h e n , before t h e w a r , listeners
h e a r d f o r t h e very first t i m e an eye-witness account o f s l u m c o n d i t i o n s i n
Tyneside, o r t h e u n e m p l o y e d themselves i n 1 9 3 4 describing h o w they t r i e d t o
m a k e ends meet o n t h e d o l e , they created a sensation (Scannell, 1 9 8 0 ) .
T h e deceptively simple techniques o f broadcast documentary programmes
have given rise t o m u c h debate, a n d their surface naturalism has been criticized
f o r o c c l u d i n g t h e possibility o f exposing the causes that lie b e h i n d t h e personal
testimonies o f those that speak i n t h e m ( G a r n h a m , 1972). T h e r e are indeed
l i m i t a t i o n s t o these m e t h o d s , t o w h i c h I w i l l r e t u r n , b u t here I w i s h t o note

t h a t , at the v e r y least i n enabling people t o speak f o r themselves, t h e broadcast-
i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s a c k n o w l e d g e their ability a n d their r i g h t t o d o so, as w e l l as
t h e i r r i g h t t o be h e a r d . A l l t h e techniques o f d o c u m e n t a r y are designed t o f o r e -
g r o u n d t h e t e s t i m o n y o f the speakers, t o let t h e m speak spontaneously a n d nat-
urally, a n d t o m i n i m i z e t h e i n t e r v e n t i o n s a n d presence o r t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s o f
broadcasting. I n t h e h i e r a r c h y o f voices t h a t speak i n documentaries, t h e voices
o f o r d i n a r y persons, speaking as persons, t e n d t o have a p r i v i l e g e d status over
the voices o f experts, officials a n d c o m m e n t a t o r s . D o c u m e n t a r y techniques are
g r o u n d e d i n c o n s i d e r a t i o n a n d respect f o r their subjects a n d t h e i r experiences.
B u t b r o a d c a s t i n g has d o n e a great deal m o r e t h a n t o present o r d i n a r y peo-
ple i n p r o g r a m m e s d e a l i n g w i t h social issues a n d p r o b l e m s . I t has discovered
the pleasures o f o r d i n a r i n e s s , creating e n t e r t a i n m e n t o u t o f n o t h i n g m o r e
t h a n o r d i n a r y p e o p l e t a l k i n g a b o u t themselves, p l a y i n g games o r d o i n g silly
t h i n g s i n f r o n t o f live s t u d i o audiences. That's Life! such p r o g r a m m e s say, a n d
Esther Rantzen celebrates i t . T h e first p r o g r a m m e series t o celebrate o r d i n a r y
life a n d experience w a s Harry Hopeful, p r o d u c e d i n t h e BBC's M a n c h e s t e r
s t u d i o b e f o r e t h e w a r f o r a n o r t h e r n working-class audience ( B r i d s o n , 1 9 7 2 :
Scannell, 1 9 8 6 ) . T h i s was t h e first t i m e o r d i n a r y people came t o t h e m i c r o -
p h o n e t o t a l k a b o u t themselves a n d t h e i r lives, t o sing a song o r recite a
dialect p o e m , o r p e r f o r m a k n o c k a b o u t double-act w i t h H a r r y H o p e f u l before
a live s t u d i o audience o f relatives, friends a n d neighbours. T h e s h o w was t h e
first t o take o r d i n a r y people a n d t h e i r o r d i n a r y experience a n d t r a n s f o r m
t h e m i n t o a p u b l i c , shareable a n d enjoyable event. T h e s o u n d o f t h e s t u d i o
audience s i n g i n g , l a u g h i n g a n d a p p l a u d i n g p o w e r f u l l y enhanced t h e effect o f
p u b l i c a n d c o m m u n i c a b l e pleasures w h i c h t h e p r o g r a m m e s generated. I n m u l -
t i p l e ways this p r i n c i p l e has since been e x t e n d e d i n r a d i o a n d t e l e v i s i o n : t h e
essential c o m p o n e n t s are a s t u d i o , a host o r c o m p è r e , o r d i n a r y people as per-
f o r m e r s a n d a l i v e , s t u d i o audience. Have A Go!, Jim'11 Fix It, The Generation
Game a n d Blind Date are a l l i n t h e t r a d i t i o n t h a t invites o r d i n a r y people i n t o
the p u b l i c d o m a i n f o r shared laughter a n d e n j o y m e n t .
B r o a d c a s t i n g , t h e n , brings p u b l i c life i n t o p r i v a t e l i f e , a n d p r i v a t e life i n t o

p u b l i c l i f e , f o r pleasure a n d e n j o y m e n t as m u c h as f o r i n f o r m a t i o n a n d educa-
t i o n . T h e m a n y voices t h a t speak i n this d o m a i n - t h e broadcasters t h e m -
selves, p u b l i c persons a n d p r i v a t e people - a m o u n t t o a universe o f discourse.
T h e t o t a l i t y o f o u t p u t o f m i x e d p r o g r a m m e s i n n a t i o n a l l y n e t w o r k e d channels
adds u p t o a c o m p l e t e w o r l d . T h e r e p e r t o i r e appears exhaustive, a n d w h a t lies
outside its c a t c h m e n t - w h a t is n o t broadcast - is n o t p a r t o f t h e ' n o r m a l '
range o f t h e needs a n d interests o f t h e audience as expressed i n t h e sum o f its
contents. T o m a k e this p o i n t is t o u n d e r l i n e t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f t r y i n g t o t h i n k
o f broadcast o u t p u t as a t o t a l i t y , a n d always t o register w h a t i t excludes as
w e l l as w h a t i t includes. T h e c r u c i a l l y sensitive ' b o u n d a r y ' topics f o r b r o a d -
casting have been p o l i t i c a l a n d m o r a l : t h e state i n t e r v e n i n g t o regulate t h e f o r -
mer a n d p u b l i c o p i n i o n i n f l u e n c i n g t h e scope o f t h e latter. A l t h o u g h t o d a y

there are constraints o n p o l i t i c s , sex a n d violence i n terms o f w h a t can be said
a n d s h o w n , a n d h o w i t can be said a n d s h o w n , there is n o d o u b t t h a t b r o a d -
casting has i n t h e s i x t y years o f its life e n o r m o u s l y e x t e n d e d t h e range o f w h a t
can be t a l k e d about i n its p u b l i c d o m a i n .
[...]
O n e o b j e c t i o n t o this account m i g h t be that t h e audiences o f r a d i o a n d tele-
v i s i o n are n o t genuine publics, a n d that i t is a pseudo-public life that is c o n s t i -
t u t e d i n broadcasting. Listeners a n d viewers w a t c h a n d listen - i t is said - as
a t o m i z e d , f r a g m e n t e d , isolated i n d i v i d u a l s , n o t as p a r t i c i p a n t members acces-
sible t o each o t h e r i n t h e m o m e n t o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n . M o r e o v e r there is n o
i n t e r a c t i o n between events a n d audiences; n o feedback. Broadcasting is a one-
w a y system o f transmission, w i t h n o possibility o f i n t e r a c t i o n t h a t is t h e basis
o f a n y p r o p e r l y c o m m u n i c a t i v e s i t u a t i o n . H e r e t h e metaphysics o f presence
reasserts itself again w i t h t h e j a r g o n o f a u t h e n t i c i t y i n s u p p o r t . Consider first
the p o s i t i o n o f the ' a u t h e n t i c ' publics i n most p u b l i c contexts: t h e audience at
a concert o r t h e theatre o r a p u b l i c lecture, t h e congregation i n a c h u r c h , t h e
spectators at a s p o r t i n g event, t h e members o f a p o l i t i c a l m e e t i n g . I n most o f
these cases, t h o u g h t h e audiences are i n each other's presence they are n o t
c o m m u n i c a t i v e l y present t o each other. I n d e e d i t w o u l d be quite mischievous
t o a t t e m p t t o strike u p a conversation w i t h t h e person beside o n e i n t h e pew,
o r d u r i n g t h e lecture, t h e p e r f o r m a n c e , the speech by the p a r t y leader. Such
an e f f o r t at c o m m u n i c a t i o n w o u l d violate the s i t u a t i o n a l p r o p r i e t i e s . O n t h e
o t h e r h a n d , i t seems n o r m a l a n d n a t u r a l w h i l e w a t c h i n g television - o f t e n
w i t h o t h e r people i n the r o o m - f o r there t o be simultaneous c o m m e n t a n d
chat a b o u t t h e same event being w a t c h e d ' i n p r i v a t e ' .
T h e r e a l i t y is t h a t t h e self-selecting publics i n most p u b l i c events accept -
v o l u n t a r i l y a n d w i l l i n g l y as t h e price o f admission a n d o f being there - a
w h o l e range o f q u i t e unusual b o d i l y a n d b e h a v i o u r a l constraints: t o kneel a n d
stand i n c h u r c h , t o a p p l a u d o n cue at t h e rally o r concert, t o take notes at t h e
lecture, a n d at all events t o be silent a n d motionless f o r the most p a r t . I n m o s t
p u b l i c events t h e nature o f the c o m m u n i c a t i o n is a one-way affair: there are
the p e r f o r m e r s w h o p e r f o r m a n d give voice a n d there are the live audiences t o
receive t h e p e r f o r m a n c e a n d appreciate i t . W h a t live p u b l i c events have is
u n d o u b t e d l y t h e ' a u r a ' o f presence, b u t aura is as l o w i n c o m m u n i c a t i v e p r o p -
erties as i t is h i g h i n r i t u a l characteristics.
I f t h e aura o f presence g l o w s m o r e f a i n t l y f o r absent broadcast audiences
they have far greater f r e e d o m i n t h e i r behaviour w h i l e w a t c h i n g a n d l i s t e n i n g .
T h e y can w a l k o u t o n t h e event (a peculiarly d i f f i c u l t t h i n g t o d o i n c h u r c h ,
for instance, o r d u r i n g a concert o r play) a n d come back again, they can
s w i t c h t o some o t h e r channel, they can freely express t h e i r o p i n i o n s about t h e
m e r i t s o r s h o r t c o m i n g s o f p e r f o r m e r ( s ) a n d p e r f o r m a n c e . I n s h o r t , t h e absent
listeners a n d viewers - t h e pseudo-public - have m u c h w i d e r b e h a v i o u r a l a n d
c o m m u n i c a t i v e o p t i o n s t h a n t h e real a n d present publics whose b e h a v i o u r is
s t r u c t u r e d i n deference t o t h e event. I n d e e d , b y v i r t u e o f n o t b e i n g present,

absent v i e w e r s a n d listeners are n o t i n t h r a l l t o t h e aura o f t h e event a n d are
t h e r e b y better able t o see t h r o u g h t h e façade o f r h e t o r i c designed t o rally t h e
f a i t h f u l a n d excoriate t h e faithless.
T h e f o r c e o f this a r g u m e n t is t o suggest t h a t t h e circumstances o f the absent
l i s t e n i n g a n d v i e w i n g p u b l i c create p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i t h o u t i n v o l v e m e n t . W h e r e
the live audience is c o m m i t t e d t o t h e event viewers a n d listeners m a y take a
n o n - c o m m i t t a l stance. I t is n o t t h a t t h e event is m o r e real a n d m e a n i n g f u l f o r
the live audience, less real a n d m e a n i n g f u l f o r listeners a n d viewers; rather
there are d i f f e r e n t realities w i t h d i f f e r e n t effects. T h e p u b l i c life o f broadcast-
i n g does n o t stand i n a secondary a n d supplementary r e l a t i o n s h i p t o a p r i o r
a n d p r i v i l e g e d p u b l i c l i f e based o n presence. I t has rather created n e w c o n -
texts, realities a n d meanings.
B u t , i t m i g h t still be objected, the audience still remains fragmented, isolated
a n d a t o m i z e d - t r a p p e d i n t h e sphere o f privacy. T h i s is t o v i e w individuals as
figures i n a L o w r y landscape, w i t h n o social life o r contact w i t h others. B u t
e m p i r i c a l research p o i n t s t o t h e m a n i f o l d ways i n w h i c h the o u t p u t o f r a d i o a n d
television t o d a y serve as t o p i c a l a n d relational resources i n m u n d a n e social
encounters a n d conversations ( M o r l e y , 1 9 8 6 , f o r instance). Precisely because t h e
p u b l i c life o f broadcasting is accessible t o a l l , i t is there t o be talked about by a l l .
Everyone is e n t i t l e d t o have views and o p i n i o n s about w h a t they hear a n d see.
T h i s is n o t the case w i t h most other c u l t u r a l resources.
[...]
T h u s b r o a d c a s t i n g , u n o b t r u s i v e l y b u t n o less remarkably, resocializes pri-
vate l i f e . C e r t a i n k i n d s o f p r o g r a m m e - soap operas, p r e - e m i n e n t l y - are l i t t l e
r i t u a l social events i n w h i c h families o r groups o f friends w a t c h together a n d
t a l k a b o u t t h e p r o g r a m m e before, d u r i n g a n d after. Gossip is t h e l i f e - b l o o d o f
soap operas, as i t is o f o r d i n a r y daily life - T h e l i v i n g breath o f events', as
Patricia M e y e r Spacks calls i t , q u o t i n g Faulkner (Spacks, 1 9 8 6 ) . Gossip i n
b r o a d c a s t i n g , gossip a b o u t broadcasting i n t h e t a b l o i d press a n d i n o r d i n a r y
c o n v e r s a t i o n - this is t h e very s t u f f o f broadcasting's i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n w i t h so-
called p r i v a t e life o r , as I prefer, o r d i n a r y daily l i f e . I t p o i n t s u p t h e q u a l i t y
a n d character o f its c o m m u n i c a t i v e ethos. I f i t seems b o t h o r d i n a r y a n d t r i v i a l
i t is also r e l a x e d a n d sociable, shareable a n d accessible, non-exclusive, equally
talkable a b o u t i n p r i n c i p l e a n d i n practice b y everyone.
[...]
I have used t h e t e r m ' c o m m u n i c a t i v e e n t i t l e m e n t ' several times i n this a r t i -
cle, a n d i t needs c l a r i f i c a t i o n . C o m m u n i c a t i v e entitlements presuppose c o m -
municative r i g h t s . C o m m u n i c a t i v e rights (the r i g h t t o speak freely, f o r
instance) are e n s h r i n e d i n t h e w r i t t e n c o n s t i t u t i o n s o f some countries, b u t n o t
i n B r i t a i n . A m i n i m a l n o t i o n o f guaranteed c o m m u n i c a t i v e rights i n a p r e c o n -
d i t i o n o f f o r m s o f d e m o c r a t i c life i n p u b l i c a n d p r i v a t e . I f one p a r t y (the state,
t h e p o l i c e , teachers, parents, husbands) refuse t o be answerable f o r t h e i r c o n -
d u c t t o t h e o t h e r p a r t y (the electorate, suspects, p u p i l s , c h i l d r e n , w i v e s ) , n o t
o n l y is this unreasonable - i t denies a c o m m u n i c a t i v e e n t i t l e m e n t a n d n u l l i f i e s

a r i g h t . C o m m u n i c a t i v e entitlements can be c l a i m e d a n d asserted, w i t h i n a
presupposed f r a m e w o r k o f c o m m u n i c a t i v e rights. Rights o f free assembly, t o
speak freely a n d ( m o r e o f t e n o v e r l o o k e d ) t o listen, c o n t r i b u t e t o creating f o r -
m a l , m i n i m a l guarantees f o r certain f o r m s o f p u b l i c p o l i t i c a l a n d religious l i f e .
T h e y seed t h e possible g r o w t h o f w i d e r a n d m o r e pervasive claims f r o m those
d e n i e d a h e a r i n g i n m a n i f o l d p u b l i c a n d private contexts, that they s h o u l d be
listened t o : i.e. t h a t they s h o u l d be treated seriously. As equals.
I believe that broadcasting has enhanced the reasonable character a n d con-
duct o f t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y life by augmenting claims t o communicative entitle-
ments. I t does this, as I have t r i e d t o show, t h r o u g h asserting a r i g h t o f access t o
public l i f e ; t h r o u g h extending its universe o f discourse a n d e n t i t l i n g previously
excluded voices t o be heard: t h r o u g h questioning those i n power, o n behalf o f
viewers a n d listeners, a n d t r y i n g t o get t h e m t o answer. M o r e generally, I have
suggested, t h e fact that the broadcasters d o n o t c o n t r o l the communicative con-
t e x t means that they must take i n t o account the conditions o f reception f o r their
utterances. As such they have learned t o treat the communicative process n o t
simply as the transmission o f a content, b u t a relational process i n w h i c h h o w
things are said is as i m p o r t a n t as w h a t is said. A l l this has, I t h i n k , c o n t r i b u t e d t o
new, interactive relationships between public and private life w h i c h have helped
t o normalize the f o r m e r and t o socialize the latter.
I n saying this I a m n o t t r y i n g t o idealize the present system, whose reason-
able/rational character is c o n t a i n e d w i t h i n t h e f r a m e w o r k a n d l i m i t a t i o n s o f
mass d e m o c r a t i c p o l i t i c s w h i c h w o r k , i n many ways, t o sustain t h e p o w e r o f
i n s t i t u t i o n a l p u b l i c life over m u n d a n e , private l i f e .
[...]
Broadcasting still operates w i t h i n a particular d e f i n i t i o n o f democracy
established back i n 1918 by t h e Representation o f the People A c t . T h e l i m i t s
o f representative democracy a n d o f broadcasting's representative p u b l i c ser-
vice r o l e w i t h i n i t are essentially the same; p o w e r accrues t o t h e representa-
tives, n o t those w h o m they represent. M o r e p a r t i c i p a t o r y f o r m s o f p o l i t i c s
a n d broadcasting are r e q u i r e d i f people are t o play an active p a r t i n p u b l i c life
a n d d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g , thereby exercising greater c o n t r o l over their o w n i n d i -
v i d u a l a n d social l i f e . As far as broadcasting goes w h a t is needed are m a n y
m o r e p r o p e r l y local r a d i o stations (dozens o f stations i n L o n d o n , f o r instance)
a n d m o r e r e g i o n a l television n e t w o r k s t o strengthen rather t h a n vitiate t h e
diversity o f identities o f place. M o r e o v e r , p u b l i c access a n d p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n
p r o g r a m m e s , p r o g r a m m i n g a n d p r o g r a m m e m a k i n g s h o u l d be a key feature
o f decentralized r a d i o a n d television services.
Such services s h o u l d enhance b u t n o t displace the present system of
p u b l i c service broadcasting i n this c o u n t r y a n d its c o m m i t m e n t t o p r o p e r l y
p u b l i c , social values. I n m y v i e w equal access f o r all t o a w i d e a n d v a r i e d range
o f c o m m o n i n f o r m a t i o n a l , entertainment a n d c u l t u r a l services, carried o n
channels that can be received t h r o u g h o u t the country, s h o u l d be t h o u g h t o f as
an i m p o r t a n t citizenship r i g h t i n mass democratic societies. I t is a crucial means

- perhaps t h e o n l y means at present - w h e r e b y c o m m o n knowledges a n d plea-
sures i n a shared p u b l i c life are m a i n t a i n e d as a social g o o d f o r the w h o l e p o p -
u l a t i o n . As such i t s h o u l d be defended against its enemies.
References
Bridson, D . G. 1972: Prospero and Ariel. London: Gollancz.
Garnham, N . 1972: The politics of T V naturalism. Screen, Summer.
Garnham, N . 1986: The media and the public sphere. I n Golding, P., M u r d o c k G.
and Schlesinge P. (eds.), Communicating politics. Leicester: University of Leicester
Press.
Morley, D . 1986: Family television: cultural power and domestic leisure. London:
Comedia.
[Peacock Report] 1986: Report of the Committee on Financing the BBC, Cmnd. 9284.
London: H M S O .
Scannell, P. 1980: Broadcasting and the politics of unemployment, 1930-1935. Media,
Culture and Society 2(1).
Scannell, P. 1981: Music for the multitude? The dilemmas of the BBC's music policy,
1923-1946. Media, Culture and Society 3(3)1, 243-60.
Scannell, P. 1984: A conspiracy of silence': the state, the BBC and public opinion in
the formative years of British broadcasting. In McLennan G., et al. (eds.), State and
society in contemporary Britain. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Scannell, P. 1986: The stuff of radio: developments in radio features and documen-
taries before the war. In Corner, J. (ed.), Documentary and the mass media. London:
Scannell, P. 1989: Public service broadcasting: history of a concept. In Goodwin, A.
and Whannel, G. (eds.), Understanding television. London: Routledge.
Scannell, P. and Cardiff, D . 1982: Serving the nation: public service broadcasting
before the war. In Waites, B., et al. (eds.), Popular culture past and present. London:
Croom H e l m .
Spacks, P.M. 1986: Gossip. Chicago/London: University of Chicago Press.
Questions
1 Summarise the arguments advanced in favour of public service broadcasting.
According to Scannell, what contributions have public service broadcasters
made to modern social and cultural life?
2 In his conclusion, Scannell argues that public service broadcasting should be
defended against Its enemies'. Who, or what, are these enemies in the 1990s,
and what do they stand for? What arguments have been proposed against the
continuation of public service broadcasting, and by whom, over the last decade?
3 Assess the likely future of public service broadcasting in the 1990s and beyond.
How, in your view, should public service provision be funded and distinguished
from commercial media provision? To what extent have cable and satellite forms
of broadcasting irrevocably eroded public service provision?
Further reading
Blumler, J. (ed.) 1992: Television and the public interest. London: Sage.
Corner, J. 1995: Television form and public address. London: Edward Arnold.
Garnham, N . 1986: The media and the public sphere. In Golding P., Murdock, G. and
Schlesinge, P. (eds), Communicating politics. Leicester: University of Leicester Press.
H o o d , S.(ed.) 1994: Behind the screens: the structure of British television in the
nineties. London: Lawrence & Wishart.
Kellner, D . 1990: Television and the crisis of democracy. London: Sage.
Livingstone, S. and Lunt, P. 1994: Talk on television: audience participation and public
debate. London: Routledge.
O'Malley, T. 1994: Closedown? The BBC and government broadcasting policy
1979-92. London: Pluto Press.
Section 2
Stereotypes and Representations
In recent years, the media have frequently been criticised for representing social groups in
a stereotypical fashion: that is, in a generalised, partial and selective way, where certain
easily identifiable, and often negative, traits are used to define an entire group. This second
section consists of ten readings which consider the relationship between representations
and identities and aim to demonstrate the kinds of media representations which are both
typical and stereotypical. Representations of social identities (genders, classes, races,
nationalities, able-bodiedness etc.) are common to all media texts, and their critique and
analysis has dominated Media and Cultural Studies in the postwar era. This explains, in
part, why this section is the longest in the reader, but we have still been unable to include
extracts on all aspects of representation and you may wish to consider others: for
example, media representations of nature and the environment or stereotypes associated
with environmental activists, teenagers or the elderly.
Media producers have often defended the use of stereotypes as a means of transmit-
ting a lot of complex information in a familiar 'shorthand' and easily recognisable way. The
section opens, however, with two articles which call into question the whole notion of
stereotype. In the first, Tessa Perkins challenges conventional assumptions about their
nature and purpose, and her reassessment identifies a number of limitations in the way
that stereotypes have traditionally been defined and thought to operate. Martin Barker
then goes further, claiming that the concept of stereotypes is based on entirely contradic-
tory premises and is a 'useless tool' for the social scientist. But the fact that media texts
frequently rely on stereotypical images to achieve audience recognition ensures that such
representations of social identity continue to be one of the most researched and written-
about areas in media education.
In spite of Barker's critique, there is some agreement that stereotypes have an ideolog-
ical function in that they are a means of categorising social groups and evaluating their
significance and status compared to others in a society or cultural group. When consider-
ing dimensions of social stratification such as race, class, gender and able-bodiedness,
stereotypical representations take on a particular importance in assessing the dominant
social group's treatment of others, particularly in the promotion and perpetuation of dis-
crimination. This is illustrated through a diverse range of case studies starting with a
piece by Justin Lewis (reading 9) which considers the representation of black people on
British and American television and the particular ideological significance of The Cosby
Show. Among the other readings in this section are those by Anne Karpf (reading 12)
which examines the whole range of images of the disabled in the media, Marjorie
74 Stereotypes and Representations
Ferguson (reading 14) who considers the role of women in postwar Britain as portrayed
by women's magazines and Terence Quaker (reading 15) who addresses the specific
issue of stereotypical images of race, class and gender in advertising.
In between these analyses of the most fundamental and commonly addressed dimen-
sions of social stratification, we have included a number of readings which extend the
debate and consider less widely researched components of mediated social identity,
including one from Simon Watney (reading 13) which considers how accurate it is to
describe the representation of people with AIDS as a 'moral panic', particularly at the
height of sometimes controversial media coverage in the mid-1980s.
The section ends with a reading from an article by John Langer which shifts attention
from representations of social groups to the way in which the media construct and medi-
ate the identities of individuals on film and in television, investing them with particular
'star' qualities and personalities. In so doing, he reminds us that in spite of the media's
tendency to categorise and stereotype us in terms of our nationality, race and so on,
when it comes to our sense of self-identity many of us still look to screen icons and per-
sonalities as influential models.
7
Rethinking Stereotypes
Tessa Perkins
From M. Barratt, R Corrigan, A. Kuhn and J. Wolff (eds.), Ideology and cultural production (Croom
Helm British Sociological Association 1979)
To open this section on stereotypes and representations, Perkins identifies a number of

shortcomings in the way that stereotypes are normally thought to operate. While acknow-
ledging that they need to be simplistic and immediately identifiable and to contain implicit
reference to a consensus about social relations, she asserts that some of the most funda-
mental assumptions on which stereotypes are based are, at the very least, highly ques-
tionable. For example, central to the notion of stereotypes, as understood by Walter
Lippmann, who first introduced the concept in 1922, and the generations of media stu-
dents, teachers and researchers who have followed him, is that they are: simple, erro-
neous, second-hand and resistant to modification. Perkins disputes all but the first of these
assumptions (even this, she says, is inaccurate to the extent that stereotypes are both
simple and complex), and she goes on to explain how many of our other ideas about the
form that stereotypes take should be reassessed: for example, that stereotypes have to be
negative, inaccurate and about oppressed or powerless groups.
Central to Perkins' understanding of stereotypes is that they are ideological concepts;
they select personality traits, mental, sexual or personal, that have particular ideological
significance. The form taken by stereotypes in a capitalist society will depend on the recip-
ient group's structural position, and when applied to most categories their perceived men-
tal abilities will be of greatest significance (hence the primary characteristic of the 'dumb
blonde' is that she is of low intelligence, and assumptions about her personality and sexu-
ality are secondary).
I s h o u l d l i k e f i r s t t o focus o n w h a t seem t o m e t o be d o m i n a n t a n d o f t e n m i s -
l e a d i n g assumptions a b o u t t h e n a t u r e o f stereotypes, a n d w h i c h ... o f t e n p r e -
v e n t us f r o m m a k i n g theoretical statements about h o w stereotypes f u n c t i o n
ideologically.
A c c o r d i n g t o these assumptions stereotypes are: (1) always erroneous i n c o n -
t e n t ; (2) pejorative concepts; (3) about groups w i t h w h o m w e have l i t t l e / n o
social c o n t a c t ; b y i m p l i c a t i o n therefore, are n o t h e l d about one's o w n g r o u p ;
(4) a b o u t m i n o r i t y groups ( o r about oppressed g r o u p s ) ; (5) s i m p l e ; (6) r i g i d
a n d d o n o t change; (7) n o t structurally r e i n f o r c e d . I t is also assumed that (8)
the existence o f c o n t r a d i c t o r y stereotypes is evidence that they are erroneous,
b u t o f n o t h i n g else; (9) people either ' h o l d ' stereotypes o f a g r o u p (believe
t h e m t o be true) o r d o n o t ; (10) because someone holds a stereotype o f a
g r o u p , his/her behaviour t o w a r d s a m e m b e r o f that g r o u p can be p r e d i c t e d .
A l t h o u g h there is n o discussion here o f the last assumption, i t is included

because i t refers t o an area o f considerable importance and c o m p l e x i t y w h i c h has
had t o remain outside the scope o f this paper. T h e ways i n w h i c h w e 'use' stereo-
types o f o u r o w n g r o u p t o c o n t r o l relationships, a n d even t o manipulate o u r
oppressors, is one example o f the importance o f 'behaviour' and stereotypes.
T h e concept o f 'stereotype' was first i n t r o d u c e d i n t o the social sciences b y
L i p p m a n n i n 1 9 2 2 (see H a r d i n g , 1 9 6 8 ) , a n d his version remains t h e most
w i d e l y accepted by social scientists a n d l a y m e n alike. I t includes most o f t h e
above assumptions. I f a concept is r e f e r r e d t o as a stereotype, t h e n t h e i m p l i -
c a t i o n is t h a t i t is simple rather t h a n c o m p l e x o r d i f f e r e n t i a t e d ; erroneous
rather t h a n accurate; secondhand, rather t h a n f r o m direct experience; a n d
resistant t o m o d i f i c a t i o n b y n e w experience ( H a r d i n g , 1 9 6 8 ) . I w i s h t o argue
that w h i l e stereotypes d o take this f o r m o n occasion, i t is o n l y t h e first o f
these characteristics that can be considered a p a r t o f the d e f i n i t i o n o f 'stereo-
t y p e ' , a n d even here I have reservations.
I n so far as all typifications are simplifications since they select c o m m o n fea-
tures a n d exclude differences, then all typifications are u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d (and i n
that sense they are also erroneous). Is i t then simply a matter o f degree? S h o u l d
w e conceptualise stereotypes as being at one e n d o f a c o n t i n u u m , such that
they select fewer characteristics (thereby e x c l u d i n g more)? T h i s seems t o be t h e
case i f w e t h i n k o f such stereotypes as ' d u m b b l o n d e ' o r ' h a p p y - g o - l u c k y
n e g r o ' . F u r t h e r m o r e , this is t h e c r i t e r i o n used i n empirical research t o decide
w h e t h e r o r n o t a stereotype exists. H o w e v e r , this ' s i m p l i c i t y ' is i n t w o senses
deceptive: firstly, i t may i n some cases be better described as abstractness. T h a t
is t o say that some stereotypes operate o n a higher level o f generalisation t h a n
other t y p i f i c a t i o n s ; t o refer ' c o r r e c t l y ' t o someone as a ' d u m b b l o n d e ' , a n d t o
understand w h a t is meant by that implies a great deal m o r e t h a n hair c o l o u r
a n d intelligence. I t refers i m m e d i a t e l y t o her sex, w h i c h refers t o her status i n
society, her relationship t o m e n , her i n a b i l i t y t o behave o r t h i n k rationally, a n d
so o n . I n short, i t implies k n o w l e d g e o f a c o m p l e x social structure (in this w a y
stereotypes are l i k e symbols). So i t is misleading t o say stereotypes are simple
rather than c o m p l e x . T h e y are simple and c o m p l e x . Secondly, t h e description
o f stereotypes as simple rather t h a n differentiated is similarly deceptive. T h e
fact that there is a higher consensus ( u n i f o r m i t y ) about the adjectives w h i c h
describe the characteristics o f some groups, t h a n there is about those w h i c h
describe other groups, may tell us a l o t about the social situation o f the g r o u p
being described, a n d does n o t necessarily i m p l y prejudice o r d i s t o r t i o n . I t may
be t h e case that members o f this g r o u p can ' l e g i t i m a t e l y ' be characterised b y
three o r f o u r attributes. We cannot assume that there is an ideal n u m b e r o f
adjectives by w h i c h t o describe a g r o u p .
T h i s is n o t t o say that s i m p l i c i t y , c o m p l e x i t y a n d d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n are entirely
i r r e l e v a n t t o t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f stereotypes, b u t that they can b e , a n d have b e e n ,
m i s l e a d i n g . Nevertheless these terms d o i d e n t i f y t h e area i n w h i c h w e must
l o o k f o r differences between stereotypes a n d other t y p i f i c a t i o n s . For example
Rethinking Stereotypes 77
i t seems t h a t d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n o f stereotypes is o f t e n a c c o m m o d a t e d b y alterna-

t i v e stereotypes - ' d u m b b l o n d e ' / ' c u n n i n g m i n x ' - rather t h a n b y an e x p a n -
s i o n o f t h e stereotype. I w i l l r e t u r n t o these questions later.
T h e i m p l i c a t i o n that stereotypes are 'erroneous rather than accurate' is w i d e l y
accepted as p a r t o f t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f stereotypes; inaccuracy i n this context
i m p l y i n g a false account o f objective reality - blondes are n o t d u m b , negroes are
not happy-go-lucky. T h e r e are t w o m a i n objections t o this. Firstly, a l o t o f
e m p i r i c a l research i n t o , f o r example racial stereotypes, has led some theorists t o
oppose 'inaccuracy' w i t h a 'kernel o f t r u t h ' hypothesis. Secondly, i f w e c l a i m
t h a t stereotypes are erroneous, then their p o t e n t i a l ideological role is consider-
ably reduced. I f there were really n o positive c o r r e l a t i o n between t h e content
(perceived attributes) o f a stereotype a n d the characteristics (actual attributes) o f
the g r o u p concerned, i t w o u l d be t a n t a m o u n t t o a r g u i n g either that the social
(that is, c o m m o n l y accepted) definitions o f y o u have n o effect o n y o u , i n w h i c h
case i t w o u l d be very d i f f i c u l t t o see h o w ideology o r socialisation w o r k s at a l l ;
or, t h a t stereotypes d o n o t represent social definitions a n d are sociologically
insignificant since they are manifestations o f pathological behaviour a n d thus
m a i n l y the concern o f psychologists; o r that they affect o n l y y o u r behaviour b u t
n o t y o u r ' t r u e s e l f , thus i m p l y i n g a divorce between behaviour a n d self
[...]
T h e c l a i m t h a t stereotypes are 'secondhand rather than from direct experi-
ence' is s i m i l a r t o K l a p p ' s ( 1 9 6 2 ) d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n stereotypes (as refer-
r i n g t o t h i n g s o u t s i d e one's social w o r l d ) a n d social types ( r e f e r r i n g t o t h i n g s
w i t h w h i c h o n e is f a m i l i a r ) . I n t u i t i v e l y this seems v a l i d . H o w e v e r , t h e conse-
quences o f a c c e p t i n g this d i s t i n c t i o n are unacceptable. T h i s w o u l d r u l e o u t
stereotypes o f m e n a n d w o m e n , at t h e v e r y least, since w e a l l have d i r e c t
experience o f t h e o p p o s i t e sex. A l s o i t rules o u t stereotypes o f one's o w n
g r o u p , a n d hence t h e a r g u m e n t t h a t stereotypes a b o u t one's g r o u p i n f l u e n c e
one's d e f i n i t i o n o f oneself, a n d conversely, i t ignores t h e i n f l u e n c e o f stereo-
types o n people's b e h a v i o u r t o w a r d s members o f o t h e r g r o u p s . For e x a m p l e
a teacher's stereotype o f w o r k i n g - c l a s s c h i l d r e n m a y affect t h e teacher's
e x p e c t a t i o n s o f t h e c h i l d (and thus t h e c h i l d itself). So t h e p o t e n t i a l r o l e o f
stereotypes i n s o c i a l i s a t i o n , a n d thus i n ideology, is once again r e d u c e d t o a
v e r y secondary o n e . Secondhandness is a n y w a y characteristic o f t h e vast
m a j o r i t y o f o u r concepts a n d c a n n o t t h e r e f o r e be used t o d i s t i n g u i s h b e t w e e n
stereotypes a n d o t h e r concepts.
Is i t t h e n 'resistance to modification by new experience* that is the key factor?
T h e a s s u m p t i o n here is t h a t , n o r m a l l y , contact w i t h t h e g r o u p i n question
w o u l d change t h e concept t o b r i n g i t i n t o line w i t h reality, b u t that n e w e x p e r i -
ence w i l l n o t m o d i f y a stereotype. D i s r e g a r d i n g the fact that the assumption o f
inaccuracy is b u i l t i n t o t h e n o t i o n o f resistance, t h e m a i n i m p l i c a t i o n is that
i n contrast t o o t h e r concepts, stereotypes are especially resistant (or r i g i d ) .
T h i s receives s u p p o r t f r o m research i n t o 'erroneous' a n d h i g h l y pejorative
stereotypes w h i c h serve i m p o r t a n t psychological functions ( f o r those h o l d i n g
the stereotypes) a n d w h i c h cannot be given u p w i t h o u t traumatic conse-

quences. But such stereotypes are a special case. M o s t concepts are resistant i n
the sense that they require m o r e than one deviant case t o change t h e concept.
I n o r d e r t o assess w h e t h e r stereotypes are p a r t i c u l a r l y r i g i d , w e need t o study
the c o n d i t i o n s under w h i c h concepts change, h o w m u c h i n f o r m a t i o n is neces-
sary, h o w i m p o r t a n t t h e c o n t i n u e d existence o f c o n f i r m a t o r y i n f o r m a t i o n is,
a n d h o w i m p o r t a n t the stereotype's conceptual status is ( h o w m u c h else w o u l d
have t o change). T h i s must surely be essential t o o u r understanding o f i d e o l o -
gy. W e cannot s i m p l y assert that stereotypes are r i g i d . W e must l o o k at t h e
social relationships t o w h i c h they refer, a n d at their conceptual status, a n d ask
under w h a t c o n d i t i o n s are stereotypes m o r e o r less resistant t o m o d i f i c a t i o n .
T h i s is n o t t o deny that stereotypes are very ' s t r o n g ' concepts, a n d this may be
a d i s t i n g u i s h i n g feature. T h e strength o f a stereotype results f r o m a c o m b i n a -
t i o n o f three factors: its ' s i m p l i c i t y ' ; its immediate recognisability (which
makes its c o m m u n i c a t i v e role very i m p o r t a n t ) , a n d its i m p l i c i t reference t o a n
assumed consensus about some attribute o r c o m p l e x social relationships.
Stereotypes are i n this respect prototypes o f 'shared c u l t u r a l meanings'. They
are n o t h i n g i f n o t social. I t is because o f these characteristics that they are so
useful i n socialisation - w h i c h i n t u r n adds t o their relative strength.
I n t r y i n g t o b r o a d e n t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f stereotype ... there is a risk t h a t i t w i l l

s i m p l y become indistinguishable f r o m ' r o l e ' . A c c o r d i n g t o sociological t r a d i -
t i o n , a r o l e is a 'set o f expectations a n d obligations t o act i n certain ways i n
certain settings'. T h e c h i l d , i n being taught t h e behaviour a p p r o p r i a t e t o
his/her ( o r others') status (role expectations) is also t a u g h t s o m e t h i n g m o r e , a
more general lesson: that is, that g r o u p m e m b e r s h i p is i m p o r t a n t a n d
e x t r e m e l y significant; i n a sense i t 'determines' behaviour - d i f f e r e n t groups
behave d i f f e r e n t l y a n d have d i f f e r e n t characteristics, d i f f e r e n t rights a n d
duties a n d consequently groups are related t o each other i n d i f f e r e n t , struc-
t u r e d , ways - some deserve m o r e respect t h a n others a n d so o n . (Schools may
n o w be p a r t i c u l a r l y i m p o r t a n t i n r e i n f o r c i n g a n d elaborating o n this l e a r n i n g
o f g r o u p i d e n t i t y a n d significance. Universal, c o m p u l s o r y education may have
p l a y e d an i m p o r t a n t p a r t i n d i m i n i s h i n g t h e influence o f the t r e n d t o person-
alised socialisation i n t h e family.)
T o learn h o w t o behave, t h e n , involves l e a r n i n g t o recognise (and t h e n eval-
uate) people as members o f groups - that is t o apply g r o u p concepts t o social
as w e l l as t o physical p h e n o m e n a . T h e d e f i n i t i o n o f oneself, a n d others, as a
m e m b e r o f a g r o u p is absolutely essential t o t h e ideological effectiveness o f
stereotypes. T o learn about groups is t o learn about status. Roles describe t h e
d y n a m i c aspect o f status.
W h a t t h e n is the relationship between r o l e , status a n d stereotype? Status
refers t o a p o s i t i o n i n society w h i c h entails a certain set o f rights a n d duties.
Role refers t o t h e performance o f those rights a n d duties, i t is r e l a t i o n a l .
Stereotype refers t o b o t h role and status at the same t i m e , and t h e reference is
perhaps always p r e d o m i n a n t l y evaluative. (Adjectives are most i m p o r t a n t , a n d

are o f t e n c o m b i n e d w i t h o r reduced t o value-laden nouns - d u m b b l o n d e ,
b u m , nigger. B u t stereotypes are n o t always so succinct.) Stereotypes d o n o t
necessarily exist about a l l statuses. T h e r e is n o t a stereotype o f a typist o r a
c a r d b o a r d - b o x maker. T h e r e m a y be an 'image' o f t h e sort o f person t h a t is
l i k e l y t o be a t y p i s t , b u t i t is very m u c h m o r e f l u i d , generalised a n d descriptive
t h a n a stereotype is a n d m a y be entirely personal. I s h o u l d acknowledge here
that I a m still n o t sure about h o w t o i d e n t i f y t h e boundaries o f stereotypes. I
w i l l m a k e t w o p o i n t s t o c l a r i f y t h e matter. Firstly, i t may be that there is n o t a
' n a t i o n a l ' stereotype o f a typist, b u t that there is a localised one - that is t o say
t h a t those w h o come i n t o close o r frequent contact w i t h a g r o u p o f typists d o
h o l d a stereotype o f typists. I t is possible that t o this extent all statuses d o give
rise t o local stereotypes. I s h o u l d a d d t o this that o f course there are at least
t w o stereotypes w h i c h i n c l u d e typists - namely t h e stereotype o f w o m e n i n
general, w h i c h , c o m b i n e d w i t h a class stereotype, defines t h e parameters o f a
general d e f i n i t i o n o f a typist. B u t this is o f a d i f f e r e n t o r d e r t o , say, t h e p r o s t i -
tute o r 'career w o m a n ' stereotype. Secondly, the boundaries o f stereotypes are
u l t i m a t e l y , I t h i n k , i n d e f i n a b l e . W h a t one can say, however, is that some stereo-
types are m u c h m o r e ' h i g h l y d e f i n e d ' t h a n others. T h e degree o f d e f i n i t i o n
reflects t h e degree o f consensus t h a t a stereotype exists, w h i c h does n o t mean
t o say t h a t the stereotype is 'accurate'. I can illustrate this best b y an example -
I was discussing w i t h a f e w people t h e ' m o t h e r ' s b o y ' stereotype, a n d w e a l l
agreed a b o u t its c o n t e n t . I t h e n asked about 'father's g i r l ' ; this p r o d u c e d three
d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s - a l l o f w h i c h were semi-convincing, b u t none o f
w h i c h seemed d e f i n i t i v e . S i m i l a r l y w i t h ' h a p p y - g o - l u c k y n e g r o ' as against
'teacher'. I w o u l d say t h e n t h a t the first o n e i n each pair is a m u c h m o r e h i g h l y
d e f i n e d stereotype, a n d that the latter is relatively weak. But i n b o t h cases, t h e
latter still constitutes a stereotype i n a w a y that c a r d b o a r d - b o x maker does n o t .
We can i n t r o d u c e a n a r b i t r a r y c u t - o f f p o i n t - 5 0 per cent agreement a n d m o r e
is a stereotype; a n d i n d e e d t o d o so is v a l i d . B u t that fails t o include the evalua-
tive d i m e n s i o n w h i c h seems t o distinguish stereotypes most clearly f r o m roles.
Roles a n d statuses are also o f course, i n t r i n s i c a l l y evaluative concepts. B u t
the n a t u r e o f , a n d t h e presentness o f , t h e e v a l u a t i o n is d i f f e r e n t . A stereotype
brings t o t h e surface a n d makes e x p l i c i t a n d central w h a t is concealed i n t h e
c o n c e p t o f status o r r o l e . W i t h a status o r r o l e w e are c o m m o n l y e n j o i n e d
(by s o c i o l o g y t e x t b o o k s ) t o l o o k beneath t h e m t o discover t h e n o r m s a n d
values they supposedly 'rest o n ' ; w i t h a stereotype w e m u s t l o o k beneath t h e
e v a l u a t i o n t o see t h e c o m p l e x social relationships t h a t are b e i n g r e f e r r e d t o .
T h i s does n o t m e a n t h a t stereotypes are simple reflections o f social values; t o
suggest so w o u l d be t o o v e r s i m p l i f y t h e case. Stereotypes are selections a n d
arrangements o f p a r t i c u l a r values a n d t h e i r relevance t o specific roles.
[...]
T h e r e is such a s t r o n g - i f understandable - tendency t o define stereotypes as
pejorative that pejorativeness has become almost b u i l t i n t o the meaning o f the
w o r d 'stereotype'. 'Pejorative' implies a p o i n t o f view, and there is a danger that

if w e b u i l d i n t o t h e w o r d 'stereotype' the assumption that they are pejorative
concepts, w e w i l l u n t h i n k i n g l y be i n v o l v e d i n a d o p t i n g the p o i n t o f v i e w f r o m
w h i c h certain characteristics are seen t o be ' b a d ' , rather t h a n asking ( w h e n
appropriate) why are these characteristics ' b a d . ' (This happened o f course i n the
early days o f the w o m e n ' s movement.) I w o u l d argue anyway that there are
stereotypes o f all structurally central groups - class, race, gender, age. T h e r e is a
male (he-man) stereotype, a WASP stereotype, a heterosexual stereotype, an
upper class (leader) stereotype. These stereotypes are i m p o r t a n t because other
stereotypes are partially defined i n terms of, o r i n o p p o s i t i o n t o , t h e m . T h e
happy-go-lucky negro attains at least some o f its meaning a n d force f r o m its
o p p o s i t i o n t o the ' p u r i t a n ' characteristics (sombre a n d responsible) o f the WASP.
Positive stereotypes are an i m p o r t a n t part o f the ideology a n d are i m p o r t a n t i n
the socialisation o f b o t h d o m i n a n t a n d oppressed groups. I n order t o focus
a t t e n t i o n o n the ideological nature o f stereotypes i t m i g h t be m u c h m o r e useful
to talk o f pejorative stereotypes and laudatory stereotypes, rather t h a n t o c o n -
ceal the 'pejorativeness' i n the meaning o f the t e r m .
I t s h o u l d n o w be clear that i t is necessary t o f i n d a d e f i n i t i o n o f stereotypes

w h i c h neither includes n o r excludes t h e assumptions just discussed - e r r o -
neousness, r i g i d i t y a n d so o n . W h a t is evident is that the various disputes have
i n fact i d e n t i f i e d t h e various f o r m s taken b y stereotypes. L i p p m a n n ' s f o u r
characteristics describe o n e f o r m o f stereotype. W h a t I w a n t t o suggest is t h a t
the nature a n d f o r m o f stereotypes vary, that this v a r i a t i o n may n o t be a r b i -
t r a r y b u t may be related t o the ideological o r aesthetic f u n c t i o n s o f the stereo-
types and/or t o t h e s t r u c t u r a l p o s i t i o n o f t h e stereotyped g r o u p . W e need t o
define 'stereotype' i n a s u f f i c i e n t l y o p e n w a y so as t o a l l o w f o r t h e various
f o r m s i t takes a n d y e t t r y t o isolate its distinctive characteristics. I w o u l d sug-
gest t h a t the f o l l o w i n g characteristics are essential parts o f stereotypes:
A stereotype is:
(a) A group concept: I t describes a g r o u p . Personality traits ( b r o a d l y defined)
predominate.
(b) It is held by a group: T h e r e is a very considerable u n i f o r m i t y about its c o n -
tent. C a n n o t have a ' p r i v a t e ' stereotype.
(c) Reflects an 'inferior judgemental process': (But n o t t h e r e f o r e l e a d i n g neces-
sarily t o an inaccurate conclusion.) Stereotypes short-circuit or block
capacity f o r objective a n d analytic judgements i n f a v o u r o f w e l l - w o r n
catch-all reactions (Fishman, 1 9 5 6 ) . T o some extent all concepts d o this -
stereotypes d o i t t o a m u c h greater extent.
(d) (b) a n d (c) give rise t o simple structure ( m e n t i o n e d earlier) w h i c h f r e q u e n t -
ly conceals c o m p l e x i t y (see (e)).
(e) H i g h p r o b a b i l i t y that social stereotypes w i l l be predominantly evaluative.
(f) A concept - a n d like o t h e r concepts i t is a selective, c o g n i t i v e o r g a n i s i n g
system, a n d a feature o f h u m a n t h o u g h t (Vinacke, 1 9 5 7 ) .
T w o o t h e r p o i n t s need t o be made a b o u t stereotypes. Firstly, stereotypes can

be ' h e l d ' i n t w o w a y s . T h e y can be ' h e l d ' i n t h e sense t h a t they are 'believed
i n ' . A n d t h e y c a n be ' h e l d ' i n t h e sense t h a t w e k n o w t h a t a stereotype exists
a b o u t a p a r t i c u l a r g r o u p a n d w h a t its c o n t e n t is, even t h o u g h w e d o n ' t neces-
sarily believe i t . H o w e v e r , t h e d i v i s i o n between these t w o is n o t always clear.
I t is n o t m e r e l y a q u e s t i o n o f either b e l i e v i n g o r n o t b e l i e v i n g , b u t also o f t h e
s t r e n g t h a n d consistency o f t h e belief. T h e nature o f stereotypes is such t h a t
m o s t p e o p l e d o h o l d t h e m i n t h e sense o f k n o w i n g a b o u t t h e m , just as they
k n o w t h e basic tenets o f C h r i s t i a n belief; that is they are w i d e l y distributed.
T h i s w i d e d i s t r i b u t i o n makes t h e m r e a d i l y available f o r use i n i n t e r p r e t i n g t h e
w o r l d , i f t h e occasion demands, just as G o d m a y be i n v o k e d b y semi-believ-
ers/semi-agnostics. T h e p o l i t i c a l (and ideological) i m p o r t a n c e o f the w i d e dis-
t r i b u t i o n o f stereotypes is t h a t they can be, a n d are, appealed t o at certain
times. T h e c u r r e n t racist r e v i v a l relies o n people's k n o w l e d g e o f stereotypes,
i n t h e same w a y as a r e l i g i o u s revival appeals t o people's b a c k g r o u n d o f
C h r i s t i a n k n o w l e d g e w i t h its e x p l a n a t o r y p o t e n t i a l a n d e m o t i o n a l c o n t e n t .
Secondly, stereotypes have w h a t I refer t o as a ' f l e x i b l e range'. Essentially
t h e same stereotype ( ' i r r a t i o n a l w o m a n ' ) can be presented v e r y starkly a n d
b l a t a n t l y o r r e l a t i v e l y c o m p l e x l y a n d 'realistically'. Cartoonists o r comedians
o f t e n appeal t o t h e m o s t stark ( a n d exaggerated) version o f a stereotype.
Aesthetic disputes a b o u t w h e t h e r o r n o t a certain character i n a f i l m is a
' s t e r e o t y p e ' m a y c o n c e r n a relatively c o m p l e x a n d 'realistic' version o f a
stereotype. T h i s f l e x i b i l i t y is u n d o u b t e d l y i m p o r t a n t i n m a i n t a i n i n g c r e d i b i l i t y
and communicability.
The f o r m t a k e n b y stereotypes varies a n d some o f this v a r i a t i o n can be

e x p l a i n e d i n t e r m s o f the g r o u p ' s s t r u c t u r a l p o s i t i o n . N o t a l l stereotypes per-
f o r m i d e n t i c a l i d e o l o g i c a l f u n c t i o n s , n o r are they related t o 'objective r e a l i t y '
i n t h e same way. I n d e e d they c o u l d n o t be. As w i l l be seen later, stereotypes
d e v e l o p i n v a r i o u s situations a n d cope w i t h d i f f e r e n t sorts o f p r o b l e m s . A l l I
can d o here is t o o u t l i n e o n e w a y o f categorising stereotypes, a n d suggest rea-
sons f o r , a n d consequences o f , a couple o f v a r i a t i o n s .
T h e r e are stereotypes a b o u t :
1 . Major Structural Groups: c o l o u r ( b l a c k / w h i t e ) ; gender (male-female); class
(upper/middle/working); age ( c h i l d / y o u n g / a d u l t / o l d ) . ( C a n make jokes
a b o u t M S g r o u p s t o mass audience.) Everybody is a m e m b e r o f each
group.
2. Structurally Significant and Salient Groups: ethnic groups (Jews/Scots);
artists a n d scientists; mothers-in-law; adolescents in the 1950s.
( C o m e d i a n s ' t o p i c a l jokes m a i n l y f r o m this g r o u p . )
3. Isolated Groups: social and/or geographic isolation. Gays; A m e r i c a n Indians;
students i n t h e past; gypsies. (Can't make jokes about this g r o u p t o mass
audience unless i t also belongs t o another category - p r o b a b l y t o pariah)
4. Pariah Groups: gays; blacks; C o m m u n i s t s i n USA?; junkies? ( C a n make

jokes t o mass audience - b u t may be 'bad taste' t o d o so.) G r o u p s here w i l l
also b e l o n g t o another g r o u p ( 1 - 3 ) .
5. Opponent Groups: upper-class t w i t ; male chauvinist p i g ; reds; fascists. (Can
sometimes make jokes t o mass audience.) These contrast t o others i n so far
as they are o f t e n developed b y protesting, deviant o r oppressed groups,
about their opponents. T h e y can be subdivided i n t o : counter stereotypes -
e.g. male chauvinist p i g - w h i c h f o r m part o f a counter-ideology a n d are
sufficiently developed t o be about a particular g r o u p (status a n d r o l e ) ; a n d
blanket stereotypes - w h i c h refer t o all non-believers - all n o n - M a r x i s t s are
fascists; all non-fascists are reds. Counters originate f r o m a critical a t t e m p t
at r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o r re-evaluation (pejorative rather t h a n laudatory) o f a
d o m i n a n t g r o u p . Blankets reinforce g r o u p solidarity b y c l a i m i n g a m o n o -
p o l y o n k n o w l e d g e o f the ' t r u t h ' a n d g r o u p i n g all rival claims t o ' t r u t h ' as
equally irrelevant a n d i n v a l i d .
6. Socially/Ideologically Insignificant Groups: m i l k m e n : redheads.
Accuracy - the central problem?

I have already dealt i n passing w i t h m a n y o f t h e issues w h i c h are r e l a t e d
to accuracy. I have said t h a t stereotypes are o f t e n ' v a l i d ' ; t h a t t h e y are
often effective i n so f a r as people define themselves i n terms o f the
stereotypes a b o u t t h e m ; t h a t they are s t r u c t u r a l l y r e i n f o r c e d ; t h a t t h e y refer
to role performances, a n d so o n . H o w e v e r , h a v i n g said a l l this there are
i m p o r t a n t senses i n w h i c h stereotypes are inaccurate o r false. H e r e I refer t o
my earlier c l a i m t h a t stereotypes are s i m i l a r t o i d e o l o g y i n t h a t t h e y are
b o t h ( a p p a r e n t l y ) t r u e a n d (really) false at t h e same t i m e . I w i l l discuss this
in the context o f differences between stereotypes of dominant and
oppressed g r o u p s . T w o m a i n p o i n t s a b o u t t h e i r falsity are t o be m a d e :
Firstly, stereotypes present i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f g r o u p s w h i c h conceal t h e ' r e a l '
cause o f t h e g r o u p ' s a t t r i b u t e s a n d c o n f i r m t h e l e g i t i m a c y o f t h e g r o u p ' s
oppressed p o s i t i o n . Secondly, stereotypes are selective descriptions of
p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t o r p r o b l e m a t i c areas a n d t o t h a t e x t e n t t h e y are
exaggerations.
Stereotypes are evaluative concepts about status a n d role a n d as such are
central t o i n t e r p r e t i n g a n d evaluating social groups, i n c l u d i n g one's o w n .
D e f i n i t i o n o f oneself as a member o f a g r o u p is essential t o t h e socialisation
process, a n d an i m p o r t a n t element o f social c o n t r o l . Oppressed groups pose
p a r t i c u l a r p r o b l e m s o f c o n t r o l a n d d e f i n i t i o n . T h e fact that g r o u p m e m b e r -
ship is a m u c h m o r e salient p a r t o f t h e s e l f - d e f i n i t i o n o f oppressed g r o u p s
t h a n is m e m b e r s h i p o f h i g h status groups t o t h e m , reflects these p r o b l e m s
( H o l t e r , 1 9 7 0 , p . 2 1 0 ) . T h i s saliency is t h e effect o f the c o n t r a d i c t i o n a n d is a
m e c h a n i s m o f social c o n t r o l . Because one's m e m b e r s h i p o f a g r o u p is always
present, so t o o is t h e stereotype o f oneself a n d so t o o t h e r e f o r e , is a
self-derogatory concept - to be socialised is to be self-oppressed.

(Effectiveness o f t h e i d e o l o g y relies o n this as does its ' l e g i t i m a c y ' . ) B u t t o
have a d o p t e d this concept w i l l have i n v o l v e d a d o p t i n g c o n t r a d i c t o r y value
o r i e n t a t i o n s as w e l l , w h i c h means that t h e s e l f - d e f i n i t i o n (self-oppression) is
always v u l n e r a b l e a n d needs constant reinforcing. Furthermore, the con-
sciousness o f oneself as a m e m b e r o f a p a r t i c u l a r g r o u p , w h i c h is essential t o
social c o n t r o l , is also p o t e n t i a l l y t h r e a t e n i n g . T h e c o n t i n u e d a n d persistent
class-consciousness o f a n o f t e n apparently a - p o l i t i c a l a n d apathetic w o r k i n g
class, t h e f e m i n i n e consciousness o f ' u n l i b e r a t e d ' a n d repressed w o m e n , are
evidence o f this consciousness o f g r o u p m e m b e r s h i p .
Stereotypes are p a r t i c u l a r y s t r o n g , I have a r g u e d , w h e n t h e y have t o oper-
ate as c o n c e p t u a l ( c o g n i t i v e ) r e s o l u t i o n s o f such c o n t r a d i c t i o n s . I t is this res-
olution that is t h e real location o f t h e i r inaccuracy. Stereotypes were
described earlier as b e i n g descriptions o f a n effect (consciousness) w h i c h was
t h e n evaluated a n d i n v e r t e d , so i t becomes a cause, w h i c h t h e n explains t h e
d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n o f w h i c h i t is actually a d e s c r i p t i o n . T h i s process (similar i n
s t r u c t u r e t o a l i e n a t i o n ) is t y p i c a l o f ideology. T h e i n v e r s i o n o f effect i n t o
cause is t h e p r i m a r y means o f c o n c e p t u a l l y resolving the contradiction
i n v o l v e d , f o r e x a m p l e , i n t h e socialisation o f oppressed g r o u p s . H o w e v e r , i t
can b e c o m e a cause o n l y because i t makes i d e o l o g i c a l sense. T h e c o n t e n t o f
stereotypes is n o t a r b i t r a r y ( n o r are they interchangeable). Stereotypes are
selective d e s c r i p t i o n s - t h e y select those features w h i c h have p a r t i c u l a r i d e o -
l o g i c a l significance. H e n c e , r e m a r k a b l y f e w stereotypes refer t o such qualities
as kindness, c o m p a s s i o n , i n t e g r i t y - o r even honesty ( n o r t h e i r opposites).
Personality t r a i t s can be s u b d i v i d e d i n t o : m e n t a l , sexual a n d personal.
H o w e v e r i t is t h e m e n t a l attributes w h i c h are d e f i n i t i v e a n d w h i c h seem t o
' d i c t a t e ' t h e rest o f t h e c o n t e n t . O t h e r attributes become l i n k e d t o m e n t a l
characteristics i n a n o n - r e c i p r o c a l way. D u m b does n o t i m p l y d i r t y ; ' d i r t y ' as
a social d e s c r i p t i o n does i m p l y ' s t u p i d i t y ' . T h e reason m e n t a l characteristics
are d o m i n a n t is t h a t t h e y are i d e o l o g i c a l l y t h e m o s t s i g n i f i c a n t (and t h e r e f o r e
c o n v i n c i n g ) . B r i e f l y , e c o n o m i c d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n is t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t d i f f e r e n -
t i a t i o n . T h e ideological criterion f o r economic differentiation i n o u r capital-
ist society is p r i m a r i l y i n t e l l i g e n c e ; a n d o n l y secondly ' c o n t r i b u t i o n ' t o t h e
society a n d possession o f skills w h i c h are necessary b u t 'supposedly' scarce
( f o r e x a m p l e , d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g , responsibility, leadership qualities). T h e m o s t
i m p o r t a n t a n d t h e common feature o f the stereotypes o f the m a j o r s t r u c t u r a l
g r o u p s relates t o t h e i r m e n t a l abilities. I n each case t h e oppressed g r o u p is
characterised as i n n a t e l y less i n t e l l i g e n t . I t is p a r t i c u l a r l y i m p o r t a n t f o r o u r
i d e o l o g y t h a t a t t r i b u t e s s h o u l d be conceived o f as b e i n g i n n a t e characteristics
either o f h u m a n n a t u r e i n general (competitiveness) o r o f w o m e n / m e n / b l a c k s
i n p a r t i c u l a r , since this s u p p o r t s t h e belief t h a t they are n o t t h e effect o f
t h e s o c i o - e c o n o m i c system (and the o r d e r o f t h i n g s appears t o be i n e v i t a b l e -
t h e s u r v i v a l o f t h e fittest a n d m a y t h e best m a n w i n ) . T h e fact t h a t stereo-
types d o so o f t e n present attributes as i f they w e r e ' n a t u r a l ' is n o t a feature
o f s t e r e o t y p i n g per se, so m u c h as an i n d i c a t i o n t h a t they are i d e o l o g i c a l

concepts. T h e existence o f endless research p r o g r a m m e s i n t o innate d i f f e r -
ences a n d t h e p u b l i c i t y t h e i r results receive, s u p p o r t s t h e l e g i t i m a c y o f
stereotypes (regardless o f the actual results) a n d o f the i d e o l o g i c a l c l a i m t h a t
social d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n arises f r o m innate differences. T h e n o t i o n t h a t w e can
(do) have any c o n t r o l over social r e l a t i o n s h i p s is absent, a n d its absence c o n -
f i r m s i t s irrelevance. T h i s p r o b l e m o f course has considerable political
i m p o r t a n c e t o oppressed g r o u p s , a n d they need t o q u e s t i o n t h e efficacy o f
i n v o l v i n g themselves i n disputes a b o u t innate differences - there is n o easy
answer, I m i g h t a d d !
W h a t t h e n are t h e m a i n differences between stereotypes o f oppressed a n d
o f d o m i n a n t groups? Stereotypes o f oppressed groups are stronger a n d some-
times m o r e n u m e r o u s , a n d m o r e 'present' i n the consciousness (and s e l f - d e f i n -
ition) o f t h e oppressed group. They will also be m o r e present i n the
consciousness o f the d o m i n a n t g r o u p . A m e m b e r o f an oppressed g r o u p w i l l ,
by d e f i n i t i o n , have l i m i t e d access t o the 'goods' o f society, a n d t h e stereotype
w i l l c o n f i r m this l i m i t e d access (and its legitimacy) b u t s h o u l d n o t be seen as
causing i t .
Stereotypes o f d o m i n a n t groups w i l l also c o n f i r m t h e boundaries o f t h e i r
o w n l e g i t i m a t e a c t i v i t y (as w i l l t h e stereotypes o f oppressed g r o u p s , o f w h i c h
d o m i n a n t g r o u p s m a y be m o r e conscious t h a n t h e i r o w n stereotypes). I t is as
i m p o r t a n t f o r t h e m t o a d o p t the value structure a n d t o c o n f i r m t h a t the goods
o f society are ' g o o d ' as i t is f o r others t o c o n t i n u e t o see t h e m as g o o d ( i f
u n a t t a i n a b l e ) . ( G o o d here refers t o a n y t h i n g d e f i n e d as socially desirable, n o t
just m a t e r i a l goods, f o r example g o i n g out t o w o r k rather t h a n d o i n g house-
w o r k . ) M e n w h o choose (prefer) t o stay at h o m e t o l o o k after t h e c h i l d r e n
w h i l e t h e i r wives g o o u t t o w o r k , challenge the value s t r u c t u r e . A n d a chal-
lenge f r o m a d o m i n a n t g r o u p is p o t e n t i a l l y m o r e t h r e a t e n i n g ( i f m u c h less
l i k e l y ) t h a n o n e f r o m a subordinate g r o u p . ( T h e c o n t e n t o f gay stereotypes
m i g h t deserve analysis i n this l i g h t . ) I n that respect, a m a l e / w h i t e / u p p e r class
stereotype is more l i m i t i n g . A challenge f r o m a subordinate g r o u p can o f t e n
be i n t e r p r e t e d as a c o n f i r m a t i o n o f t h e value s t r u c t u r e . Stereotypes of
oppressed g r o u p s w i l l be pejorative, b u t t h e i r pejorativeness is c o m p l e x a n d
o f t e n concealed. Stereotypes o f p a r i a h groups may be u n a m b i g u o u s l y pejora-
t i v e , b u t t h e pejorativeness o f female stereotypes is concealed since they must
resolve t h e specific c o n t r a d i c t i o n s o f w o m e n ' s p o s i t i o n . Hence t h e stereotype
presents female characteristics as desirable, f o r w o m e n , a n d masculine
characteristics as undesirable. So t h e negative female stereotypes ' c u n n i n g
m i n x ' , ' b l u e s t o c k i n g ' , 'career w o m a n ' (or t h e lesbian ones) are stereotypes
that essentially a c k n o w l e d g e that w o m e n may be i n t e l l i g e n t (or aggressive) b u t
define t h a t intelligence as, i n their case, undesirable (and ' u n n a t u r a l ' ) . These
three stereotypes also reflect another aspect o f female stereotypes w h i c h is
m o r e l i m i t i n g t h a n others - t h a t is, a great m a n y alternative stereotypes
have been generated t o a c c o m m o d a t e this p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t g r o u p . T h e
' b l u e s t o c k i n g ' o r 'career w o m a n ' stereotype accommodates w o m e n i n these

categories b y e x c l u d i n g t h e m f r o m b e i n g sexual beings o r m o t h e r s . Male
stereotypes are rarely so specific.
References
Fishman, J. 1956: A n examination of the process of social stereotyping. Journal of
Social Psychology 43.
Harding, J. 1968: Stereotypes. International Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences.
Holter, H . 1970: Sex roles and social structure. Oslo: Universiteits forlaget.
Klapp, O. E. 1962: Heroes, villains and fools. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Vinacke, W. E. 1957: Stereotypes as social concepts. Journal of Social Psychology 46.
Questions
1 Summarise the main arguments that Perkins puts forward regarding our tradi-
tional thinking about stereotypes. Among her assertions is that stereotypes are
not necessarily erroneous, negative, about groups other than one's own, about
minority or oppressed groups, and rigid or unchanging. What examples can you
think of that would contradict this traditional view of stereotypes and support
Perkins' analysis?
2 What representations from media material can you find which might be consid-
ered to be stereotypical? In which forms and genres are they most commonly
found?
3 How do stereotypes change historically? Discuss and assess the emergence of
any new stereotypes in the 1980s and '90s.
Further reading
Burton, G. 1990: More than meets the eye. London: Edward Arnold.
Cumberbatch, G., et al. 1990: Television advertising and sex role stereotyping. London:
Broadcasting Standards Council.
Dyer, R. 1979: The role of stereotypes. In Cook, J. and Lewington, M . (eds.), Images
of alcoholism. London: BFI.
Lippmann, W. 1922: Public opinion. N e w York: Harcourt Brace.
O'Sullivan, T., D u t t o n , B. and Rayner, P. 1994: Studying the media. London: Edward
Arnold.
Pickering, M . 1995: The politics and psychology of stereotyping. Media, Culture and
Society 17.
Seiter, E. 1986: Stereotypes and the media: a re-evaluation. Journal of Communication
36(2).
Tolson, A. 1996: Mediations. London: Edward Arnold.
8
The Lost World of Stereotypes
Martin Barker
From Comics: ideology, power and the critics (Manchester University Press 1989)
Barker goes even further than Perkins in his criticism of stereotypes, dismissing the whole
concept as a 'useless tool for investigating media texts'. It is the fact that stereotypes are,
on the one hand, condemned for being both inaccurate and misleading and yet, on the
other, have to appear 'natural' and normal in order to gain audience recognition and fit in
with consensual views of the world that causes him to be so critical of the concept.
His other main reason for viewing stereotypes as being of limited use, which he discusses
at length earlier in the book, is that the implication behind much of the criticism that is lev-
elled at the concept by those teaching Media Studies is that it is wrong to 'label' people and
lump them together into easily identifiable groups. He argues that social psychologists have
recognised that categorisation is a fundamental cognitive process that humans employ in
order to help them make sense of their individual lives and give them a feeling of group identi-
ty. In fact he goes so far as to accuse those who write about stereotypes in the media of hav-
ing set up a small industry around a theory which he considers to be of little or no use.
The trouble with 'stereotypes'

T h e search f o r 'stereotypes' i n t h e media has become a small i n d u s t r y i n its
o w n r i g h t . T h e l i t e r a t u r e is n o w so large that i t is pointless discussing just o n e
o r t w o . I w a n t , instead, t o d r a w o u t the m a i n p r o b l e m s I see i n its use. T h e r e
are many, a n d I cannot deal w i t h t h e m a l l . L e t t h e f o l l o w i n g be i n d i c a t i o n s ,
and i n v i t a t i o n s t o others t o take t h e arguments f u r t h e r .
1. There are real problems with 'stereotyping' theory's demands that
the m e d i a etc s h o u l d 'reflect' society. I n a society w h e r e , f o r example,
black people are d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y kept i n l o w - p a i d jobs a n d o n t h e d o l e , o r
sent t o p r i s o n , t o have this s i m p l y 'reflected' i n the media w o u l d cause outrage.
Hence the d e m a n d shifts t o one that these things s h o u l d o n l y be s h o w n i f they
are e x p l a i n e d i n acceptable ways. I d o n o t w a n t t o q u a r r e l w i t h this - o n l y t o
make clear that thereby 'stereotype' has disappeared as a c r i t e r i o n .
B u t this isn't just a pragmatic p r o b l e m . I t creates t w o i n c o m p a t i b l e y e t
c o e x i s t i n g demands, as Steve Neale has n o t e d . O n t h e o n e h a n d , a r e g u l a r i t y
1
m a y be d u b b e d a 'stereotype' i f i t shows a d e v i a t i o n f r o m t h e 'real w o r l d ' . So,

a great deal o f m e d i a representation o f w o m e n is c o n d e m n e d f o r r e i n f o r c i n g
the (false) stereotype that w o m e n w a n t sex at any t i m e . O r again, t h e p r o p o r -
t i o n o f black o r w o m e n characters i n t h e media is greatly o u t o f line w i t h their
p r o p o r t i o n i n t h e p o p u l a t i o n (or relevant subsection t h e r e o f ) . These are
The Lost World of Stereotypes 87
stereotypes as falsehoods, distortions o f the w o r l d . O n the other hand,

s o m e t h i n g m a y be d u b b e d a 'stereotype' f o r t h e opposite reason, that i t is so
v e r y l i k e the w o r l d outside. H e r e , a g o o d deal o f m e d i a representation is c o n -
d e m n e d f o r s h o w i n g w o m e n i n t h e h o m e , p r o v i d i n g services t o m e n - t h o u g h
o f course i t is i n fact t r u e t h a t v e r y m a n y d o . O r again, black people are over-
w h e l m i n g l y s h o w n l i v i n g i n p o o r c o n d i t i o n s , i n g h e t t o areas; books etc have
been c o n d e m n e d f o r s h o w i n g this even t h o u g h i t is (regrettably) t h e case.
These are stereotypes, this t i m e , as s e l f - f u l f i l l i n g prophecies.
I t o u g h t t o be clear t h a t these t w o are sharply at odds w i t h each o t h e r . 2
T h e y w o u l d have t o w o r k o n us i n d i f f e r e n t ways, t o be i n f l u e n t i a l . T h e first

has t o b l o c k o u r p e r c e i v i n g the w o r l d as i t really is; t h e second has t o stop us
seeing a n y t h i n g b u t t h e w o r l d as i t is. T h i s c o n f l i c t is i m p o r t a n t , n o t just a n
inconsistency. M o r e i m p o r t a n t l y , i f w e l o o k b e h i n d t h e c o n f l i c t , w e m a y f i n d
o u t h o w i t is (silently) resolved, a n d therefore has largely gone b y u n n o t i c e d .
T h i s needs a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the o t h e r m a i n p r o b l e m s w i t h the concept.
2. T h e r e is a h i d d e n agenda i n here, t h a t i t is w r o n g t o present people as
'representatives o f categories'. T h i s is a p o i n t R i c h a r d D y e r makes very effec-
tively. Discussing 'stereotypes' o f gays i n f i l m s , he p o i n t s o u t h o w i m p o r t a n t i t
is t o t h e possibilities o f collective self-defence t h a t there s h o u l d be positive
group-images. 3
E l l e n Seiter takes this a stage f u r t h e r , suggesting that t h e h i d -
d e n agenda o n images o f w o m e n is the 'bourgeois career i n d i v i d u a l ' , w h i c h is
every b i t as i d e o l o g i c a l as ' h e a r t h a n d h o m e ' images. 4
T h e p r o b l e m arises
because t h e ' s t e r e o t y p i n g ' t r a d i t i o n grumbles, n o t about the p a r t i c u l a r c o n t e n t
o f a c e r t a i n category, b u t a b o u t t h e fact o f categorising at a l l . I t is o n l y this
t h a t renders t h a t disagreement invisible.
3. Part o f that agenda also is a peculiar theorisation o f 'influence' w h i c h , i r o n -
ically, i n the e n d does away w i t h the very notions o f social p o w e r that first s t i m -
ulated t h e enquiries. I f i t has a method, 'stereotyping' depends on
content-analysis. T h e m o r e widespread an image a n d the m o r e o f t e n w e
encounter i t , t h e a r g u m e n t runs, t h e greater the likely influence. O t h e r w i s e ,
w h y w o r r y about frequency o f appearance? T h i s very passive v i e w o f audiences
is a p r o b l e m i n itself. But as R. W C o n n e l l has p o i n t e d o u t i n another context, i t
has t h e curious effect o f d o i n g away w i t h any reference t o p o w e r . 5
Recall
O ' C o n n e l l ' s p r o b l e m w i t h the Beano. I t was that girls are under-represented as
characters. Suppose w e p u t that r i g h t . Still missing f r o m these comics w o u l d be
any representation o f the t y p i c a l relations between boys and girls. D e a l i n g w i t h
that i n s t o r y - f o r m is a quite d i f f e r e n t p r o b l e m f r o m 'getting t h e balance r i g h t ' .
For 'stereotype' theory, i t w o u l d seem that girls learn their self-images o n l y f r o m
the p r o p o r t i o n a t e appearance o f the sexes, n o t f r o m h o w they relate t o each
other. T h e p o w e r o f m e n over w o m e n has n o place i n 'stereotyping' theory.
4. There is an unsatisfactory account o f h o w w e f o r m categories a n d
use t h e m . I t w o u l d seem that categories just 'assemble' o u t o f t h e balance o f
influences o n us; a n d t h e n - unless s o m e t h i n g positively interferes, like a g o o d
radical p o i n t i n g o u t t h e e r r o r o f o u r ways - w e use t h e m mechanically. T h e r e
are a w e a l t h o f visual metaphors i n this k i n d o f t a l k : 'images', 'representations',

'pictures i n o u r heads', ' d i s t o r t i n g o u r perceptions o f t h e w o r l d ' . 6
T h e r e is
n o t h i n g w r o n g per se w i t h using m e t a p h o r i c a l talk. But i t has t w o results here,
w h i c h again help resolve that h i d d e n inconsistency I p o i n t e d t o earlier. These
'images' stand between us a n d the w o r l d . T h e y mediate between us a n d t h e
w o r l d , a n d stop us 'seeing the r e a l i t y ' . T h e y are l i k e sheets o f glass w h i c h
refract the l i g h t a n d make us see things awry. W e can't easily see past t h e m . So,
w h e n o n e distorts t h e w o r l d (stereotype as falsehood), i t prevents us seeing
clearly. B u t h o w does that e x p l a i n the other k i n d , t h e t o o accurate stereotype?
O n l y because these 'images' are seen as storehouses o f the past. T h e p o w e r o f
the visual m e t a p h o r is t o suggest staticness, t r a p p i n g us i n t h e past. T h i s is t h e
reason f o r t h e obsessive use o f w o r d s l i k e ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' , 'age-old' a n d ' o u t d a t e d '
i n such w o r k . Take as representative the f o l l o w i n g q u o t a t i o n : 'After a l l these
years o f b a t t e r i n g o n f o r a n e w deal f o r w o m e n , struggling w i t h Equal
O p p o r t u n i t i e s , Equal Pay, anti-sex d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , equal school curicula, striv-
i n g t o release y o u n g girls f r o m the s t u l t i f y i n g role stereotypes o f the past, m a g -
azines l i k e these [teenage romance comics] are actually t r a v e l l i n g fast i n t h e
opposite d i r e c t i o n . ' T h i s k i n d o f talk has l o n g struck me as strange. T h e i m p l i -
7
c a t i o n clearly is t h a t 'stereotypes' have n o relevance t o the present, a n d m i g h t

w e l l have declined b u t f o r their c o n t i n u e d media presentation. B u t also i t is
i m p l i e d that stereotypes d r a w their p o w e r f r o m ideas a n d images o f t h e past;
they are n o t creations i n t h e present, f o u g h t f o r and made c o n v i n c i n g t o us,
b u t residues o f already-existing powers w h i c h d u l l a n d stultify us, t r a p p i n g us
back i n t o those power-relations. I w a n t t o suggest that this is yet another c o m -
p o n e n t o f the peculiar issue o f ' t i m e ' i n theories o f ideology. O n c e again, i d e o l -
ogy is seen as a force f r o m the past, b a r r i n g o u r access t o a f u t u r e .
5. T h e resultant politics are inevitably elitist, i n t w o ways. First, 'stereo-
t y p e r s ' still share L i p p m a n n ' s assumptions w h i c h , f r o m t h e start, were infect-
ed w i t h elitist p o l i t i c s . T h e y never shed that i n f e c t i o n . 'Stereotypes' exist
8
w i t h i n a pattern o f oppositions:
Stereotype Non-stereotypes
Pre-cognitive Cognitive
F i x i n g the past P o i n t i n g t o the f u t u r e
Typical site: the mass m e d i a Typical site: ' e d u c a t i o n '
I n e v i t a b l y w e , t h e ones w h o have 'seen past t h e m ' , must play a r o l e i n educat-

i n g a n d saving others. T h e y need o u r cognitive p r o t e c t i o n against these n o n -
c o g n i t i v e influences.
A n d just as inevitably, the question hangs i n t h e air, w h y some i n d i v i d u a l s
a n d groups are m o r e p r o n e t o being influenced t h a n others. T h i s brings w i t h i t
a class d i m e n s i o n . A variety o f studies have s h o w n that w o r k i n g class people
are m o r e p r o n e t o categorical t h i n k i n g , than 'educated' m i d d l e class p e o p l e . 9
A c c o r d i n g t o t h e logic o f the stereotyping approach, this must s h o w the i n f e r i -

ority o f their t h i n k i n g . I reject that. T o understand w h y , consider o n e
The Lost World of Stereotypes 89
'stereotype' already m e n t i o n e d b y C a u t h e n et ai: 'fascism' a n d t h e 'fascist'. 10
Suppose w e d i d decide t o call o u r ' a t t i t u d e t o fascism' a stereotype: w h a t m i g h t

be i n it? W e m i g h t list ' i n t o l e r a n t ' , ' p r e j u d i c e d ' , ' a u t h o r i t a r i a n ' , a n d ' v i o l e n t ' .
Now there are q u i t e a f e w i n d i v i d u a l s whose views I regard as fascist w h o are
n o t personally v i o l e n t . Does that mean that m y 'stereotype' o f fascism a n d fas-
cists as ' v i o l e n t ' is a distortion? A t the very best, i t w o u l d be an exaggeration.
I w a n t t o dispute t h a t h a r d , f o r reasons that t o m e d o m o r e damage t h a n all
o t h e r criticisms o f 'stereotype'. Part o f m y c o n c e p t i o n o f fascism concerns its
tendencies as a n organised p o l i t i c a l force. I w o u l d w a n t t o argue that fascism
is n o t just a s u m - t o t a l o f its i n d i v i d u a l adherents' behaviours. I t is a p o l i t i c a l
m o v e m e n t , b u i l t r o u n d ideas about 'race', conspiracy theories a n d so o n ,
w h o s e i n h e r e n t logic leads t o class a n d racial violence. T o define m y v i e w as a
'stereotype' involves t u r n i n g fascism i n t o an aggregate of individual; then m y
' i m a g e ' o f t h e m is m o r e o r less accurate inasmuch as i t relates t o those i n d i -
v i d u a l s . Against t h i s , m y conceptualisation o f fascism involves t r e a t i n g i t as a
socially-organised p h e n o m e n o n , i n w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l s are n o t s i m p l y aggregat-
ed ( w i t h a l l t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r likenesses a n d unlikenesses, personal violence o r
o t h e r w i s e ) . T h e y are b e i n g m o b i l i s e d f o r a s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l m o v e m e n t ; i t is t h e
p o t e n t i a l o f t h a t m o v e m e n t I a m assessing i n c a l l i n g fascism ' v i o l e n t ' . I a m
assessing its f u t u r e , n o t just s u m m a r i s i n g its past.
'Stereotyping' dissolves a l l sense o f social organisation. I n protesting
against c a t e g o r y - i n c l u s i o n s , i t dissolves a l l categories. W h a t k i n d s o f charac-
teristic are seen b y 'stereotypers' as t h e m o s t l i k e l y t o appear w i t h i n o u r
'stereotypes'? T h e y are almost always individual physical or personality
traits. F o r e x a m p l e psychologists w i l l ask us i f w e r e g a r d Jews as ' s h r e w d ' ,
' c l a n n i s h ' , ' g r e e d y ' etc - a l l i n d i v i d u a l p e r s o n a l i t y traits. B u t h o w , w i t h i n
such a m o d e l , c o u l d w e encompass t h e repeated fascist c l a i m t h a t Jews are
m o u n t i n g a w o r l d conspiracy, o r t h a t m i x i n g t h e i r b l o o d w i t h ours w i l l lead
t o racial degeneration? T h e w h o l e ' s t e r e o t y p i n g ' edifice depends o n h o s t i l i t y
to t h i n k i n g i n group-terms.
O n c e dismiss that assumption, a n d the politics n o longer f l o w f r o m i t . I t is
t h e n o p e n t o m e t o argue that w o r k i n g class people are i n general more accu-
rately aware t h a t the social w o r l d is really d i v i d e d i n t o categories. I f they have
a 'stereotype' o f managers, o r employers, as ' e x p l o i t a t i v e ' , 'greedy', 'selfish'
etc, that is n o t a false generalisation. I t is a n accurate s u m m a r y o f their e x p e r i -
ence o f t h e i n h e r e n t tendencies that arise f r o m o c c u p y i n g a concrete social
p o s i t i o n . I t is n o t a statement about the personality o f an i n d i v i d u a l , b u t a
c l a i m about w h a t f o l l o w s f r o m o c c u p y i n g a definite p o s i t i o n i n a class society. 11
M y c o n c l u s i o n is t h a t t h e concept o f a 'stereotype' is useless as a t o o l f o r

i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f m e d i a texts. I t is dangerous o n b o t h epistemological a n d
political grounds. 12
Its v i e w o f influence a n d l e a r n i n g is e m p i r i c i s t a n d i n d i v i d -
ualistic, a n d leads t o t h e a n t i - d e m o c r a t i c p o l i t i c s w h i c h L i p p m a n n f i r s t set
i n t o i t . Finally, i t leads t o a n a r b i t r a r y r e a d i n g o f texts w h i c h tells us o n l y
a b o u t the w o r r i e s o f the analyst.
Notes
1. Steve Neale, T h e Same O l d Story - Stereotypes and Difference', Screen, 1980.
2. Compare, for example, the following both taken from Judith Stinton (ed), Racism
and Sexism in Children's Literature (London, Writers and Readers, 1979): These
caricatures [of the Chinese] are part and parcel of the perception o f Asians and
their descendants as subhuman creatures, a perception which led members of the
white community to persecute, ridicule, exploit and ostracise Chinese Americans.'
(p. 81) T o r instance i n Puerto Rican books, the minority child is repeatedly
shown as living i n a ghetto. The continual suggestion that this is the n o r m must
surely help t o make i t so, when really these conditions are inherited rather than
inherent.' (p. 4) In the first case, the stereotype (or caricatured perception) is seen
as a distortion - and therefore powerful; in the second, the stereotype (or 'repeat-
ed showing') is seen as too true - and therefore powerful.
3. Richard Dyer, 'Stereotyping', i n his (ed.) Gays in Film (London, BFI, 1977), pp.
27-39.
4. Ellen Seiter, 'Stereotypes and the Media: A Re-evaluation', Journal of
Communication, Spring 1986, pp. 14-26. See also T. E. Perkins, 'Rethinking
Stereotypes', i n Michele Barrett, et al., eds., Ideology and Cultural Production
(London, Croom H e l m , 1979).
5. See R. W. Connell, Theorising Gender', Sociology, 19:2 (1985), pp. 260-72.
6. See David Bloor, Knowledge and Social Imagery (London, Routledge & Kegan
Paul, 1976), for a useful discussion of the problem of visual metaphors i n think-
_ ing about ideology.
7. Polly Toynbee, Guardian, 30 October 1978.
8. I t is indeed strange that Seiter, whose article is by far the most comprehensive cri-
tique o f 'stereotyping' research I have come across, should end by positively rec-
ommending a return to Lippmann's formulations. I n her article, Seiter i n fact
raises many of the objections which I have covered i n this Chapter. Yet she ends
by suggesting that the problems have arisen because theorists have moved too far
f r o m Lippmann. I cannot here review her arguments i n detail, t o show why I
think she is mistaken.
9. See, f o r example, H . H . Hyman and P. B. Sheatsley, T h e Authoritarian
Personality: A Methodological Critique', i n R. Christie and M . Jahoda, eds.,
Studies in the Scope and Method of the Authoritarian Personality (Glencoe, Free
Press, 1954).
10. N . Cauthen, I . Robinson and H . Krauss, 'Stereotypes - A Review of the Literature
1926-68', Journal of Social Psychology, 84.
11. I t does not, of course, follow from this that there cannot be miscategorisations.
An example of such ideological miscategorisation would be that now the problem
is transformed t o the specific nature of the categories, from one in which i t is the
sheer tendency to categorise.
12. A recent article by Susan Condor expresses many of the same reservations as I
have done about 'stereotype' research, though her target is specifically their use in
'race-research'. She goes so far as to suggest that the categories of such research
can unwittingly assist the very racism i t wants to study. See her '"Race stereo-
types", and racist discourse', Text, 8:1-2, pp. 69-90.
Further reading
See 'Further Reading' section in the previous reading.
The Power of Popular Television 91
Questions
1 Summarise the main points in Barker's argument using some of your own
examples.
2 Can you think of some stereotypical representations which bear out Barker's
objection to them as being accurate enough to gain immediate audience recog-
nition yet misleading or false?
3 In your view, does the concept 'stereotype' have any useful contribution to make
to Media Studies?
9
The Power of Popular Television: The Case of Cosby
Justin Lewis
From The ideological octopus: an exploration of television and its audience (Routledge 1991)
The first two readings in this section focused on the debates associated with the con-
cept of 'stereotype' and its ideological processes: the social classification of particular
groups and people as often highly simplified and generalised signs. A key theme in the
development of Media and Cultural Studies in the post-1960 period has been the analy-
sis of media images of race and ethnicity, and the part that such imagery might play in
naturalising, reproducing and shaping forms of cultural difference. In the mid-1990s,
with the images and issues relating to the Rodney King and 0. J. Simpson trials in the
United States, and to continuing tensions in many British inner cities, the politics of
race - and of racism - remain significant areas for study and research. Have things
changed at all in the last 30 years, in the forms of media representation which charac-
terise images of black people and ethnic identities in popular culture?
The following extract is taken from a study of television audiences in Britain and the
United States. In it, Lewis evaluates the case for and the case against The Cosby Show,
a popular American situation comedy first broadcast in the US in the mid-1980s and
widely exported since. His assessment usefully draws on a range of sources: academic
writers, researchers, critical reviewers and cultural commentators, in addition to the
records of his own audience interviews and research.
Reviewing The Cosby Show

The Cosby Show does n o t need m u c h i n t r o d u c t i o n . For those readers w h o
have m a n a g e d t o a v o i d this e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y successful T V show, let me
congratulate y o u f o r y o u r s i n g u l a r i t y a n d offer this b r i e f synopsis.
The Cosby Show is a h a l f - h o u r situation comedy about an upper middle-class

black family, t h e Huxtables. C l i f f H u x t a b l e (played by Bill Cosby) is a gynecolo-
gist a n d obstetrician, a n d his w i f e Claire is a lawyer. T h e y have f o u r daughters
a n d a son, a n d , as t h e series has g r o w n older, they have acquired in-laws a n d
g r a n d c h i l d r e n . T h e s h o w focuses o n the H u x t a b l e s ' attractive N e w York b r o w n -
stone h o m e , w h i c h provides the set f o r an endless series o f comic domestic dra-
mas. T h e r e is l i t t l e , thus far, t o distinguish this television f i c t i o n f r o m m a n y
others: w e are used t o a T V w o r l d p o p u l a t e d by attractive professionals a n d
their g o o d - l o o k i n g o f f s p r i n g . W h a t makes the show unusual is its popularity, its
critical acclaim, a n d the fact that all its leading characters are black.
These distinctive features have made The Cosby Show the subject of
m u c h speculation a n d discussion. A t the heart o f m a n y o f these discussions lies
an apparent c o n t r a d i c t i o n . H e r e w e have a c o u n t r y that is still emerging f r o m a
deeply racist history, a society i n w h i c h w h i t e people have treated (and c o n -
tinue t o treat) black people w i t h c o n t e m p t , suspicion a n d a p r o f o u n d l y i g n o -
r a n t sense o f superiority. A n d yet t h e most p o p u l a r T V s h o w i n the U.S. over
the last decade, a m o n g black and w h i t e people alike, is n o t o n l y about a black
family, b u t o n e p o r t r a y e d w i t h o u t any o f the demeaning stereotypes that have
characterized images o f black people i n mainstream popular culture.
C o m m e n t a t o r s have been p r o v o k e d t o t r y and resolve this apparent curiosity
a n d , i n so d o i n g , t o muse u p o n the show's social significance.
T h e m o s t p r e v a l e n t c r i t i c a l r e a c t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y d u r i n g t h e first f e w years
o f t h e show, was t o a p p l a u d B i l l Cosby's c r e a t i o n as n o t o n l y a w i t t y a n d
t h o u g h t f u l s i t c o m , b u t an e n l i g h t e n e d step f o r w a r d i n race relations. A f t e r
decades o f negative o r d e g r a d i n g m e d i a images (see, f o r e x a m p l e , H a r t s o u g h ,
1 9 8 9 ) , t h e H u x t a b l e f a m i l y presented black characters t h a t black a n d w h i t e
audiences c o u l d relate t o . T h e celebratory tone o f m a n y reviews c o n t a i n e d
g e n u i n e hopes a b o u t w h a t such a c u l t u r a l i n t e r v e n t i o n m i g h t achieve i n dis-
p e l l i n g racial prejudices i n t h e U n i t e d States.
T h e h i s t o r y o f c r i t i c a l response t o p o p u l a r c u l t u r e o f t e n f o l l o w s a s i m i l a r
p a t t e r n : elaborate praise becomes a n increasingly d i f f i c u l t b u r d e n t o bear,
a n d e u p h o r i a is almost i n v a r i a b l y f o l l o w e d b y a cynical backlash. The Cosby
Show, f o r g o o d o r i l l , is n o e x c e p t i o n t o this r u l e . C r i t i c s have subsequently
accused t h e s h o w o f p r e s e n t i n g a m i s l e a d i n g l y cozy p i c t u r e , a sugar-candy
world u n f e t t e r e d b y racism, c r i m e , e c o n o m i c deprivation and hardship.
Some have a r g u e d t h a t t h e H u x t a b l e s ' c h a r m e d life is so alien t o t h e ex-
perience o f m o s t black people t h a t they are n o longer ' b l a c k ' at a l l , b u t , as
H e n r y L e w i s Gates puts i t , ' i n most respects, just l i k e w h i t e p e o p l e ' (Gates,
1 9 8 9 ) . Gates has also argued t h a t these ' p o s i t i v e images' can be c o u n t e r - p r o -
d u c t i v e , since t h e y suggest t o t h e w o r l d t h e m y t h o f t h e A m e r i c a n d r e a m , a
just w o r l d w h e r e anyone can make i t , a n d w h e r e racial barriers n o l o n g e r
exist:
As long as all blacks were represented i n demeaning or peripheral roles, i t was

possible to believe that American racism was, as i t were, indiscriminate. The
social vision of 'Cosby,' however, reflecting the miniscule integration of blacks

into the upper middle-class, reassuringly throws the blame for black poverty
back onto the impoverished. (Gates, 1989)
A t t h e r i s k o f s i m p l i f y i n g c r i t i c a l o p i n i o n , most analyses o f Cosby fall

b r o a d l y i n t o o n e o f t w o camps: the s h o w is seen as either socially progressive
o r as a n a p o l o g y f o r a racist system t h a t disadvantages most black p e o p l e .
B o t h v i e w s c a r r y w i t h t h e m assumptions about m e d i a effects - t h e debate
concerns t h e n a t u r e o f this effect. T h i s , i n t u r n , raises questions a b o u t t h e
m e a n i n g o f t h e s h o w f o r black a n d w h i t e audiences. T h e study presented i n
this chapter w i l l I h o p e , begin t o c l a r i f y some o f these questions.
Cosby: the case against

Few w o u l d argue t h a t The Cosby Show presents a t y p i c a l o r realistic v i e w o f
the lives o f black A m e r i c a n s . T h e H u x t a b l e family, l i k e t h e i r creator, have
a t t a i n e d a level o f w e a l t h , c o m f o r t a n d success shared by o n l y a t i n y m i n o r i t y
o f black people i n t h e U n i t e d States. T h e p e r i o d w h i c h p r o d u c e d Cosby also
p r o d u c e d a d e t e r i o r a t i o n i n the social c o n d i t i o n s o f most black A m e r i c a n s (see
D o w n i n g , 1988).
T h e success o f The Cosby Show has, a c c o r d i n g t o Gates, l e d t o a curious
divergence b e t w e e n m e d i a images a n d social realities. B i l l Cosby has b r o k e n
the m o l d o f black m e d i a stereotypes a n d o p e n e d u p o u r T V screens t o a host
o f black p e r f o r m e r s :
This is the 'Cosby' decade. The show's unprecedented success in depicting the
lives of affluent blacks has exercised a profound influence on television i n the
last half of the 80s ... 'Cosby's' success has led to the flow of T V sitcoms that
feature the black middle class, each of which takes its lead from the 'Cosby'
show. (Gates, 1989)
A n d y e t , outside the television w o r l d , there are a p l e t h o r a o f social statistics

t o d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t m a n y o f t h e advances made b y black Americans i n t h e
1960s a n d 1970s are b e i n g reversed i n the 1980s a n d 1990s, so t h a t , as Gates
puts i t , there is very l i t t l e c o n n e c t i o n between t h e social status o f black
A m e r i c a n s a n d the fabricated images o f black people t h a t A m e r i c a n s consume
every day.
T h e g u l f b e t w e e n television a n d the world outside is p r o p o u n d e d b y t h e
H u x t a b l e s ' c h a r m e d lives, a Utopian f a m i l i a l h a r m o n y t h a t has caused some
critics t o w i n c e i n disbelief. M a r k C r i p i n M i l l e r ' s d e s c r i p t i o n is characteristi-
cally derisive:
A n d then there is the cuddliest and most beloved of T V Dads: Bill Cosby, w h o ,
as Dr. Heathcliff Huxtable, lives in perfect peace, and i n a perfect brownstone,
w i t h his big happy family, and never has to raise his hand or fist, but retains the
absolute devotion of his wife and kids just by making lots of goofy faces. (Miller,
1986, p. 206)
T h e p r o b l e m t h a t Gates a n d M i l l e r are i d e n t i f y i n g is n o t s i m p l y t h a t t h e
s h o w is a n unrealistic p o r t r a y a l o f black f a m i l y life - f e w sitcoms, after a l l ,
m a k e any c l a i m t o represent social reality - b u t t h a t t h e H u x t a b l e s sustain t h e
h a r m f u l m y t h o f social m o b i l i t y .
T h e H u x t a b l e f a m i l y appear t o have g l i d e d effortlessly i n t o t h e u p p e r eche-
lons o f A m e r i c a n society. T h e s h o w never offers us the slightest glimpse o f the
economic disadvantages a n d d e e p - r o o t e d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n t h a t p r e v e n t m o s t
black A m e r i c a n s f r o m reaching t h e i r p o t e n t i a l . M i c h a e l D y s o n , i n an o t h e r -
wise p o s i t i v e assessment o f the show, comments that
it is perhaps this lack of acknowledgement of the underside of the American

Dream that is the most unfortunate feature of the Huxtable opulence. Cosby
defends against linking the authenticity of the Huxtable representation of black
life to the apparently contradictory luxury the family lives in when he says: T o
say that they are not black enough is a denial of the American dream and the
American way of life. M y point is that this is an American family - an American
family - and i f you want to live like they do, and you're willing to w o r k , the
opportunity is there.' (Dyson, 1989, p. 30)
B u t , as D y s o n suggests, this is a cruel d i s t o r t i o n : 'Such a statement leads us

t o believe t h a t Cosby is unaware t h a t there are m i l l i o n s o f people, t h e so-
called w o r k i n g p o o r , w h o w o r k h a r d b u t nevertheless fall beneath t h e p o v e r t y
l e v e l . ' A n d yet, w r i t e s D y s o n , 'surely Cosby k n o w s better t h a n t h i s . '
W h a t e v e r B i l l Cosby's i n t e n t i o n , some critics argue that t h e e n d result is
e x t r e m e l y d a m a g i n g . T h e H u x t a b l e s u l t i m a t e l y sustain t h e idea that 'anyone
can m a k e i t , ' t h e c o m f o r t i n g assertion o f t h e A m e r i c a n d r e a m ; a m y t h t h a t
sustains a conservative p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g y that is b l i n d t o t h e inequalities t h a t
h i n d e r those b o r n o n mean streets a n d p a m p e r those b o r n o n easy street. A s
M i l l e r puts i t :
Cliff's blackness serves an affirmative purpose within the ad that is The Cosby
Show. A t the center of this ample tableau, Cliff is himself an ad, implicitly pro-
claiming the fairness of the American system: 'Look!' he shows us. 'Even I can
have all this!' (Miller, 1986, p. 210)
T h i s m y t h o l o g y is made a l l t h e m o r e p o w e r f u l , M i l l e r argues, b y the close

i d e n t i f i c a t i o n between C l i f f H u x t a b l e a n d B i l l Cosby. B e h i n d t h e f i c t i o n a l
d o c t o r lies a m a n whose real life is also a success story: fact a n d f i c t i o n coa-
lesce t o c o n f i r m t h e ' t r u t h ' they embody.
H e r e i n , t h e critics argue, lies t h e p o p u l a r i t y o f t h e s h o w i n t h e U n i t e d
States. T h e s h o w m a y appear t o h e r a l d a n e w d a w n o f racial tolerance, a
w o r l d w h e r e w h i t e people accept black people i n t o t h e i r l i v i n g r o o m s as
equals. T h i s appearance, a c c o r d i n g t o M i l l e r , hides t h e m o r e subtle fears o f
w h i t e viewers, t o w h o m black people are still seen as a threat. C l i f f , o r B i l l
Cosby, is attractive t o w h i t e viewers because, as M i l l e r puts i t , he represents 'a
threat contained,' offering
deep solace to a white public terrified that one day blacks might come w i t h guns
to steal the copperware, the juicer, the microwave, the VCR, even the T V itself;
at a t i m e w h e n
American whites need such reassurance because they are now further removed
than ever, both spatially and psychologically, from the masses of the black poor.
(Miller, 1986, pp. 213-4)
T h e t h r u s t o f this a r g u m e n t , despite M i l l e r ' s h y p e r b o l e , m a y p r o v i d e us

w i t h a n i n s i g h t i n t o the i d e o l o g i c a l state o f w h i t e people i n the c o n t e m p o r a r y
U n i t e d States. The Cosby Show is n o t s i m p l y a source o f gentle reassurance, i t
flatters t o deceive. T h e U.S. is still e m e r g i n g f r o m a system o f a p a r t h e i d . Even
i f legal a n d p o l i t i c a l inequalities are f i n a l l y disappearing, e c o n o m i c barriers
r e m a i n . I n a n age w h e n most w h i t e people have m o v e d b e y o n d t h e crudities
o f a n o v e r t a n d n a k e d racism, there is a heavy b u r d e n o f g u i l t f o r a l l c o n -
c e r n e d . The Cosby Show p r o v i d e s his w h i t e audiences w i t h relief n o t o n l y
f r o m fear, b u t f r o m responsibility.
H o w far this account o f the show's appeal explains its p o p u l a r i t y a n d s i g n i f i -
cance remains t o be seen. Suffice t o say, at this p o i n t , that whatever t h e a u d i -
ence study reveals about this a r g u m e n t , i t moves us w e l l b e y o n d the parameters
o f t r a d i t i o n a l T V audience research. I t is impossible t o design an audience
study t h a t , i n a simple a n d s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d sense, measures t h e effect o f the
s h o w o n attitudes t o w a r d race. A n e x p l o r a t i o n o f the show's influence forces
us t o delve m o r e deeply i n t o the c o m p l e x i n t e r a c t i o n between the p r o g r a m a n d
the v i e w e r , a n d thereby i n t o t h e delicate ideological suppositions that i n f o r m
the p o i n t s w h e r e they meet, w h e r e they create m e a n i n g a n d pleasure.
T h e r e a r e , i n t h e m e a n t i m e , o t h e r things t o consider before w e can f u l l y
appreciate t h e d e p t h o f audience responses t o The Cosby Show. We have, after
a l l , o n l y c o v e r e d the m o r e pessimistic aspects o f the c r i t i c a l t e r r a i n .
Cosby: the case for

I f w e are t o engage i n a battle over t h e nature o f w h a t gets s h o w n o n p r i m e -
t i m e T V i n the U n i t e d States, w e s h o u l d be w e l l versed i n the art o f the possi-
ble. A n y a t t e m p t t o change t h e f o r m o r c o n t e n t o f m a i n s t r e a m television w i l l
c o m e u p against t w o p o w e r f u l bastions o f conservatism: t h e p r o f i t - o r i e n t e d
p r e d i l e c t i o n s o f n e t w o r k a n d advertising executives, and the well-trained
expectations a n d tastes o f T V audiences. W e can create i n n o v a t i v e p r o g r a m -
m i n g ideas u n t i l w e are blue i n t h e face, b u t i f t h e n e t w o r k s , advertisers o r
v i e w e r s d o n ' t r e s p o n d , t h e n w e are w a s t i n g o u r t i m e .
The Cosby Show's focus o n a black f a m i l y a n d its d e p a r t u r e f r o m an accept-
ed assortment o f racial stereotypes d i d n o t make i t a n o b v i o u s candidate f o r
p r i m e t i m e . A B C t u r n e d t h e series p r o p o s a l d o w n , a n d , were i t n o t f o r B i l l
C o s b y ' s t r a c k r e c o r d ( i n c l u d i n g , significantly, his a b i l i t y t o sell p r o d u c t s o n
T V c o m m e r c i a l s ) , i t w o u l d p r o b a b l y never have made i t o n t h e air. T o attack
the s h o w because i t panders t o the needs o f a m a i n s t r e a m w h i t e audience is t o
attack its l i f e - b l o o d : t h e U.S. has a television c u l t u r e w h e r e audience ratings
decide w h e t h e r y o u live o r die. T h i s b o t t o m line gives a television p r o g r a m

very l i t t l e r o o m f o r maneuver. T o have c o n f r o n t e d t h e audience w i t h t h e
u n c o m f o r t a b l e realities o f racism w o u l d have been c o m m e r c i a l suicide.
J o h n D o w n i n g argues that any evaluation o f the s h o w must take account o f
this conservative c u l t u r a l climate, a n d that despite its l i m i t a t i o n s ; ' t o be as
g o o d as i t is and t o have g o t t e n past these barriers is a m a j o r achievement i n
itself ( D o w n i n g , 1 9 8 8 , p . 6 8 ) . U l t i m a t e l y , D o w n i n g acknowledges, the
s h o w does l e t 'racism o f f the h o o k ' : i t is, nevertheless, a considerable step f o r -
w a r d i n t h e h i s t o r y o f media representation. T h e r e is, D o w n i n g argues, ' a n
abundance o f black c u l t u r e presented i n t h e series, expressed w i t h o u t fanfare,
b u t w i t h constant d i g n i t y ' (ibid., p . 6 1 ) . T h e s h o w celebrates black artists,
f r o m Ellis W i l s o n t o Stevie W o n d e r , w h i l e p o l i t i c a l figures l i k e M a r t i n L u t h e r
K i n g , o r events l i k e t h e c i v i l rights m a r c h o n W a s h i n g t o n have been i n t e r -
w o v e n , albeit ever so gently, i n t o the story-line.
T h e n a m i n g o f the H u x t a b l e s ' first g r a n d c h i l d r e n is a typical example o f The
Cosby Show style. T h e i r eldest daughter, Sondra, decides t o call her t w i n s
N e l s o n a n d W i n n i e . T h e episode that deals w i t h this decision highlights t h e
issue o f n a m i n g , b u t makes n o c o m m e n t o n its overt p o l i t i c a l connotations.
T h e reference t o t h e Mandelas is made quietly a n d unobtrusively, r e l y i n g u p o n
the audience's a b i l i t y t o catch the p o l i t i c a l ramifications o f the statement.
I f the subtlety o f this approach is a v i r t u e , i t is one borne o f necessity. D u r i n g
the show's second season, N B C t r i e d t o have the anti-apartheid sign o n Theo's
b e d r o o m d o o r r e m o v e d . Bill Cosby, w i t h the n e w l y f o u n d clout o f ratings suc-
cess b e h i n d h i m , stood his g r o u n d and fought successfully t o keep i t there. W h a t
is interesting about this story is n o t o n l y Cosby's t r i u m p h ( w o u l d the n e t w o r k
have capitulated t o a show w i t h a f e w less ratings points?), b u t t h e almost
pathological fear o f certain kinds o f political discourse by those i n charge o f
television entertainment. T h e fuss was made about a sign expressing a sentiment
that is, outside the comparatively small ' m a r k e t ' o f w h i t e South A f r i c a , supposed
t o be fairly uncontroversial. T h e sign made n o i n t r u s i o n i n t o the p l o t , a n d many
viewers w o u l d probably n o t even notice its presence. T h e n e t w o r k ' s desire t o
remove such a meek symbol o f black resistance f r o m the airwaves demonstrates
w h a t progressive voices o n p r i m e t i m e T V are u p against.
T h e seriousness w i t h w h i c h The Cosby Show approaches t h e issue o f c u l t u r -
al representation has p u t i t o n a pedestal a n d exposed i t t o c r i t i c a l scrutiny. A s
B i l l Cosby a n d p r o g r a m consultant A l v i n Poussaint have p o i n t e d o u t , f e w
other sitcoms are attacked f o r their failure t o deal w i t h issues o f racism. T h i s
is, Poussaint has argued, a p a r t i c u l a r l y u n f a i r strain t o p u t u p o n a s i t u a t i o n
comedy. W r i t i n g i n Ebony, Poussaint p o i n t s o u t that
audiences tune i n to be entertained, not to be confronted w i t h social problems.

Critical social disorders, like racism, violence, and drug abuse, rarely lend them-
selves to comic treatment; trying to deal w i t h them on a sitcom could trivialize
issues that deserve serious, thoughtful treatment. (Poussaint, 1988)
T h e l i m i t s o f The Cosby Show a r e , a c c o r d i n g t o Poussaint, the l i m i t s o f t h e

genre. T h i s is a p o i n t , i n d e e d , a c k n o w l e d g e d by some critics. Gates, i n a n o t h -
erwise f a i r l y c r i t i c a l piece, accepts t h a t the very structure o f a s i t c o m ' m i l i t a t e s
against its use as a n agent o f social change' (Gates, 1 9 8 9 ) .
Despite these constraints, w h a t Cosby has c o n f r o n t e d , m a n y have argued, is
t h e d e e p - r o o t e d racism o f w h i t e A m e r i c a n s w h o f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t t o accept
racial equality. D y s o n , f o r e x a m p l e , has suggested t h a t one o f 'the most useful
aspects o f Cosby's d i s m a n t l i n g o f racial m y t h o l o g y a n d s t e r e o t y p i n g is t h a t i t
has p e r m i t t e d A m e r i c a t o v i e w black f o l k as h u m a n beings' ( D y s o n , 1 9 8 9 ,
p . 2 9 ) . H e r e , at last, are m e d i a representations o f successful a n d attractive
black p e o p l e w h o w h i t e people can respect, a d m i r e a n d even i d e n t i f y w i t h .
I t c o u l d be a r g u e d t h a t references t o d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a n d black struggle
w o u l d , i n this sense, be c o u n t e r - p r o d u c t i v e , a l i e n a t i n g substantial sections o f
the w h i t e audience a n d m a k i n g i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h t h e H u x t a b l e s m o r e d i f f i -
c u l t . W e s h o u l d also be aware o f the p a r t i c u l a r nature o f the television w o r l d .
T h e H u x t a b l e s ' class p o s i t i o n may be unusual (for black and w h i t e people) i n
real l i f e , b u t t o be a n a f f l u e n t , attractive professional o n television is t o be
' n o r m a l . ' T h e r e are, o f course, assumptions about t h e audience e m b e d d e d i n
t h i s a r g u m e n t , just as there are i n t h e arguments o f those w h o are c r i t i c a l o f
t h e absence o f a discourse o f racial d i s c r i m i n a t i o n .
Some o f the m o r e positive evaluations o f the show have made the interesting
p o i n t t h a t the discourse o f d i s c r i m i n a t i o n that does f i n d its w a y i n t o the script is
n o t racism b u t sexism. T h e s h o w frequently uses h u m o r t o expose the i n a d -
equacy o f the sexist o r machismo attitudes o f some members o f its male cast.
Some characters, like s o n - i n - l a w E l v i n o r Rudi's f r i e n d K e n n y ( w h o spouts f o r t h
the sexist platitudes o f his b i g b r o t h e r ) , are deliberately set u p t o be under-
m i n e d . W h i l e i t is the characters o f Claire and her daughters w h o take the lead
i n these instances, they are usually s u p p o r t e d by the figure o f C l i f f , w h o has
traveled some w a y b e y o n d the sexist stereotypes so c o m m o n i n T V sitcoms.
I t is unusual t o f i n d s t r o n g male characters i n sitcoms w h o s u p p o r t a feminist
stance t a k e n b y female characters. T h e male i n a sitcom w h o adopts such a
p o s i t i o n i n v a r i a b l y still runs t h e risk o f r i d i c u l e . D o w n i n g suggests t h a t , w h i l e
The Cosby Show's challenge t o p a t r i a r c h y has its l i m i t a t i o n s , C l i f f ' s i n v o l v e -
m e n t i n these c o m i c episodes plays an i m p o r t a n t r o l e i n l e g i t i m a t i n g the show's
f e m i n i s t sentiments: ' H i s c o n d e m n a t i o n o f everyday sexism perhaps c o m m u n i -
cates itself all the m o r e p o w e r f u l l y t o male viewers precisely because he cannot
be w r i t t e n o f f as a henpecked w i m p ' ( D o w n i n g , 1989, p . 6 0 ) .
D o w n i n g ' s defense o f The Cosby Show is n o t apologetic: i t is a r e m i n d e r
t h a t , h o w e v e r w e judge i t , the s h o w is, i n m a n y respects, one o f the m o r e p r o -
gressive forces i n p o p u l a r c u l t u r e t o emerge f r o m t h e U n i t e d States i n recent
years. T h i s m a y n o t be saying very m u c h - w e are, after a l l , t a l k i n g a b o u t a
televisual h i s t o r y steeped i n sexist a n d racist images - b u t i t is w o r t h r e m e m -
b e r i n g before w e e m b a r k o n a j o u r n e y t h r o u g h the N o r t h A m e r i c a n audience.
E v e n i f t h e audience study manifests m a n y o f the critic's w o r s t fears, there are
countless o t h e r television messages whose i d e o l o g i c a l consequences are a l m o s t

t o o oppressive o r f r i g h t e n i n g t o even c o n t e m p l a t e .
[...]
Decoding race
I t is sometimes easy t o f o r g e t t h a t race a n d racial difference i n v o l v e a great
deal m o r e t h a n categories o f p h y s i o g n o m y a n d skin p i g m e n t a t i o n . T h e d i f f e r -
ences b e t w e e n a black person a n d a w h i t e person i n t h e U n i t e d States are
deeply r o o t e d i n t h e i r distinct a n d separate histories, histories encapsulating a
host o f m a t e r i a l a n d c u l t u r a l distinctions t h a t render t h e experience o f b e i n g
w h i t e q u i t e d i f f e r e n t f r o m t h e experience o f b e i n g black. Race, i n o t h e r
w o r d s , is a social as w e l l as a physical c o n s t r u c t i o n .
Racial d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , t h r o u g h o u t its infamous history, has usually been
predicated o n a series o f perceived symbolic links between skin c o l o r a n d c u l -
t u r e . T o colonialists, slave owners a n d p r o m o t e r s o f a p a r t h e i d , this meant a
s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d d e n u n c i a t i o n o f black culture as u n c i v i l i z e d , i n f e r i o r o r t h r e a t -
ening. Despite t h e i r manifest crudity, these racist attitudes have never been as
simple o r homogeneous as they sometimes appear. F r o m c o l o n i a l i s m o n w a r d ,
the racist discourses i n f u s i n g w h i t e societies have borne c o n t r a d i c t o r y assump-
tions about t h e r e l a t i o n between nature a n d n u r t u r e : black people have been
seen as simultaneously w i t h i n t h e reaches o f w h i t e society and b e y o n d i t . T h e
black person's soul was therefore treated as, o n the o n e h a n d , a changeable
c o m m o d i t y , o p e n t o t h e influences o f missionary zeal, a n d , o n t h e other h a n d ,
as the heart o f darkness, i n h e r e n t l y irredeemable.
O n c e placed i n the i n d u s t r i a l ' m e l t i n g pots' o f the late t w e n t i e t h century, t h e
struggles a n d achievements o f black people i n an oppressive w h i t e w o r l d have
disentangled t h e f i x i t y o f m a n y o f the associations between race a n d c u l t u r e .
T h e a b i l i t y o f some black people, against t h e odds, t o succeed i n a p r e d o m i -
n a n t l y w h i t e e n v i r o n m e n t , has made n o t i o n s o f biological d e t e r m i n i s m d e c i d -
edly less fashionable. W h i l e such n o t i o n s have certainly n o t disappeared, they
are n o w less c o m m o n currency t h a n ideas that f l i r t w i t h the p r i n c i p l e o f racial
equality. T h i s does n o t mean the end o f racism; far f r o m i t : as an i n s t r u m e n t o f
repression, racism n o w takes m o r e subtle f o r m s .
In most Western countries, most particularly i n the U n i t e d States, t h e
idea that w h i t e people a n d black people are irrevocably tied t o discrete cultures
has been seriously c o m p r o m i s e d by the promise o f social m o b i l i t y : the idea that
anyone, regardless o f race, creed o r class, can make i t . These compromises are
n o w enshrined w i t h i n legal structures that, w h i l e they d o n o t guarantee racial
equality, at least give the idea o f equal rights a certain a m o u n t o f credibility. B i l l
Cosby, w h e t h e r as himself o r as D r . H e a t h c l i f f H u x t a b l e , is easily assimilated
i n t o this ideology. H e is, M i l l e r argues, visible ' p r o o f o f the meritocratic
m y t h o l o g y that fuels the A m e r i c a n D r e a m , a black person w h o has achieved
success b e y o n d the confines o f a racially defined culture.
Racism is, h o w e v e r , a capricious creature, a n d i t has adapted t o this discur-

sive c l i m a t e b y a b s o r b i n g a n u m b e r o f c o n t r a d i c t i o n s . T h e h i s t o r y o f racism is
n o w e m b e d d e d i n a n i n i q u i t o u s capitalist system, w h e r e e c o n o m i c rather t h a n
racial laws ensure w i d e s p r e a d racial segregation a n d disadvantage. T h i s , i n
t u r n , encourages w h i t e people t o believe i n an i m a g i n e d c u l t u r a l s u p e r i o r i t y ,
w h i l e s i m u l t a n e o u s l y g i v i n g credence t o the idea t h a t w e are w h a t w e become,
t h a t c u l t u r e is n o t G o d - g i v e n b u t a social c o n s t r u c t i o n .
The Cosby Show is, as I have suggested, b o t h a singular a n d an ambiguous
i n t e r v e n t i o n i n t o this c o m p l e x i d e o l o g i c a l t e r r a i n .
[...]
M o s t f o r m s o f a m b i g u i t y are s e l d o m t o l e r a t e d i n p o p u l a r c u l t u r e .
[...]
I f w e have l e a r n t a n y t h i n g about The Cosby Show's success thus far, i t is t h a t
i t is b u i l t o n layers o f a m b i g u i t y . T h e H u x t a b l e f a m i l y ' s s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d
appearance conceals a l o n g a n d v a r i e d cast o f characters: t o some they are
black, t o others they are n o t ; i n o n e m o m e n t they are p r i v i l e g e d , i n another
t h e y are average. A m b i g u i t y is least l i k e l y t o be f o u n d ( a l t h o u g h i t can be
f o u n d t h e n t o o ) w h e n The Cosby Show declares itself, ever so gently, o n t h e
issue o f sexism. O n t h e issues o f race a n d class i t remains very q u i e t , a n d
t h r o w s o p e n the d o o r s t o m u l t i p l e meanings.
I have t r i e d t o chart t h e i d e o l o g i c a l effects o f these ambiguities, t o place
t h e m w i t h i n t h e b r o a d e r i d e o l o g i c a l contexts w h e r e meanings take o n s i g n i f i -
cance. W h a t has become clear a l o n g t h e way, I h o p e , is that w e can neither
d e r i d e t h e s h o w as r e a c t i o n a r y n o r praise i t as progressive w i t h o u t suppressing
some o f its a m b i g u i t i e s . T o m a n y w h i t e people i t i n f o r m s a discourse o f racial
tolerance, a l i b e r a l acceptance o f black people as equals. T o its A f r i c a n
A m e r i c a n audience, a n d even some w h i t e viewers, i t is a j e w e l i n a pale a n d
i n s i p i d sea o f whiteness, a n assertion o f black c u l t u r a l p r i d e that c o n f o u n d s
t r a d i t i o n a l m e d i a stereotypes.
A t t h e same t i m e , i t panders t o the l i m i t s o f w h i t e l i b e r a l i s m , a l l o w i n g w h i t e
audiences t h e s a n c t i m o n i o u s pleasure o f v i e w i n g the w o r l d t h r o u g h r o s e - t i n t -
ed spectacles, as Harper's Magazine puts i t :
The success of this handsome, affluent black family points to the fair-mindedness
of whites w h o , out of their essential goodness, changed society so that black
families like the Huxtables could succeed. Whites can watch The Cosby Show
and feel complimented on a job well done.... On Thursday nights, Cosby, like a
priest, absolves his white viewers, forgives and forgets the sins of the past.
(Harper's Magazine, 1988, p. 50)
I n so d o i n g , i t flatters t o deceive, a n d adds credence t o discourses that w o r k

o n l y t o sustain a system o f racial inequality.
C o u l d The Cosby Show be different? W h a t w o u l d happen i f i t t o o k o n racism
i n the w a y i t has taken o n sexism? T h e ideological r o o m f o r maneuver is, u n f o r -
tunately, very small. I n t h e age o f t h e remote c o n t r o l device, an audience's
tolerance f o r images that disturb t h e m is l i m i t e d : t o tamper t o o m u c h w i t h the

delicate semiology o f The Cosby Show risks losing precisely the viewers w h o
have the most t o learn. T h e r e is, nevertheless, a little space i n w h i c h t o m o v e
f o r w a r d , b u t i t means treading very carefully and very softly.
References
Downing, J. 1988: The Cosby Show and American racial discourse. In Smitherman-
Donaldson, G. and Van Djik, T. (eds.), Disclosure and discrimination. Detroit:
Wayne State University Press.
Dyson, M . 1989: Bill Cosby and the politics of race. Zeta, September.
Gates, H . L . 1989: TV's black w o r l d turns - but stays unreal. New York Times, 12
November.
Hartsough, D . 1989: The Cosby Show in historical context explaining its appeal to mid-
dle-class black women. Paper Presented to the Ohio State University Film Conference.
Miller, M . C. 1986: Deride and conquer. I n Gitlin, T. (ed.), Watching television. New
York: Pantheon.
Poussaint, A. 1988: The Huxtables: fact or fantasy. Ebony, October.
Questions
1 Summarise the cases for and against The Cosby Show as outlined by Lewis in
the extract. Are there, in your view, any issues which are not effectively dis-
cussed, or which deserve to be given further consideration?
2 Select a range of examples of images and coverage of black people and groups
from different media - film, television, newspapers, magazines and advertise-
ments. Discuss and assess them in the light of Lewis's arguments and the ideas
and debates about stereotyping.
3 How are other ethnic and group identities and differences constructed and treat-
ed in media output?
Further reading
Bogle, D . 1994: Toms, coons, mulattoes, mammies and bucks: an interpretive of blacks in
American films, 3rd revised edn. Oxford: Roundhouse Publishing.
Daniels, T. and Gerson, J. (eds.) 1989: The colour black: black images in British tele-
vision. London: BFI.
Dines, G. and Humez, J. 1994: Gender, race and class in media. London: Sage.
Gillespie, M . 1995: Television, ethnicity and cultural change. London: Routledge.
Hartmann, P. and Husband, C. 1974: Racism and the mass media: a study of the role of
the mass media in the formation of white beliefs and attitudes in Britain. London:
Davis-Poynter.
Jhally, S. and Lewis, J. 1992: Enlightened racism: Audiences, The Cosby Show and the
myth of the American dream. Boulder, Cob., and Oxford: Westview Press.
Pines, J. (ed.) 1992: Black and white in colour: black people in British television since
1936. London: BFI.
Ross, K. 1996i Black and white media: black images in popular film and television.
London: Routledge.
Searle, C. 1989: Your daily dose: racism and The Sun. London: Campaign for Press and
Broadcasting Freedom.
10
Mapping the Mythical: A Geopolitics of National
Sporting Stereotypes
Hugh O'Donnell
From Discourse and Society 5(3), 345-80 (1994)
Continuing the theme of stereotyping and how group identities are constructed, this extract
by O'Donnell examines the common stereotypes associated with nationality and national
character. The article shows how sports reporting best exemplifies the way in which posi-
tive and negative components of stereotypes can exist side by side and, although confined
to this area of media output, the extract opens a wider discursive debate around racist and
xenophobic ideologies. Sports coverage, like many other media forms, exists and operates
within a specific value system based on its economic and political positioning, and the fact
that its discourse reflects those who have control over those systems is of no surprise. But
for many commentators it is the combination of ritualism, drama and level of emotional
involvement on the part of the audience which encourages and sustains the conferring of
negative social identities and allows for the construction of a single trait (whether it be, for
example, 'coolness under pressure' or 'undisciplined creativity') to epitomise an entire
nation. O'Donnell demonstrates, through a content analysis of 53 publications from 15 differ-
ent European countries, that specific stereotypes are not confined to individual countries but
are almost entirely uniform both within and across national boundaries.
The Scandinavians W h e n Jesper Parnevik w o n t h e Scottish Open Golf

C h a m p i o n s h i p i n J u l y 1 9 9 3 , Scotland's best-selling q u a l i t y Sunday newspaper,
Scotland on Sunday, spoke o f 'his c o o l frame o f m i n d , even by Swedish stan-
d a r d s ' ( 1 1 J u l y 1 9 9 3 ) . A w e e k later, i n an article analysing t h e rise t o p r o m i -
nence o f Swedish golfers i n general, t h e same newspaper p o i n t e d o u t t h a t
Swedish coaching was a l l about 'the m i n d , the temperament', adding:
' E v e r y t h i n g i n t h e i r s p o r t i n g c u l t u r e seems t o hinge o n t h e cerebral d i m e n -
s i o n ' (18 J u l y 1 9 9 3 ) .
T h e passages q u o t e d illustrate t w o essential elements o f a n o w well-estab-
lished stereotype o f Scandinavianness/Swedishness i n the (non-Scandinavian)
E u r o p e a n m e d i a : coolness a n d clinical rationality. T h i s stereotype has a l o n g his-
t o r y b o t h i n a n d outside sport. I t was a f u n d a m e n t a l part o f media presentations
o f t h e great Swedish tennis player o f the 1970s, Björn B o r g - o f t e n referred t o
as an 'iceberg', o r even as 'Ice B o r g ' - a n d has surfaced again i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e
c u r r e n t Swedish tennis star Stefan Edberg. T h u s , c o m m e n t i n g o n the 1 9 9 1
W i m b l e d o n t o u r n a m e n t , the Spanish daily El Mundo (3 July 1991) described
h i m as ' c o l d a n d concentrated'. Germany's best-selling daily newspaper Bild (6
July 1 9 9 1 ) referred t o h i m as 'the Swedish ice block Stefan Edberg', a n d , w h e n

he lost t h e semi-final t o M i c h a e l Stich, Scotland's best-selling quality daily, the
Glasgow Herald (6 July 1991), said o f h i m : ' I t was almost as t h o u g h the ice-cool
temperament was m e l t i n g away i n the a f t e r n o o n heat.'
As w i t h all the stereotypes studied i n this article, the Swedish stereotype also
has an 'underside' w h i c h involves clearly negative judgements made against an
i m p l i e d b u t seldom stated n o r m . T h e downside o f Scandinavianness is t a c i t u r n i -
ty, a lack o f d y n a m i s m , even an absence o f e m o t i o n . T h u s , i n its coverage o f the
1990 W i m b l e d o n t o u r n a m e n t , the then Soviet U n i o n ' s best selling sports daily,
Sovetsky Sport (8 July 1990), having described Edberg as a 'Swedish iceberg',
added that he was ' t a c i t u r n , as befits a Scandinavian'. T h i s can lead t o sugges-
tions o f a tendency t o be b o r i n g : T h e 25-year o l d Swede tends t o be i g n o r e d b y
the m e d i a ... w h i c h is n o t t o o surprising given his m o n o t o n e voice a n d short,
simple answers. T h e r e is always the danger o f falling over s o u n d asleep', w r o t e
the Glasgow Herald (5 July 1991). T h e Belgian French-language daily La Libre
Belgique (3 July 1 9 9 1 ) agreed that Edberg was 'never very interesting'.
Swedish reporters are, o f course, aware o f this stereotype. T h u s , at the begin-
n i n g o f the 1 9 9 2 European Football C h a m p i o n s h i p i n Sweden (Euro '92) t h e
G o t h e n b u r g daily iDAG (12 June 1992) w r o t e : ' N o r d i c c o o l has been s h o w n at
regular intervals i n top-level sport. W i t h tennis's Ice-Borg o r Ice-Bjorn 1
as the
absolutely classic example', also p o i n t i n g o u t that the Eurosport c o m m e n t a t o r
h a d described t h e Swedish f o o t b a l l player Patrick A n d e r s o n as 'ice c o o l A n d e r -
son'. H o w e v e r , this stereotype is n o t i n the m a i n used by Swedes themselves....
N o r d i c n e s s can occasionally be acquired by t h e inhabitants o f other c o u n -
tries i f the c o n d i t i o n s o f coolness and/or clinical r a t i o n a l i t y can be met. T h u s
w h e n t h e 1 9 9 2 Seville W o r l d Fair ( E x p o ' 9 2 ) p r o v e d t o be a t r i u m p h o f orga-
n i z a t i o n a d m i r e d t h r o u g h o u t the w o r l d , t h e Spanish w e e k l y magazine Cambio
16 ( 1 0 A u g u s t 1 9 9 2 ) suggested t h a t 'the Seville E x p o seems m o r e N o r d i c t h a n
S o u t h e r n a n d slapdash'. A n d w h e n t h e Spanish athlete F e r m i n C a c h o w o n t h e
g o l d m e d a l i n t h e 1 5 0 0 metres i n t h e Barcelona O l y m p i c s , t h e Spanish sports
daily El Mundo Deportivo (9 August 1 9 9 2 ) described his p e r f o r m a n c e as
'cold, calculating, more N o r d i c than Iberian'.
The Germans. W h e n E u r o p e a n sports journalists refer t o Germany, t h e d o m i -

n a n t stereotype o f n a t i o n a l character combines the idea o f s t r o n g m e n t a l c o n -
t r o l w i t h d i s c i p l i n e , efficiency, r e l i a b i l i t y and h a r d w o r k : t h e central elements
o f w h a t Spain's best-selling daily El Pais (3 N o v e m b e r 1 9 9 3 ) calls 'the G e r m a n
l e g e n d ' . T h i s stereotype is f o u n d t h r o u g h o u t the E u r o p e a n m e d i a , a n d is at
times reflected i n t h e G e r m a n press itself. T h u s , t a l k i n g o f the G e r m a n f o o t -
b a l l team's n a t i o n a l coach d u r i n g E u r o ' 9 2 , t h e G e r m a n w e e k l y magazine
Stern (25 June 1 9 9 2 ) w r o t e : ' D i s c i p l i n e , order, p u n c t u a l i t y - n a t i o n a l t r a i n e r
B e r t i Vogts leads his team i n t h e t r i e d a n d tested Teutonic t r a d i t i o n . '
I n t h e terms o f this stereotype, the Germans have, above a l l , t h e r i g h t
m e n t a l ' a t t i t u d e ' : a confidence i n t h e i r a b i l i t y t o get t h e j o b d o n e , a n d t o t a l
Mapping the Mythical 103
c o m m i t m e n t t o t h e task i n h a n d . I n 1 9 9 2 , as G e r m a n y overcame Sweden 3 - 2

i n t h e s e m i - f i n a l o f E u r o ' 9 2 , t h e N o r w e g i a n t a b l o i d Dagbladet ( 2 2 June
1992) w r o t e : T h e i r a t t i t u d e is t h e G e r m a n s ' strongest w e a p o n . A w i n n i n g
i n s t i n c t a n d self-confidence t h e i r greatest quality.' T h e N o r w e g i a n q u a l i t y
d a i l y Aftenposten ( 2 6 June 1 9 9 2 ) agreed, s u p p l y i n g an anecdote t o s u p p o r t its
p o i n t o f v i e w : ' G e r m a n self-confidence i n football knows n o bounds. T h e
G e r m a n s w e r e t h e o n l y team t o b o o k t h e i r h o t e l r o o m s i n G o t h e n b u r g f o r t h e
E u r o p e a n C h a m p i o n s h i p f i n a l i n advance.'
D u r i n g t h e 1 9 9 0 W o r l d C u p (Italia ' 9 0 ) t h e leading Swedish q u a l i t y daily
Dagens Nyheter (16 June 1 9 9 0 ) described the G e r m a n f o o t b a l l team as a
' m a c h i n e t e a m ' , a phrase w h i c h w o u l d reappear v e r b a t i m i n t h e Swedish
t a b l o i d Aftonbladet's coverage o f E u r o ' 9 2 ( 2 1 June 1 9 9 2 ) . T h e n o t i o n o f
mechanical efficiency accompanies German sportsmen and sportswomen
across a range o f sports. D u r i n g W i m b l e d o n 1 9 9 1 t h e Glasgow Herald
described G e r m a n w o m e n ' s c h a m p i o n Steffi G r a f as b e i n g ' i n perfect w o r k i n g
o r d e r ' (7 June 1 9 9 1 ) . A n d as D e n m a r k defeated G e r m a n y 2 - 0 i n t h e f i n a l o f
E u r o ' 9 2 , t h e N o r w e g i a n t a b l o i d VG ( 2 7 June 1 9 9 2 ) w r o t e o f t h e D a n i s h f i g h t
'against G e r m a n machines w h i c h refused t o give u p ' .
T h e n o t i o n o f efficiency is also always e x p l i c i t i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e G e r m a n s :
' t h e Becker serve is a t r i u m p h o f n a t u r a l genetics a n d G e r m a n i c e f f i c i e n c y ' ,
w r o t e t h e English Observer (23 June 1 9 9 1 ) ; t h e Catalan d a i l y Diari de
Barcelona, speaking o f Steffi G r a f ' s p e r f o r m a n c e i n t h e f i n a l , r e f e r r e d t o ' t h e
characteristic r e l i a b i l i t y o f t h e G e r m a n ' ; a n d t h e Glasgow Herald (6 July
1 9 9 1 ) l e f t n o t h i n g t o t h e i m a g i n a t i o n : speaking o f t h e same player, i t w r o t e :
'there is perhaps o n l y o n e player at t h e championships whose game is r e m i n i s -
cent o f m e c h a n i c a l e f f i c i e n c y ' . A n d this n o t i o n is n o t restricted t o j o u r n a l i s t i c
discourse. I n his b o o k o n t h e ' c o r p o r a t e image' o f Germany, D a v i d H e a d
( 1 9 9 2 : 2) refers t o t h e ' a l m o s t m a c h i n e - l i k e efficiency' o f Steffi Graf.
Germanness can also be a c q u i r e d m o m e n t a r i l y b y o t h e r nationals. D u r i n g
E u r o ' 9 2 , m u c h was made o f Sweden's supposedly ' d i s c i p l i n e d ' a p p r o a c h t o
t h e game. C o m m e n t i n g o n t h i s , Aftonbladet (24 July 1992) w r o t e : 'The
Swedes are o f t e n called Scandinavia's Germans, a n d perhaps there is some-
t h i n g i n t h a t . ' A f e w days later, N o r w a y ' s Dagbladet ( 2 7 July 1 9 9 2 ) w o u l d
also describe t h e Swedes as 'Scandinavia's G e r m a n s ' . Stern (25 June 1 9 9 2 )
l i k e w i s e r e f e r r e d t o an I t a l i a n referee w h o was 'famous i n Italy f o r his
Prussian hardness'.
The British. I n t h e d o m i n a n t B r i t i s h ( p r i n c i p a l l y English) stereotype, c o n t i n e n -

t a l cerebrations are dismissed as ' a i r y - f a i r y ' i n favour o f w h a t N a i r n ( 1 9 8 8 :
92) describes as ' a n indispensable n a t i o n a l aversion t o t h e o r y ' . Instead t h e
accent is o n a w o u l d - b e 'realistic', p r a g m a t i c , no-nonsense a p p r o a c h . T h e
values against w h i c h sports journalists judge B r i t i s h teams a n d sportspersons
i n general are w o r k - r a t e , c o m m i t m e n t , courage, g i v i n g i t t h e i r a l l , f i g h t i n g
back i n t h e face o f adversity.
T h e strength a n d range o f this stereotype o f Britishness/Englishness was

a b u n d a n t l y clear d u r i n g Italia ' 9 0 . T h u s , w h e n E n g l a n d defeated C a m e r o o n ,
Franz Beckenbauer, t h e t h e n G e r m a n manager, suggested t h a t ' t h e great
strength o f t h e English is t h a t they never give u p ' ( q u o t e d i n t h e A u s t r i a n
t a b l o i d Kronen Zeitung, 3 July 1 9 9 0 ) . English manager Bobby Robson agreed:
'our f i g h t i n g s p i r i t w o n t h r o u g h ' ( q u o t e d i n the A u s t r i a n t a b l o i d Kurier, 3 July
1 9 9 0 ) . T h i s stereotype accompanies B r i t i s h (especially English) footballers
w h e r e v e r they g o . W h e n E n g l a n d were defeated 2 - 1 b y Sweden d u r i n g E u r o
' 9 2 , t h e Swedish t a b l o i d Expressen (18 June 1 9 9 2 ) w r o t e : ' T h e English, as t h e
English always d o , f o u g h t n o b l y t o t h e last. T h e y are h a r d a n d t o u g h . ' A n d
w h e n S p o r t i n g L i s b o n defeated Newcastle U n i t e d 5 - 3 later t h a t year, the lead-
i n g Portuguese sports daily, A Bola, exclaimed (10 August 1 9 9 2 ) : 'Goodness
gracious, h o w d i f f e r e n t t h e f o o t b a l l played i n E n g l a n d i s ! ' , g o i n g o n t o
describe i t as ' f u l l o f r u n n i n g , f u l l o f sweat, f u l l o f f i g h t ' .
Scotland occasionally shares i n this stereotype: Dagens Nyheter (16 June
1990) q u o t e d t h e t h e n Scottish manager A n d y R o x b u r g h as saying: 'We
always p l a y best w h e n w e have o u r backs t o the w a l l . ' A n d a Scottish defeat
by I t a l y i n 1 9 9 3 p r o m p t e d France's leading sports daily, L'Equipe (14 October
1 9 9 3 ) , t o say: 'the Scots ... d o n o t k n o w the m e a n i n g o f the w o r d s g i v i n g u p ' .
The French. I n terms o f stereotype o f national character, France proves t o be a

site o f discursive c o m p l e x i t y . W h i l e l a c k i n g the d o u r discipline o f the Germans
and the f i g h t i n g spirit o f the B r i t i s h , the French are presented as essentially rea-
sonable a n d i n d e e d ' c i v i l i z e d ' . A t the same t i m e they enjoy some o f the inspira-
t i o n a l qualities o f t h e Latins, b u t w i t h o u t t o p p l i n g over i n t o i r r a t i o n a l a n d
irresponsible behaviour. T h e d o m i n a n t stereotype is best represented by terms
such as ' f l a m b o y a n c e ' , ' f l a i r ' , ' i n s p i r a t i o n ' , ' c h a r m ' , even 'style'.
T h e French f o o t b a l l team was absent f r o m Italia ' 9 0 , a n d its p e r f o r m a n c e
d u r i n g E u r o ' 9 2 was d i s m a l . H o w e v e r , even d i s a p p o i n t i n g French p e r f o r -
mances are e x p l a i n e d b y t h e lack o f w h a t are seen as their ' n a t u r a l ' character-
istics. T h u s , as France a n d E n g l a n d p r o d u c e d a lacklustre 0 - 0 d r a w d u r i n g
E u r o ' 9 2 , t h e Herald 1
(15 June 1 9 9 2 ) expressed t h e w i s h that t h e French
m i g h t still ' s h o w a w e e glimpse o f the joie de vivre w h i c h o u g h t t o be t h e i r
l o t ' , w h i l e t h e English Daily Telegraph o f t h e same day suggested t h a t 'there
was n o r o m a n c e i n t h e i r g i f t e d souls'. ' W h e r e has French c h a r m gone?', w r o t e
the q u a l i t y Swedish daily Svenska Dagbladet o f 17 June 1 9 9 2 , w h i l e Stern,
t a l k i n g o f t h e French n a t i o n a l coach, suggested that 'even i n defeat M i c h e l
P l a t i n i displays a m e l a n c h o l y c h a r m ' (25 June 1 9 9 2 ) .
T h i s stereotype emerges r e g u l a r l y i n m e d i a coverage o f t h e W i m b l e d o n
tournament, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n r e l a t i o n t o the French tennis player Henri
Leconte. Thus, during the 1 9 9 1 W i m b l e d o n c h a m p i o n s h i p , El Mundo
Deportivo (29 June 1 9 9 1 ) described h i m as ' t r e m e n d o u s l y i n s p i r e d ' . T h i s
stereotype p r e d o m i n a t e s above a l l i n t h e British/English m e d i a . T h u s , as
L e c o n t e p l a y e d against (and eventually lost t o ) Boris Becker d u r i n g t h e 1 9 9 3
c h a m p i o n s h i p , the B B C c o m m e n t a t o r s suggested that he was one o f the three

greatest tennis players o f a l l t i m e as far as ' a r t i s t r y ' was c o n c e r n e d , p o i n t i n g
also t o his ' G a l l i c c h a r m ' . We may, o f course, agree that Leconte is a s k i l f u l
a n d stylish player, b u t the supposed 'Frenchness' o f his style o f play derives
n o t f r o m his p l a y itself, b u t f r o m the stereotype. T h i s p o i n t , a n d the associa-
t i o n o f the stereotype w i t h English audiences, was a c k n o w l e d g e d , s o m e w h a t
sardonically, by L'Equipe magazine (August 1991) w h e n i t w r o t e : ' E n g l a n d has
a real w e a k spot f o r Leconte. " D e a r H e n r y " [ i n E n g l i s h ] , so f l a m b o y a n t a n d
so u n p r e d i c t a b l e , so French, w h a t ! '
The Southern Europeans. I n sports r e p o r t i n g o n M e d i t e r r a n e a n countries, the

d o m i n a n t stereotype is clearly that o f the t e m p e r a m e n t a l L a t i n , a stereotype
w h i c h also extends t o S o u t h A m e r i c a . T h i s is one o f the most deep-rooted
stereotypes i n n o r t h e r n E u r o p e a n c u l t u r e , its m a i n elements b e i n g passion,
h o t t e m p e r , f r i v o l i t y , sensuality, even h e d o n i s m .
T h i s stereotype f i n d s one o f its most w i d e s p r e a d expressions i n r e p o r t i n g
o n f o o t b a l l . T h e absence o f M e d i t e r r a n e a n teams d u r i n g E u r o ' 9 2 meant t h a t ,
i n f o o t b a l l i n g terms at least, i t was i n the r e p o r t i n g o f I t a l i a '90 t h a t such
s t e r e o t y p i n g achieved its greatest expression, its m a i n E u r o p e a n bearers being
the Italians. T h u s the t h e n Soviet daily Pravda ( 2 1 June 1990) assured its read-
ers t h a t 'the I t a l i a n team ... reflected the explosive nature o f its p e o p l e ' . T h e
u l t i m a t e s y m b o l o f f i e r y Italianness d u r i n g Italia '90 was t o be Vesuvius, repre-
senting the allegedly volcanic nature o f the I t a l i a n t e m p e r a m e n t . W h e n I t a l y
was e l i m i n a t e d by A r g e n t i n a i n the s e m i - f i n a l , Bild (4 July 1990) wrote:
'Vesuvius, N a p l e s a n d all o f I t a l y weeps'. ' T h e Italians ... w e n t t o N a p l e s a n d
at t h e edge o f Vesuvius w e r e b u r n e d by the m o l t e n lava', added the Basque
d a i l y Deia (4 July 1 9 9 0 ) .
As the 1 9 9 4 W o r l d C u p approaches, the Italians are again expected t o b r i n g
e m o t i o n i n t o f o o t b a l l . I n t e r v i e w e d by the Barcelona daily La Vanguardia (28
November 1993), Alan Rothenburg, chairman of the USA World Cup
O r g a n i z i n g C o m m i t t e e , p o i n t e d o u t : 'Few countries p e r s o n i f y all the e m o -
t i o n s o f f o o t b a l l , a n d I t a l y heads that list.'
The South Americans. T h e 'fieriness' o f the Latins carries w i t h i t n o t i o n s o f

u n p r e d i c t a b l e , even u n c o n t r o l l e d creativity. For all its e n t e r t a i n m e n t value,
h o w e v e r , this c r e a t i v i t y - w h i c h is o f t e n described as 'magic', p a r t i c u l a r l y i n
the case o f L a t i n A m e r i c a n s - is v i e w e d u n f a v o u r a b l y i f i t does n o t b r i n g
results. T h u s , w h e n A C M i l a n defeated PSV E i n d h o v e n i n the C h a m p i o n s '
League i n 1 9 9 2 , PSV's Brazilian player R o m á r i o de Souza Faria ( c o m m o n l y
k n o w n s i m p l y as R o m a r i o ) h a d , a c c o r d i n g t o the Flemish-language Belgian
d a i l y Gazet van Antwerpen (10 December;. 1 9 9 2 ) , ' c o n j u r e d u p a f e w magic
t r i c k s o u t o f his B r a z i l i a n s h u f f l e , b u t lacked any sense o f efficiency'.
I t is i n r e l a t i o n t o S o u t h A m e r i c a i n p a r t i c u l a r t h a t the u l t i m a t e l y d a m a g i n g
effect of such stereotypes comes most fully i n t o view. T h e i r inherent
ambivalence, o n t h e o n e h a n d , facilitates t h e i r r o u t i n e r e p r o d u c t i o n , since

t h e i r positive side a l l o w s t h e i r i n c l u s i o n i n areas o f j o u r n a l i s t i c p r o d u c t i o n
w h e r e a n y suggestion o f direct prejudice w o u l d be discouraged a n d perhaps
even censored. B u t t h e i r negative underside - seldom expressed d i r e c t l y
t h o u g h always present i n a submerged m o d e - is an indissociable p a r t o f t h e
stereotype a n d is t r i g g e r e d b y i m p l i c a t i o n w h e n any element o f the stereotype
is used. I n this w a y a p p a r e n t l y inoffensive characterizations c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e
maintenance a n d r e p r o d u c t i o n o f prejudice i n a p o w e r f u l b u t elusive f o r m .
I f flair a n d c r e a t i v i t y are t h e positive pole o f t h e S o u t h e r n stereotype, its
negative p o l e brings together n o t i o n s o f i n d i s c i p l i n e , i r r a t i o n a l i t y a n d reck-
lessness. I n t h e case o f t h e L a t i n A m e r i c a n s , ' t e m p e r a m e n t ' usually d e t e r i o -
rates i n t o supercharged e m o t i o n s a n d c o m p l e t e irresponsibility. T h u s t h e
Soviet d a i l y Izvestia (26 June 1 9 9 0 ) r e p o r t e d o f the Brazilians:
Suffice i t t o say that on those days when there are matches in which the national
team is taking part the number of heart attacks doubles.... In the waiting room
of a hospital in Sáo Paulo a female patient died of a stroke - all the medical staff
were enthusiastically watching the match between Scotland and Costa Rica. A n d
while Maradona joyously waved the green-yellow strip of his defeated Brazilian
opponent above his head, fourteen criminals managed to escape from the
grounds of a prison also in Sáo Paulo, taking advantage of the inconsolable grief
of the guards. No-one was particularly surprised: it's f o o t b a l l . . .
Beneath its superficial h u m o u r , this r e p o r t tells o f social acquiescence i n collec-

tive professional negligence. B e y o n d that still, stories o f South A m e r i c a n fans
c o m m i t t i n g suicide f o l l o w i n g t h e defeat o f their team, o r even o f w a r being
declared as a result o f f o o t b a l l matches between L a t i n A m e r i c a n countries
( G o l d l u s t , 1 9 8 7 : 118), are p a r t o f the p o p u l a r f o l k l o r e o f f o o t b a l l i n g E u r o p e .
A f u r t h e r element o f t h e stereotype f o u n d p a r t i c u l a r l y i n r e l a t i o n t o S o u t h
A m e r i c a n footballers is t h e figure o f the ' L a t i n l o v e r ' : o n e o f the m o s t e n d u r -
i n g clichés o f n o r t h e r n E u r o p e a n c u l t u r e , g o i n g back at least as far as the l i t e r -
ary figures o f D o n Juan a n d Casanova. T h e Argentinian footballer Diego
M a r a d o n a f r e q u e n t l y t r i g g e r e d the a c t i v a t i o n o f this element o f the stereotype
i n t h e E u r o p e a n press. For e x a m p l e , d u r i n g its coverage o f I t a l i a ' 9 0 , Bild (25
June 1 9 9 0 ) - itself q u o t i n g t h e French Sunday newspaper France Dimanche -
c a r r i e d an article o n his love life e n t i t l e d ' D i e g o : L o v e i n the A e r o p l a n e , i n t h e
T a x i a n d i n t h e S t a d i u m ' , g i v i n g details o f some o f his a p p a r e n t l y 6 0 0 ' c o n -
quests'. A n d o n 5 December 1993 t h e leading Swiss German-language daily,
Blicky c a r r i e d i n its sports section a r e p o r t o n h o w t h e C o l u m b i a n f o o t b a l l e r
Faustino A s p r i l l a ( w h o plays f o r Parma i n Italy) h a d left his w i f e a n d c h i l d f o r
G e r m a n - I t a l i a n porn-star Petra Scharbach. T h e article p o i n t s o u t , crucially,
h o w this i n f a t u a t i o n has affected the player's w o r k rate: 'Asprilla, b e w i t c h e d
by the p o r n star, has n o t scored any goals since 2 7 O c t o b e r . '
The Africans. D u r i n g Italia ' 9 0 , an unexpectedly exogenous r e c i p i e n t o f at

least parts o f t h e L a t i n stereotype was t o emerge: t h e C a m e r o o n i a n s . I n d e e d ,
w i t h t h e early e x i t o f B r a z i l f r o m the c o m p e t i t i o n , they came t o be presented

as ' t h e Brazilians o f A f r i c a ' (El Pais, 13 June 1 9 9 0 ) , d i s p l a y i n g , a c c o r d i n g t o
the G e r m a n w e e k l y Sport-Bild, ' B r a z i l i a n a r t i s t r y ' ( 2 0 June 1 9 9 0 ) . T h e i r l i n k s
w i t h t h e L a t i n stereotype are i m m e d i a t e l y apparent, t h o u g h t h e details o f the
stereotype are visibly m o r e e x t r e m e . T h u s , they are seen as sharing the 'magic'
o f the L a t i n s - f o r t h e Hannoversche Allgemeine Zeitung (9 June 1 9 9 2 ) they
w e r e ' f o o t b a l l magicians', f o r Bild ( 1 6 June 1 9 9 2 ) 'the magicians f r o m A f r i c a '
- b u t i n t h i s case i t is, i n the w o r d s o f the I t a l i a n daily Corriere della Sera (15
June 1 9 9 2 ) , 'black m a g i c ' , suggesting even m o r e u n e n l i g h t e n e d f o r m s o f r e l i -
giosity t h a n those c o n v e n t i o n a l l y associated w i t h Latins.
A n o t h e r feature o f the L a t i n stereotype w h i c h they share is ' t e m p e r a m e n t ' ,
b u t again its expression externalizes elements o f t h e stereotype w h i c h are
o f t e n l e f t u n s a i d . T h u s , n o t o n l y d i d the Hannoversche Allgemeine Zeitung (29
June 1 9 9 0 ) describe t h e C a m e r o o n i a n s as p e r s o n i f y i n g 'African t e m p e r a m e n t '
( w h i c h i t contrasted w i t h t h e 'Siberian c h i l l ' o f t h e i r Soviet t r a i n e r ! ) a n d as
b e i n g themselves 'bundles o f t e m p e r a m e n t ' , b u t LEquipe (25 June 1990) even
described t h e i r f o o t b a l l as a ' v i c t o r y f o r the i r r a t i o n a l ' . T h e c o n t r a d i c t i o n w i t h
i n d u s t r i o u s B r i t o n s , d i s c i p l i n e d Germans a n d c o o l a n d r a t i o n a l Swedes c o u l d
n o t be m o r e o b v i o u s .
Language and power: a discursive network

Discourse and media institutions
T h a t 'news i m p l i c i t l y p r o m o t e s t h e d o m i n a n t beliefs a n d o p i n i o n s o f elite
groups i n society' (Van D i j k , 1 9 8 8 : 83) is, as a general rule (albeit w i t h a variety
o f arguable exceptions), surely unsurprising. T h e news i n d u s t r y is, f r o m an eco-
n o m i c p o i n t o f view, just o n e other i n d u s t r y w i t h i n advanced industrial soci-
eties, a n d is as an i n s t i t u t i o n - whatever the views o f i n d i v i d u a l journalists -
saturated w i t h the values o f those w h o have effective c o n t r o l over the economic
a n d p o l i t i c a l system w i t h i n w h i c h i t operates. I n many cases n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g
projects o f one k i n d o r another - f o r m a l o r i n f o r m a l , official o r u n o f f i c i a l - are
a m a j o r element i n the furtherance o f these elite interests. T h e role o f t h e
m e d i a , a n d i n particular the crucial role w h i c h sports r e p o r t i n g can o f t e n play i n
such projects, has been w e l l d o c u m e n t e d (see Blain et a l . , 1993). Indeed, one o f
the c o m m o n e s t features o f sports r e p o r t i n g is the m e t o n y m whereby the n a t i o n
is presented as a single sentient being (Blain et a l . , 1993: 8 0 - 2 ) .
T h i s feature o f sports r e p o r t i n g , also, c o u l d scarcely be o t h e r w i s e . M o d e r n
s p o r t p r o v i d e s a n i n t e r n a t i o n a l arena i n w h i c h s y m b o l i c n a t i o n a l c o n f r o n t a -
t i o n s are p l a y e d o u t at times before audiences o f h u n d r e d s o f m i l l i o n s . Sport
is n o w also deeply c o m m e r c i a l i z e d , a n d , as just another f o r m o f c o m m e r c i a l
enterprise, i t f u n c t i o n s o n a n i n t e r n a t i o n a l level as a site i n w h i c h advanced
c o u n t r i e s can a n d m u s t act o u t t h e i r p r e f e r r e d m y t h s t h r o u g h self-and other-
stereotypes, a n d celebrate those qualities w h i c h , i n t h e i r o w n eyes, make
t h e m m o r e m o d e r n , m o r e advanced, i n s h o r t superior. Social i d e n t i t y t h e o r y
p r o v i d e s a useful theoretical m o d e l f o r e x p l a i n i n g such macro-behaviour. As

Abrams and H o g g point out:
Within a particular intergroup relationship, i t is often the case that one group
has more resources, power, status and prestige. M o r e powerful groups generally
seek to maintain the status quo, promulgating their o w n system of values and
ideology. Membership of subordinate groups may potentially confer negative
social identity, especially if the dominant group's values are accepted. (1990: 4)
T h i s process r o u t i n e l y involves d o w n g r a d i n g other n a t i o n a l groups. T h e

salience o f w i d e l y disseminated schematic discursive models such as stereo-
types i n this process is encouraged n o t o n l y b y the ritualistic f r a m e w o r k o f the
s p o r t i n g c o n f r o n t a t i o n s , b u t also b y b o t h t h e d e m o t i c nature o f m u c h sports
r e p o r t i n g a n d t h e pressure t o p r o d u c e dramatic reportage u n d e r w h i c h sports
journalists work (Goldlust, 1 9 8 7 : 9 4 ) : these circumstances combine to
enhance t h e use-value o f t o t e m i c r e d u c t i o n i s m , p a c k i n g p r e - f o r m e d a n d easily
absorbed narratives i n t o off-the-shelf f o r m u l a t i o n s . A n d since s p o r t - f o l l o w -
i n g N o r b e r t Elias's t h e o r y o f the ' c i v i l i z i n g process' (Elias a n d D u n n i n g , 1 9 9 3 :
6 3 - 9 0 ) - continues t o constitute an area o f social a c t i v i t y i n w h i c h o v e r t e m o -
t i o n a l engagement remains p u b l i c l y acceptable i n ways i n w h i c h this w o u l d be
u n t h i n k a b l e i n o t h e r contexts (at least i n western societies), t h e sports section
o f a newspaper is o n e i n w h i c h a level o f n a t i o n a l sentiment a n d a corre-
s p o n d i n g density o f h i g h l y charged n a t i o n a l stereotypes are t o be f o u n d w h i c h
it is d i f f i c u l t (at least u n d e r peace-time c o n d i t i o n s ) t o imagine elsewhere.
O n e o f t h e most notable features o f the stereotypes d o c u m e n t e d i n this
study, however, is their astonishing u n i f o r m i t y b o t h w i t h i n a n d across n a t i o n a l
boundaries. T h e quotations ... come f r o m 53 publications r a n g i n g from
tabloids t o q u a l i t y broadsheets ( w i t h their c o r r e s p o n d i n g socially segmented
audiences); f r o m specialist sports newspapers w i t h daily readerships o f over
one m i l l i o n t o generalist w e e k l y magazines; f r o m publications embracing a l l
shades o f p o l i t i c a l o p i n i o n t o those w h i c h (at least o f f i c i a l l y ) embrace n o n e ;
a n d geographically they are t o be f o u n d t h r o u g h o u t western Europe a n d also
i n t h e f o r m e r Soviet U n i o n . T h e r e are differences o f tone, o f course. T h e
B r i t i s h tabloids, i n particular, t e n d t o be m o r e aggressive than their c o n t i n e n t a l
E u r o p e a n counterparts, most notably i n their presentations o f G e r m a n stereo-
types (Blain et a l . , 1 9 9 3 : 1 4 6 - 9 ) . Nonetheless, the almost seamless u n i f o r m i t y
o f these stereotypes is remarkable. T h i s impressively homogeneous diaspora
testifies b o t h t o their p o w e r and t o their age. T h o u g h they operate p r i m a r i l y
o n t h e local level - specifically at the p o i n t o f r e p r o d u c t i o n - and i n t h e f u r -
therance o f local interests, a n d are therefore subject t o an array o f local v a r i -
ables, their reach is, i n a sense, geopolitical.
Notes
1. As well as being a name, the w o r d 'björn' in Swedish also means 'bear': Is Björn' 4
('Ice-Björn') is pronounced identically to 'isbjörn', which means 'polar bear'.

2. The Glasgow Herald changed its name to the Herald on 3 February 1992.
References
Abrams, D . and Hogg, M . A. 1990: A n introduction to the social identity approach. In
Abrams, D . and Hogg, M . A . (eds.), Social identity theory. Hemel Hempstead:
Harvester Wheatsheaf.
Blain, N . , Boyle, R. and O'Donnell, H . 1993: Sport and national identity in the
European media. Leicester: Leicester University Press.
Elias, N . and Dunning, E. 1993: Quest for excitement: sport and leisure in the civilizing
process. Oxford: Blackwell.
Goldlust, J. 1987: Flaying for keeps: sport, media and society. Melbourne: Longman
Cheshire.
Head, D . 1992: Made in Germany: the corporate identity of a nation. London: Hodder
& Stoughton.
Nairn, T. 1988: The enchanted glass: the Britain and its monarchy. London: Hutchinson
Radius.
Van Djik, T. A. 1988: News as discourse. Hillsdale, N J : Erlbaum.
Questions
1 Summarise the key ideas put forward in this extract. What examples can you find
in recent national newspapers or broadcasts which support O'Donnell's view that
sports coverage tends to deliver a series of 'highly charged national stereotypes'?
2 Why are stereotypical representations perhaps more likely to proliferate in sports
reporting and be deemed more acceptable than is imaginable in other aspects of
media output?
Further reading
Blain, N . , Boyle, R. and O'Donnell, H . 1993: Sport and national identity in the
European media. Leicester: Leicester University Press.
Hargreaves, J. A. (ed.) 1982: Sport, culture and ideology. London: Routledge.
Lapchick, R. E. and Benedict, J. R. (eds.) 1995: Sport in society. London: Sage.
Nowell-Smith, G. 1978: Television-football-the world, Screen 19(4), 45-59.
Real, M . 1990: Sport and the spectacle. I n Downing, J., Mohammadi, A. and Sreberny-
Mohammadi, A., Questioning the media: a critical introduction. London: Sage.
Whannel, G. 1992: Fields in vision: television sport and cultural transformation.
London: Routledge.
11
Approaches to 'the North': Common Myths and
Assumptions
Esther Adams
From Television and 'the North' (Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies, University of
Birmingham 1985).
In this short extract chosen from a detailed and diverse analysis of media representations of
the north of England, Adams addresses a series of common myths and assumptions held by
those with experience of northern England and those without. Her study is based on obser-
vation, interpersonal contact with people who live and work in the area and her own person-
al experience. Unlike other aspects of media representation, the construction of regional
identities and differences remains a relatively under-researched area and has only recently
begun to be addressed systematically. Adams' paper was written in the early 1980s, and so
the examples that she goes on to use from genres such as soap opera and sit-com are now
dated and the characters and story-lines would be largely unfamiliar to a modem audience.
The general themes associated with northern (particularly northern working-class) culture
may, however, be all too familiar. The stereotype of the northern woman being outwardly
friendly but then 'gossiping behind your back' still abounds in soaps such as Coronation
Street and Brookside, and the notion of the rural north being backward and quaintly eccen-
tric is central to the characterisation in serials such as Last of the Summer Wine.
W i t h o r w i t h o u t actual experience o f t h e area a n d its people, w e a l l possess

beliefs a n d assumptions a b o u t t h e N o r t h a n d N o r t h e r n e r s , a considerable
i n f l u e n c e o n such conceptions being the media. T h e r e is a famous s t a r t i n g -
point in Orwell's work:
... There exists i n England a curious cult of Northernness, a sort of Northern

snobbishness ... The Northerner has 'grit,' he is grim, 'dour,' plucky, warm-
hearted and democratic; the Southerner is snobbish, effeminate and lazy - that
at any rate is the theory ... i t was the industrialisation of the N o r t h that gave the
North-South antithesis its peculiar slant.... the Northern business man is no
longer prosperous. But traditions are not killed by facts, and the tradition of
Northern 'grit' lingers. I t is still dimly felt that a Northerner w i l l 'get on,'....
that, really, is at the bottom of his bumptiousness.... When I first went to
Yorkshire some years ago, I imagined that I was going to a country of boors....
But the Lancashire and Yorkshire miners treated me w i t h a kindness and cour-
tesy that were even embarrassing; for if there is one type of man to whom I do
feel myself inferior, i t is a coal-miner.... There is nevertheless a real difference
between N o r t h and South, ... w i t h no petty gentry to set the pace, the bour-
geoisification of the working class, though it is taking place in the N o r t h , is tak-
ing place more slowly. All the Northern accents, for instance, persist strongly.... 1
Approaches to 'the North' 111
B u t w i t h p o s t - w a r television there has been a set o f f u r t h e r developments. I n

an a t t e m p t t o relate beliefs, m e d i a representations a n d ' l i v e d c u l t u r e ' , a useful
i n t r o d u c t i o n is a n o u t l i n e o f some m o r e c o m m o n m y t h s a n d beliefs about t h e
N o r t h , a n d , t h r o u g h m o r e d e t a i l e d studies o f t h e media presentations, t o see
h o w s t r o n g l y such n o t i o n s are m o b i l i s e d a n d given f o r m , before e n t e r i n g i n t o
a w i d e r discussion o f t h e i r i m p l i c a t i o n s .
(i) Northerners as Friendly/Unfriendly T h e f o r m e r v i e w is o f t e n r e i n f o r c e d by

accounts o f hospitality, the willingness o f people t o t a l k t o newcomers a n d
v i r t u a l strangers, t o offer help a n d be ready w i t h advice o r t o give
directions. W h e t h e r this is, as a characteristic, m o r e true o f the N o r t h , is
debatable (similar f r i e n d l y ' traits can be observed i n areas o f the West
C o u n t r y a n d East A n g l i a ) hence possibly s h o w i n g that such characteristics o f
behaviour are m o r e readily f o u n d i n c o u n t r y a n d r u r a l areas i n general. T h e
opposite v i e w is, however, equally p o t e n t : that N o r t h e r n e r s are reserved a n d
w i t h d r a w n , almost hostile t o ' i n t r u d e r s ' i n t o the c o m m u n i t y , being w a r y o f
anyone w h o talks differently, a n d r e q u i r i n g the newcomer t o undergo a p e r i -
o d o f 'apprenticeship' before acceptance. B o t h traits can also be encountered
o p e r a t i n g simultaneously t h r o u g h m a r k e d patterns o f hospitality and hostili-
ty (offers o f help extended yet ' t a l k i n g b e h i n d y o u r back' i n the n e x t
instant). Such behaviour is n o t o n l y c o m p l e x b u t p u z z l i n g , especially t o
those f r o m m o r e singular urbanised areas.
(ii) The North as Ugly/Beautiful Images a b o u n d o f the N o r t h as heavily i n d u s -

t r i a l , d i r t y , smoky, grey, a n d c o m p r i s e d o f endless r o w s o f terraced back t o
back houses w h i c h w o u l d have been d e m o l i s h e d as slums l o n g ago i n any
o t h e r p a r t o f t h e c o u n t r y . I t is an image o f the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y n o v e l , o f
D . H . L a w r e n c e , o f L . S. L o w r y p r i n t s a n d When the Boat Comes In: a
v i s i o n o f hangover f r o m t h e (industrial) past.
But the N o r t h is not entirely an invention of the last century; i t has its dales and
moors, its sheep and castles. 2
I t is these latter aspects o f N o r t h e r n landscape w h i c h become t r a n s f o r m e d

i n t o t h e pastoral image, t h e r u r a l / r u s t i c ideal. I n such a l a n d o f fells, lakes, v a l -
leys, rivers a n d m o o r s , a haven can be f o u n d f r o m the t o w n / c i t y - a l a n d o f
beauty, w o n d e r , c h a r m , a n d t h e p o e t r y books o f W o r d s w o r t h , Shelley, Keats,
a n d C o l e r i d g e . I t f o r m s a n a n t i d o t e t o the style a n d pace o f u r b a n existence, a
place o f retreat a n d escape: a place w h e r e t h e soul can be ' f r e e d ' f r o m socio-
c u l t u r a l constraints, a n d r e b o r n i n t o its ' n a t u r a l ' state.
N o living soul w i t h poetry i n his heart can fail to express himself among the
wonderful surroundings one sees in the Lake District. 3
R a t h e r t h a n b e i n g a place w h e r e people live, i t is a place w h e r e people g o t o

'wax lyrical'.
(iii) The North as Segregated/as Backwater O n e f o r m o f this v i e w is a k i n t o the

s l u m / c o u n t r y d i c h o t o m y w h e r e the l a n d w o u l d seem t o be d i v i d e d between
the p o o r e r areas o f the w o r k e r s (the m i n i n g villages) and the open estates o r

acres o f l a n d belonging t o i n d i v i d u a l farmers/landowners. Similarly geo-
graphical features separate t o w n s and communities, some o f t e n isolated b y
m o u n t a i n s , rivers o r valleys w i t h the jugular o f the M . 6 being the ' l i f e l i n e ' t o
the rest o f ' c i v i l i s a t i o n ' . N e w styles and fashions are believed t o be s l o w t o
catch o n , there is a tendency for m o r e conservative ways o f dress a n d t h i n k -
i n g t o p r e v a i l , a n d a w a r y scepticism o f n e w trends a n d labour saving
devices. I t appears somewhat incredible that areas exist w h i c h still have t o be
connected t o electricity supplies.
(iv) Northerners as Quaint, Old-Fashioned and Superstitious Ruralness a n d
backwardness w o u l d seem t o g o h a n d i n h a n d , a d d i n g t o the q u a i n t c h a r m
o f the area.
The people who have been born in the Lake District or in the Border country
are naturally more superstitious and more inclined to believe in fairies, giants,
wicked spells, curses and enchantments than, perhaps, people from any other
part of the country. Nature in itself is mysterious and magical, the folk who live
near enough to nature can believe almost anything. 4
Because t h e area itself has been m y t h o l o g i s e d so must its people be d i f f e r -

entiated f r o m t h e rest - n o t necessarily special, merely q u a i n t .
(v) Northerners as Talkative Gossiping, t e l l i n g stories, m o n o l o g u e s o f the

' g o o d o l d days' a n d willingness t o have a ' g o o d crack' w i t h anyone are a n
i n t e g r a l p a r t o f N o r t h e r n life a n d being 'sociable'. Hence such characteris-
tics have become trademarks o f t h e average N o r t h e r n e r , habits easily
recognised, a n d easy (for actors a n d s c r i p t w r i t e r s ) t o convey.
(vi) Northerners as 'Salt of the Earth' A g a i n they are o f t e n seen as g o o d f o r a

l a u g h (n.b. t h e i r great use i n comedy especially t o represent l o w - l i f e char-
acters) b e i n g g o o d , honest, no-messing o r d i n a r y f o l k , a b i t basic perhaps,
but o n the whole 'all right'.
... rough and unpolished perhaps, but diamonds nevertheless; ragged but of
sterling w o r t h , not refined, not intellectual, but w i t h both feet firmly on the
ground - capable of a good belly laugh, charitable and forthright ... possessed
of a racy and salty speech, touched w i t h w i t , but always w i t h its hard grain of
common sense. 5
Notes
1. G. Orwell The road to Wigan Pier (Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1962), p p .
142-6.
2. M . Wolfers, T h e N o r t h : a study i n class, community and custom', i n R. Mabey
ed., Class: a symposium (London, Blond, 1967), p. 146.
3. - G. Findler, Legends of the Lake Counties (Clapham, Dalesman Press, 1967), p. 7.
4. Findler, Legends of the Lake Counties, p. 9.
5. R. Hoggart, The uses of literacy (London, Chatto & Windus, 1957), p. 15.
Approaches to 'the North' 113
Questions
1 What examples can you think of from a range of media texts - film, television,
advertising, news reports, comedies etc. - which rely on stereotypical construc-
tions of regional difference? How is your own region represented?
2 How do British soaps, in particular, perpetuate some of the 'myths' of 'northern-
ness' to which Adams is referring? To what extent can soaps such as
Coronation Street or Emmerdale, for example, be said to be dealing in 'true-life'
representations of people living in specific regional communities, and to what
extent are they promoting false images of the north based on stereotypical rep-
resentations and nostalgic yearnings for the past?
3 Adams uses the terms 'northern' and 'working-class' almost synonymously and
when this paper was written there existed no soap operas set in the south of
England and only one, Crossroads, set in the Midlands, but bearing little relation
or reference to that area. Has the more recent EastEnders, which also concerns
itself largely with the lives of working-class people, constructed its characters in
any less of a stereotypical manner than its northern counterparts, or does it put
forward equally limited and traditional views of Londoners?
Further reading
Brunsdon, C. and Morley, D . 1978: Everyday television: 'Nationwide'. London: BFI.
Carter, E., Donald, J. and Squires, J. (eds.) 1993: Space and place: theories of identity
and location. London: Lawrence &C Wishart.
Dodd, K. and Dodd, P. 1992: From the East End to EastEnders: representations of the
working class, 1890-1990. I n Strinati, D . and Wagg, S., Come on down: popular
media culture in post-war Britain. London: Routledge.
Griffiths, A. 1993: Pobol y C w m : the construction of national and cultural identity in a
Welsh language soap opera. I n Drummond, P., Peterson, R. and Willis, J. (eds.),
National identity and Europe. London: BFI.
Massey, D . 1994: Space, place and gender. Cambridge: Polity Press.
McArthur, C. 1982: Scotch reels: Scotland in cinema and television. London: BFI.
Osmond, J. 1988: The divided kingdom. London: Constable.
Rutherford, J. 1990: Identity: community, culture, difference. London: Lawrence &
Wishart.
Shields, R. 1991. Places on the margin. London: Routledge.
12
Crippling Images
Anne Karpf
From Doctoring the media: the reporting of health and medicine (Routledge 1988)
As we have seen from the previous readings in this section, one of the most common fea-
tures of stereotypes refers to the social positioning and perceived mental abilities of the
stereotyped group. This form of categorisation confirms the seemingly 'natural' position of
oppressed or pariah groups in society and further contributes to, and perpetuates, the iso-
lation and discrimination which they face.
Karpf looks at how representations of illness and disability affect our perceptions of both
the medical profession and those who are being treated within it. She claims that the
media are predominantly interested in 'miracle' cure stories rather than items about ordi-
nary people with disabilities, and one of the few areas of television where images of the
disabled are routinely shown is that of telethons, where children are most frequently used
(and in her view exploited) to persuade people to part with money. Such charity events are
accused of perpetuating the most damaging stereotypes of disability, creating images of
dependency and humiliation which outweigh the financial gains and serve the interests of
the able-bodied better than those of the disabled.
One of Karpf's most vehement accusations against the media, is that they commit 'sins of
omission' although, arguably, since her book was written in 1988, representations of disabili-
ty have become more commonplace in mainstream media output. The introduction of a baby
with Down's Syndrome in Brookside and the paralysis of Angel in Home and Away are two
examples from contemporary soaps that spring to mind (albeit that in the latter case the
character made an unexpected full recovery after only a few weeks of physiotherapy, despite
predictions from her doctor that she could remain in a wheelchair for the rest of her life).
Films such as My Left Foot, The Piano, Children of a Lesser God, Born on the Fourth of July
and Rain Man all featured characters with disabilities, and there are many other examples.
Disabled by whom?
T h e images o f d i s a b i l i t y o n the b i g a n d small screens are m a i n l y m e d i c a l a n d
seemingly natural, uncontroversial a n d unchangeable. I n the medical
a p p r o a c h , d i s a b i l i t y results either f r o m a cruel accident o f nature (a genetic
gaffe) o r f r o m Fate (causing r i d i n g accidents, s p o r t i n g mishaps o r car crashes).
People w i t h disabilities are courageous or long-suffering; we're invited t o
praise o r p i t y t h e m . T h e y ' r e a p p l a u d e d i n 'aren't they w o n d e r f u l ' stories f o r
t r i u m p h i n g over t h e i r disability, a n d f o r p e r f o r m i n g tasks as p r o f i c i e n t l y as t h e
a b l e - b o d i e d (or even better). A b l i n d w o m a n climbs Everest, 1
a deaf w o m a n is
an award-winning professional percussionist. 2
Medicine offers them the
Crippling Images 115
p o s s i b i l i t y o f a c u r e , o r helps t h e m f u n c t i o n m o r e ' n o r m a l l y ' b y s u p p l y i n g

increasingly sophisticated t e c h n o l o g i c a l aids, a n d c h a r i t y is its sidekick, raising
m o n e y a n d h o p e . T h e m e d i c a l a p p r o a c h also encourages the take-up o f prena-
tal screening a n d r u b e l l a i m m u n i s a t i o n t o prevent h a n d i c a p . 3
Programmes
u s i n g t h e m e d i c a l a p p r o a c h are usually presented a n d p r o d u c e d b y able-bod-
i e d p e o p l e , f o r t h e m e d i c a l a p p r o a c h speaks t o t h e able-bodied (and shows
d i s a b i l i t y as seen by t h e m ) ; 'the disabled' are its objects.
T h e consumer a p p r o a c h , b y contrast, addresses people w i t h disabilities
themselves, o r t h e i r carers. C o n s u m e r p r o g r a m m e s , o f t e n a i m e d at people
w i t h a specific d i s a b i l i t y l i k e visual h a n d i c a p o r deafness, o f f e r i n f o r m a t i o n
a b o u t g o o d s , services, a n d w e l f a r e benefits, r e v i e w i n g n e w aids a n d e q u i p -
m e n t , a n d t a c k l i n g p r o b l e m s such as access. T h e y ' r e s t r o n g advocates o f self-
h e l p , a c t i n g ( o n a i r a n d o f f ) as a clearing-house f o r self-help groups a n d
charitable organisations. T h e y ' r e o f t e n presented b y people w i t h disabilities
a n d are broadcast either i n a f t e r n o o n magazine p r o g r a m m e s o r t h e ' g h e t t o '
w e e k e n d m o r n i n g slots reserved f o r m i n o r i t i e s a n d e d u c a t i o n p r o g r a m m e s .
T h e l o o k - a f t e r - y o u r s e l f p r o g r a m m e , w h e n i t l o o k s at disability, speaks o f its
p r e v e n t i o n . I t proposes personal ways o f m a i n t a i n i n g health a n d a v o i d i n g dis-
a b l i n g c o n d i t i o n s , f o r instance t h r o u g h preconceptual care. I t offers advice,
4
g i v e n o r e n d o r s e d b y d o c t o r s , a i m e d at the able-bodied.
I n the e n v i r o n m e n t a l approach, disabled isn't a n o u n o r adjective, it's a verb.
People are disabled b y t h e society they live i n : social institutions a n d practices
disable t h e m m o r e t h a n their physical o r mental handicap. T h e e n v i r o n m e n t a l
a p p r o a c h e x p l i c i t l y challenges t h e medical approach, rejecting t h e n o t i o n o f
handicap as a ' n a t u r a l ' c o n d i t i o n o r a medical fact o f life inevitably b r i n g i n g
o t h e r problems. ' I f a person i n a wheelchair is unable t o take an office j o b
because there are steps u p t o an office b u i l d i n g , are w e t o assume that the fault
lies w i t h the wheelchair user f o r n o t being able t o c l i m b steps? I w o u l d say the
fault lies i n the architecture.' Similarly, the absence o f sign language interpreters
5
at p u b l i c meetings o r events denies deaf people access t o the hearing w o r l d . I n

the e n v i r o n m e n t a l approach, a t t e n t i o n is shifted f r o m people w i t h disabilities t o
the w i d e r c u l t u r e : t h e p r o b l e m is n o longer the disability, b u t rather the failure
o f t h e able-bodied c o m m u n i t y t o accommodate i t . Social i n t e r a c t i o n , rather
t h a n an i n t r i n s i c physical c o n d i t i o n , is t o blame. I n the e n v i r o n m e n t a l approach,
people w i t h disabilities aren't spoken f o r by others: they speak f o r themselves.
Braving the media

T h e past t w o decades' q u i e t r e v o l u t i o n b y people w i t h disabilities has gone
largely u n r e c o r d e d b y t h e m e d i a . A b l e - b o d i e d broadcasters are still ( a n d
increasingly) e n t h r a l l e d b y the d o m i n a n t m e d i c a l a p p r o a c h . ' C u r e ' stories are
f a v o u r i t e s , l i k e 'the m i r a c l e o f the m a n w h o g o t his sight back after 3 6 years', 6
o r t h e sick c h i l d w h o s e leg was a m p u t a t e d , a n d her heel reattached as a knee

f i x e d t o a n a r t i f i c i a l leg. T h e d i s a b i l i t y m o v e m e n t argues t h a t :
we celebrate deaf people, but they celebrate people who aren't deaf any more.
They love stories about children who have been given marvellous new hearing
aids, deaf people who've learnt to play instruments.... The emphasis is always on
becoming as much like hearing people as possible. 7
Courage is t h e i r d e f i n i n g characteristic. C h i l d r e n w i t h disabilities m u s t

always be s m i l i n g , since 'a h a p p y c h i l d seems t o be t h e o n l y acceptable image
o f d i s a b i l i t y ' . T h e y achieve Douglas Bader feats o f f o r t i t u d e , as i f i n d i v i d u a l
8
acts o f h e r o i s m represented t h e s o l u t i o n t o t h e i r daily p r o b l e m s a n d disability

was o n l y an i n d i v i d u a l a n d psychological challenge, n o t also a practical a n d
collective one. E x c e p t i o n a l disabled people are p a r t i c u l a r l y p o p u l a r , n o t c h i n g
u p achievements impossible o r i r r e l e v a n t t o most people w i t h disabilities -
hence t h e b l i n d m o u n t a i n - c l i m b e r o r r u n n e r - even t h o u g h t h e average B r i t i s h
b l i n d person is elderly, female, a n d usually h a r d u p . 9
T h i s k i n d o f coverage was especially prevalent i n t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l Year o f

D i s a b l e d People ( 1 9 8 1 ) , w h e n ' c h i l d r e n received bravery awards f o r l y i n g i n
b e d a n d u n d e r g o i n g operations. A t h a l i d o m i d e " h e r o i n e " made headlines f o r
passing h e r d r i v i n g test. Television news s h o w e d a compulsive tendency t o
f i l m us s t r u g g l i n g t o make a cup o f tea w i t h an able-bodied c o m m e n t a r y over-
laid.' 10
Television o f t e n uses these images f o r its leave'em-happy f i n a l news
story, usually occasioned by a visit f r o m Royalty.
Telethons: child appeal

Telethons, f u n d - r a i s i n g television marathons, are the annual o p p o r t u n i t y f o r
celebrities a n d audiences t o have f u n w h i l e d o i n g g o o d . Simultaneously glitzy
a n d w o r t h y , t h e y ' r e usually 12- o r 2 4 - h o u r affairs, w i t h celebrities d r o p p i n g
i n t o t h e s t u d i o t o chat o r p e r f o r m , a n d f i l m e d inserts o f charities needing
m o n e y o r s h o w i n g w h a t past recipients d i d w i t h theirs. Viewers a n d listeners
p h o n e i n t o pledge donations a n d t h e presenters, regularly a n n o u n c i n g t h e
t o t a l t o date, e x h o r t the audience t o the finishing-line - the target sum.
Telethons demand enormous organisation - o n e used 6 5 0 telephones
staffed b y B r i t i s h Telecom telephonists. T h e B B C t e l e t h o n ' C h i l d r e n i n N e e d '
ropes i n every B B C local a n d n a t i o n a l r a d i o s t a t i o n , as w e l l as t h e B B C T V
networks. A n d t h e 1985 Thames Telethon completely displaced t h e
station's regular schedules f o r t w e n t y - f o u r hours. Telethons o r i g i n a t e d i n t h e
U n i t e d States, w h e r e t h e best k n o w n is c o m e d i a n Jerry L e w i s ' Labor D a y
t e l e t h o n , w h i c h has raised large sums f o r muscular d y s t r o p h y charities f o r
nineteen years. W h e n t h e B B C b o r r o w e d t h e idea i n 1 9 8 0 they decided
that t h e B r i t i s h p u b l i c w o u l d n ' t stomach t h e f u l l A m e r i c a n revelry, w i t h its
u n r e s t r a i n e d l y h e a r t - t u g g i n g appeals i n a 2 4 - h o u r n o n - s t o p variety show. T h e
B B C v e r s i o n is a m o r e m u t e d affair, a i m i n g t o reach t h e (smaller, local) c h a r i -
ties t h e o t h e r appeals d o n ' t reach. Its recipients are c h i l d r e n w i t h m e n t a l o r
physical handicaps ( w h o get some 4 0 per cent o f the grants), o r those w i t h
b e h a v i o u r disorders i n care, h o s p i t a l , o r l i v i n g i n under-resourced o r stressful
places. T h e sums raised b y telethons are sizeable. Between t h e m i n 1 9 8 5 , the

B B C a n d T h a m e s T V telethons raised over £ 5 m i l l i o n , a n d i n 1985/6 B r i t i s h
c o m m e r c i a l r a d i o stations raised over £ 2 . 6 m i l l i o n i n cash f o r c h a r i t y t h r o u g h
events l i k e a W a l k a t h o n (a 2 5 - m i l e c h a r i t y w a l k ) .
B u t a l t h o u g h t h e r e c e i v i n g organisations are understandably pleased t o have
t h e m o n e y , telethons have been r o u n d l y i n d i c t e d by A m e r i c a n disability
activists f o r p e r p e t u a t i n g d a m a g i n g stereotypes o f disability w h i c h o u t w e i g h
t h e f i n a n c i a l gains. W h i l e a c k n o w l e d g i n g b o t h organisers' a n d d o n o r s ' g o o d
i n t e n t i o n s , t h e y argue t h a t t h e y arouse 'there, b u t f o r the grace o f G o d ' feel-
ings i n t h e i r audience w h i c h oppress people w i t h disabilities.
In order to get their money, they have to humiliate me ... to me, a wheelchair is a
solution, not a sentence. Because I use a wheelchair, I am able to do many things I
otherwise could not. I am not 'confined to a wheelchair'. I don't 'face a life w i t h -
out meaning', and I ' m not a 'poor, unfortunate cripple who needs your help.' 11
A l t h o u g h B r i t i s h telethons are m o r e subtle, t h e i r images usually m o r e positive

a n d o p t i m i s t i c , the B r i t i s h disability m o v e m e n t t o o deplores:
fund-raising at a distance ... the twentieth-century version of the beggar in the
streets. Even the begging bowls are no longer in our own hands.... [It] gives people
a sense of doing something for us without bringing them into contact w i t h us. 12
M o s t B r i t i s h telethons focus almost exclusively o n c h i l d r e n , since cute y o u n g -

sters u n d o u b t e d l y head the h i e r a r c h y o f tele-appeal, w i t h less cute oldsters at
t h e b o t t o m . T h e r e ' s a t o t a l m i s m a t c h between the age o f those people w i t h
disabilities w h o appear o n telethons (and T V i n general), a n d the age o f the
m a j o r i t y o f p e o p l e w i t h disabilities i n the general p o p u l a t i o n . M o r e o v e r ,
a l t h o u g h the B B C ' s rules specifically f o r b i d t h e m g i v i n g grants t o relieve a
s t a t u t o r y b o d y o f its responsibilities, disadvantaged g r o u p s are especially dis-
advantaged at a t i m e o f cuts, a n d telethons (since they rarely collect f o r l u x u -
ries) can't h e l p b u t c o n t r i b u t e t o the idea that it's the j o b of private
organisations a n d n o t the state t o p r o v i d e or collect essential funds. T h e y also
r e i n f o r c e an image o f people w i t h disabilities as dependent o n charity. Even
w h e r e telethons increase the v i s i b i l i t y o f people w i t h disabilities, t h e i r o n e - o f f
occurrence i n e v i t a b l y smacks o f t o k e n i s m .
For w h o s e b e n e f i t are telethons organised? It's n o t always clear. Parts o f the
1985 T h a m e s T e l e t h o n w e r e c o m m e r c i a l l y sponsored, causing one T V c r i t i c
t o observe t h a t
no shove ha-penny contest went unsponsored. This made for wall-to-wall adver-
tising and a steady line of executives crossing the stage like ants, each carrying a
large cardboard cheque. 'Give a big hand to the chairman of Burtons' ...
'Sponsored by those lovely folk f r o m Panasonic.' 13
Commercial companies gain a w h i f f o f w o r t h i n e s s a n d all are beyond

r e p r o a c h w h e n the v u l g a r i t y ' s f o r charity. Since telethons make the a b l e - b o d -
i e d feel b o u n t i f u l (and m a n y w o u l d be a f f r o n t e d t o hear t h a t people w i t h dis-
abilities feel oppressed by t h e i r p i t y ) , telethons may really be for the
a b l e - b o d i e d . A s t h e C o n t r o l l e r o f B B C 1 , w h o authorised t h e first B r i t i s h
t e l e t h o n said, ' I t makes m e feel w a r m . ' 14
Medico-charitable broadcasting has a l o n g history. President Roosevelt,

paralysed f r o m p o l i o i n 1 9 2 1 , enlisted p o p u l a r entertainers such as Eddie
C a n t o r t o raise funds f o r p o l i o t r e a t m e n t a n d research via n e t w o r k r a d i o o n
his b i r t h d a y each year. B u t at t h e same t i m e , Roosevelt resolved never t o
appear helpless, dependent, o r defeated by p o l i o , a n d so w o u l d n ' t a l l o w h i m -
self t o be p h o t o g r a p h e d i n a wheelchair. T h e press a n d m e d i a generally c o -
o p e r a t e d . Roosevelt, w h i l e he t r i e d t o i m p r o v e c o n d i t i o n s f o r people with
p o l i o , c o u l d n ' t a l l o w himself t o i d e n t i f y w i t h t h e m f o r fear o f d a m a g i n g his
r o b u s t p o l i t i c a l image, a n d m a n y Americans never knew, o r f o r g o t , that t h e i r
President c o u l d n ' t w a l k u n a i d e d .
C o u l d telethons be different? I n 1 9 7 9 U n i t e d Cerebral Palsy (UCP), an
A m e r i c a n o r g a n i s a t i o n k n o w n f o r it's ' l o o k , w e ' r e w a l k i n g ' telethons, decided
t o change t h e m . T h e y w r o t e u p t h e speeches t h e celebrities were supposed t o
m a k e , asked people w i t h disabilities t o m o n i t o r the t e l e t h o n , a n d set o u t
guidelines stressing that telethons s h o u l d s h o w b o t h adults a n d c h i l d r e n a n d
s h o u l d reflect t h e degrees o f disability t y p i c a l a m o n g people w i t h cerebral
palsy. Celebrities w e r e t o be t h o r o u g h l y i n f o r m e d about the c o n d i t i o n a n d use
a p p r o p r i a t e t e r m i n o l o g y , a v o i d i n g terms l i k e v i c t i m , p o o r , c r i p p l e d , u n f o r t u -
nate, tragedy a n d o t h e r w o r d s arousing p i t y rather t h a n respect. T h e y were
also t o a v o i d asking viewers t o give o u t o f thankfulness that t h e i r o w n c h i l -
d r e n w e r e b o r n healthy, a n d U C P o u t l a w e d images w h i c h placed undue
emphasis o n people w i t h cerebral palsy w a l k i n g a n d t a l k i n g , leading t o u n r e a l -
istic p u b l i c expectations a n d d a m a g i n g t h e self-image o f people w i t h cerebral
palsy w h o w o u l d never be able t o d o either. T h e y also w a n t e d t o d r a w atten-
t i o n t o t h e organisation's advocacy role i n h e l p i n g people w i t h disabilities
realise t h e i r o w n desires a n d needs, l i k e g a i n i n g access t o p u b l i c e d u c a t i o n ,
barrier-free b u i l d i n g s a n d t r a n s p o r t , h o u s i n g , and jobs.
W h e n people w i t h disabilities m o n i t o r e d t h e t e l e t h o n , they f o u n d i t a sig-
n i f i c a n t b u t l i m i t e d i m p r o v e m e n t . T h o u g h the m a i n issues emerged, ' t h e
celebrities are t u n e d t o seize o n the theatrics o f t h e m o m e n t . G i v e n n a t i o n a l
television exposure, they are n o t g o i n g t o be h e l d t o t i g h t , p r e - d r a f t e d scripts.
So w h e n they see a m o m e n t o f possible d r a m a , they seize i t . ' 15
Screened out
Sins o f o m i s s i o n are perhaps even m o r e significant i n media coverage o f dis-
a b i l i t y t h a n sins o f c o m m i s s i o n . People w i t h disabilities a n d t h e issues affect-
i n g t h e m are largely invisible o n r a d i o a n d television. A c o m m o n f o r m a t is t o
have a discussion between someone w h o w o r k s with people w i t h disabilities,
and t h e m o t h e r of a person w i t h a disability, speaking o n their behalf, b u t n o t
disabled people themselves. A n d people w i t h disabilities are rarely i n v i t e d t o
p a r t i c i p a t e i n m e d i a discussions about a b o r t i o n , prenatal screening, o r the
s w i t c h i n g - o f f o f l i f e - s u p p o r t systems f o r people w i t h severe handicaps.
T h e vast m a j o r i t y o f people w i t h disabilities are socially a n d e c o n o m i c a l l y

disadvantaged, yet T V a n d r a d i o news p r o g r a m m e s rarely r e p o r t o n the i m p l i -
cations f o r t h e m o f events l i k e h e a l t h cutbacks or inflation, and though
m o t o r i s t s , d r i n k e r s , a n d smokers are r o u t i n e l y i n t e r v i e w e d after t h e Budget
f o r t h e i r reactions t o price rises, people w i t h disabilities are never asked f o r
t h e i r reactions t o benefit freezes. People w i t h disabilities are t h e largest sec-
t i o n o f t h e u n e m p l o y e d , y e t t h e y ' r e never r e f e r r e d t o i n m e d i a coverage o f
unemployment. 16
I n d e e d , they rarely figure i n m a i n s t r e a m p r o g r a m m e s at a l l ,
a n d w h e n they d o i t ' s usually because o f t h e i r disability. Broadcasters a n d
news journalists seem t o assume t h a t t h e i r audience is able-bodied, even
t h o u g h a s i g n i f i c a n t p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e m must have a disability since a b o u t o n e
i n five p e o p l e i n B r i t a i n have a severe disability.
[...]
Disabling drama
F i c t i o n a l p r o g r a m m e s d i s t o r t disability just as consistently as n o n - f i c t i o n a l . A
study o f A m e r i c a n p r i m e - t i m e T V shows f o u n d that none o f the disabled char-
acters w e r e over s i x t y - f i v e , a n d 4 0 per cent o f t h e m were c h i l d r e n . T h e y were
m a i n l y w o r k i n g class, excluded f r o m i m p o r t a n t family roles, l i v i n g generally i n
schools a n d i n s t i t u t i o n s . T w o - t h i r d s were single, almost half were recipients o f
some k i n d o f verbal o r physical abuse, most were regarded as objects o f p i t y and
care a n d experienced a miracle cure at the e n d o f the p r o g r a m m e . 17
Another
study o f A m e r i c a n p r i m e - t i m e c o m m e r c i a l television f o u n d handicapped charac-
ters s e l d o m appearing i n incidental roles: i n 85 h a l f - h o u r slots, n o t one was visi-
ble i n groups o f shoppers, spectators, jurors, customers o r w o r k e r s . W h e n
people w i t h disabilities were positively characterised, their handicap was central
t o t h e p l o t (and, b y i m p l i c a t i o n , t o their lives): they struggled valiantly w i t h
c o n d i t i o n s like blindness, b u t were never an astute college professor w h o hap-
pened t o be b l i n d , o r t h e capable lawyer i n a wheelchair. T h e y were also o f t e n
stigmatised as baddies, evil characters representing a threat t o society i n the tra-
d i t i o n o f L o n g J o h n Silver o r Feter Fan's Captain H o o k . 18
I n 1 9 8 6 t h e B r i t i s h g r o u p Fairplay, c a m p a i g n i n g f o r accurate m e d i a repre-

sentation o f t h e n u m b e r a n d nature o f people w i t h disabilities, w r o t e t o t h e
p r o d u c e r s o f the soap operas ' B r o o k s i d e ' a n d 'EastEnders' t o encourage t h e m
t o i n t r o d u c e a disabled character. 'EastEnders' d i d n ' t . ' B r o o k s i d e ' w r o t e i n a
deaf character, a n d was t h e first B r i t i s h soap t o d o so, t h o u g h she seemed t o
have u n c a n n y a b i l i t y t o hear w i t h o u t the o t h e r characters m a k i n g any conces-
sions t o h e r deafness.
O n t h e b i g screen, disabled characters are f r e q u e n t l y misshapen monsters
a n d baddies. F r o m t h e d i s f i g u r e d m u r d e r e r o f The Phantom of the Opera
( 1 9 2 5 ) t o t h e d w a r f k i l l e r o f N i c h o l a s Roeg's Don't Look Now ( 1 9 7 3 ) , people
w i t h disabilities have been d e p i c t e d as grotesques; o u t l a w e d f r o m able-bodied
society ( D u s t i n H o f f m a n ' s lame, p i t i a b l e l o w - l i f e c o n m a n , Ratso, i n J o h n
Schlesinger's 1 9 6 9 Midnight Cowboy); f i x a t e d o n b e a u t i f u l b u t unattainable

w o m e n (Charles L a u g h t o n as The Hunchback of Notre Dame, 1939), a n d
i m p e l l e d t o destroy w h a t they can't j o i n o r have. G n a r l e d bodies o f t e n signify
g n a r l e d m i n d s (Shakespeare's R i c h a r d I I I has a l o t t o answer f o r ) . A t t h e o t h e r
e n d o f t h e s p e c t r u m is Reach for the Sky, the most p o p u l a r f i l m i n B r i t a i n i n
1956 a n d o n e o f t h e m o s t emblematic films ever made a b o u t disability, i n
w h i c h K e n n e t h M o r e p l a y e d Douglas Bader, t h e legless w a r t i m e aviator w i t h
the tenacious s p i r i t . Reach for the Sky 'hangs like an albatross r o u n d t h e neck
o f every person i n this c o u n t r y w h o ' s been c o n d i t i o n e d t o believe t h a t i t
w o u l d take u n a d u l t e r a t e d h e r o i s m t o cope w i t h their d i s a b i l i t y ' . 19
A n o t h e r r e c u r r i n g figure i n f i l m s about disability is 'the able-bodied miracle

w o r k e r f r o m w h o m t h e central character draws t h e strength t o persevere a n d
learn t o live a n o r m a l l i f e ' . 20
W o m e n are o f t e n disabled i n f i l m s t o a l l o w m e n
t o cure t h e m (such as Rock H u d s o n i n Douglas Sirk's 1954 melodrama
Magnificent Obsession, w h o becomes a d o c t o r t o cure Jane W y m a n ' s b l i n d -
ness f o r w h i c h he feels responsible). T h r i l l e r s like the 1 9 6 7 Wait Until Dark
i n c l u d e b l i n d w o m e n (the u l t i m a t e v i c t i m ) , o r they heighten t h e tension b y
using deaf w o m e n ('the last w o r d i n " d u m b b l o n d ' " ) . 21
W e l l - i n t e n t i o n e d movies are even worse. T h e praised 1980 film The

Elephant Man was based o n t h e t r u e story o f Joseph M e r r i c k , a V i c t o r i a n m a n
w i t h a misshapen head, displayed as a f a i r g r o u n d freak u n t i l rescued b y a p h i l -
a n t h r o p i c surgeon w h o takes h i m t o the L o n d o n H o s p i t a l , w h e r e he's accept-
ed b y some o f t h e aristocracy w h o recognise his inner gentility. T h e f i l m was
m o v i n g a n d seemed progressive: M e r r i c k advanced f r o m b e i n g e x h i b i t e d t o
b e i n g a d m i r e d as a sensitive i n d i v i d u a l . Yet once again, a k i n d l y , able-bodied
person p r o v i d e d t h e key t o his i m p r o v e d f o r t u n e , w h i l e M e r r i c k himself,
u n f a i l i n g l y d i g n i f i e d a n d s t r i k i n g l y free o f anger a n d despair, seemed w h o l l y
u n b r u t a l i s e d b y his experiences. 22
H i s a t t e m p t t o sleep i n a ' n o r m a l ' p o s i t i o n
finally killed h i m .
Less equal than others

E m p l o y m e n t is t h e n u b o f t h e p r o b l e m . As l o n g as m e d i a images o f disability
c o n t i n u e t o be shaped b y able-bodied people, a n d i n t e n d e d f o r an able-bodied
audience, t h e stereotypes w i l l f l o w . T h e e m p l o y m e n t o f people w i t h disabili-
ties i n broadcasting a n d t h e i r m e d i a image are i n e x t r i c a b l y l i n k e d . W h e n i n
1986 Fair play organised a survey o f B r i t i s h T V companies, i t f o u n d t h a t ,
a l t h o u g h m o s t h a d equal o p p o r t u n i t y policies, very f e w h a d a p r o g r a m m e t o
i m p l e m e n t t h e m . W h a t ' s m o r e , they o f t e n cast able-bodied actors as disabled
characters, p r o d u c i n g u n c o n v i n c i n g portrayals w h i c h t h e disability m o v e m e n t
likens t o those o f blacked-up w h i t e actors i n the past.
T h e effects o f this exclusion f r o m broadcasting o n and off-screen are h a r d t o
determine. Certainly, people w i t h disabilities are excluded f r o m m a n y other c u l -
t u r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , a n d their daily experiences and material circumstances are as
oppressive as any images. M o r e o v e r , t h e media rarely originate ways o f t h i n k -

i n g , a n d stereotypes o f disability are as current i n the broader culture as o n tele-
v i s i o n a n d f i l m . Yet i f t h e media have the p o w e r t o reinforce, a n d their
systematic f i x a t i o n s a n d omissions help f o r t i f y o r d i m i n i s h groups' claims o f leg-
itimacy, t h e n t h e m e d i a coverage o f people w i t h disability must surely play a
part i n disenfranchising t h e m . T h e y themselves argue that broadcasting and films
have helped reinforce negative attitudes towards t h e m , a n d have failed t o chal-
lenge stereotypes, dissipate fear a n d discomfort, o r p r o v i d e images o f interaction
between people w i t h a n d w i t h o u t disabilities. A t the same t i m e , handicapped
people themselves a n d their families aren't being exposed t o images o f h a n d i -
capped adults l i v i n g p r o d u c t i v e , comfortable lives i n the mainstream o f society. 23
Broad cast
T h e r e has always been a small batch o f f i l m s a n d p r o g r a m m e s challenging t h e
d o m i n a n t a p p r o a c h t o disability. T h e cinema f u r n i s h e d t h e earliest examples
w i t h its dramas a b o u t m a i m e d r e t u r n i n g w a r heroes, l i k e W i l l i a m W y l e r ' s
1946 The Best Years of Our Lives. A hugely successful sensitive r e h a b i l i t a t i o n
m o v i e , i t s h o w e d a sailor w h o lost b o t h his hands i n the w a r (played b y
H a r o l d Russell w h o h i m s e l f h a d lost his hands i n w a r t r a i n i n g ) w i t h d r a w i n g
f r o m t h e c o m m u n i t y u n t i l he was s l o w l y coaxed back. T h o u g h some saw the
e n d i n g as a c o p - o u t (he adjusts t o his n e w s i t u a t i o n t h r o u g h t h e love o f a fine
w o m a n ) , a n d others c o m p l a i n e d o f a p r y i n g camera, l i n g e r i n g o n his steel
claws p i c k i n g u p cigarettes, t h e f i l m raised p u b l i c consciousness a b o u t t h e
consequences o f war-created disability.
F r e d Z i n n e m a n n ' s 1 9 5 0 f i l m The Men, i n w h i c h M a r l o n B r a n d o made his
screen d e b u t as a soldier paralysed b y t h e w a r , w e n t m u c h f u r t h e r . Set almost
e n t i r e l y i n a h o s p i t a l (the cast i n c l u d i n g f o r t y - f i v e real disabled w a r veterans),
i t p o r t r a y e d B r a n d o ' s p r o b l e m s i n a d a p t i n g t o his disability a n d his f e l l o w
paraplegics' attempts t o staunch his self-pity. W h o l l y unsaccharine in
a p p r o a c h , i t s h o w e d 'vets' d y i n g a n d depressed, t h e p r o b l e m s caused b y t r y i n g
t o adhere t o a b l e - b o d i e d n o r m s (Brando's obsessive a t t e m p t t o be m a r r i e d
s t a n d i n g u p ends i n f a i l u r e ) , a n d t h e easy, oppressive p i t y o f t h e able-bodied
('we m a k e o t h e r people feel u n c o m f o r t a b l e ... w e r e m i n d t h e m that t h e i r b o d -
ies can be b r o k e n just l i k e t h a t , a n d they d o n ' t l i k e i t ' ) .
The Men b r o k e a t a b o o b y t a l k i n g about d i s a b i l i t y a n d sex, b u t Coming
Home, H a l A s h b y ' s 1 9 7 8 f i l m about t h e effect o f t h e V i e t n a m W a r o n three
p e o p l e , was a sexually e x p l i c i t (some t h o u g h t v o y e u r i s t i c ) , p o w e r f u l presenta-
t i o n o f disability. I t s h o w e d a V i e t n a m ' v e t ' , paralysed f r o m t h e waist d o w n ,
f a l l i n g i n love w i t h t h e w i f e o f a h a w k i s h M a r i n e C a p t a i n brutalised b y his
experience i n V i e t n a m , a n d i m p l i c i t l y questioned w h i c h o f t h e t w o m e n was
the real c r i p p l e . O n c e again, i t p o r t r a y e d people w i t h disabilities as angry,
r e j e c t i n g p i t y a n d charity, a n d physically active, 24
w i t h a l l o f t h e m (except f o r
J o n V o i g h t i n t h e m a i n role) p l a y e d b y real disabled V i e t n a m veterans. A n d
this t i m e t h e m a n i n t h e wheelchair g o t the w o m a n . T h e f i l m ended w i t h t h e

h e r o r e c h a n n e l l i n g his anger f r o m self-destructively i n w a r d s t o constructively
o u t w a r d s , b y b e c o m i n g p o l i t i c a l l y active.
B u t latterly, A m e r i c a n p r i m e - t i m e television has been leading the w a y i n
n e w presentations o f disability. 'Cagney a n d Lacey' has been i n n o v a t i v e , a n d
i n t h e show's 1 9 8 6 season Cagney h a d a relationship w i t h a m a n i n a w h e e l -
chair, w h i c h d r e w an enthusiastic audience response. 'Dallas', t o o , i n c l u d e d a
deaf c h i l d ; ' H i l l Street Blues' has h a d disabled characters a n d themes; a n d t h e
Public Broadcasting System (PBS) has i n t r o d u c e d people w i t h disabilities i n t o
c h i l d r e n ' s p r o g r a m m e s such as ' M i s t e r Rogers', ' Z o o m ' , a n d 'Sesame Street'.
A m e r i c a n T V commercials are also changing: a m a n i n a wheelchair is u n r e -
m a r k a b l y i n c l u d e d i n a g r o u p s p o r t i n g 5 0 1 L e v i jeans, a schmaltzy r o m a n t i c
couple use sign language (plus subtitles) t o decide t o g o a n d eat at
McDonalds, 25
a n d the b l i n d m a n i n a wheelchair is an I B M systems analyst.
By contrast, B r i t a i n is p o o r l y served. T h e r e isn't a single B r i t i s h T V c o m -
m e r c i a l w h i c h includes people w i t h disabilities, a n d aside f r o m ' T h e Singing
D e t e c t i v e ' - Dennis Potter's o u t s t a n d i n g l y authentic series about a m a n i m m o -
bilised b y a r t h r i t i s , t h e s k i n c o n d i t i o n psoriasis, a n d t h e attitudes o f hospital
staff - o n l y t h e soap opera 'Crossroads' has made significant attempts t o
i n t r o d u c e disabled characters. As w e l l as a character i n v o l v e d i n a disabling
r o a d accident w h o subsequently used a wheelchair, a n d an educationally sub-
n o r m a l y o u n g m a n , t h e s h o w i n 1983 i n c l u d e d a r u n n i n g story about m e n t a l
handicap using a real D o w n ' s S y n d r o m e c h i l d . 26
[...]
People w i t h disabilities are c a m p a i g n i n g t o e n d t h e a p a r t h e i d o f disability i n
the m e d i a (and b e y o n d ) . T h e y w a n t disabled people integrated i n t o a l l k i n d s
of programmes....
People w i t h disabilities w a n t t o speak f o r themselves.
Notes
1. BBC Radio 4, 'Woman's H o u r ' (7 January 1986).
2. BBC Radio 4, T h e Glennie Determination' (7 January 1986), and BBC 1 ,
'Wogan' (24 January 1986).
3. The medical approach often grossly inflates the proportion of congenital abnor-
malities, detectable by prenatal screening. In reality, most people acquire disabili-
ties later in life, as the result of an accident or chronic illness like a stroke, where
prenatal screening is irrelevant.
4. The spread of the look-after-yourself approach and its emphasis on the per-
fectability of the body has created a climate i n which disability is even more
deviant.
5. Allan T. Sutherland, Disabled We Stand (London, Souvenir Press, 1981), p. 15.
6. BBC TV, 'Six O'Clock News' (14 July 1986).
7. Maggie Woolley interviewed by Julienne Dickey, 'Deafness and the Media',
Women's Media Action Bulletin, 19 (January 1983), p. 3.
8. Keith Armstrong and Wendy M o o r e , 'Shut Out by the Media', Journalist, October
1985, p. 2. So, 'despite [the fact that she has brittle-bone disease] and the fact that
she's broken one or other of her legs nine times, Sharon keeps smiling', or else
she w o u l d n ' t have got into the Radio Times. ('Raising Hopes, Raising Laughs, and
Raising M o n e y ' , Radio Times, November 1 5 - 2 1 , 1986.)
9. Tony Macaulay, 'Disability and the Broadcasting Media' (The Volunteer Centre
Media Project, December 1985).
10. Maggie Woolley, et al, 'That Was Our Year Was It?', The Times Health
Supplement, 22 January 1982, p. 9.
11. Diane Lattin, 'Telethons - A Remnant of America's Past', Disabled USA, 1: 4
(1977), p. 19.
12. Woolley, et al, 'That Was Our Year Was It?'.
13. Nancy Banks-Smith, 'Just a 'Thon at Twilight', Guardian, 31 October 1985.
14. Quoted by M a r k Patterson, 'Children i n Need', Media Project News, September
1984, p. 11.
15. Diane Lattin, 'United Cerebral Palsy: Communicating a Better Image', Disabled
USA, 2: 7 (1979), p. 5, which also describes some innovative UCP T V ads featar-
ing a married couple w i t h cerebral palsy.
16. Armstrong and M o o r e , 'Shut Out by the Media', p. 2.
17. B. D . Leonard, 'Impaired View: Television Portrayal of Handicapped People'
(unpubl. doctoral thesis, Boston, Mass., Boston University, 1978), quoted i n
Timothy R. Elliott and E. Keith Byrd, 'Media and Disability', Rehabilitation
Literature, 43: 11-12 (November-December 1982).
18. Joy Donaldson, 'The Visibility and Image of Handicapped People on Television',
Exceptional Children, 47: 6 (March 1981). 'A M a n Called Ironside' (1967-72)
about a cop w h o happened to be a paraplegic was a rare exception.
19. Allan T. Sutherland and Steve Dwoskin, Carry on Cripple (National Film Theatre
booklet, February 1981), p. 2 1 .
20. Sutherland and Dwoskin, Carry on Cripple, p. 19.
21. Woolley interviewed by Dickey, 'Deafness and the Media'.
22. Raphael Samuel ('The Elephant M a n as a Fable of Class', New Society, 19
November 1981) suggests that the film is an evangelical fable, resembling Sunday
School moral stories, w i t h Merrick the incarnation of the deserving poor, grateful
to his benefactors and displaying inner grace.
23. Donaldson, 'Visibility and Image'.
24. The cinematographer Haskell Wexler, to avoid conveying a sense of diminishment
by photographing the 'vets' from above, devised a special camera dolly to put the
camera at the same height as the men in wheelchairs (Martin F. Norden, 'The
Disabled Vietnam Veteran in Hollywood films', Journal of Popular Film and
Television, 13: 1 (Spring 1985)).
25. The deaf actress Marlee M a t l i n may have helped: she used sign language when
accepting an Oscar for her performance in Children of a Lesser God, and her
speech was relayed across the world's television to millions.
26. The idea developed out of a meeting between the voluntary group Mencap and
Central TV's Controller, himself father of a mentally handicapped child. Mencap
was enthusiastic because
we thought it was about time viewers were able to see a mentally handicapped
person in a programme which was not a documentary. Confining them to docu-
mentaries seemed rather like confining them to institutions.... Secondly, it
seemed likely that the audience of 'Crossroads' would include some of the peo-
ple Mencap most wanted to reach with information about mental handicap:
those who switch off when documentaries come on. It would also be an oppor-
tunity to air some of the common prejudices, fears, and misunderstandings about
mental handicap, by allowing them to be expressed by characters in the series.
(Brian Rix, 'Mencap at the Crossroads', Media Project News, January 1984, p. 28.)
Questions
1 What is your view of images of disabled people in mainstream media output? Is
it tokenistic voyeurism in the interests of a new 'angle' or have they actually
raised public consciousness about the causes and consequences of disability?
2 What about media representations of mental illness? Could the media be
accused of 'sins of omission' here too? When does a condition like mental ill-
ness become of interest to programme-makers and newspaper editors? Who is
given a voice by the media to speak about the mentally ill (in other words, do
those suffering from mental illness speak for themselves in the media or do
others speak on their behalf?)
3 How would you explain the overwhelming popularity of TV medical shows such
as Cardiac Arrest, Casualty, Jimmy's and E. /?.?
Further reading
Barnes, C. 1992: Disabling imagery and the media: an exploration of the principles for
media representation of disabled people. British Council of Organisations of Disabled
People. Halifax: Ryburn Publishing.
Gabe, J., Kelleher, D . and Williams, G. 1994: Challenging medicine. London:
Routledge.
Gilman, S. L . 1988: Disease and representation: images of illness from madness to
AIDS. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Negrine, R. and Cumberbatch, G. 1992: Images of disability on television. London:
Routledge.
Oliver, M . 1990: The politics of disablement. London: Macmillan.
Philo, G., Henderson, L . and McLaughlin, G. 1993: Mass media representations of
mental health/illness. Glasgow: Glasgow University Media Group.
13
Moral Panics
Simon Watney
From Policing desire: pornography, Aids and the media (University of Minnesota Press 1989).
In this extract based largely on the British and American experience, Watney argues that
media coverage of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome and public responses to the
disease are illustrative of an overtly homophobic society and that the media has been
largely responsible for fuelling public hysteria, even among the medical community who
Moral Panics 125
treat those with Aids. He introduces the long-established and widely known theory of
moral panics first put forward by Cohen in his famous study Folk devils and moral panics
(1972), but concludes, like other recent commentators (see, for example, McRobbie refer-
enced in the 'Further Reading' section of this reading) that the concept of the moral panic
is inadequate in explaining the long-term societal prejudice against those whom society
has traditionally regarded as sexual 'deviants'.
He does not deny the existence of moral panics or even that the treatment of people with
Aids is one, but claims that the theory used to expound them is limited, not least because of
its inability to explain the operations of ideology within all representational systems.
According to Watney, a moral panic merely marks the site of wider ideological struggles
which are conducted right across society and within all its fields of public representation.
The tone of hysteria that characterised the coverage of Aids through the late 1980s and
early '90s cannot be described as an easily identifiable, individual moral panic, but is part of
a long-term ongoing campaign waged by politicians and other 'opinion leaders' to safeguard
the moral welfare of society and promote the institution of 'the family'.
Representations of homosexuality have traditionally only appeared in the media in
densely coded forms, which has made the portrayal of an illness predominantly suffered by
gay men doubly difficult for the media, and it has resorted to falling back on heavily moral-
istic discourses which presuppose common notions of 'human nature', 'normality' and
'decency'. As such, the reporting of Aids is part of the overtly sanctimonious discourse
which has characterised the political and media agendas for many years.
I n 1 9 4 1 t h e E n g l i s h novelist Sylvia T o w n s e n d W a r n e r w r o t e t o a n A m e r i c a n
f r i e n d c o m p a r i n g t h e G e r m a n p r o p a g a n d a machine t o 'a c l o w n w i t h h o m i c i -
dal m a n i a - l u d i c r o u s a n d t e r r i f y i n g b o t h at once'. H o w e v e r w e m a y person-
1
ally respond t o t h e general sleep o f reason surrounding Aids, w e are

nonetheless o b l i g e d t o t r y t o make some w i d e r sense o f t h e social climate i n
w h i c h w e f i n d ourselves. W r i t i n g i n London Portrait earlier this year, J o h n
W i t h i n g t o n described t h e n u m b e r o f people w i t h A i d s i n t h e U n i t e d States as
' f a i r l y s m a l l ' ( 1 6 , 0 0 0 ) , a f i g u r e w h i c h i n itself offers a p r o f o u n d a n d s i g n i f i -
cant u n d e r e s t i m a t e . T h e 3 0 0 B r i t i s h cases w e r e regarded as 'small beer' c o m -
p a r e d t o t h e n o t o r i o u s i n f l u e n z a e p i d e m i c w h i c h k i l l e d some t w e n t y m i l l i o n
p e o p l e w o r l d w i d e after t h e First W o r l d War. Such judgements a n d c o m p a r -
isons are a l l t h e m o r e o d i o u s f o r t h e casual, m a t t e r - o f - f a c t w a y i n w h i c h they
are presented, as i f A i d s a n d t h e i n f l u e n z a epidemic o f 1918 co-existed i n
some timeless d i m e n s i o n o f abstract m e d i c a l statistics, as w e l l as mischievously
c o n f l a t i n g t h e v e r y d i f f e r e n t issues o f i n f e c t i o n a n d c o n t a g i o n . W i t h i n g t o n
suggests t h a t t h e H I V virus 'seems t o behave c o m p l e t e l y d i f f e r e n t l y ' i n A f r i c a
w h e r e , w e l e a r n , i t 'seems t o affect m e n a n d w o m e n e q u a l l y ' , c o n c l u d i n g t h a t
'perhaps t h e v i r u s just behaves d i f f e r e n t l y i n t h e t r o p i c s ' .
I t is nonsense such as this w h i c h makes u p t h e greater p a r t o f A i d s c o m m e n -
t a r y i n t h e West, w i t h a n i d e o l o g i c a l stethoscope s t u f f e d f i r m l y i n its ears t o
b l o c k o u t any a p p r o a c h t o A i d s w h i c h does n o t c o n f o r m i n advance t o t h e
values a n d language o f a h o m o p h o b i c science - a science, that is, w h i c h does

n o t r e g a r d gay m e n as f u l l y o r p r o p e r l y h u m a n . T h u s , a c c o r d i n g t o Peter
Seitzman, a M a n h a t t a n d o c t o r , A m e r i c a n
hospital policies have more to do w i t h other patients' fears than a concern for
the health of Aids patients. 2
Five years i n t o the epidemic, the 'commonsense' o f Aids commentary continues

t o register endless concern at the (non-existent) threat o f infection by casual c o n -
tact, t o the complete disavowal o f the real and constant threat w h i c h other sick
people i n hospitals present t o people w i t h Aids, whose damaged i m m u n e system
render t h e m so dreadfully vulnerable t o other people's disease. T h u s , c o m m e n -
tary produces expectations, and expectations fan o u t i n t o lived experience.
An eighteen year-old Coventry man, who thought he had caught Aids after
drinking from the same bottle as a gay man, punched and killed h i m , Warwick
Crown Court heard on Friday.
T h e m a n received a t h r e e - m o n t h s sentence i n this ' w h o l l y exceptional case'. 3
' T h e a t r e cleaners are t h r e a t e n i n g t o b o y c o t t a g r o u p o f gay actors because

they are f r i g h t e n e d o f catching A i d s . ' Such stories are i n v a r i a b l y a c c o m p a n i e d
4
by denials t h a t A i d s can be c o n t r a c t e d via casual contact, b u t t h e i r f r a m i n g is

always t o p heavy, focusing o n fear rather t h a n a l l a y i n g i t , d r a m a t i s i n g a n x i e t y
rather t h a n a l l e v i a t i n g i t .
T h e m o s t w i d e l y f a v o u r e d e x p l a n a t i o n amongst lesbian a n d gay c o m m e n t a -
tors o f t h e social c l i m a t e s u r r o u n d i n g Aids lies i n the t h e o r y o f m o r a l panics.
D r a w i n g o n t h e i n f l u e n t i a l school o f ' n e w ' c r i m i n o l o g y f r o m the 1960s,
w h i c h t r i e d t o e x p l a i n t h e social c o n t e x t o f c r i m e a n d 'deviance', Stanley
C o h e n described i n 1 9 7 2 h o w societies
appear to be subject, every now and then, to periods of moral panic. A condi-
tion, episode, person or groups of persons emerges to become defined as a
threat to societal values and interests; its nature is presented i n a stylised and
stereotypical fashion by the mass media; the moral barricades are manned by
editors, bishops, politicians and other right-thinking people; ... Sometimes the
panic passes over and is forgotten, except in folk-lore and collective memory; at
other times it has more serious and long-lasting repercussions and might pro-
duce such changes as those in legal and social policy or even in the way that
society perceives itself. 5
For C o h e n t h e mass m e d i a provides 'a m a i n source o f i n f o r m a t i o n about t h e

n o r m a t i v e c o n t o u r s o f a society ... about the boundaries b e y o n d w h i c h o n e
s h o u l d n o t v e n t u r e a n d about t h e shapes t h e d e v i l can assume'. 6
T h e mass
m e d i a is u n d e r s t o o d t o construct 'pseudo-events' a c c o r d i n g t o t h e dictates o f
an u n w r i t t e n m o r a l agenda w h i c h constitutes newsworthiness. T h u s ' r u m o u r
... substitutes f o r news w h e n i n s t i t u t i o n a l channels f a i l ' , a n d i n ambiguous sit-
7
uations ' r u m o u r s s h o u l d be v i e w e d n o t as f o r m s o f d i s t o r t e d o r p a t h o l o g i c a l
c o m m u n i c a t i o n : they make sociological sense as co-operative i m p r o v i s a t i o n s ,
a t t e m p t s t o reach a m e a n i n g f u l collective i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f w h a t h a p p e n e d b y
p o o l i n g available resources'/
Moral Panics 127
Subsequent w r i t e r s such as Stuart H a l l have opened u p this debate about the

representational strategies b e h i n d d i f f e r e n t types o f m o r a l panic, a r g u i n g that
they are i n d i c a t i v e o f h o w people are persuaded ' t o experience a n d r e s p o n d t o
c o n t r a d i c t o r y developments i n ways w h i c h make the o p e r a t i o n o f state p o w e r
l e g i t i m a t e , credible a n d consensual. T o p u t i t crudely, the " m o r a l p a n i c "
appears t o us t o be o n e o f t h e p r i n c i p a l f o r m s o f ideological consciousness b y
means o f w h i c h a "silent m a j o r i t y " is w o n over t o t h e s u p p o r t o f increasingly
coercive measures o n the p a r t o f t h e state, a n d lends its legitimacy t o a " m o r e
t h a n u s u a l " exercise o f c o n t r o l . " ' H a l l ' s w o r k o n the historical structures o f
9
B r i t i s h racism has encouraged h i m t o develop a 'stages' t h e o r y o f m o r a l panics,

l e a d i n g t o ever increasing p u n i t i v e state c o n t r o l (although he w o u l d be the first
t o a d m i t t h a t i t is n o t o n l y t h e state w h i c h is i n v o l v e d , however loosely w e may
define i t ) . T h i s is equally a p r o b l e m f o r anyone t r y i n g t o analyse the represen-
t a t i o n o f h o m o s e x u a l i t y i n terms o f available theories o f m o r a l panic, since t h e
entire subject is h i s t o r i c a l l y c o n s t i t u t e d as 'scandal', w i t h subsequent calls f o r
state i n t e r v e n t i o n .
I n a n i m p o r t a n t essay o n A i d s , Jeffrey Weeks relies heavily o n m o r a l panic
t h e o r y , e x p l a i n i n g h o w its mechanisms
are well k n o w n : the definition of a threat to a particular event (a youthful 'riot',

a sexual scandal); the stereotyping of the main characters i n the mass media as
particular species of monsters (the prostitute as 'fallen woman', the paedophile
as 'child molester'); a spiralling escalation of the perceived threat, leading to a
taking up of absolutist positions and the manning of moral barricades; the emer-
gence of an imaginary solution - i n tougher laws, moral isolation, a symbolic
court action; followed by the subsidence of the anxiety, w i t h its victims left to
endure the new proscription, social climate and legal penalties. 10
Gayle R u b i n also sees special ' p o l i t i c a l m o m e n t s ' i n t h e h i s t o r y o f sexuality,

observing that,
moral panics rarely alleviate any real problem, because they are aimed at
chimeras ... They draw o n the pre-existing discursive structure which invents
victims i n order to justify treating 'vices' as 'crimes' ... Even when activity is
acknowledged to be harmless, i t may be banned because i t is alleged to 'lead' to
something ostensibly worse
D e n n i s A l t m a n also discusses A i d s i n terms o f m o r a l panic, b u t m o d i f i e s t h e

n o t i o n against l o c a l a n d n a t i o n a l factors. T h u s , ' t h e A u s t r a l i a n panic is n o t
o n l y a p r o d u c t o f h o m o p h o b i a b u t is also t i e d t o the ... belief t h a t they can
insulate themselves f r o m t h e rest o f the w o r l d t h r o u g h r i g i d i m m i g r a t i o n a n d
q u a r a n t i n e l a w s ' a n d 'a less sophisticated u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d acceptance o f
h o m o s e x u a l i t y t h a n exists i n t h e U n i t e d States'. 12
Calls f o r d r a c o n i a n legisla-
t i o n i n such disparate societies as West G e r m a n y a n d even Sweden, lead h i m
t o c o n c l u d e t h a t ' t h e l i n k between A i d s a n d h o m o s e x u a l i t y has t h e p o t e n t i a l
f o r u n l e a s h i n g panic a n d persecution i n almost every society'. 13
W h i l s t such analyses offer a certain descriptive likeness t o events, they also

reveal m a n y severe l i m i t a t i o n s , w h i c h suggest the inadequacy o f the concept o f
m o r a l panic t o t h e overall ideological p o l i c i n g o f sexuality, especially i n matters

o f representation. T o begin w i t h , i t may be e m p l o y e d t o characterise all conflicts
i n t h e p u b l i c d o m a i n where scape-goating takes place. I t cannot, however, dis-
c r i m i n a t e between either different orders o r degrees o f m o r a l panic. N o r can i t
explain w h y certain types o f events are especially privileged i n this way. A b o v e
a l l , i t lacks any capacity t o explain the endless 'overhead' narrative o f such phe-
n o m e n a , as o n e 'panic' gives w a y t o another, o r one anxiety is displaced across
different 'panics'. T h u s one m o r a l panic may have a relatively l i m i t e d frame o f
reference, w h i l s t another is heavily over-determined, just as a w h o l e range o f
panics may share a single core meaning w h i l s t others operate i n t a n d e m t o con-
struct a larger overall meaning w h i c h is o n l y partially present i n any one o f its
i n d i v i d u a l ' m o t i f s ' . Clearly there is n o t (yet) a m o r a l panic i n British o r
A m e r i c a n g o v e r n m e n t circles, c o m p a r e d t o their public profiles over, f o r exam-
ple, i m m i g r a t i o n , p o r n o g r a p h y o r a b o r t i o n . But this is o n l y t o say that the theo-
r y o f m o r a l panics makes i t extremely d i f f i c u l t t o compare press hysteria a n d
g o v e r n m e n t i n a c t i o n , w h i c h m a y w e l l t u r n o u t t o be closely related. I n b o t h
instances w e are facing symptoms - symptoms o f sexual repression w h i c h m a n i -
fest themselves across a spectrum w h i c h ranges f r o m stammering embarrass-
m e n t t o prurience, hysterical modesty, voyeurism and a w i d e variety o f phobic
responses. I n other w o r d s , the theory o f m o r a l panics is unable t o conceptualise
the mass media as an i n d u s t r y w h i c h is intrinsically i n v o l v e d w i t h excess, w i t h a
voracious appetite a n d capacity for substitutions, displacements, repetitions a n d
signifying absences. M o r a l panic t h e o r y is always obliged i n the final instance t o
refer a n d contrast 'representation' t o the a r b i t r a t i o n o f 'the real', a n d is hence
unable t o develop a f u l l t h e o r y concerning the operations o f ideology w i t h i n all
representational systems. M o r a l panics seem t o appear and disappear, as i f rep-
resentation w e r e n o t the site o f permanent ideological struggle over the m e a n i n g
o f signs. A particular ' m o r a l panic' merely marks the site o f the current f r o n t -
line i n such struggles. We d o n o t i n fact witness the u n f o l d i n g o f discontinuous
a n d discrete ' m o r a l panics', b u t rather the m o b i l i t y o f ideological c o n f r o n t a t i o n
across the entire f i e l d o f public representations, and i n particular those h a n d l i n g
a n d evaluating t h e meanings o f the h u m a n body, where rival and i n c o m p a t i b l e
forces and values are i n v o l v e d i n a ceaseless struggle t o define supposedly u n i -
versal ' h u m a n ' t r u t h s .
W h a t w e are dealing w i t h i n such p h e n o m e n a is the p u b l i c f o r u m i n w h i c h
m o d e r n societies a n d i n d i v i d u a l s make sense o f themselves. Together w i t h t h e
increasing i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n o f this f o r u m , w e s h o u l d note its c e n t r a l i t y f o r
p o l i t i c a l debates w h e r e interest groups a t t e m p t t o bypass the t r a d i t i o n a l struc-
tures o f d e m o c r a t i c process i n o r d e r t o force t h e enactment o f laws i n t h e
name o f the ' g o o d ' o f a p o p u l a t i o n w h i c h is never actually consulted. T h i s is
precisely w h a t t h e mass m e d i a w e r e i n v e n t e d t o d o , since they have e v i d e n t l y
never r e s p o n d e d t o t h e actual diversity o f the societies w h i c h they p u r p o r t t o
service. W e are l o o k i n g at t h e c i r c u l a t i o n o f symbols, o f the basic r a w m a t -
erials f r o m w h i c h h u m a n subjectivity is constructed. I t is n o t i n t h e least
Moral Panics 129
s u r p r i s i n g t h a t those a t t e m p t i n g t o m a n i p u l a t e conscious attitudes s h o u l d p l a y

o n themes w h i c h possess deeper, unconscious resonances. H e n c e the danger
o f t h i n k i n g o f newspapers o r television as b e i n g p r i m a r i l y c o n c e r n e d with
' n e w s ' values, as d i s t i n c t f r o m e n t e r t a i n m e n t , o r d r a m a , o r sports coverage, o r
a d v e r t i s i n g , o r w h a t e v e r . For a l l these categories o f p r o d u c t i o n share an i d e n -
t i c a l p r e s u m p t i o n a b o u t t h e i r audience, w h i c h is p r o j e c t e d across t h e m i n d i f -
ferent genres as a u n i f i e d 'general p u b l i c ' over a n d above the divisions o f
class, age a n d gender. T h i s subject audience is massively w o r k e d o n t o t h i n k
o f itself i n the t e r m s w h i c h f a m i l i a r i t y has established t h r o u g h r e p e t i t i o n . T h e
very existence o f h o m o s e x u a l desire, let alone gay identities, are o n l y a d m i t -
t e d t o the f r a m e o f mass m e d i a representations i n densely c o d e d f o r m s , w h i c h
p r o t e c t t h e 'general p u b l i c ' f r o m any t h r e a t o f p o t e n t i a l déstabilisation. T h i s is
t h e c o n t e x t i n w h i c h w e s h o u l d t h i n k a b o u t the crisis o f representation w i t h
w h i c h A i d s threatens the mass m e d i a , u n d e r s t o o d above a l l else as an agency
o f collective fantasy. A i d s c o m m e n t a r y does n o t ' m a k e ' gay m e n i n t o m o n -
sters, f o r h o m o s e x u a l i t y is, a n d always has been, constructed as i n t r i n s i c a l l y
m o n s t r o u s w i t h i n t h e entire system o f heavily o v e r - d e t e r m i n e d images inside
w h i c h n o t i o n s o f 'decency', ' h u m a n n a t u r e ' a n d so o n are m o b i l i s e d a n d
r e l a y e d t h r o u g h o u t the i n t e r n a l c i r c u i t r y o f the mass m e d i a marketplace.
I t is the c e n t r a l i d e o l o g i c a l business o f the c o m m u n i c a t i o n s i n d u s t r y t o
retail ready-made pictures o f ' h u m a n ' identity, and thus recruit individual
consumers t o i d e n t i f y w i t h t h e m i n a fantasy o f collective m u t u a l c o m p l e -
m e n t a r i t y . W h o l e sections o f society, h o w e v e r , c a n n o t be c o n t a i n e d w i t h i n
t h i s p r o j e c t , since t h e y refuse t o dissolve i n t o the larger m u t u a l i t i e s r e q u i r e d
o f t h e m . H e n c e the p o s i t i o n , i n p a r t i c u l a r , t h o u g h i n d i f f e r e n t w a y s , o f b o t h
blacks a n d gay m e n , w h o are m a d e t o stand outside the 'general p u b l i c ' ,
i n e v i t a b l y a p p e a r i n g as threats t o its i n t e r n a l cohesion. T h i s cohesion is n o t
' n a t u r a l ' , b u t t h e result o f the m e d i a i n d u s t r y ' s modes o f address - t a r g e t i n g
an i m a g i n a r y n a t i o n a l f a m i l y u n i t w h i c h is b o t h w h i t e a n d heterosexual. A l l
a p p a r e n t threats t o this key object o f i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i l l be subject
t o t h e k i n d s o f t r e a t m e n t w h i c h C o h e n a n d his f o l l o w e r s describe as m o r a l
panics. W h a t matters is t o be able t o u n d e r s t a n d w h i c h specific groups
emerge as threats t o w h i c h 'societal values a n d interests'. M o r a l panics d o
n o t speak t o a ' s i l e n t m a j o r i t y ' w h i c h is s i m p l y ' o u t t h e r e ' , w a i t i n g t o l i s t e n .
Rather, t h e y p r o v i d e t h e r a w m a t e r i a l s , i n the f o r m o f w o r d s a n d images, o f
those m o r a l constituencies w i t h w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l subjects are encouraged t o
i d e n t i f y t h e i r deepest interests a n d t h e i r v e r y core o f b e i n g . B u t i n so far as
these categories are p r i m a r i l y defensive, i n so far as they w o r k t o p r o t e c t the
i n d i v i d u a l f r o m a p a r t i a l l y p e r c e i v e d t h r e a t o f d i v e r s i t y a n d c o n f l i c t , they are
also themselves v u l n e r a b l e . H e n c e the r e p e t i t i o n o f m o r a l panics, t h e i r f u n -
d a m e n t a l l y serial n a t u r e , the i n f i n i t e v a r i e t y o f t o n e a n d p o s t u r e w h i c h they
can assume. T h e successful p o l i c i n g o f desire requires t h a t w e t h i n k o f 'the
e n e m y ' e v e r y w h e r e , a n d at a l l times. T h i s is w h y there is such a m a r k e d c o n -
f l i c t t h r o u g h o u t the e n t i r e d i m e n s i o n o f A i d s c o m m e n t a r y b e t w e e n the actual
s i t u a t i o n o f p e o p l e w i t h A i d s , a n d t h e m o d e l o f c o n t a g i o n w h i c h they are
made t o embody.
We are n o t , i n fact, l i v i n g t h r o u g h a distinct, coherent a n d progressing ' m o r a l
panic' about A i d s . Rather, w e are witnessing the latest v a r i a t i o n i n t h e spectacle
o f the defensive ideological rearguard action w h i c h has been m o u n t e d o n behalf
o f 'the f a m i l y ' f o r m o r e t h a n a century. T h e very categorisation o f sexuality ... is
p a r t o f this same action. H o w w e respond t o i t is therefore o f the greatest
i m p o r t a n c e , since at this p o i n t i n t i m e o u r liberties a n d very lives are being
p u t increasingly at r i s k . W e need precisely t o be able t o relate phenomena
w h i c h present themselves, i n terms o f the theory o f m o r a l panics, as discrete
a n d unconnected. T h u s w e m a y d r a w a significant parallel, f o r example,
between local A m e r i c a n state decisions t o enact laws w h i c h refuse c o n f i d e n t -
iality t o those w h o have tested positive t o H I V i n f e c t i o n (despite t h e clear
advice a n d r e c o m m e n d a t i o n o f the Centers f o r Disease C o n t r o l that c o n f i d e n -
t i a l i t y s h o u l d be a p r i o r i t y ) , and the recent decision o f British police t o arrest the
singer Boy George at the clinic where he was being treated f o r h e r o i n a d d i c t i o n .
I n b o t h instances a ' m o r a l ' agenda has p e r m i t t e d p u n i t i v e actions w h i c h are pos-
itively c o u n t e r - p r o d u c t i v e , b o t h t o l i m i t i n g the spread o f A i d s and h e l p i n g d r u g
addicts. O n t h e one h a n d , f e w i f any gay m e n are likely t o undertake a test
w h i c h m i g h t i m m e d i a t e l y render t h e m liable t o the loss o f civil liberties i f t h e
results are n o t kept c o n f i d e n t i a l a n d , o n the other h a n d - as George's d o c t o r
p o i n t e d o u t - retroactive charges for the past possession o f drugs are u n l i k e l y t o
encourage addicts t o come f o r w a r d f o r treatment. 14
T h e Village Voice r e p o r t e d
i n M a y , 1 9 8 6 , that since the state o f Colarado i n t r o d u c e d i d e n t i f i c a t i o n r e c o r d
requirements f o r people w a n t i n g H I V tests, applications at gay men's health
clinics have d r o p p e d by 6 0 0 per cent i n o n l y three m o n t h s . I n b o t h cases actual
practice at local state a n d police levels flies i n the face o f clearly stated medical
a n d g o v e r n m e n t a l policies. B o t h cases also illustrate the danger o f i d e n t i f y i n g
i n d i v i d u a l ' m o r a l panics' i n a simple one-to-one relation t o their ostensible tar-
gets. T h i s is w h y I prefer t o t h i n k i n terms o f Aids commentary, rather t h a n
assuming the existence o f a u n i f i e d and univocal ' m o r a l panic' over Aids.
A s i m i l a r p r o b l e m occurs i f w e t r y t o e x p l a i n away a l l t h e variations a n d

nuances o f A i d s c o m m e n t a r y as e p i p h e n o m e n a d e r i v i n g f r o m a single source.
T h i s , h o w e v e r , is very f r e q u e n t l y t h e case, a n d t h e source most r e a d i l y i d e n t i -
f i e d b y lesbians a n d gay m e n is ' h o m o p h o b i a ' . T h i s is h a r d l y s u r p r i s i n g w h e n
The New York Times feels s u f f i c i e n t l y at l i b e r t y t o p r i n t a l o n g article b y t h e
A m e r i c a n d a r l i n g o f t h e N e w R i g h t , W i l l i a m F. Buckley, w h i c h concludes,
after acres o f d r i f t i n g a r o u n d , t h a t ,
everyone detected w i t h AIDS should be tatooed i n the upper fore-arm, to

protect common-needle users, and on the buttocks, to prevent the victimisation
of other homosexuals. 14
T h e last t i m e people were f o r c i b l y t a t t o o e d was under N a z i r u l e , w h e n m i l l i o n s

were slaughtered because their politics o r race o r sexuality, o r c o m b i n a t i o n s o f
Moral Parties 131
these, d i d n o t c o n f o r m t o the master p l a n o f a t o t a l i t a r i a n state. Such prescrip-

tions r e m a i n u n t h i n k a b l e i n r e l a t i o n t o any other category o f A m e r i c a n citizen.
B u t Buckley clearly regards gay m e n as so far 'outside' the b o d y p o l i t i c that n o
measure is t o o e x t r e m e t o contemplate. W h a t is so very remarkable about such
p r o n o u n c e m e n t s , h o w e v e r , is t h a t they are announced on behalf o f gay m e n
a n d , at the same t i m e , are 'balanced' o n the same page o f the newspaper i n
q u e s t i o n by another article w h i c h eloquently insists that 'those w h o have a
stake i n using A I D S t o p r o v e the m o r a l i t y o r i m m o r a l i t y o f any particular
lifestyle, s h o u l d be deemed d i s q u a l i f i e d f r o m the scientific debate'. 16
This
may, i n some respects, be naive, since presumably a l l scientists subscribe to
some system o f m o r a l judgement o r another; nonetheless, as the w r i t e r p o i n t s
o u t , 'the f l o w o f s o l i d data s h o u l d n o t be p o l l u t e d by personal m o r a l i s m ' .
I n B r i t a i n last J u n e ( 1 9 8 5 ) , t h e Times gave its e d i t o r i a l space over t o one
D i g b y A n d e r s o n w h o s e h e a d l i n e blazened ' N o m o r a l panic - that's the p r o b -
lem'. 1 7
A n d e r s o n begins w h e r e he i n t e n d s t o e n d , w i t h an i n f l a m m a t o r y i n v i -
t a t i o n . 'Excuse m e , m a y I have t h e pleasure, w o u l d y o u care t o p a n i c ? ' A i d s ,
he notes,
is causing considerable consternation among sexually and politically progressive

persons, as well it might. But the prime cause of concern is not the threat of
incurable illness and death of persons progressive or otherwise. The major mat-
ter for concern is that the consternation of non-progressive persons about Aids
may inconvenience 'the gay community' and damage progressive efforts to 'lib-
eralise' public attitudes. The unenlightened populace might succumb to a 'moral
panic' which increases their latent 'homophobia'.
H e t h e n proceeds t o dismiss the efforts o f m o r a l panic theorists t o t u r n

a t t e n t i o n t o the ways i n w h i c h the media construct particular kinds o f events,
such as ' m u g g i n g ' i n the 1970s, s h o w i n g that street violence is by n o means a
m o d e r n p h e n o m e n o n , a n d that its victims are i n fact mostly blacks a n d Asians -
members o f the very groups w h i c h the press 'blames' f o r muggings i n the first
place. H e is p a r t i c u l a r l y critical a n d disparaging o f groups like the L o n d o n Gay
Teenage G r o u p , a n d seems extremely upset at the exposure o f 'heterosexism i n
the school c u r r i c u l u m ' , t h o u g h he displaces his o w n impatience w i t h such
attitudes back o n t o the sociologists w h o have studied t h e m .
I r o n y is heaped o n i r o n y i n o r d e r t o b e l i t t l e m e d i c a l a n d sociological sup-
p o r t e r s o f gay teenagers a n d gay i d e n t i t y as such. H i s a i m is t o s h o w evidence
o f a d e a f e n i n g c h o r u s o f encouragement f o r the s i t u a t i o n o f lesbians a n d gay
men i n contemporary Britain.
In fact, [he concludes] there has not been a moral panic about Aids - headlines
of course, but only sociologists take headlines that seriously ... What there have
been are various attempts by political activists, academics and assorted unap-
pointed spokespersons for 'the gay community' to politicise homosexuality, rela-
tivise moral standards, make homosexuality not only tolerated but regarded as
just as normal as heterosexuality, to remove obstacles to i t and thus, inevitably,
extend the incidence of homosexual practice.
T h i s is t h e n u b o f t h e matter. L i k e the a u t h o r o f t h e 1960s sex e d u c a t i o n

h a n d b o o k q u o t e d earlier, A n d e r s o n clearly dreads w h a t he regards as t h e pos-
sible ' e x t e n s i o n ' o f h o m o s e x u a l i t y . H e dreads the actual sexual diversity o f his
o w n readership, w h i c h he addresses i n a compact o f p r e s u m e d collective het-
erosexual scorn f o r p o s i t i v e l y i d e n t i f i e d gay m e n . H e can cope 'at a personal
l e v e l ' w i t h 'homosexuals a m o n g m y f r i e n d s ' ; w h a t he recognises is precisely
the distance b e t w e e n t h e c o w e d subservient i d e n t i t y o f t h e ' h o m o s e x u a l ' a n d
the scandalously a f f i r m a t i v e presence o f the gay m a n .
Should not those within Judaism, and Christian churches, Islam and among half-
churched but traditionally inclined parents, and the many homosexuals who do
not approve of homosexual proselytisation, start to be concerned? I n short,
what we need is a little more moral panic?
So t h e piece moves f u l l circle, f r o m a blanket dismissal o f those w h o have

d r a w n attention t o the problems o f contemporary Aids commentary, t o a
b l a n k e t i n j u n c t i o n against gay c u l t u r e . A i d s does n o t concern h i m i n t h e least,
save as a p l a t f o r m f r o m w h i c h t o l a u n c h an anti-gay invective.
W h i l s t Buckley's calls f o r t a t t o o i n g a n d ' m o r e drastic segregation measures'
are based o n t o t a l l y spurious a n d dishonest n o t i o n s o f risk f r o m i n f e c t i o n b y
casual contact, w h i c h The New York Times h a d itself dismissed earlier i n t h e
year, 18
A n d e r s o n ' s m o r a l i s i n g speaks f r o m an o l d e r p o s i t i o n w h i c h stands
against sexual diversity as such, i n t h e name o f ' r e l a t i v i s m ' . B o t h voices l o c k
together i n t h e k n o w i n g l y w o r l d - w e a r y tone affected b y those w h o feel i t
t h e i r p a i n f u l b u t necessary d u t y t o enforce 'standards' w h i c h s h o u l d - i n t h e i r
v i s i o n o f a 'decent' society - be b e y o n d debate.
Notes
1. The Letters of Sylvia Townsend Warner, (ed.) W. Maxwell (London, Chatto 8c
Windus, 1982), p. 73.
2. Peg Byron, ' N o Room at the Ward: City Hospitals Hide from Aids', Village Voice,
20 May 1986, p. 27.
3. Capital Gay, 203 (2 August 1985).
4. Daily Mirror, 19 February 1985.
5. Stanley Cohen, Folk Devils and Moral Panics: The Creation of the Mods and Rockers
(1972) (London, Martin Robertson, 1980), p. 9.
6. Cohen, Folk Devils and Moral Panics, p. 17.
9. Stuart Hall, et al. (eds.), Policing the Crisis (London, Macmillan, 1978), p. 2 2 1 .
10. Jeffrey Weeks, Sexuality and Its Discontents: Meanings, Myths, and Modern
Sexualities (London, Routledge &c Kegan Paul, 1985), p. 45.
11. Gayle Rubin, 'Thinking Sex: Notes for a Radical Theory of the Politics of
Sexuality', i n Carole S. Vance, (ed.), Pleasure and Danger: Exploring Female
Sexuality (London, Routledge &c Kegan Paul, 1984), p. 297.
12. Dennis Altman, Aids and the New Puritanism (London, Pluto, 1986), p. 186.
13. Altman, Aids and the New Puritanism, p. 187.
Moral Panics 133
14. Guardian, 16 July 1986.

15. William F. Buckley, 'Identify A l l the Carriers', London, New York Times, 18 March
1986, p. A27.
16. Alan M . Dershowitz, 'Emphasize Scientific Information', New York Times, 18
March 1986, p. A27.
17. Digby Anderson, ' N o Moral Panic - That's the Problem', The Times, 18 March
1985.
18. Eric Eckholm, 'Study of Aids Victims Families Doubts Disease Is Transmitted
Casually', New York Times, 6 February 1986, p. 87.
Questions
1 Summarise Simon Watney's main objections to the use of 'moral panic' theory.
In what ways does he feel that it has limitations with regard to responses to the
disease Aids?
2 To what extent has the representation of gays and lesbians improved in main-
stream media in the ten years since this book was first published? Do you detect
any difference in attitudes towards sexuality between the press, TV or film?
Further reading
Cohen, S. and Young, J. 1973: The manufacture of news: social problems, deviance and
the mass media. London: Constable.
Dines, G. and Humez, J. (eds.) 1994: Gender, race and class in media. London: Sage.
Dyer, R. 1993: The matter of images. London: Routledge.
Gilman, S. L . 1988: Disease and representation: images of illness from madness to
AIDS. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Karpf, A . 1988: Doctoring the media: the reporting of health and medicine. London:
Routledge. (See previous reading.)
McRobbie, A. 1994: Postmodernism and popular culture. London: Routledge.
Murray, J. 1991: Bad press: representations of AIDS i n the media. Cultural Studies
from Birmingham 1. University of Birmingham.
Patton, C. 1990: Inventing AIDS. London: Routledge.
Redman, P. 1991: Invasion of the monstrous others: identity, genre and H I V Cultural
Studies from Birmingham 1 . University of Birmingham.
Watney, S. and Carter, E. (eds.) 1989: Taking liberties: AIDS and cultural politics.
London: Serpents Tail.
14
The Most Repeated, Most Read Messages of the Cult:
1949-74
Marjorie Ferguson
From Forever feminine: women's magazines and the cult of femininity (Heinemann Educational
Books 1983)
This extract is concerned with stereotypical representations of gender: specifically the

extent to which women's magazines shape the roles and values to which women aspire.
Underpinning these representations are crucially different assumptions about the respec-
tive positions of men and women in society and the appropriate behaviour and collective
attributes that such magazines should foster among their female readership.
Ferguson charts the history of what she calls the 'cult of femininity' which, she argues,
was perpetuated in popular women's magazines between 1949 and 1974. Earlier on in the
book she establishes that at the very heart of the cult is the notion that women share a
common bond which separates them from men and transcends the differences amongst
their own gender. In other words, the belief system preserved by women's magazines rein-
forces their differences from men, and at the same time makes them feel that their weekly
journal is a 'surrogate sister' and that through collective veneration they belong to an exclu-
sive female 'club'.
The cult of femininity is revealed in a detailed, although not comprehensive, content
analysis of the three most popular women's magazines of the period (advertising, although
presumably an important element in the perpetuation of the cult, is only briefly mentioned in
relation to the quest for beauty). Ferguson concludes that two overall themes dominate the
representations of women: 'love and marriage' and 'self-identity', the sense of self derived
primarily from husband and children. Indeed at a later stage in her discussion, she argues
that the three female roles most frequently featured are wife, marriage-fixated single
woman, and mother. Yet, perhaps unsurprisingly, the representations of men are not explicit-
ly aligned to status as husband/father, but rather by personal achievements related to work,
money and success.
The content analysis of Woman, Woman's Own and Woman's

Weekly, 1949-74
These three weeklies w e r e chosen f o r analysis because they consistently h a d
the largest sales o f any w o m e n ' s magazines i n B r i t a i n between 1 9 4 9 a n d 1 9 7 4 ,
a n d a l t h o u g h t h e size o f a magazine's audience is n o t necessarily related t o its
i n f l u e n c e , there is clearly some c o r r e l a t i o n .
[...]
The Most Repeated, Most Read Messages 135
Why analyse features?

T h e t e r m 'features' refers here t o articles p r o d u c e d by the general features
d e p a r t m e n t (as distinct f r o m other specialist departments such as cookery or
fashion). T h i s subject category was chosen because i t covers a w i d e range o f
m a t e r i a l - f r o m entertainers' life stories t o 'real reader' dramas; f r o m case stud-
ies o f e m o t i o n a l a n d sexual problems t o general w i s d o m about c o p i n g w i t h life.
Since the early 1970s i t has been the area o f general features i n w h i c h n e w
topics relevant t o social a n d economic change have usually made their first
appearance i n the pages o f w o m e n ' s magazines. T h i s area o f discourse has
w i d e n e d o u t o f all r e c o g n i t i o n , as subjects f o r m e r l y taboo such as a b o r t i o n , les-
bianism a n d ' l i v i n g t o g e t h e r ' have taken their place alongside o l d standbys like
'life at h o m e w i t h the stars' or ' t r i u m p h over tragedy i n everyday l i f e ' . F r o m
a m o n g the several general features i n a given issue o f a magazine, one was cho-
sen f o r detailed analysis. T w o criteria g u i d e d this selection: w h i c h article was
most relevant t o female roles a n d goals, a n d w h i c h was most indicative o f social
change o r c o n t i n u i t y .
Why analyse the problem page?

T h r e e p r i n c i p a l reasons r e c o m m e n d e d this subject category f o r analysis. T h e
p r o b l e m pages are the area o f w o m e n ' s magazine discourse w h i c h consistently
strive t o s t r i k e the m o s t i n t i m a t e t o n e o f voice. T h e i r message c o n t e n t is also
the m o s t intensely p r e s c r i p t i v e ; a n d t h e i r correspondence a n d readership lev-
els r e m a i n consistently h i g h . T h e y also present an i d e a l - t y p i c a l e x a m p l e o f the
m u l t i p l e purposes t h a t w o m e n ' s magazine journalists believe themselves a n d
t h e i r p r o d u c t s serve: t h e y e n t e r t a i n the audience at the same t i m e as they p r o -
v i d e a f o r m o f psychological a n d social s u p p o r t . T h i s is based o n a b r a c i n g
m i x t u r e o f w a r m t h , u n d e r s t a n d i n g , a n d practical i n f o r m a t i o n a n d advice
a b o u t sexual a n d f a m i l i a l anxieties a n d ' w o r r i e s ' generally. Readers are i n v i t e d
t o w r i t e t o n a m e d persona - l o n g - s t a n d i n g magazine pen names f o r m a n y
years, b u t n o w m o r e c o m m o n l y the w r i t e r ' s o w n - a n d t h e i r letters p r o v i d e a
p r i z e d f o r m , albeit a self-selecting o n e , o f audience feedback.
U n t i l the early 1970s, the range o f p r o b l e m s t h a t w o m e n w r o t e t o w o m e n ' s
magazines a b o u t was r e a d i l y classified. These i n c l u d e d sex ('too l i t t l e ' or ' t o o
m u c h ' ) , c o u r t s h i p ('he just ignores m e ' ) , a n d i n f i d e l i t y (the ' o t h e r ' w o m a n , the
' m a n i n the o f f i c e ' , the ' m a n n e x t d o o r ' ) . Those letters t h a t w e r e p r i n t e d o f t e n
r e f l e c t e d the v e r y subjective d e f i n i t i o n s o f permissible b e h a v i o u r u p h e l d by
the e d i t o r s o f these pages. D u r i n g the 1960s, f o r e x a m p l e , the p r o b l e m page
f o r m u l a o n one o f these weeklies was the ' s o m e t h i n g f o r e v e r y b o d y ' m i x o f
' y o u n g l e t t e r ' , ' o l d l e t t e r ' , 'sex l e t t e r ' a n d ' m y s t e r y l e t t e r ' , i.e. ' " F r a n t i c " o f
T u n b r i d g e W e l l s , send a self-addressed envelope f o r a f u l l y c o n f i d e n t i a l r e p l y ' .
T h e 1970s b r o u g h t changes b o t h i n the range o f questions asked (or at least
those p r i n t e d ) a n d the frankness o f the replies, w i t h the highest g r o w t h area
t h a t o f correspondence c o n c e r n i n g social services a n d w e l f a r e rights.
Why analyse beauty?

T h i s subject category was chosen p r i m a r i l y because i t has received remarkably
little a t t e n t i o n f r o m social scientists c o m p a r e d w i t h , f o r example, f o o d (cf.
Douglas a n d Gross, 1 9 8 1 ; D e c k a r d , 1975), a n d because o f the very considerable
a t t e n t i o n i t is given by w o m e n ' s magazine editors a n d advertisement directors. 1
I n society, as i n these journals, the subject o f female beauty is significant, a n d

this significance i n b o t h arenas reflects the extent t o w h i c h a w o m a n ' s w o r t h is
d e f i n e d i n terms o f her appearance. T h e status bestowed by the w i d e r c u l t u r e is
r e i n f o r c e d t h r o u g h the cult's beliefs a n d practices: systematic c o n t e n t analysis
reveals layers o f manifest a n d latent m e a n i n g i n t h e offerings that w o m e n ' s
magazine beauty w r i t e r s present before a h i g h altar o f female fantasy.
T h e goddess w o r s h i p p e d there is the Self, a n d there are prescriptive elements
i n the narcissistic rituals that accompany these genuflections t o a m i r r o r : there is
the duty t o beauty. But physical beauty is m o r e t h a n a goal i n its o w n r i g h t ; i t
also symbolises a separate p o w e r structure w i t h i n female society. Among
w o m e n , the difference lies between those w h o h o l d the scarce resource o f beau-
ty a n d those w h o d o n o t , between the 'haves' and the 'have nots'. W i t h i n the
w o r l d o f w o m e n ' s magazines, however, a l l followers o f the cult o f f e m i n i n i t y
are potentially beautiful, sharing b o t h the rights a n d obligations o f that state.
T h e r e is a f u r t h e r a n d less metaphysical reason w h i c h makes Beauty a sig-
n i f i c a n t category. I n t h e economics o f w o m e n ' s p e r i o d i c a l p u b l i s h i n g , adver-
tisement revenue f r o m cosmetics, hair care a n d s l i m m i n g p r o d u c t s account f o r
a h i g h percentage o f i n c o m e . I n 1 9 8 1 the 'toiletries a n d cosmetics' category
a c c o u n t e d f o r a p p r o x i m a t e l y o n e - f i f t h o f t h e t o t a l advertisement revenue o n
Woman, for example.... 2
Why analyse fiction?

F i c t i o n m a n i f e s t l y has a s p i r a t i o n a n d fantasy-inspiring p o t e n t i a l (cf. H o g g a r t ,
1 9 5 7 ; M a n n , 1 9 7 4 ; F o w l e r , 1 9 7 9 ) . B u t there are o t h e r reasons f o r c h o o s i n g
f i c t i o n f o r analysis. These i n c l u d e t h e e d i t o r i a l i m p o r t a n c e attached t o serials
a n d s h o r t stories, t h e audience response t h a t they are believed t o evoke, t h e
sameness o f m a n y f i c t i o n p l o t s a n d t h e t i g h t conceptual corset placed u p o n
writers briefed ' t o order'.
T h e i m p o r t a n c e t h a t editors attach t o f i c t i o n , t h e care w i t h w h i c h they
a c c o r d i n g l y f r a m e t h e i r r e q u i r e m e n t s , a n d i n p a r t i c u l a r t h e extent t o w h i c h
editors act as 'gatekeepers' o f the f e m i n i n e agenda is s t r i k i n g l y i l l u s t r a t e d b y
the d e t a i l e d b r i e f used by a B r i t i s h w e e k l y magazine i n the m i d - 1 9 7 0 s :
Fiction specification. A British woman's weekly magazine, 1974"
Serials Contemporary background.

R o m a n t i c central theme, i n v o l v i n g , especially i n serials, some cen-
tral c o n f l i c t that is n o t resolved u n t i l the end.
Sympathetic m a i n characters f o r w h o m the reader can feel i n v o l v e -

ment, liking and recognition.
Age group C e n t r a l characters, especially i n serials, w i t h i n the 2 0 - 3 5 age g r o u p

(in other w o r d s , the generally acknowledged ' C o u r t s h i p ' age).
I n short stories the characters' ages are n o t so circumscribed.
Status Characters m a y be m a r r i e d , single o r w i d o w e d .
Taboos Divorce, as a central theme is n o t acceptable, t h o u g h i t can be a

factor i n the past that has b r o u g h t about an existing state o f affairs
(e.g. heroine hasn't met one parent f o r a n u m b e r o f years; heroine
o r h e r o has h a d an u n h a p p y c h i l d h o o d ) .
We a v o i d Political or Racial plots, feeling that such controversy is
o u t o f place i n o u r f i c t i o n , and is better dealt w i t h i n other n o n - f i c -
t i o n media.
Plots are n o t based o n Class Conflict.
We t r y t o u p h o l d t r a d i t i o n a l m o r a l standards, i.e. No Sex before
Marriage; No Drug-taking; No Violence.
Promote We t r y t o give i n d i r e c t p u b l i c i t y t o g o o d causes t h r o u g h o u r f i c t i o n

good (e.g. characters rarely smoke; characters are intellectually c o m p a t i -
causes ble, g i v i n g greater hope f o r a lasting happy relationship).
Women's Lib. is given a boost by o u r endeavouring t o give heroines
an interesting, w o r t h w h i l e occupation.
a Copy document, personal communication (emphasis original)
The dominant themes of the three most widely read British women's
weeklies, 1949-74
W h e n the content analysis f r a m e w o r k was applied t o these f o u r subject cate-
gories, i t was f o u n d that d o m i n a n t a n d sub-themes were o f t e n interchangeable;
o f t e n some that h a d seemed m i n o r emerged as o f major significance. I t was
f o u n d possible t o i d e n t i f y one d o m i n a n t theme for each beauty, f i c t i o n , p r o b l e m
page or feature i t e m analysed, a l t h o u g h the n u m b e r o f sub-themes varied.
[...]
O n l y t w o themes emerged as consistently d o m i n a n t . First, there was the over-
w h e l m i n g star b i l l i n g given t o love and marriage - a n d the f a m i l y - as the
peaks o f female experience a n d satisfaction. Second, there was the heavy
emphasis placed u p o n the Self a n d the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ethic l a i d u p o n every
w o m a n t o be the self-starting, s e l f - f i n i s h i n g p r o d u c e r o f herself.
The theme of themes: 'getting and keeping your man'

This represented between one-half a n d three-quarters o f all non-beauty
themes (i.e. a l l features, p r o b l e m a n d f i c t i o n themes) analysed i n these three
weeklies - some 5 9 per cent o v e r a l l - between 1 9 4 9 a n d 1 9 7 4 . T h e p r i m a c y

a n d constancy o f M a n as goal i n t h e cult's messages has never been so c o n c l u -
sively d e m o n s t r a t e d as i n this single aggregated f i n d i n g . T h e extent t o w h i c h
r o m a n t i c love l e a d i n g t o marriage is emphasised w i t h i n western societies as a
p a r t i c u l a r l y p o w e r f u l goal f o r females, has attracted t h e a t t e n t i o n o f sociolo-
gists, a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , a n d l i t e r a r y a n d feminist critics alike. B u t h i t h e r t o , w e
have h a d o n l y l i m i t e d evidence o f t h e extent t o w h i c h w o m e n ' s magazines
define a n d r e i n f o r c e t h a t goal - a n d o f t e n that evidence has been more
impressionistic o r p o l e m i c a l t h a n systematic. 3
T h e message t h a t r o m a n t i c love was b o t h a necessary a n d sufficient c o n d i -

t i o n f o r marriage r a n g o u t l o u d a n d clear d u r i n g t h e 1950s a n d 1960s. I t
spelled o u t b o t h t h e c o n d i t i o n a n d i n s t i t u t i o n as basic e n t r y requirements f o r
female g r o u p m e m b e r s h i p . W h a t was never spelled o u t was t h e c o m p e t i t i v e
nature o f achieving these t w i n goals: all w o m e n were eligible f o r t h e race, b u t
o n l y some w o u l d w i n t h e prize. L o v e as a n o r m was a state o f existence t o be
sought o u t a n d w e l c o m e d , just as its absence was t o be a v o i d e d a n d feared.
T h e w o m a n w h o l o v e d a n d was l o v e d , either en r o u t e t o , o r w i t h i n marriage,
was the p r o t o - f e m a l e . T h e w o m a n w h o was alone o r u n l o v e d was n o t a c a n d i -
date f o r t h e c u l t . T h r o u g h o u t t h e t w e n t y - f i v e years covered by this sample,
there w e r e o n l y f o u r instances o f w o m e n w h o were n o t i n t h e before o r d u r -
i n g marriage category: t w o spinsters ( i n t h e sense that they h a d neither hope
n o r scheme), one w i d o w a n d one divorcee.
W h a t f o r m s d i d ' G e t t i n g a n d Keeping Your M a n ' take between t h e 1950s
a n d t h e 1970s? H i g h l y p o l e m i c , t o t a l l y prescriptive was 'Feed t h e B r u t e ' i n
w h i c h d u t i f u l wives were u r g e d t o value domestic skills above b o o k l e a r n i n g ,
a n d w a r n e d against straying f r o m first duties t o H i m a n d H o m e :
Girls' schools don't teach nearly enough domestic science. If a few Latin lessons
had to go by the board for i t , what w i l l the girl care five or ten years later when
she's stirring soup, w i t h a yelling baby under one arm, the iron burning a hole in
the ironing board, the sitting room fire smoking to high heaven and her husband
clamouring for his supper....
As f o r t h e alternative o f c o m b i n i n g h o m e a n d w o r k tasks, there was t h e

d r e a d f u l c a u t i o n a r y tale o f the b r i d e w h o :
... of course, went back to work after the honeymoon and she and her husband
feed mostly out of cans or i n restaurants and he can never find a pair of socks
without a hole in them. (Woman's Own, 25 February 1949)
T h e n a t u r e o f ' t r u e ' l o v e , as opposed t o other f o r m s , was - a n d is - a f r e -

q u e n t theme o f the f i c t i o n a n d p r o b l e m pages. W i t h her besotted daughter i n
m i n d , M r s M a r r y a t advised a m o t h e r t o 'Tread w a r i l y ' :
It is easy for you to judge these two suitors objectively since you are not influ-
enced, as your daughter is, by that emotion which draws her towards one of
them, in spite of his faults of character.
You see, unfortunately, she only 'likes' the one you favour, whereas whatever
she feels, or thinks she feels, towards the other is something far more thrilling
than mere liking.... But try not to be too disappointed if you find she is willing
to risk the ups and downs of life w i t h a not too satisfactory partner. (Woman's
Weekly, 14 September 1957)
Occasionally, a less r o m a n t i c , m o r e ' d o w n - t o - e a r t h ' note was sounded -

s o m e w h a t defensively - o n other possible consequences o f ' t r u e l o v e ' . R u t h
M a r t i n o f Woman's Own ' W o m a n t o W o m a n Service' spoke o f the chanciness
o f 'For Better o r f o r W o r s e ' :
Whenever a couple marry, the odds are against it being entirely successful and it is
only by realising this, that success can be achieved.... I shall be severely criticised
for saying this, but just think for a moment, and see if I am so wrong after all.
a n d o n sex:
The physical side of marriage is at the same time the most important and the
most unimportant factor. It must be both. If it is one, or the other, it is fatal.
{^Woman's Own, 17 February 1952, emphasis original)
T h r o u g h o u t the 1950s, 1960s a n d i n t o the early 1970s, p r e - m a r i t a l sex was

s t r i c t l y t a b o o . T h e rewards o f repression a n d the punishments o f p r o m i s c u i t y
were messages relentlessly reinforced by these weeklies. Virginity and
m o n o g a m y w e r e t w o c u l t u r a l ideals s l o w t o vanish f r o m the ' g e t t i n g a n d
k e e p i n g y o u r m a n ' scenario. O v e r t l y a n d c o v e r t l y marriage a n d f a m i l y l i f e
w e r e set as p r i m a r y goals f o r m e n as w e l l as w o m e n . A l t h o u g h unselfish love
a n d sacrifice f o r the l o v e d one was a concept h a m m e r e d h o m e t o females,
there w e r e occasional h i n t s t h a t m e n c o u l d give u p ' a l l ' f o r another:
There are many men who have built their lives around the women they love, for
it is not only the wives w h o can make sacrifices for their partners.
M e n can love as truly, tenderly, as faithfully, as women. A n d husbands have as
much need of a loving partner, the stability and joys of family life, that inner,
warm love of existence, which gives all their works purpose and makes them as
worthwhile as for women.... (Woman's Weekly, 25 February 1967)
W h a t o f r o m a n c e w i t h a capital 'R' - a n d the fantasy delights suggested by

g l i t t e r i n g scenarios o f p r i v i l e g e d places a n d people? W h a t was their p a r t i n
raising expectations o f ' h a p p y ever after'? Were the idealisations o f the early
1970s m a r k e d l y m o r e ' t r u e t o l i f e ' or conducive t o 'reader i d e n t i f i c a t i o n ' t h a n
those o f the 1950s? N o t always is the s h o r t answer, a n d p a r t i c u l a r l y n o t i n the
f i c t i o n a l w o r l d o f Woman's Weekly serials. I n 1974, the heroine of 'The
S w a l l o w o f San F e d o r a ' muses:
I studied that slender young man, w i t h a profile like the head of some ancient
Greek coin as he bowed low over the Australian bride's hand. Then he did the
same w i t h Kim's and then mine. A gentleman, who above all else revered
women, you might have said to describe h i m . A l l sorts of romantic ideas flitted
through my brain ... as his bold dark eyes looked deep, first into Kim's and then
into mine. Searching for something, I thought, romantically again. Someone,
perhaps, to love h i m for himself, not for the title or his castle. {Woman's Weekly,
28 September 1974)
H o w e v e r , b y 1 9 7 4 , the possibility, nay p r o b a b i l i t y , o f marriage a n d r o m a n c e

t u r n i n g o u t t o be rather less o f a rose-petalled b o w e r , m o r e o f a t h o r n y t h i c k -
et, was b e i n g e x p l o r e d elsewhere. I n a six-page special, Woman's Own o p t e d
f o r openness, m u t u a l responsibility a n d r e c i p r o c i t y :
For the many thousands of couples bewildered by the problems they face as man
and wife ... C A N THIS M A R R I A G E BE SAVED?
One remark which I hear over and over again from wives in my work for the
Marriage Guidance Council is: 'It's his fault. He did i t . H o w can I be expected
to forgive and forget?' Husbands tend to say the same sort of thing: 'She doesn't
understand'. But is there only one person at fault in a marriage crisis? (Woman's
Own, 11 May 1974)
H e r e t h e t u r n i n g away f r o m sharply segregated t o shared roles i n c l u d i n g

m u t u a l - n o t w i f e l y alone - responsibility f o r marriage 'success' o r ' f a i l u r e '
was a n e w d e v e l o p m e n t .
... And next comes 'The Happy Family 1
T h e emergence o f ' T h e H a p p y F a m i l y ' as a d o m i n a n t theme i n its o w n r i g h t

reflects the c u l t u r a l a n d s t r u c t u r a l significance o f the f a m i l y as a sac ed i n s t i t u -
r
t i o n i n this a n d o t h e r societies. I t also reflects t h e p r o f o u n d social a n d eco-

n o m i c i m p l i c a t i o n s t h a t t h e f a m i l y holds f o r females. U n t i i the feminist
m o v e m e n t c l a m o u r e d f o r a r e - t h i n k o f sex roles i n society a n d a change o f
gender emphasis w i t h i n sociology itself, t h e f a m i l y was seen as t h e p r i m a r y
l o c a t i o n o f female p a r t i c i p a t i o n . C h i l d r e n w e r e the expected o u t c o m e , n o t
4
o n l y o f i m p e r f e c t c o n t r a c e p t i o n , b u t also o f t h e perfect u n i o n - p r o v i d i n g
e m o t i o n a l a n d sexual f u l f i l m e n t w i t h i n marriage.
W i t h i n these weeklies, heavy emphasis was placed o n the centrality o f f a m i l y
life t o t h e w o r l d o f w o m e n . I m p l i c i t l y a n d e x p l i c i t l y the message was clear: t h e
satisfaction t h a t d e r i v e d f r o m w i f e h o o d a n d m o t h e r h o o d was quintessential t o
the c u l t itself. For this reason a h i g h n o r m a t i v e value was placed o n f a m i l y s o l i -
d a r i t y a n d f o r l o n g t h e message was preservation o f the m a r i t a l a n d f a m i l i a l
status q u o , at any cost - w i t h responsibility placed p a r t i c u l a r l y o n t h e w i f e t o
m a i n t a i n stability. T h e appearance o f ' t h e happy f a m i l y ' - 8 per cent - as a
theme i n its o w n r i g h t is p a r t i c u l a r l y significant w h e n taken i n c o n j u n c t i o n
w i t h ' g e t t i n g a n d keeping y o u r m a n ' . I t completes a logical progression, o r c u l -
t u r a l c o n s t e l l a t i o n , o f female aspirations a n d expectations, g i v i n g a c o m b i n e d
l o v e - m a r r i a g e - f a m i l y score w h i c h amounts t o t w o - t h i r d s - 6 7 per cent - o f all
d o m i n a n t themes f o u n d outside the beauty pages.
T h e idealised, i c o n o g r a p h i c r o l e m o d e l f o r ' t h e h a p p y f a m i l y ' w a s , a n d
s t i l l is, t h e r o y a l f a m i l y . T h e m a j o r i t y o f B r i t i s h w o m e n ' s magazines, a n d
especially t h e w e e k l i e s , have h e l p e d t o create, d e v e l o p a n d p e r p e t u a t e t h i s
regal m y t h . N o a r t i c l e r e m o t e l y c r i t i c a l o f t h e r o y a l f a m i l y appeared i n a n y
o f t h e issues analysed. T h e image o f r o y a l t y consistently p o r t r a y e d t h r o u g h -
o u t t h e p e r i o d 1 9 4 9 - 7 4 was t h a t o f t h e r o y a l family. Year i n , year o u t , t h e
r o y a l s are presented as s i m p l e h o m e b o d i e s at h e a r t , s h a r i n g t h e joys a n d
cares o f ' n o r m a l ' f a m i l y l i f e - 'just l i k e y o u ' , t h e female audience, ' a n d m e ' ,

the women's magazine journalist: see, f o r e x a m p l e - 'Their Happy
Marriage' {Woman, 2 2 November 1952); 'The Family At the Palace'
( W o m a n ' s O w n , 2 9 J u l y 1 9 7 2 ) ; ' M y Perfect G r a n n y ' (by Prince Charles,
Woman, 2 August 1980).
For less w e a l t h y a n d aristocratic h a p p y families, t h e guidelines f o r w i f e l y
and motherly performance were q u i t e specific. I n t h e 1950s, polemical
c o l u m n i s t s l a i d d o w n the l a w o n ' I t ' s the W o m a n W h o M a k e s the H o m e ' :
The woman of the house is the most important person in i t . Her husband may
be stronger and cleverer than she is. He may be a business tycoon, or a genius or
a famous personality. His wife may seem inferior to him i n the more obvious
ways, but there is one subtle way she can outdo him every time, and that is i n
her influence i n the home....
'What is a home without a mother?' asks the text that used to hang against
the florid paper of Victorian walls. What indeed? Widowers have been known to
make homes for their children, but seldom very successfully. They usually have
to rely on a sister, or an aunt or a housekeeper - some woman - to f i l l , at least i n
part, the gap left by the mother. (^Woman's Own, 11 April 1957)
'Self-help: Overcoming Misfortune'and 'Self-help: Achieving Perfection'

T h e second m o s t s t r i k i n g f i n d i n g o f this study was t h e extent t o w h i c h t h e
w e e k l i e s ' messages stress i n d i v i d u a l achievement a n d s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n f o r
w o m e n . T h i s u n d e r g r o u n d value system s t e m m i n g f r o m V i c t o r i a n E n g l a n d
f l o w e r e d a n d f l o u r i s h e d t h r o u g h o u t the 1 9 4 9 - 7 4 p e r i o d . T h e r e are t w o ver-
5
sions o f directives a i m e d at w o m e n p u l l i n g themselves u p b y t h e i r o w n sus-

pender belts. O n e emphasises i n d i v i d u a l i m p r o v e m e n t s , ever s t r i v i n g t o w a r d s
a m o r e perfect presentation a n d p e r f o r m a n c e o f self. T h e o t h e r holds o u t t h e
c a r r o t o f h o p e t h a t one's m a t e r i a l , physical o r e m o t i o n a l disasters can be over-
c o m e t h r o u g h the a p p l i c a t i o n o f sufficient e f f o r t , courage a n d t r u e g r i t .
I f these t w o i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c themes are added together, they t o t a l 13 per cent
o f all d o m i n a n t themes. W h e n their pre-eminence as a sub-theme is taken i n t o
account - some 28 per cent - the t o t a l strength o f 'self-help' w i t h i n this universe
o f discourse is made clear. B o t h versions suggest that self - n o t other - determi-
n a t i o n is desirable, feasible, a n d obtainable t h r o u g h the exercise o f just that
m u c h m o r e c o n t r o l a n d e f f o r t o n a w o m a n ' s part. B o t h i m p l y free choice rather
t h a n fated ' d e t e r m i n i s m ' , i m p l y active d o i n g rather than passive acceptance, a n d
stress a d i s t i n c t l y anti-collectivist, h i g h l y individualist ethic. H e r e , t o o , a c o m -
petitive t h e o r y o f female 'achievement' is postulated: all w o m e n are capable o f
' h e l p i n g themselves', b u t o n l y those w h o t r y harder w i n t h r o u g h .
T h e f i r s t , 'Self-help: O v e r c o m i n g M i s f o r t u n e ' , demonstrates t h e discipline
and effort required o f women i f they are t o transcend their personal
d i f f i c u l t i e s , f r o m t h e t r i v i a l t o t h e tragic. T h e second, 'Self-help: A c h i e v i n g
Perfection', concerns a h i g h l y gender-specific form o f achievement mot-
i v a t i o n . H e r e a w o m a n is d i r e c t e d n o t o n l y t o t r y harder i n the l a b o u r m a r k e t ,
because o f her h i s t o r i c a l disadvantages there; she must also strive i n d u s t r i o u s -

l y t o achieve h i g h p e r f o r m a n c e standards o n t h e h o m e f r o n t as w e l l . H e r e t h e
messages a n d advertisements directed at w o m e n set t h e standards o f perfec-
t i o n ; w h e t h e r it's the never-fail soufflé o r the perfect hair style. 6
T h e r e c u r r e n t m e l o d y o f h e l p i n g oneself t o overcome is a classic t h e m e .

K n o w n i n ' t h e t r a d e ' as a T . O . T . , o r ' t r i u m p h over t r a g e d y ' , this theme
frequently takes the form o f first person accounts. Journalistic drama
a n d i m m e d i a c y is i n v o k e d b y a w h o l e range o f i n d i v i d u a l s w h o overcome a
variety o f physical a n d e m o t i o n a l p r o b l e m s - f r o m disease t o bereavement,
f r o m a l c o h o l i s m t o acne.
O t h e r variations o n this theme o f o v e r c o m i n g fate i n c l u d e stern s t u f f f r o m
p r o b l e m page editors o r columnists: ' D o s o m e t h i n g , d o n ' t just sit d o w n a n d
passively accept the b l o w s o f m i s f o r t u n e . '
A n early e x a m p l e came f r o m ' T h e M a n W h o Sees':
I think it is much better, as the poet said, to 'toughen the fibre' than to harden
the skin. I t is better to be firm-hearted than to be thick-skinned. A n d that is a
matter of one's faith.... I n the manger at Bethlehem there was no sect; just the
centre. And the centre is more important than the sect.... Make that centre f i r m ,
and keep your sensitiveness, and, whatever the world brings you, you w i l l find a
share of happiness. ÇNoman's Weekly, 24 December 1949)
I n counselling those disturbed by changes such as m o v i n g o r early retirement

w h i c h threaten c o m f o r t i n g familiarities, w o m e n are urged t o f i n d security i n
sameness, reassurance i n r i t u a l :
In the face of impending change, i t may often seem pointless to carry on w i t h the
daily routine. Yet this may be the most effective way of fighting those unsettled
feelings.... To occupy oneself w i t h the familiar round even if one must live from
day to day, is tranquilising and strengthening. {Woman's Weekly, 19 August 1972)
O u t s i d e t h e c o l u m n s o f p h i l o s o p h e r - k i n g s such as ' T h e M a n W h o Sees', i t

is i n t h e beauty a n d p r o b l e m pages that t h e emphasis o n self-help is strongest.
I m p l i c i t a n d e x p l i c i t w i t h i n a l l p r o b l e m page replies is t h e a d m o n i t i o n : ' D o
s o m e t h i n g a b o u t i t . ' T h i s was so even w h e n ' d o i n g s o m e t h i n g about i t ' i n t h e
1950s a n d 1960s meant accepting w h a t w o u l d be unacceptable b y today's
standards t o preserve a marriage. T h i s theme c o n t i n u e d i n t h e 1970s, w h e n
M r s M a r r y at advised o n h o w t o learn t o live w i t h a m a r i t a l p r o b l e m :
Don't try to conquer the problem [jealousy] by calling yourself names ... say to
yourself ... ' N o w I expect I shall feel jealous soon because Jim is dancing w i t h
that pretty girl. I am not going to give way to it. I ' m going to smile and talk to
the person next to me, and not say a single w o r d of complaint afterwards.'
(Woman's Weekly, 28 September 1974)
These examples demonstrate another aspect o f self-help, t h e l i n k between

personal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y a n d i n d i v i d u a l achievement. 'Just make u p y o u r m i n d
t o d o s o m e t h i n g , t r y h a r d e n o u g h , a n d i t can be d o n e ' , is t h e positive message
p o u n d e d h o m e o n their pages.
T h i s setting o f p e r f o r m a n c e standards - o f the practices that define the cult o f

f e m i n i n i t y - emerged i n this study as one o f the most visible and constant p u r -
poses served b y w o m e n ' s magazines. T h e perfection-achieving variant o f the
self-help t h e m e shows h o w w o m e n are directed t o w a r d s an ever m o r e perfect
p r o d u c t i o n a n d presentation o f self. F r o m child-care t o hair-care, f r o m c o o k i n g
t o conversation, t h e parameters o f female excellence p o r t r a y e d as n o r m a t i v e ~
i n terms o f t h e i r desirability a n d achievability - are universally h i g h . T h i s c o n -
clusion contrasts t o the feminist v i e w that w o m e n are presented w i t h l o w - l e v e l
reference groups b y c o m p a r i n g themselves w i t h other w o m e n rather t h a n m e n . 7
U n t i l recently this was true o f the p a i d w o r k occupational categories suggested

t o w o m e n as possible o r desirable i n these journals. I t was never true o f the p r i -
m a r y occupational category - the business o f being a w o m a n . W r i t large i n a l l
these messages o f the c u l t o f f e m i n i n i t y is the e x h o r t a t i o n t o i m p r o v e a n d excel.
W h i c h categories o f p e r f e c t a b i l i t y s h o u l d a female strive for? Multiple
f o r m s o f excellence are p r o m u l g a t e d : be a better m o t h e r , be a better lover, be
a better c o o k , be better dressed a n d be better l o o k i n g . T h e urge t o achieve is
ever e v i d e n t i n w o m e n ' s magazine p r o b l e m - s o l v i n g a n d f a c t - g i v i n g - t h r o u g h
all t h e e d i t o r i a l 'service' areas f r o m h o w t o paper t h e b a t h r o o m c e i l i n g , t o
h o w t o teach H i m t o be better i n b e d .
I n c o u n s e l l i n g a b o u t marriage a n d t h e p r o p e r p e r f o r m a n c e o f t h e w i f e l y
r o l e , attainable p e r f e c t i o n is inclusive o f ' H i m ' :
Do you Agree that the Average M a n is Less Given t o Fault Finding Than the
Average Woman? I f We Try t o Put O u r O w n Failings Right, Perhaps We M a y
Set a Good Example t o Our M e n Folk. (Woman's Weekly, 24 M a y 1952, capi-
tals i n original)
L e a r n i n g , a n d especially l e a r n i n g b y d o i n g , is seen as i m p o r t a n t t o achieving

a m o r e p e r f e c t s t a n d a r d o f house-care, c h i l d - m i n d i n g , b e a u t i f y i n g o r f r i e n d -
s h i p . I n 1 9 6 2 a male c o l u m n i s t suggested f l a t - s h a r i n g as p r e p a r a t i o n f o r m a t r i -
m o n y , as a f o r m o f a p p r e n t i c e s h i p .
S H A R I N G HAS PITFALLS
Two girls sharing a flat may learn to be tolerant i n many ways - but not when
their boy-friends are involved.... I t helps to rub off some of her sharp corners
almost without realising i t and teaches her a practical daily tolerance of irritating
little habits ... this could stand her i n good stead i n the early years of marriage.
(Woman, 24 February 1962)
'Heart Versus Head'

T h i s t h e m e captures t h e conflicts o f t h e female c o n d i t i o n a n d attributes w h i c h
have a c q u i r e d t h e status o f secondary sex characteristics, a n d w h i c h reflect
f o r m s o f ' c u l t u r a l l a b e l l i n g ' w h e r e b y ' e m o t i o n a l ' o r ' r a t i o n a l ' modes o f
t h o u g h t o r b e h a v i o u r become ' f e m a l e ' o r ' m a l e ' respectively. 8
T h i s process
begins w i t h n u r s e r y r h y m e socialisation a n d expands t o encompass p h i l o s o p h -
ical a n d p s y c h o l o g i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n s between e m o t i o n a n d reason. I t is l i n k e d t o
the legacy o f t h e E n l i g h t e n m e n t w h e r e b y t h e western E u r o p e a n ' r a t i o n a l i t y '
m o d e l takes precedence over other ways o f experiencing a n d o r d e r i n g t h e

w o r l d , a n d incorporates a hierarchy o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g w h i c h elevates reason
(male) over a n d above e m o t i o n (unreason, female) w h i c h provides a l e g i t i m a t -
i n g logic f o r male d o m i n a t i o n i n the process.
T h e tension i m p l i e d b y this e m o t i o n - r e a s o n d i c h o t o m y rests o n m o r e t h a n
the p o s i t i n g o f o p p o s i t i o n a l ' H i s ' a n d ' H e r s ' categories. I t rests u p o n a deeper
d i v i s i o n between t w o i n c o m p a t i b l e sets o f values. O n e assigns t o females t h e
r o l e o f expressive n u r t u r e r s . T h e other locates females w i t h i n t h e mechanics
o f bureaucratic a n d i n d u s t r i a l processes that r e q u i r e logic, consistency a n d
c o n f o r m i t y t o rules. T h i s j u x t a p o s i n g o f ' t h i n k i n g ' a n d ' f e e l i n g ' n o r m s poses
m o r e acute p r o b l e m s f o r w o m e n t h a n f o r m e n . I t creates anxiety about h o w
t o c o n f o r m t o d e f i n i t i o n s o f f e m i n i n i t y w h i c h require that ' b r i g h t girls p r e -
t e n d t o m e n t h a t they are n o t ' (see e.g. K o m a r o v s k y , 1 9 4 6 , 1 9 7 3 ) .
W i t h i n these weeklies, ' H e a r t Versus H e a d ' was most o f t e n related t o deci-
sions a f f e c t i n g t h e course o f love i n f i c t i o n stories o r i n celebrities' ' o w n t r u e -
l i f e ' dramas. T h i s accounts i n p a r t f o r the h i g h incidence o f this theme w i t h i n
Woman's Weekly, g i v e n its r o m a n t i c f i c t i o n emphasis. For example, i n ' T h e
W h i t e O l e a n d e r ' , t h e h e r o i n e , L a u r i e , visits an exotic island t o care f o r h e r
w i c k e d o l d e r sister's c h i l d . T h e r e her bad sister insists that she p r e t e n d t o be
the nanny, a n d w a r n s h e r against the fascinating n o b l e m a n she meets. L a u r i e
struggles t o c o n t r o l her feelings:
She had allowed herself to become bewitched by his comradeliness into com-
pletely forgetting the implications of her promise to Stella. I n those minutes,
while Felipe stood obliterating the light from the doorway, his face dark and
withdrawn, she saw the utter folly of permitting freedom to her emotions.
(Woman's Weekly, 6 December 1952)
H e r e , as elsewhere w i t h i n t h e value s t r u c t u r e l a i d d o w n f o r w o m e n , i n d i -
v i d u a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y is d e f i n e d i n terms o f s e l f - c o n t r o l . T h e c u l t u r a l i d e a l is
one o f w o m a n l y r e c t i t u d e . T y p i c a l l y w a r n i n g s a b o u t t h e dangers o f ' g i v i n g
w a y ' t o e m o t i o n s a n d feelings w e r e strongest c o n c e r n i n g sex. I n t h e p r e - p i l l
era t w o g r o u p s w e r e i d e n t i f i e d as most at r i s k : sexually dissatisfied wives
a n d love-sick adolescent g i r l s . T h e force w i t h w h i c h t h e ' h e a d m u s t r u l e '
message was d e l i v e r e d is s h o w n b y a dialogue b e t w e e n a 'real r e a d e r ' a n d a n
e d i t o r . T h e p r e s c r i p t i o n is clear - beware b e i n g t r i c k e d b y passion a n d
losing all c o n t r o l :
M Y M O T H E R DOESN'T W A N T M E T O BE I N LOVE
a heartcry f r o m a 17-year-old
Q. What is she (the mother) afraid of?
A. (Woman's Own) That strong emotion w i l l break her daughter's self-control.
Q. I want t o keep my self-respect
A. A l l that can be swept away by passion, etc. etc.
(Woman's Own, 4 December 1957)
T h i s shows t h e u n e q u i v o c a l nature o f m o r a l directives h a n d e d d o w n t o

females d u r i n g this p e r i o d , designed t o serve t h e t w i n ideals o f v i r g i n i t y
b e f o r e a n d f i d e l i t y after m a r r i a g e . E t e r n a l vigilance was the o n l y g u a r d against

fleshly t e m p t a t i o n - a n d d i s t i n c t l y possible pregnancy.
A m u c h starker i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the r e a s o n - e m o t i o n c o n f l i c t was given i n
the early 1970s, i n discussing a b o r t i o n five years after the 1 9 6 7 A b o r t i o n A c t :
N E V E R Q U I T E T H E SAME A G A I N
M o r e than for any other operation, the reason behind the decision to have an
abortion is the desire to return to normal - to things as they were. But is that
really possible, or does an abortion leave an emotional scar for ever afterwards?
Five single girls and a married woman talk about their experiences ... Roman's
Own, 16 September 1972)
'The Working Wife is a Bad Wife'

P i l o t analysis s h o w e d the early strength o f this t h e m e , especially d u r i n g the
1950s. T h e sociological q u e s t i o n arises, was c o n f l i c t between h o m e a n d w o r k
roles suggested, a n d h o w e x p l i c i t was the n o r m a t i v e direction? H i s t o r i c a l l y ,
t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h the messages o f the c u l t d i r e c t e d o r reflected any such
c o n f l i c t has n o t been systematically e x p l o r e d i n r e l a t i o n t o the c o n t r i b u t i o n o f
the w o m e n ' s press t o the re-socialisation o f the w a r t i m e female labour force
t o w a r d s domesticity. T h e v i r t u a l i n v i s i b i l i t y o f this t h e m e , 3 per cent, raises
questions a b o u t the l i m i t s placed o n topics p u t before the female audience
d u r i n g the 1950s a n d 1960s - l i m i t s created as m u c h by exclusion as by i n c l u -
s i o n . W h i c h r o l e m o d e l s a n d reference groups w e r e o f f e r e d t o the mass o f the
cult's f o l l o w e r s ? For the g r o w i n g n u m b e r s o f wives a n d m o t h e r s e x p e r i e n c i n g
t h e p e r s o n a l , social a n d e c o n o m i c consequences o f d u a l c o m m i t m e n t s a n d
r e w a r d s , w h i c h satisfactions o r dissatisfactions w e r e suggested or a c k n o w -
l e d g e d , w i t h h e l d o r ignored?
U n t i l the early 1970s such questions w e r e either a v o i d e d altogether or
a n s w e r e d negatively. Female p r i o r i t i e s w e r e clear: a w o m a n ' s w o r l d was f i n i t e ,
b o u n d e d b y the t r a d i t i o n a l task d i v i s i o n w h i c h assigns c h i l d a n d home-care
exclusively t o her. E d i t o r i a l r e c o g n i t i o n o f n o n - d o m e s t i c female occupations
w i t h i n these weeklies was c o n f i n e d largely t o ' f i r s t j o b ' features, or glossy
accounts o f t h e successful careers o f models a n d actresses (cf. H a t c h a n d
Hatch, 1968). One recognised females w o r k i n g before marriage, o n the
a s s u m p t i o n t h a t this w o u l d cease at latest w i t h the b i r t h o f the first c h i l d . T h e
o t h e r presented readers o f all ages w i t h idealised r o l e models a n d 'success'
scenarios f o r d a y - d r e a m i n g o r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . 9
M a r g i n a l l y present i n the 1950s, absent altogether i n the 1960s, this theme

reappeared i n the 1970s, especially w i t h i n the i n n o v a t o r y Woman's Own.
T h e r e , s t o o d o n its head, altered b e y o n d r e c o g n i t i o n i t became ' T h e W o r k i n g
W i f e is a G o o d W i f e ' . T h e extent t o w h i c h H i m a n d Home-centredness per-
sisted as a d o m i n a n t image o f B r i t i s h w o m a n h o o d w i t h i n these weeklies is
i l l u s t r a t e d below. T w o examples f r o m Woman's Weekly, the m o s t t r a d i t i o n a l
o f the three weeklies, demonstrate a slight s h i f t , the s l o w f i l t e r i n g o f social
change, w h e r e b y the impossible o f the fifties - a p a i d j o b f o r any w o m a n w h o
v a l u e d the q u a l i t y a n d d u r a b i l i t y o f her marriage - was r e d e f i n e d b y the 1970s

t o p e r m i t some q u e s t i o n i n g o f t h e 'captive h o u s e w i f e ' s i t u a t i o n . I n t h e 1950s
w o m e n were w a r n e d about ' K n o w i n g W h e n t o Call a H a l t ' :
The establishing of marriage values may be postponed along w i t h that notice to
the office. A young wife doing two jobs just may not have enough time, nervous
strength and thought to give to this difficult business of marital adjusting.
Doing t w o jobs saps strength and vitality and often there is an inner conflict,
which is tiring in itself, because she is occupied w i t h one job when she knows the
other is going wrong because she cannot give i t her fullest attention and energy
at the moment needed for it. (Woman's Weekly, 14 September 1957)
Seventeen years later M r s . M a r r y a t advised a restless h o u s e b o u n d y o u n g

m o t h e r t h a t she was ' N o t Just a H o u s e w i f e ' a n d h o w i n i t i a t i v e a n d sharing t h e
problem might help:
... as you have a young child, what about offering to help i n a local play-group
or starting one yourself? Information from ... (Woman's Weekly, 1 June 1974)
A t this stage, t h e m i d - 1 9 7 0 s , n o such tentative noises came f r o m t h e pace-

setting weekly, Woman's Own. T h e p a i d w o r k vs. h o m e d u t y c o n f l i c t was
resolved, a n d a five-page 'special' a n n o u n c e d ' H o w t o G e t t h e R i g h t J o b at
the R i g h t T i m e ' :
At 16, 23, 35, 45 plus there's the right job for you. Whether you are just about
to leave school i n your mid-twenties and need a change, or i n your thirties or
forties and want to be trained for something entirely new, we've planned this
supplement to help you make the right choice. Begin by consulting your
Careerscope chart below. (Woman's Own, 23 March 1974)
The 'Female State Mysterious'

P i l o t analysis s h o w e d t h e presence o f this theme, especially i n t h e 1950s. I t
p o r t r a y s t h e female c o n d i t i o n as c o m p l e x , unpredictable o r incomprehensible
o n masculine and/or r a t i o n a l criteria w h e r e the terms 'masculine' a n d ' r a t i o -
n a l ' f r e q u e n t l y are being used interchangeably, o r as logically connected. I t
also defines female characteristics i n r e l a t i o n t o male ones. I n t h e event i t was
statistically i n s i g n i f i c a n t at 2 per cent. H a s this cliché stereotype o f female
e m o t i o n a l i t y a n d i m p e t u o s i t y disappeared? O r is i t c o v e r t l y h e l d b y members
o f b o t h sexes, o n e w i t h w h i c h w o m e n themselves have colluded?
For a w o m a n t o define herself as i r r a t i o n a l a n d i m p u l s i v e is t o w r i t e herself
a b l a n k cheque i n interpersonal relations. T o state ' I a m b y d e f i n i t i o n change-
able a n d u n p r e d i c t a b l e , therefore logically I cannot be h e l d accountable f o r
m y actions' is t o a p p l y a p o w e r f u l lever t o t h e balance o f p o w e r w i t h i n f a m i l y
or i n t e r p e r s o n a l relations. A s such, i t offers p a r t i a l redress w i t h i n t h e c o n v e n -
t i o n a l p o w e r structure o f this p e r i o d , w h i c h allocated m a t e r i a l o r p s y c h o l o g i -
cal dependence t o w o m e n . U n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y , w h e n n o t used so f r e q u e n t l y that
i t becomes t h e n o r m , can be a p o w e r f u l counter t o reasoned a r g u m e n t o r
choice. T h e conscious o r unconscious a d o p t i o n o f such attitudes offers some
s u p p o r t f o r t h e v i e w o f w o m e n as i n f o r m a l p o w e r holders. O a k l e y (1974)
refers t o t h e p o w e r t h a t gossip c o n t r o l invests i n w o m e n . H e r e , female

' u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y ' m a y serve s i m i l a r ends.
A second side t o t h e 'mysterious female' stereotype is t h e echo t h a t i t p r o -
vides o f p r i m i t i v e fears o f t h e female as u n k n o w a b l y t h r e a t e n i n g : t h e carrier
o f some p o w e r f u l magic a d h e r i n g t o h e r m e n s t r u a t i n g a n d c h i l d - b e a r i n g f u n c -
t i o n s . A n t h r o p o l o g i s t s a n d psychoanalysts have e x p l o r e d such beliefs a n d
behaviours a n d t h e i r i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r t h e psyches a n d social roles o f b o t h
sexes. A t h i r d v a r i a n t o f f e m i n i n e mystery m u c h f a v o u r e d b y w o m e n ' s maga-
10
zines i n v o l v e s a w o m a n ' s choice o f a p a r t i c u l a r female t y p i f i c a t i o n o r 'style' as

her o w n . These alternative images h e l p t o perpetuate a c u l t i v a t e d climate o f
delightful o r disconcerting uncertainty:
W H A T K I N D OF GIRL ARE Y O U REALLY?
Romantic? Practical? Selfish? Generous? What are you really like? A n d how do
others, especially your boy friend or husband, see you? Answer the ten questions
below to discover your true personality - and see yourself as you really are.
{Woman's Own, 10 June 1967)
Contiguous or overlapping w i t h the 'Female State M y s t e r i o u s ' is t h e

' N a t u r a l O r d e r ' sub-theme. I t contrasts t o t h e uncertainties o r alternatives o f
the f o r m e r a n d sees t h e female w o r l d as b u t one-half o f a d i v i n e l y o r d a i n e d ,
because u n q u e s t i o n a b l e , sexual d i v i s i o n o f society. A c c o r d i n g l y , m e n are this,
w o m e n are t h a t ; m e n do this, w o m e n do that (cf. Fransella a n d Frost, 1 9 7 7 ) .
'Gilded Youth'
T h e western c u l t u r a l emphasis o n y o u t h as 'the best years o f y o u r l i f e ' is n o t
exclusive t o females. I t reflects a l o n g , historical, aesthetic a n d philosophical t r a -
d i t i o n w h i c h has i n f l u e n c e d b o t h sexes. I n the post-war a n d present media mar-
ket place, glistening y o u t h was a n d is the r u l i n g visual concept e m p l o y e d by
journalists a n d advertisers alike. British w o m e n ' s magazine publishers e x p l o i t e d
the ' y o u t h c u l t ' t h r o u g h the development o f a separate y o u n g w o m e n ' s sector.
T h u s 'teenagers' o r 'sub-teens' female audiences are b o t h the stimulus for, a n d
cash register response t o , the cosmetics, fashion a n d entertainment industries'
discovery o f adolescent spending p o w e r i n the late 1950s a n d early 1960s. 11
G i v e n t h e c o m m e r c i a l a n d c u l t u r a l emphasis u p o n y o u t h f u l appearance as
an ideal f o r w o m e n o f a l l ages, t h e relative i n v i s i b i l i t y o f this t h e m e , 2 per
cent, is i n t e r e s t i n g . W h e r e i t d i d occur most f r e q u e n t l y was i n Woman's
Weekly, t h e magazine w i t h t h e oldest readership p r o f i l e - reaching some 4 per
cent o f d o m i n a n t a n d 14 per cent o f sub-themes o v e r a l l . T h i s suggests some
s u p p o r t f o r t h e thesis t h a t fantasy elements are i n v o l v e d i n t h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n
process - o r t h a t editors believe t h a t o l d e r readers prefer y o u t h f u l idealisa-
t i o n s t o e l d e r l y realisations.
'Success Equals Happiness'

O n t h e face o f i t , this theme was u n i m p o r t a n t , b u t i n fact i t was ever present
b e l o w t h e surface. I t was i n s i g n i f i c a n t i n terms o f t h e achievement-orientated
n a t u r e o f i n d u s t r i a l societies, at least i n terms o f w o m e n g a i n i n g 'success'

t h r o u g h a career. 12
W i t h i n t h e messages o f the c u l t t h a t define f e m i n i n i t y itself
as a career, h o w e v e r , achievement n o r m s exist i n abundance. T h e y specify a
range o f goals a n d performance standards t h a t relate t o herself - love,
family, happiness a n d ' l o o k i n g g o o d ' . Yet alongside these personal goals w e
see happiness equated w i t h w o r l d l y success t o a considerable extent.
T h e m a t e r i a l a n d status rewards o f fame a n d riches, w h i c h are used t o spell
o u t t h e m e a n i n g o f success, raises the question: h o w does an achieving society
define 'success' o t h e r t h a n t h r o u g h media role models o f status visibility o r
symbols o f conspicuous consumption? T h e success icons o f the cult's messages
are celebrities a n d 'personalities'. T h e y people t h e pages o f these weeklies,
p r o f f e r i n g t h e i r 'shared' dreams a n d disasters, kudos a n d cash t o the m i l l i o n s :
HOSTAGES T O FORTUNE
We all dream of hitting the pools jackpot one day and abandoning ourselves to a
life of carefree luxury. But what is it like to be part of the family who became rich
by giving vast sums of money away? At the end of the season in which more than
ever has been w o n on the football pools, Woman talks to the brothers who share
in the Littlewoods millions. Each has a different kind of life and his own way of
coping w i t h the joys and problems of enormous wealth. (Woman, 13 May 1972)
'Be More Beautiful'

T h e female d u t y t o beautify was soon evident as this study progressed. T h e
characteristics a n d i n t e r n a l consistency o f this theme less so. U n q u e s t i o n a b l y
'Be M o r e B e a u t i f u l ' offers a n archetypal example o f w o m e n ' s magazine mes-
sages presenting the desirable as t h o u g h i t were t h e possible - just as they p r e -
sent t h e possible as t h o u g h i t were desirable. T h i s p a r t i c u l a r f o r m o f t h e
message heightens aspirations, allies t h e m w i t h rituals o f self-discipline, a n d
encourages every female t o 'make t h e most o f h e r s e l f . (For this reason, 'self-
h e l p : a c h i e v i n g p e r f e c t i o n ' was occasionally the d o m i n a n t t h e m e ; o t h e r w i s e
'be m o r e b e a u t i f u l ' was self-selecting o n the beauty pages.)
Beauty is ' t a k e n f o r g r a n t e d ' as b o t h means a n d e n d w i t h i n t h e female
world, a n d physical appearance is a highly normative cult message.
I n j u n c t i o n s t o i m p r o v e t h e perfect - t h e duty t o beautify - are p r o c l a i m e d
f r o m b i l l b o a r d a n d television advertisements a n d are n o t c o n f i n e d t o t h e
w o m e n ' s press. T h e r e are latent as w e l l as manifest meanings i n these mes-
sages. Covetable a n d pleasurable rewards accrue t o the possessor o f g l e a m i n g
hair, s p a r k l i n g eyes a n d a satiny c o m p l e x i o n - t r a n s f i x e d o n a m o o n l i t b a l -
cony, l o l l i n g b y a p a l m - f r i n g e d surf a n d always w i t h an a d o r i n g male atten-
d a n t as the perfect p r o p i n the l u x u r i o u s b a c k d r o p .
T h e esteem c o n f e r r e d by o w n e r s h i p o f these desirable physical attributes
suggests a n alternative p o w e r structure w i t h i n female society, a hierarchy based
u p o n possession o f certain physical qualities - albeit changing f r o m t i m e t o
t i m e , t h e relative i m p o r t a n c e o f hair a n d eyes, o r legs a n d bust. I t is a social,
c u l t u r a l a n d economic fact that f o r some w o m e n their facial c o n t o u r s o r b o d y
shape can d e t e r m i n e t h e i r i n c o m e a n d status m o r e t h a n their life chance situa-

t i o n , enabling us t o posit ' t i t ' a n d 'cheekbone' d e t e r m i n i s m . T h i s is possible
because i t concerns t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f a scarce resource. T o be b o r n b e a u t i f u l is
t o be b o r n a r a r i t y , y e t female beauty is a generalised c u l t u r a l ideal.
T h e s i n g l e - m i n d e d d e d i c a t i o n r e q u i r e d t o 'be m o r e b e a u t i f u l ' is reiterated
t h r o u g h t h e same l i m i t e d range o f goals, values a n d roles. T h i s produces a
t i g h t p r e s c r i p t i v e package, b u t o n e packed w i t h positive r e i n f o r c e m e n t : ' y o u
should l o o k l i k e t h i s ' , a n d ' y o u can l o o k l i k e t h i s ' . N o allowance is made f o r
d a y - d r e a m i n g o r w i s h f u l t h i n k i n g i n these f i r m , sometimes stern idealisations
t h a t a w o m a n s h o u l d t o i l t o emulate. 'Soft a n d p r e t t y ' o r ' b r i g h t a n d sophisti-
cated'? S i m p l y choose this t y p e , f o l l o w t h e r e q u i r e d r i t u a l s , a n d t h e desired
e n d is assured. T h u s , second o n l y t o messages o f female o b l i g a t i o n t o m a x -
imise physical attractiveness, are promises o f its attainability. A c h i e v e m e n t o f
better l o o k s is t h e l o g i c a l o u t c o m e o f personal e f f o r t . C o m f o r t a n d i n s p i r a t i o n
are c o m b i n e d : a n y flaws i n genetic m a k e - u p can always be camouflaged b y t h e
cosmetic k i n d , b y s u f f i c i e n t e f f o r t - a n d g l i t t e r eye shadow.
Several c o m p l e x a n d o v e r l a p p i n g processes are at w o r k here - social, psy-
c h o l o g i c a l a n d e d i t o r i a l . T h e r e is goal-setting: physical beauty is presented less
as a n a s p i r a t i o n a l i d e a l , m o r e as a h o l y c o m m a n d m e n t . T h e r e is reassurance:
salvation can be achieved f r o m a state o f non-beauty. T h e n lest these aspects
seem o v e r - d e t e r m i n i s t i c , a n element o f free w i l l is i n t r o d u c e d : i n d i v i d u a l
g r o u p m e m b e r s m a y choose t h e i r p r e f e r r e d ideal o r image. Finally, once
choices are resolved, detailed prescriptions f o l l o w , o f t e n r e q u i r i n g a greater
sacrifice o f t i m e , e f f o r t a n d d e d i c a t i o n t h a n o f m o n e y spent o n cosmetics o r
c o n s u m e r goods. T h e r i t u a l aspects o f the p e r f e c t i n g process are d e m o n s t r a t e d
b y t h e 'step-by-step' i n s t r u c t i o n s , t h e day-to-day diets, l e a d i n g t h e initiates
t o w a r d s physical images a n d ideals w h i c h are as c u l t u r a l l y a n d c o m m e r c i a l l y
d e t e r m i n e d as ever t h e y are b i o l o g i c a l l y g i v e n .
Finally, f o r w h o m a n d f o r w h a t ends are these active, achieving beauty rituals
performed? Technical advice about beautification can o n l y relate t o the female,
yet surprisingly there were h a r d l y any references t o the benefits o f w o m e n beau-
t i f y i n g themselves t o attract o r h o l d a male's a t t e n t i o n . T h e beauty messages
largely i g n o r e d t h e existence of, o r impact u p o n , m e n - thereby p r o d u c i n g the
'Invisible M a l e ' role category discussed below.
T h e significance o f these absent males is t w o f o l d . Firstly, i t emphasises t h e
e x t e n t t o w h i c h physical appearance is made integral t o a w o m a n ' s self c o n -
cept a n d h e r f e m i n i n i t y as such - narcissism is a n e x p l i c i t n o r m w i t h i n these
pages. Secondly, i t c o n f i r m s t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h t h e t o t e m i c object o f female
society is W o m a n , n o t M a n . T h e absence o f his o v e r t presence s h o u l d n o t be
i n t e r p r e t e d as a signal o f t h e male's u n i m p o r t a n c e . Rather i t suggests a n
i m p l i c i t a n d latent m e a n i n g so p o w e r f u l t h a t i t does n o t r e q u i r e e x p l i c i t a n d
manifest statement: m e n are t h e goals, n o t t h e gods.
H o w d u t y a n d d i s c i p l i n e , possibility a n d p e r f e c t i o n , r o u t i n e a n d r i t u a l f o r m
a c o n s t e l l a t i o n o f physical prescriptions is w e l l i l l u s t r a t e d i n t h e ' g o o d - t o - b e -
alive G I R L ' :
'There's more t o true beauty than meets the eye' and even if you were not 'pret-
ty really' ... someone w i t h verve, vitality and spring i n their step is always a joy
to meet....
T h i s positive t h i n k i n g starts w i t h g e t t i n g u p earlier t o exercise, eating m o r e

fresh f r u i t , k e e p i n g a d r y pair o f shoes i n the o f f i c e , because:
When you feel fine, your looks improve, your work, your life: when that hap-
pens you feel even better and more pleased w i t h life.
W i t h a gay step and shining eyes, you can look around you and take in all the
interesting facets of daily life.... That's the secret of a vital outlook. Look ahead
to the day before you w i t h zest and enthusiasm, and you'll look better, feel bet-
ter and get much more out of life than ever before. (Woman, 16 March 1957)
A n o t h e r example shows t h e h e l p f u l , p r o b l e m s o l v i n g o f t h e e d i t o r i a l t o n e .
H e r e e f f o r t is u n t y p i c a l l y a n d e x p l i c i t l y directed at H i m :
MISS W O N D E R F U L , THAT'S Y O U
... it's certainly true that for a girl to score a real romantic rating i n a man's eye
her looks have got to be just a little special. She doesn't have t o have a pin-up
profile either ... but she w o n ' t get far without polishing up her good points and
disguising her bad ones so that he's completely befogged by glamour! It's at this
stage that the romantic compliments are paid and the diamond engagement rings
get shopped for! (Woman's Own, 18 September 1951)
T h e element o f h o p e i m p l i c i t i n t h e beauty fantasy, t h e urge t o t r a n s f o r m

w h a t is i n t o w h a t can be, is i l l u s t r a t e d b y ' N e w Fitness Starts H e r e ' . T h e
p r o m i s e o f r e s u r r e c t i o n goes h a n d i n h a n d w i t h reassurance w h e r e :
Almost every woman is concerned about her figure ... The fact is, perfect bodies
are pretty rare. Even model girls have their problems ... there's no figure fault
that's w o r t h despairing over! A l l the help-ways in this book work and they w o r k
for everybody ... everyone - yes really everyone - can look younger, lighter, fitter
... and feel it too. Start now on the new you! (Woman, 21 October 1967)
These examples also illustrate h o w the emphasis placed o n i n d i v i d u a l e f f o r t

a n d self-help, as t h e most r a t i o n a l means t o t h e e n d o f beauty, are persistent
a n d p o w e r f u l themes w i t h i n w o m e n ' s magazine c o n t e n t as a w h o l e .
T h e themes discussed above i n c o r p o r a t e n o r m a t i v e pictures o f roles, goals

a n d values. A n y answer t o t h e question ' W h a t d o w o m e n ' s magazines t e l l
w o m e n a b o u t t h e sorts o f w o m e n they are, can be, o r s h o u l d be?' involves
k n o w l e d g e o f the roles that they specify a n d t h e aspirations that they set. F e w
social scientists, journalists o r advertisers c o u l d examine t h e pages o f w o m e n ' s
magazines a n d d i s c l a i m that o n e o f their most p o t e n t purposes is t h a t o f sec-
o n d a r y socialisation: the recipes f o r , a n d values of, t h e female gender r o l e .
Notes
1. As Oakley (1982) comments on the narcissistic nature of such beauty rituals: 'the
careful watching of one's body and its fabrication as a public viewing object, is one
of the aspects of feminity Freud referred to when he identified women as narcissis-
tic' (p. 82).
2. Source: IPC, BRAD, 1980. This compares w i t h the lower revenues which Woman's
Weekly attracts i n the toiletries and cosmetics category - 10.1 per cent 1981 -
which i n part reflects its older readership profile compared w i t h its sister weeklies.
3. Commentators and critics on the theme of romantic love i n popular culture, and
fiction i n particular, point to 'escapism' and 'vicarious living' as gratifications
assumed to derive f r o m reading the latter (e.g. Hoggart, 1957; Hall and Whannel,
1964). Feminist writers w h o have analysed the pervasiveness of romantic love i n
the mythology of womanhood, or women's magazine fiction i n particular, include
Bailey (1969); Cornillon (1972); Dwayne-Smith and Matre (1975); Fowler (1979);
and Winship (1978).
4. The t w o 'classical' sociological statements are those of Engels (1902) and Parsons
and Bales (1955). The former assigns woman to an under-class w i t h i n the family
until she is freed of child minding and joins the labour force; the latter examine
the evidence before permanently assigning her to the role of 'expressive' nurturer
(a conclusion which was effectively challenged by the cross-cultural research of
Crano and Aranoff, 1978). Both positions drew the wrath of feminists, for exam-
ple Rowbotham (1972); Mitchell (1971).
5. For an enlightening account of the great popular impact which Samuel Smiles' Self-
Help, first published i n 1859, made upon the Victorian public - male and female -
see Asa Briggs' introduction to the centenary edition (Smiles, 1958).
6. International agencies have directed their attention to the question of stereotyping
of female images i n the media in general and advertisements i n particular.
UNESCO (1974) found i n a survey of 28 countries that advertisement rather than
editorial content was more culpable in this regard. Reporting to the European
Social Development Programme, Marsden (1977) concluded that media sex-role
stereotyping should be 'monitored and countered' (p. 82). M o r e recently, the
Equal Opportunities Commission (1982) has reported i n Adman and Eve on some
transformation of advertisement images of women which pointed to the sales suc-
cess of products using non-traditional, 'modern' women i n their sales approach.
7. Questions concerning the degree of female competitiveness i n terms of achieving
the high standards set for the rites, duties and obligations of female membership by
primary and secondary sources of socialisation has been under-researched and
examined. Oakley (1979, 1981) has written about this i n relation to child bearing:
'They [children] symbolise achievement in a w o r l d where under-achievement is the
rule' (1982, p. 228). The findings of this study suggest that similar symbolic
achievements are to be found i n other areas definitional of femininity: principally
those associated w i t h the 'creative' rites of fashion, beauty and cookery.
8. For an examination of the oppositional categories assigned to males and females,
including the emotion-reason dichotomy, from a feminist perspective, see Janeway
(1972); see also Maccoby and Jacklin (1974) for the classic psychological evidence
on this question.
9. Social psychology offers clarification on the notion of 'identification': individuals
can be seen to respond to other individuals - or objects - by imitating their behav-
iour literally or symbolically (Kagan, 1958); but principally this concept derives
f r o m Freud (1959, pp. 37-42).
10. Bettleheim (1968) commenting on the 'menstrual taboo' observes that ' i f men had
not envied menstruation per se they would have grown envious because it was
tabooed' (p. 137). I n July 1981, British Cosmopolitan initiated some taboo-break-
ing of its o w n when it exhorted on the front cover: ' L i f t the curse, and make i t the
most sensual time of the m o n t h ' (emphasis i n original).
11. The classic account of the post-war discovery of teenage spending power is Abrams
(1959); see also White (1977) and Braithwaite and Barrell (1979) for a discussion
of the growth of young women's magazines.
12. The notion of industrial societies being 'achievement orientated* belongs to an ear-
lier era of economic growth, full employment, and rising expectations (e.g. Bell,
1974). I t no longer seems so plausible for theorists to make such assertions i n a
period of falling expectations, or what Inglehart (1982) terms 'post-materialism'.
References
Abrams, M . 1959: The teenage consumer. London: The London Press Exchange.
Bailey, M . 1969: The women's magazine short-story heroine i n 1957 and 1967.
Journalism Quarterly 46.
Bell, D . 1974: The coming of post-industrial society. London: Heinemann.
Bettelheim, B. 1968: Symbolic wounds. New York: Collier.
Braithwaite, B. and Barrell, J. 1979: The business of women's magazines. London:
Associated Business Press.
Cornillon Koppelman, S. (ed.) 1972: Images of women in fiction. Ohio: Bowling
Green University Press.
Crano, W. and Aranoff, J. 1978: A cross cultural study of expressive and instrumental
role complimentarity in the family. American Sociological Review 43(4), 4 6 3 - 7 1 .
Deckard, B. 1975: The women's movement: political, socioeconomic and psychological
issues. N e w York: Harper & Row.
Douglas, M . and Gross, J. 1981: Food and culture: measuring the intricacy of rule sys-
tems. Social Science Information. London: Sage, 1-35.
Dwayne-Smith, M . and Matre, M . 1975: Social norms and sex roles i n romance and
adventure magazines. Journalism Quarterly 52.
Engels, F. 1902: The origins of the family, private property and the state. Chicago:
Charles. H . Kerr 8c Co.
Equal Opportunities Commission 1982: Adman and Eve: a study of the portrayal of
women in advertising. Manchester: EOC.
Fowler, B. 1979: 'True to me always': an analysis of women's magazine fiction. British
Journal of Sociology 30(1).
Fransella, F. and Frost, K. 1977: How women see themselves. London: Tavistock.
Freud, S. 1959: Group psychology and the analysis of the ego. London: The Hogarth
Press and the Institute of Psychoanalysis.
Hall, S. and Whannel, P. 1964: The popular arts. London: Hutchinson.
Hatch, M . G. and Hatch, D . L . 1968: Problems of married working women as present-
ed by three popular women's magazines. Social Forces 37.
Hoggart, R. 1957: The uses of literacy. London: Chatto 6c Windus.
Inglehart, R. 1982: Post-materialism i n an environment of security. American Political
Science Review 75(4).
Janeway, E. 1972: Mans world, woman's place. Harmondsworth: Penguin.
Kagan, J. 1958: The concept of identification. Psychological Review 65(5).
Komarovsky, M . 1946: Cultural contradictions and sex roles. American Journal of
Sociology 52, 184-9.
Komarovsky, M . 1973: Cultural contradictions and sex roles: the masculine case. I n
Huber, J. (ed.), Changing women in a changing society. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.
Maccoby, E. E. and Jacklin, C. N . 1974: The psychology of sex differences. Stanford,
Calif.: Stanford University Press.
M a n n , P. H . 1974: A new survey - the facts about romantic fiction. London: Mills &
Boon.
Mitchell, J. 1971: Women's estate. Harmonsworth: Penguin.
Oakley, A. 1974: The sociology of housework. London: M a r t i n Robertson.
Oakley, A. 1982: Subject woman. London: Fontana.
Parsons, T. and Bales, R. F. 1955: Family, socialisation and interaction process. Glencoe,
111.: Free Press.
Rowbotham, S. 1972: Women, resistance and revolution. London: Allen Lane.
Smiles, S. 1958: Self-Help. London: John Murray (originally published 1859).
White, C. 1977: The women's periodical press in Britain 1946-76. Royal Commission
on the Press, Working Paper no. 4. London: H M S O .
Winship, J. 1978: A woman's world. I n Women's Studies Group, Women take issue.
Birmingham: Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies.
Questions
1 Collect a range of magazines aimed at women of different ages (Just Seventeen,
More, Company, Cosmopolitan, Marie-Claire, Woman etc.) Do these magazines
still promote a repertoire of desirable female assets and, if so, what are they and
do they differ substantially from magazine to magazine? What changes or conti-
nuities in the maintenance of the cult of femininity can you detect in women's
magazines in the postwar period? With the plurality of titles now available, do
women's magazines still make women feel that they belong to a kind of exclu-
sive 'sisterhood'?
2 Could it be said that other media texts (for example, soap operas and daytime
TV and radio shows) perpetuate a cult of femininity in the same way as
women's magazines? What examples can you think of which would support or
challenge this view? Can the 'ideal' female roles that women's magazines pro-
mote be traced even further back to comics for young children?
3 Do you think that stereotypical images of women in magazines, and in the
media at large, have any impact on society's attitudes towards women and on
women's perceptions of themselves?
4 What about magazines aimed at men? The last decade has seen something of a
revolution in the men's magazine market with the launch of many titles in the
1990s following the success of predecessors such as GO, Arena and The Face
(Loaded, Maxim, Men's Health and Attitude being some of the more recent
titles). Is there any evidence that men's magazines promote desirable roles and
assets for males and, if so, what are they and how have they changed since the
market started to fragment and expand in the mid-1980s?
Further reading
Beetham, M . 1996: A magazine of her ownf Domesticity and desire in the woman's
magazine, 1800-1914. London: Routledge.
Fowler, B. 1991: The alienated reader. Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf.
Frazer, E. 1987: Teenage girls reading Jackie. Media, Culture and Society 9(4).
Hermes, J. 1995: Reading women's magazines. Cambridge: Polity Press.

Macdonald, M . 1995: Representing women: myths of femininity in the popular media.
McRobbie, A . 1991: Feminism and youth culture: from Jackie to Just Seventeen.
London: Macmillan.
McRobbie, A . 1996: More! N e w sexualities i n girls' and womens' magazines. I n
Curran, J., Morley, D . and Walkerdine, V (eds.), Cultural studies and communica-
tions. London: Edward Arnold.
M o r t , F. 1996: Cultures of consumption: masculinities and social space in late twenti-
eth century Britain. London: Routledge.
N i x o n , S. 1993: Looking for the holy grail: publishing and advertising strategies and
contemporary men's magazines. Cultural Studies 7(3).
Tinkler, P. 1995: Constructing girlhood: popular magazines for girls growing up in
England, 1920-1950. Washington D.C.: Taylor & Francis.
Winship, J. 1987: Inside women's magazines. London: Pandora.
Winship, J. 1992: The impossibility of Best: enterprise meets domesticity in the practi-
cal women's magazines of the 1980s. I n Strinati, D . and Wagg, S., Come on down?
Popular media culture in post-war Britain. London: Routledge.
15
The Social Role of Advertising
T. H. Qualter
From Advertising and Democracy in the Mass Age (Macmillan 1991)
This extract draws together many of the themes of this section in its analysis of stereotypi-
cal representations of class, race and gender in advertising.
Advertising has traditionally relied on the use of stereotypes to put across information in
a format that is quick and easy for the viewer or reader to understand. The success of a
30-second television commercial, for example, depends on immediate recognition and
identification on the part of large numbers of the audience, and stereotypical representa-
tions convey messages in a shorthand and easily decoded form. But in order to achieve
some sort of consensual understanding, the images that advertisements present are,
according to Qualter, conservative, limited and rarely innovatory. As Barker argues in an
earlier extract (reading 8), the images are 'safe' because they will gain immediate audience
recognition, they are 'known', but they are not necessarily typical or representative.
Qualter's focus is on the stereotypical representations found in advertisements from the
1980s, although it is demonstrated that ads since the 1920s have avoided the controver-
sial and perpetuated a number of myths concerning representations of class, race and gen-
der. Class is most often linked to occupation, and work has commonly been romanticised
in the advertisements of the entire period. Just as commercials fail to reflect the harsh
realities of working life, they are also guilty of 'sins of omission', to use Karpf's phrase
(reading 12), when it comes to portrayals of unemployment, homelessness and the
underclass. Qualter suggests that this should not come as any surprise, as the industry
The Social Role of Advertising 155
is one which emphasises and reinforces the structures and ideologies of conservatism,
capitalism and consumerism. In the few representations of race seen in advertisements,
black people have been largely portrayed as part of the mainstream middle class, which
does not accurately reflect the lives of many blacks who find themselves excluded from
such a life in advanced capitalist societies (see Lewis, reading 9), while images of women
perpetuate many of the stereotypical representations associated with the 'cult of feminini-
ty' that Ferguson analyses in women's magazines (reading 14).
In the six years since this extract was first published, some of its premises have been
challenged and there are now arguably many more adverts on screen which represent peo-
ple in a less stereotypical manner; in fact many contemporary advertisements 'play' with
stereotypes or use them ironically. Despite that, however, innovative, ground-breaking rep-
resentations are still few and far between and, as Qualter points out, there have been
superficial improvements in the ways that women and 'minority' groups are represented,
but few changes can be regarded as in any sense fundamental.
A d v e r t i s i n g is, o v e r a l l , a reluctant a n d largely ineffective i n i t i a t o r o f social

change b e y o n d the t r i v i a o f fashion. Even as i t introduces a n endless array o f
n e w p r o d u c t s , a n d n e w models o f the o l d , i t is an o v e r w h e l m i n g l y conservative
social force, p o w e r f u l i n d e f i n i n g a n d preserving the status quo. Advertisers sel-
d o m question the attitudes that lie b e h i n d a purchasing philosophy. T h e y d o n o t
encourage r e f l e c t i o n o n the u n d e r l y i n g character o r m o t i v a t i o n o f a consumer
society, o r o f the social attitudes that sustain i t . O n the contrary, almost all the
images i n advertising c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e preservation o f t h e existing order.
Advertisers prosper t h r o u g h the perpetuation o f t r a d i t i o n a l stereotypes o f class,
race a n d sex. As a p r e d o m i n a n t l y conservative force, they prefer a romanticised
past t o a n uncertain f u t u r e . Resisting social change, advertising responds o n l y
s l o w l y t o u n f o l d i n g circumstances, t e n d i n g t o lag b e h i n d the general course o f
events reflecting i n n o v a t i o n , seldom i n i t i a t i n g i t . Change, w h e n i t does come, is
usually p r e c i p i t a t e d by other social movements w h i c h cannot be denied.
Stereotyped images are i m p o r t a n t sources o f k n o w l e d g e about o u r society,
a n d a b o u t o u r personal roles i n i t . People's actual behaviour owes m u c h t o the
s y m b o l i c r o l e models set before t h e m i n f i l m s , books, the entertainment m e d i a
and, o f course, advertisements. As l o n g as media stereotypes are m a i n l y conser-
vative, t h e r e f o r e , they w i l l have a conservative i m p a c t o n behaviour, l i m i t i n g
the v a r i e t y o f ways i n w h i c h people can choose t o react t o each other, a n d t o
themselves. A d v e r t i s i n g demands e c o n o m y o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n . I n a b r i e f t e l e v i -
s i o n c o m m e r c i a l there is n o t t i m e t o say m u c h , certainly n o t i m e f o r detailed
e x p l a n a t i o n . T h e c o m m e r c i a l therefore depends o n instant r e c o g n i t i o n , c a l l i n g
u p o n f a m i l i a r , s h a r p l y - d e f i n e d stereotypes t o set t h e stage f o r t h e message.
Advertisers take i t f o r g r a n t e d t h a t , because most o f the audience share a c o m -
mon f r a m e o f reference, a n d a c o m m o n set o f symbols, they w i l l understand
m o s t o f w h a t is b e i n g said. L i k e p r e - w a r B r i t i s h movies, m o d e r n television
commercials use stock characters t o establish class, o c c u p a t i o n , role a n d
m o o d - bib-overalls mean farmer, i n d i c a t i n g d o w n - h o m e earthiness, t r a d i t i o n a l

values; w h i t e coats mean scientific, a n d therefore a u t h o r i t a t i v e o r professional;
c o m p u t e r terminals mean h i g h technology, i m p l y i n g m o d e r n , a n d so o n .
Earlier a d v e r t i s i n g stereotypes were unashamedly class biased. Roland
M a r c h a n d e x a m i n e d w h a t he c l a i m e d were ' h u n d r e d s o f thousands' o f maga-
zine advertisements i n t h e 1920s a n d 1930s. I n these, he said, husbands w e r e
i n v a r i a b l y p o r t r a y e d as businessmen.
Even doctors and dentists appeared only i n their functional roles - not as typical
husbands.... as truckers, delivery men, house painters, or mechanics, they joined
the tableaux to demonstrate the product's manufacture or use. But working-class
men never appeared as consumers; an unspoken law decreed that the protago-
nist ... i n every ad must be depicted as middle class. N o t one motorist i n a thou-
sand, f o r instance, ever appeared i n anything but a suit, tie, and hat or elite
sporting togs. 1
A d v e r t i s i n g i n the 1920s relied heavily o n 'snob appeal', frequently featuring the

aristocracy, t h e r i c h , a n d the famous as role models - appealing t o t h e masses
t h r o u g h the g o o d example o f their 'betters'. Change f o l l o w e d as sellers began t o
w a k e u p t o t h e huge m a r k e t o f a m o r e affluent w o r k i n g class. B u t even n o w ,
working-class stereotypes are at odds w i t h the c o m p l e x i t y o r m o n o t o n y o f
w o r k i n g life. W o r k is still a romanticised, noble, individualistic activity - t r u c k
d r i v i n g o r tree felling - never the deadening r o u t i n e o f the assembly line o r t y p -
i n g p o o l . T h e r e is certainly l i t t l e i n c l i n a t i o n t o use t h e advertising image t o
depict a harsher reality. A d v e r t i s i n g deals w i t h the problems o f u n e m p l o y m e n t ,
homelessness, u r b a n b l i g h t , racial violence or crime, by ignoring them.
A d a p t a t i o n o f the stereotype, w h e n i t does occur, is t h e result o f external pres-
sures, n o t o f inner desire t o give a m o r e accurate picture o f society.
Race a n d sex i n advertising illustrate t h e p o i n t . I n early advertisements,
blacks a n d o t h e r racial m i n o r i t i e s , i f they appeared at a l l , were s h o w n o n l y i n
servile, s u p p o r t i n g parts. T h e c o m m o n r o l e c o n f o r m e d t o a l o n g - s t a n d i n g
A m e r i c a n c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n o f t h e black slave a n d servant - s i m p l e - m i n d e d ,
h a p p y a n d d e v o t e d . T h e alternative r o l e was as entertainer. B u t t h e g r a d u a l
realisation o f the e n o r m o u s economic p o t e n t i a l o f the black consumer m a r k e t ,
c o m b i n e d w i t h a m u c h m o r e m i l i t a n t , a n d effective, black p o l i t i c a l pressure,
brought about change. Blacks n o w appear quite o f t e n i n commercials,
a l t h o u g h n o t i n the same p r o p o r t i o n as i n t h e t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n . Class d i s c r i m i -
n a t i o n , h o w e v e r , has p r o v e d a stronger barrier t h a n race b y itself. Blacks i n
c o m m e r c i a l s 'are usually s h o w n as p a r t o f a g r o u p o f t y p i c a l , h a p p i l y c o n s u m -
i n g , middle-class A m e r i c a n s i n some salubrious e n v i r o n m e n t ' . A d v e r t i s i n g ' s
2
general response t o m i n o r i t y m o v e m e n t s has been t o present advertisements

i n w h i c h m i n o r i t i e s are integrated i n t o t h e mainstream o f middle-class status
seekers. T h i s gives rise t o a n e w d i l e m m a , f o r t h e m o r e o f t e n blacks are i n t r o -
d u c e d i n t o middle-class p r o s p e r i t y i n b o t h commercials a n d regular television
p r o g r a m m i n g , t h e m o r e o b v i o u s i t is t h a t t h e vast m a j o r i t y o f the black p o p u -
l a t i o n s o f a l l advanced capitalist societies are e x c l u d e d f r o m just such a l i f e .
I n m a n y respects, w o m e n i n m o d e r n society face the same k i n d o f p r o b l e m s

as blacks - a stereotyped p o r t r a y a l o f a subordinate r o l e g i v i n g l e g i t i m a c y t o
t h e a c t u a l i t y o f t h a t r o l e , a n d serving as a barrier t o any r o l e r e d e f i n i t i o n .
There a r e , h o w e v e r , i m p o r t a n t differences. T h e accelerating political and
social e m a n c i p a t i o n o f black A m e r i c a n s , t h e result o f sustained political
a c t i v i s m , has been r e f l e c t e d i n t h e i r slightly m o r e accurate representation i n
t h e m e d i a . Blacks i n advertisements n o w sometimes appear as d o c t o r s , p o l i c e ,
f a r m e r s , a n d shoppers, s t i l l m o s t l y safely respectable a n d middle-class. F o r
w o m e n , h o w e v e r , change i n t r a d i t i o n a l advertising presentation has p r o c e e d -
e d m o r e slowly.
O n e reason lies i n t h e 'real l i f e ' social tensions outside the w o r l d o f advertis-
i n g . T h e black p o p u l a t i o n s o f A m e r i c a , as also i n t h e U n i t e d K i n g d o m , have all
experienced racial d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . Few therefore opposed greater racial equal-
ity. A p a r t f r o m those w h o feared the insecurity o f any change i n t h e established
o r d e r , m o s t w e l c o m e d n e w economic o p p o r t u n i t i e s , a n d t h e i r expression i n
advertisements, a n d this despite t h e fact t h a t p r o s p e r i t y has benefited m a i n l y
middle-class blacks, a n d t h a t p o o r blacks, especially black w o m e n , are the p r i n -
c i p a l v i c t i m s o f t h e e c o n o m i c inequalities o f t h e 1980s. Few, even a m o n g t h e
poorest blacks, h o w e v e r , have a n y w i s h t o r e t u r n t o t h e older order. B y c o n -
trast, there are still w o m e n w h o w i l l i n g l y , j o y f u l l y , accept t h a t w o m a n ' s place is
i n t h e h o m e , c a r i n g f o r a husband a n d raising c h i l d r e n . T h e y believe this t o be
the a p p r o p r i a t e , perhaps even d i v i n e l y sanctioned, r o l e o f w o m e n . T h e y are
t h e r e f o r e n o t sympathetic t o those w o m e n w h o seek a n e w f u t u r e outside t h e
h o m e , i n w h a t they perceive t o be a man's w o r l d . M a n y w o m e n r e m a i n c o n -
t e n t , o r have been socialised i n t o c o n t e n t m e n t , w i t h domestic service a n d ,
especially, the u n p a i d domestic service o f w i f e a n d m o t h e r .
A l l t h i s complicates t h e p r o b l e m o f t h e f u l l e m a n c i p a t i o n o f w o m e n i n
a d v e r t i s i n g . T h e r e is n o consensus a m o n g w o m e n themselves a b o u t t h e need
f o r such e m a n c i p a t i o n , o r w h a t i t means. Even those w h o w a n t change are n o t
agreed o n w h a t t h e i d e a l f u t u r e m i g h t be l i k e . W h i l e m o s t o f those active i n
w o m e n ' s m o v e m e n t s c o n d e m n t h e l i m i t e d d e p i c t i o n o f w o m e n ' s lives, n o t
o n l y i n c o m m e r c i a l s , b u t i n t h e mass m e d i a generally, others are equally
o f f e n d e d b y w h a t t h e y see as attempts t o subvert w o m e n f r o m t h e i r ' n a t u r a l '
f u n c t i o n . T h e y v i e w w i t h a l a r m , even anger, suggestions o f equality, o r o f suc-
cess i n careers outside t h e t r a d i t i o n a l . T h e i r attitudes, r e f l e c t i n g a m o r e gener-
alised fear o f t h e n e w a n d t h e u n k n o w n , are manifested i n a n aggressive
c o n s e r v a t i s m , h o s t i l e t o a n y change i n t h e status o f w o m e n . Some w o m e n ' s
organisations n e w l y active i n t h e 1980s o p e n l y r e p u d i a t e d t h e f e m i n i s t m o v e -
ments o f the 1960s a n d 1970s.
T h e d i l e m m a o f the a d v e r t i s i n g industry, t h e r e f o r e , is t h a t i t m u s t reconcile
t w o c o n t r a d i c t o r y versions o f w o m a n ' s place i n t h e w o r l d . T h e i n d u s t r y
sets u p , o n t h e o n e h a n d , t h e t r a d i t i o n a l w i f e a n d m o t h e r r o l e m o d e l , a n d
o n t h e o t h e r , t h e career w o m a n m o d e l w h i c h a l l t o o r e a d i l y shades o f f
i n t o t h e w o m a n as sex s y m b o l m o d e l . Rosemary Scott's study o f sex roles i n
advertisements, f o r e x a m p l e , categorised advertisements u n d e r t w o m a j o r

headings, each w i t h several sub-themes. T h e first m a j o r t h e m e was t h a t
w o m e n are u l t i m a t e l y a n d n a t u r a l l y housewives a n d m o t h e r s . T h i s i m p l i e d
t h a t : '(a) W o m e n d o n o t w o r k outside t h e h o m e , (b) W h e n w o m e n w o r k o u t -
side t h e h o m e , they are n o t successful; they d o n o t d o " m a l e " jobs, (c) W o m e n
are h a p p y d o i n g h o u s e w o r k : i t is satisfying, (d) M e n a n d W o m e n have s t r i c t l y
delineated sex roles a n d h o u s e h o l d duties, (c) L i t t l e girls g r o w u p t o be house-
wives, wives a n d m o t h e r s . '
T h e second m a j o r , a n d contrary, theme was t h a t a w o m a n ' s goal i n l i f e is t o
attract a n d keep a m a n . T h i s i n t u r n i m p l i e d : '(a) W o m a n are always attrac-
t i v e ; they are sexual objects, (b) W o m e n operate alone; they d o n o t relate w i t h
o t h e r w o m e n , o n l y t o m e n . (c) M e n are i n t e l l i g e n t , w o m e n are n o t . M e n d o
n o t l i k e i n t e l l i g e n t w o m e n ( w h o are " u n f e m i n i n e " ) . W o m e n have i n f e r i o r a b i l -
ity.' 1
T h e a u t h o r a d d e d substantial detail a n d i l l u s t r a t i o n t o each o f these
headings.
T h e m o s t persistent theme i n advertising is t h a t a w o m a n ' s d o m a i n is t h e
h o u s e h o l d , w h e r e h e r p r i m a r y task is t o m a i n t a i n a h o m e t h a t is a c r e d i t t o
her h u s b a n d . T h i s is t h e concept m o s t congenial t o t h e p r e v a i l i n g sentiments
w i t h i n w h a t is still a m a l e - d o m i n a t e d industry. A l t h o u g h t h e s i t u a t i o n is
i m p r o v i n g , i n t h e w o r l d o f advertising there remains a clear d i s t i n c t i o n
b e t w e e n w h a t is regarded as man's o r w o m a n ' s w o r k . F r o m t h e t i m e they
leave school w o m e n are subjected t o a c o n t i n u a l propaganda b o m b a r d m e n t
r e i n f o r c i n g t h e Tightness, t h e n o r m a l i t y , o f this t r a d i t i o n a l arrangement. T h i s ,
w r o t e D o r o t h y A a r o n , is w h e r e the stereotype affects reality.
If no alternatives to traditional roles are presented, it makes i t all the more d i f f i -

cult for women t o break away from these roles and try something new. More
than that, the fact that many women are doing precisely that, is virtually ignored
in most advertising, for women are rarely shown involved i n activities or occu-
pations outside the home, or if they are, these are almost invariably traditionally
female jobs such as secretary, teacher, or nurse. 4
A d v e r t i s i n g images t o d a y still almost t o t a l l y i g n o r e the e c o n o m i c r e a l i t y w h i c h

compels m a n y w o m e n t o w o r k outside t h e h o m e w h i l e o f t e n also c o n t i n u i n g
t o p e r f o r m t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l roles. T h e r e is l i t t l e r o o m i n the safe, c o m f o r t a b l e ,
middle-class w o r l d o f the commercials f o r working-class w o m e n o r single par-
ents. T h e c o n t r i b u t i o n o f w o m e n t o t h e l a b o u r force is barely a c k n o w l e d g e d ,
w h i l e t h e w o m e n w h o p o p u l a t e t h e beer, soft d r i n k , a n d sports car advertise-
ments are a l l y o u n g , carefree hedonists w h o never, apparently, need t o w o r k
f o r t h e i r l i v i n g . Even w h e n w o m e n d o begin t o play n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l roles,
there remains a tendency t o treat w o m e n as subordinates, u n d e r t h e p r o t e c -
t i o n o f m e n . T h e social situations i n tableaux advertisements, especially i n
magazines, present m a n y r i t u a l i s t i c examples o f this s u b o r d i n a t i o n . ' W o m e n
f r e q u e n t l y , m e n very i n f r e q u e n t l y , are posed i n a display o f t h e " b a s h f u l
knee b e n d " . ' W o m e n are m o r e l i k e l y t o be cast i n s u p p o r t i v e o r ' b a c k g r o u n d '
5
roles - secretary, m a i d , nurse, assisting the male p r o t a g o n i s t . O f t e n they m o r e

closely resemble a ' p r o p ' , a piece o f f u r n i t u r e , o r a n o r n a m e n t , t h a n a f u n c -

t i o n i n g h u m a n b e i n g . M a l e s are s e l d o m cast i n a similar s u p p o r t r o l e t o a
female c e n t r a l character, except, perhaps, i n a n a t t e m p t at h u m o u r . W o m e n
are s t i l l w i d e l y p o r t r a y e d as s i m p l e - m i n d e d , even s t u p i d , r e q u i r i n g a m a n t o
e x p l a i n t o t h e m t h e o p e r a t i o n o f h o u s e h o l d appliances - i n c l u d i n g those i n
practice m o s t l y used b y w o m e n . H o w e v e r , w h i l e m e n are o f t e n p i c t u r e d
i n s t r u c t i n g w o m e n , t h e reverse s i t u a t i o n is seldom seen. A s o n e sign o f a g r a d -
u a l change o f a t t i t u d e s , i n t h e 1980s o n e began m o r e o f t e n t o see commercials
w i t h m e n u s i n g such t h i n g s as w a s h i n g machines. Generally, h o w e v e r , t h e
i m p l i c i t suggestion is t h a t m e n are being r e q u i r e d t o d o w h a t is p r o p e r l y
women's work.
M a n y w o m e n are distressed b y t h e fact t h a t after years o f objections there
are s t i l l a great m a n y offensive advertisements. Particularly w h e n d e a l i n g w i t h
cleansers a n d h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c t s , w o m e n are p a t r o n i s e d , f r e q u e n t l y d e p i c t e d
as ' f e a t h e r - b r a i n e d ' , incapable o f t h o u g h t o r concerns deeper t h a n the shine o f
t h e i r k i t c h e n f l o o r s , ecstatic over w h i t e r socks, a n d w i t h m e n t a l h o r i z o n s l i m -
i t e d b y t h e w a l l s o f t h e h o m e . I t is t r u e t h a t , since t h e w o m e n ' s m o v e m e n t
g a i n e d s t r e n g t h i n t h e 1970s, there have been changes. M o r e housewives are
p r e p a r e d t o a d m i t t h a t they d o n o t f i n d i n s p i r a t i o n i n a cleaner t o i l e t b o w l ,
a n d t h a t t h e y are f e d u p w i t h b e i n g u r g e d t o t r y a n e w a n d i m p r o v e d w a y o f
d o i n g s o m e t h i n g t h e y w o u l d r a t h e r n o t be d o i n g i n t h e first place. O l d e r c o n -
v e n t i o n s are m o r e f r e q u e n t l y challenged, a l t h o u g h they are still n o t a l l over-
come. Increasingly i n magazine advertisements a n d television commercials
w o m e n are presented i n ' n o n - t y p i c a l ' occupations. 6
B u t a l t h o u g h they m a y
appear as professional w o r k e r s , o r h a n d l i n g machinery, as y e t n o t m a n y are
s h o w n as a u t h o r i t y figures. F e w changes are i n any w a y f u n d a m e n t a l . T h e
m o r e grossly offensive advertisements have been m o d e r a t e d , a n d t h e semi-
c l a d ' b i m b o ' as a n accessory i n a n advertisement f o r a u t o m o b i l e parts has
largely disappeared. H o w e v e r , despite protest, a n d some significant r e v i s i o n
o f a t t i t u d e s , o v e r t sexuality survives i n advertising. Sexual imagery, v e i l e d
e r o t i c i s m , i n n u e n d o a n d s e m i - n u d i t y are still c o m m o n features o f display
a d v e r t i s i n g , especially i n ' u p - m a r k e t ' magazines. A d v e r t i s i n g has always r e l i e d
h e a v i l y o n t h e 'sexual sell', o f t e n seeking t o attract t h e audience's a t t e n t i o n
w i t h sexual s t i m u l i , even w h e n q u i t e u n r e l a t e d t o t h e p r o d u c t . Advertisers use
p r o v o c a t i v e female m o d e l s , a n d sexually suggestive situations even i n mes-
sages d i r e c t e d t o w o m e n , because they believe they sell p r o d u c t s .
Changes, w h e n t h e y have c o m e , have n o t always h a d t h e i n t e n d e d effect.
'Advertising's l i b e r a t e d w o m a n incorporates e v e r y t h i n g t h e w o m e n ' s m o v e -
m e n t has f o u g h t against.' A d v e r t i s i n g ' s o r i g i n a l c o n c e p t i o n o f w o m e n ' s l i b e r -
7
ation was t o make the liberated w o m a n a more efficient, independent

consumer. T h e ' m o d e r n ' w o m a n k n e w h o w t o operate c o m p l i c a t e d h o u s e h o l d
gadgets a n d l a b o u r - s a v i n g devices, ' l i b e r a t i n g ' h e r f r o m o l d e r , heavier, house-
h o l d chores. She w a s s t i l l n o t l i b e r a t e d f r o m t h e h o u s e h o l d itself. M o d e r n i t y
was t r a n s l a t e d t o i m p l y t h e m o r e c o m p e t e n t h a n d l i n g o f a w i d e r v a r i e t y o f
consumer goods. Some early advertisements d e p i c t e d w o m e n as 'GPA' -

General Purchasing A g e n t - d r a w i n g a n analogy between t h e h o m e a n d a
business, w i t h t h e w i f e as manager. B u t t h e husbands d i d n o t lose t h e i r t r a d i -
t i o n a l r o l e . ' I f his w i f e was t h e home's purchasing agent - a n d thus analogous
t o a business executive o f modest p o w e r - t h e husband was m o r e elegantly
d e f i n e d , either i m p l i c i t l y o r e x p l i c i t l y , as t h e home's " t r e a s u r e r " o r its " p r e s i -
d e n t " . ' M o d e r n w o m e n m i g h t acquire n e w managerial skills, b u t they w e r e t o
8
be exercised o n l y i n t h e h o m e . F r e e d o m meant m o r e independence i n p u r s u -

i n g t r a d i t i o n a l goals. I t d i d n o t mean f r e e d o m t o pursue d i f f e r e n t goals.
' L i b e r a t i o n ' c o u l d also be expressed i n social attitudes a n d behaviour. T h e
purchase o f a bicycle, a n d a costume a p p r o p r i a t e f o r r i d i n g i t , was p r o m o t e d
as a n early m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f w o m e n ' s escape f r o m s t i f l i n g o l d e r c o n v e n t i o n s .
I n some advertisements i n t h e 1920s a n d 1930s w o m e n expressed t h e i r n e w
f r e e d o m b y o v e r c o m i n g o l d taboos about s m o k i n g cigarettes i n p u b l i c .
C h r i s t o p h e r Lasch r e f e r r e d t o t h e a d v e r t i s i n g i n d u s t r y ' s 'pseudo-emancipa-
t i o n ' o f w o m e n , 'flattering them w i t h the insinuating reminder, "You've
c o m e a l o n g way, b a b y " , a n d disguising t h e f r e e d o m t o consume as genuine
a u t o n o m y ' . ' I n t h e 1980s t h e ' l i b e r a t e d w o m a n ' was o f t e n presented as
5
sexually available. ' A d v e r t i s i n g ... seems t o i n t e r p r e t t h e m o v e m e n t t o w a r d s

female e q u a l i t y largely as a m o d e r a t e sexual l i b e r a t i o n w h o s e f u n c t i o n is t o
l e g i t i m i z e p r e - a n d possibly e x t r a - m a r i t a l a f f a i r s . ' 10
For this is another side
o f advertising's p o r t r a y a l o f w o m e n - t h e sex object w h o can be, a n d
longs t o be, 'possessed' b y t h e m a n w i t h t h e advertised m o u t h - w a s h o r
i m p o r t e d car. W o m e n , i n t h e advertisements, s e l d o m play t h e i n i t i a t i n g
r o l e , b u t are c o n f r o n t e d w i t h t h e fear o f sexual inadequacy, o f n o t b e i n g
desired b y a m a l e , unless they use t h e advertised p r o d u c t . 11
Advertising's
conception o f f e m i n i n e attractiveness makes f e w concessions t o n a t u r e .
Sex appeal is o b t a i n e d o n l y f r o m c o m m e r c i a l p r o d u c t s - hair shampoos,
beauty aids, skin conditioners, perfumes, a n d so on, which make
w o m e n g l a m o r o u s , a n d t h e r e f o r e attractive. M e n are n o t expected t o be
g l a m o r o u s . Even as executives, w o m e n are supposed t o be ' a l l u r i n g ' a n d t o
s p e n d m o n e y o n a r t i f i c i a l aids t o t h a t purpose. T h e y m u s t be t a l l , s l i m a n d
elegant. M a l e executives can succeed l o o k i n g just l i k e themselves, a n d c a n be
any shape.
Stereotypes, w h i l e active a n d p o w e r f u l guides t o behaviour, a n d n o r m a l l y a
conservative force, i n h i b i t i n g r e f o r m , can a n d d o change, usually i n response t o
external events. B u t they d o n o t s p r i n g f r o m n o t h i n g . T h e y are learned
responses that can be developed t o t h e p o i n t w h e r e they lose all contact w i t h ,
a n d relevance t o , the w o r l d a r o u n d t h e m . 12
Advertisers have a vested interest i n
p r o t e c t i n g o l d stereotypes f o r as l o n g as possible. Yet social n o r m s a n d prac-
tices are d r a m a t i c a l l y changing t h e role o f w o m e n i n m o d e r n u r b a n society.
M o r e w o m e n t h a n ever before are independent income earners, a n d m o r e are
e n t e r i n g a w i d e r range o f occupations previously t h e preserve o f males. A n d
advertisers w i l l lose c r e d i b i l i t y i f t h e i r stereotypes are t o o far r e m o v e d f r o m
reality. W o m e n , as they c u r r e n t l y appear i n m a n y advertisements, seem t o

resemble some idealised, perfect consumer, u n r e l a t e d t o t h e actual w o m e n o n e
sees every day as n e x t - d o o r neighbours o r as c o - w o r k e r s i n office o r factory.
Sex stereotyped advertising no longer reflects the roles of the majority of men
and women i n N o r t h American society, i t creates consumer irritation and dissat-
isfaction, and i t is increasingly less effective as a communications tool. I t is there-
fore surprising that so little i n advertising has changed and that, for the most
part, the changes that have taken place result from pressures coming f r o m out-
side the advertising industry itself. 13
Leaders o f t h e a d v e r t i s i n g i n d u s t r y are t o some e x t e n t j u s t i f i e d i n c l a i m i n g

t h a t t h e i r d e p i c t i o n o f w o m e n corresponds t o reality, b u t i t is a v e r y l i m i t e d
reality, o n l y n o w b e g i n n i n g t o a c k n o w l e d g e t h e w o m a n w h o is n e i t h e r w i f e
n o r sex object. T h e advertisers themselves o f t e n concede t h a t t h e i r messages
c o n c e n t r a t e o n w o m e n w h o are w i v e s , m o t h e r s a n d housekeepers. B u t , t h e y
assert, as t h i s is t h e real chosen w o r l d f o r m o s t w o m e n , there is n o d i s t o r -
t i o n , n o r d o m a n y w o m e n feel i n s u l t e d . I f s i g n i f i c a n t l y large n u m b e r s o f
w o m e n i n d i c a t e d t h e i r dissatisfaction w i t h a d v e r t i s i n g practices b y n o t b u y -
i n g t h e p r o d u c t s , t h e y w o u l d change those practices. 14
T h e y have n o t y e t f e l t
c a l l e d u p o n t o d o t h i s because, t h e y argue, t h e m a j o r i t y o f 'sensible' w o m e n
are n o t o f f e n d e d b y advertising's stereotypes. Protestors are dismissed as
u n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e m a l c o n t e n t s . T h i s is a self-serving a r g u m e n t . O f t e n there
are n o c o n v e n i e n t a l t e r n a t i v e p r o d u c t s . T h e i n d u s t r y sees n o b e n e f i t i n estab-
l i s h i n g e m p i r i c a l l y h o w m a n y w o m e n feel s l i g h t e d b y t h e i r c u s t o m a r y p o r -
t r a y a l . Because i t believes t h a t t h e established is safer t h a n t h e i n n o v a t i v e , i t
o f f e r s l i t t l e e n c o u r a g e m e n t t o n e w expressions o f w o m e n ' s p a r t i n society.
A d v e r t i s i n g t h e r e f o r e r e m a i n s a m a j o r f o r c e , consistently s t r e n g t h e n i n g t h e
image o f a t r a d i t i o n a l place f o r w o m e n , a n d o f f e r i n g f e w i n s p i r a t i o n a l r o l e
m o d e l s f o r a l t e r n a t i v e life-styles. H e r e , o f course, t h e stereotypical w o m a n is
n o t vastly m o r e d i s t o r t e d t h a n advertising's stereotype o f the w o r l d i n gener-
a l . Stereotypes, s e l d o m d e p e n d e n t o n v e r i f i a b l e e m p i r i c a l evidence, are n o t
usually shaken b y such evidence.
T h e m o d e r n w o m a n m a y be p e r m i t t e d a w i d e r range o f occupations, a n d
she m a y sometimes be p i c t u r e d w i t h a life outside t h e h o m e , b u t i n t h e w o r l d
o f advertisers she is still above a l l a consumer. T h e educated w o m a n t o d a y is
r e g u l a r l y expected t o exercise her m i n d b y acting as a n i n t e l l i g e n t shopper.
T h e v e r y s t r u c t u r e o f m o d e r n capitalism compels this emphasis o n c o n s u m p -
t i o n - m a n a g e m e n t as a m a j o r focus o f w o m e n ' s concerns.
It is a prime tenet o f modern economic belief ... powerfully reinforced by

advertising and salesmanship - that happiness is a function of the supply of
goods and services consumed.... how better can a woman contribute to her o w n
happiness and that of the family she loves than by devoting herself to the
efficient and energetic administration of the family consumption? ... [Society]
celebrates as uniquely moral the woman who devotes herself to the well-being of
her family; is a gracious helpmate; is a good manager; or w h o , at lesser levels of
elegance, is a good housekeeper or real home-body. By comparison, mere beauty,

intellectual or artistic achievement or sexual competence is in far lower repute.
And qualities that are inconsistent w i t h good and acquiescent household admin-
istration - personal aggressiveness, preoccupation w i t h personal interests to the
neglect of husband and family and, worst of all, indifferent housekeeping - are
strongly deplored. 15
A l l this is c r u c i a l l y i m p o r t a n t t o a capitalist economy. ' W i t h o u t t h e w i l l i n g -

ness o f w o m e n t o stay at h o m e a n d a d m i n i s t e r c o n s u m p t i o n , t h e present eco-
n o m i c o r d e r w o u l d be severely h a m p e r e d i n its a b i l i t y t o e x p a n d . ' 16
As long
as w e l i v e i n a mass consumer society, some segment o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n m u s t
take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e management o f domestic c o n s u m p t i o n , a n d unless
o t h e r forces lead t o a massive t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f social r e l a t i o n s h i p s , t h a t
r e s p o n s i b i l i t y w i l l i n e v i t a b l y be assigned t o w o m e n . T h e r e is a n e n o r m o u s
economic b e n e f i t i n persuading w o m e n t o accept t h e status o f a n u n p a i d
semi-servant class. T h i s has become especially necessary as o t h e r economic
forces l e d t o t h e v i r t u a l disappearance o f a separate domestic w o r k force. I n
the l a t t e r h a l f o f this c e n t u r y middle-class w o m e n have been c o n d i t i o n e d t o
d o f o r l o v e a n d v i r t u e w h a t servants w e r e once p a i d , albeit v e r y b a d l y p a i d ,
to d o for them.
T h e reluctance o f a d v e r t i s i n g t o become i n v o l v e d i n t h e social c o n t r o v e r -
sies o f race, class a n d sex reflects t h e uniqueness o f its ideology. A d v e r t i s i n g ,
as a conscious persuasive activity, is a n i m p o r t a n t element i n m a r k e t c a p i t a l -
ism, w h i c h also has a n i d e n t i f i a b l e , u n i f y i n g i d e o l o g i c a l basis o f its o w n .
A c e n t r a l tenet o f t h a t i d e o l o g y is t h a t there are n o ideologies, f o r a d v e r t i s i n g
manifests i t s p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n b y b e i n g ostensibly n o n - p o l i t i c a l . I t is n o t
any i n d i f f e r e n c e t o , o r any deliberate w i t h d r a w a l f r o m p o l i t i c s , b u t a n aware-
ness t h a t t h e p o l i t i c a l cause is n o t advanced b y f r e n z i e d demagoguery. T h e
i m p l i c i t p o l i t i c a l d o c t r i n e o f a d v e r t i s i n g is t h a t there are n o p o l i t i c a l doc-
trines t o discuss. T h e c o r p o r a t e sponsors o f m o s t mass m e d i a a d v e r t i s i n g l i k e
t o present t h e i r w o r l d v i e w as t h e established, non-arguable w o r l d v i e w o f a l l
i n t e l l i g e n t p e o p l e o f g o o d w i l l . T h e r e is n o call t o debate w h a t everyone
k n o w s t o be t r u e . For this reason o n l y a small percentage o f mass m e d i a
advertisements c o n t a i n e x p l i c i t p o l i t i c a l i n d o c t r i n a t i o n . M o s t advertisers are
m o r e interested i n s e l l i n g goods a n d services t h a n i n p r o m o t i n g ideologies.
B u t , o f course, w e m u s t bear i n m i n d t h a t selling goods a n d services is t h e
i d e o l o g y o f c a p i t a l i s m . T h e i d e o l o g i c a l f u n c t i o n o f a d v e r t i s i n g reflects i t s
e c o n o m i c f u n c t i o n . T h e c o m m e r c i a l message, t h e e x h o r t a t i o n t o buy, is t h e
p o l i t i c a l message, w h i c h declares t h a t , as all is r i g h t i n t h e w o r l d , i t is safe t o
a c q u i r e , possess, a n d accumulate.
E c o n o m i c a n d p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y are t h e necessary c o n d i t i o n s f o r a c u l t u r e
w h i c h defines progress as t h e capacity o f m o r e a n d m o r e p e o p l e t o b u y
m o r e a n d m o r e t h i n g s . T h a t stability, i n t u r n , requires a c l i m a t e o f c a l m
assurance a n d c o n f i d e n t security, s o m e t h i n g best achieved b y k e e p i n g dis-
t u r b i n g t h o u g h t s o f f t h e p u b l i c agenda. Because i t is d i f f i c u l t t o take sides
o n a n y issue w i t h o u t o f f e n d i n g s o m e o n e , a n d because t h e o f f e n d e d m a y be
l o s t as c u s t o m e r s , a d v e r t i s i n g deals w i t h c o n t r o v e r s i a l issues, n o t b y s t r i d e n t
partisanship, o r by shouted dogmas, but by ignoring the controversy.
A d v e r t i s e r s t r y t o steer clear o f t h e c o n t r o v e r s i a l , t o defuse tensions, a n d t o
p o r t r a y a w o r l d o f f a m i l i a r , u n t r o u b l e d certainty. I n t h e e n t e r t a i n m e n t
m e d i a , c o r p o r a t e advertisers p r e f e r t o a v o i d association w i t h programmes
dealing w i t h contentious matters.
Burning controversy looks good i n press releases and T V reviews. I t looks

awful i n ratings, sales, comments f r o m aggrieved affiliate stations and nasty
letters f r o m offended viewers. Constant, w a r m , bright reassurance is the emo-
tional climate i n w h i c h American business, including the television business,
feels most at home, and television executives instinctively w o r k t o maintain
that climate. 17
B l a n d is safer t h a n c o n t r o v e r s y a n d is m o r e c o n d u c i v e t o m a x i m u m sales.
Large-scale business a n d i n d u s t r y f l o u r i s h i n a c l i m a t e o f stability a n d cert-
a i n t y - n o t o n l y i n t h e m a r k e t itself, b u t i n the s u r r o u n d i n g p o l i t i c a l a n d social
e n v i r o n m e n t . P u t i n t h e simplest t e r m s , capitalism k n o w s t h a t social unrest is
b a d f o r business.
Notes
1. Roland Marchand, Advertising the American Dream (1985), p. 189.
2. D . L. Paletz and R. M . Entman, Media-Power-Politics (1981), p. 179.
3. Rosemary Scott, The Female Consumer (1976), p. 224. Note also Alladi Venkatesh,
The Significance of the Women's Movement to Marketing (1985).
4. Dorothy Aaron, About Face: Towards a Positive Image of Women in Advertising
(1975), p. 8.
5. Erving Goffman, Gender Advertisements (1979), p. 45.
6. See Rena Bartos, The Moving Target: What Every Marketeer Should Know About
Women (1982), pp. 228tf.
7. Denise Warren, 'Commercial Liberation', Journal of Communication, 28:1 (1978),
p. 169.
8. Marchand, Advertising the American Dream, pp. 169-70.
9. Christopher Lasch, The Culture of Narcissism (1978), p. 74. See also Paletz and
Entman, Media-Power-Politics, pp. 178-9.
10. Torben Vestergaard and K i m Schroeder, The Language of Advertising (1985), p. 108.
1 1 . See A. E. Courtney and T. W Whipple, Sex Stereotyping in Advertising (1983), pp.
10-12.
12. See, f o r example, M a r k Snyder, ' O n the Self-Perpetuating Nature of Social
Stereotypes', i n D . L . H a m i l t o n , (ed.), Cognitive Processes in Stereotyping and
Intergroup Behavior (1981), p. 204.
13. Courtney and Whipple, Sex Stereotyping in Advertising, p. 1 9 1 .
14. See Cyndy Scheibe, 'Sex Roles i n T V Commercials', Journal of Advertising
Research, 9 : 1 (1979), p. 23.
15. J. K. Gaibraith, Economics and the Public Purpose (1974), p. 37.
16. David Reisman, Gaibraith and Market Capitalism (1980), p. 78.
17. Robert M a c N e i l , The People Machine (1968), pp. 79-80.
Questions
1 Summarise the arguments put forward in this extract. What are the dominant
themes in the representation of class, race and gender, and what, for Qualter,
are the greatest sins of omission?
2 Undertake your own content analysis of advertisements across a range of
media. Do your findings back up those of Qualter, or do you detect any substan-
tial changes or improvements in present advertising culture?
3 What about other groups? Do you find limited and stereotypical representations
of, for example, young people, the family or the elderly in advertisements? How
do you think that advertisers would defend the allegation that they promote nar-
row and often misleading images of people?
Further reading
Cumberbatch, G. 1990: Television advertising and sex role stereotyping. London:
Broadcasting Standards Council.
Davidson, M . 1 9 9 1 : The consumerist manifesto: advertising in postmodern times.
London: Routledge.
Dyer, G. 1982: Advertising as communication. London: Methuen.
Goffman, E. 1979: Gender advertisements. London: Macmillan.
Goldman, R. 1992: Reading ads socially. London: Routledge.
Leiss, W , Kline, S. and Jhally, S. 1986: Social communication in advertising. London:
Routledge.
Williams, R. 1980: Advertising the magic system. In Problems in materialism and cul-
ture. London: Verso.
Williamson, J. 1978: Decoding advertisements: ideology and meaning in advertising.
London: M a r i o n Boyars.
Willis, S. 1995: I want the black one: is there a place for Afro-American culture i n
commodity culture? I n Carter, E., Donald, J. and Squires, J. (eds), Cultural remix:
theories of politics and the popular. London: Lawrence & Wishart.
16
Television's 'Personality System'
John Langer
From Media, Culture and Society 4,351-65 (1981)
It has long been recognised by those in Media and Cultural Studies that film stars have
played a significant and highly visible role in the twentieth century as cultural symbols or
icons: embodiments of particular kinds of values, objects for widespread forms of identifi-
cation by modem audiences. The final extract in this section takes this as a starting point,
Television's 'Personality System' 165
but then shifts our attention from the realms of cinema and film to that of television and to
popular culture more generally. The reading therefore recognises that film stars are now
part of a more general social and cultural phenomenon of public visibility and mediation,
involving not only the sphere of television, but also popular music, sport, the press, maga-
zines and other areas of the mediated 'personality'.
Langer begins his discussion by contrasting the conditions and forms which give rise to
film stars and television personalities, discussing the ways in which the two systems com-
pare and interrelate, and the extent to which the regime of television is simply a modern
form of that established when cinema was the dominant mode of moving image medium.
As you will note, he suggests that there are some key differences between the appeal to
audiences maintained by film stars and that of the relations established by television per-
sonalities and their respective audiences or fan communities. For Langer, writing in the early
1980s, these differences crystallise fundamental contrasts in the nature and the reception of
each medium, and these correspond with very different types of ideological appeal and
function. In the changing circumstances of the 1990s, when current television has devel-
oped a growing obsession with so-called 'reality programming' and with revealing the pri-
vate and public lives of 'real people' (see Section 4, readings 30 and 31), Langer's
assessment provides an important and provocative focus for renewed attention and study.
I b e g i n w i t h a q u e s t i o n : W h a t is t h e significance o f t h e fact t h a t whereas t h e

c i n e m a established a 'star system', t e l e v i s i o n has not? T h e r e are stars o f
stage screen and t e l e v i s i o n , b u t n o stars o f t e l e v i s i o n alone. I n s t e a d w e
e n c o u n t e r w h a t t e l e v i s i o n calls its ' p e r s o n a l i t i e s ' - those i n d i v i d u a l s c o n s t i -
t u t e d m o r e o r less exclusively f o r a n d b y t e l e v i s i o n , w h o m a k e regular
appearances as n e w s readers, m o d e r a t o r s , hosts, c o m p è r e s o r characters,
a n d t h o s e i n d i v i d u a l s w h o exist o u t s i d e o f t e l e v i s i o n i n t h e i r o w n r i g h t , b u t
are r e c r u i t e d into t e l e v i s i o n at v a r i o u s strategic j u n c t u r e s as resource m a t e r i -
al - p o l i t i c i a n s , celebrities, experts o r ' o r d i n a r y p e o p l e ... m a d e strangely
important' (Monaco, 1978: 7).
[..J
Star system and personality system as paradigms
I n o r d e r t o locate a n d define t h e personality system as i t is c o d e d i n t o t e l e v i -
s i o n i t m a y be useful t o l o o k at w h a t m i g h t be seen as its p a r a d i g m a t i c c o u n -
t e r p a r t a n d h i s t o r i c a l antecedent i n t h e cinema - t h e star system. I t has been
a r g u e d t h a t t h e star system experienced a n d f i n a l l y fell v i c t i m t o t h e ' e m b o u r -
geoisement o f t h e c i n e m a t i c i m a g i n a t i o n ' , w h i c h eventually saw t h e t r a n s f o r -
m a t i o n o f stars f r o m 'gods a n d goddesses, heroes, models - e m b o d i m e n t s o f
i d e a l ways o f b e h a v i n g ' t o ' i d e n t i f i c a t i o n figures, e m b o d i m e n t o f t y p i c a l ways
o f b e h a v i n g ' ( D y e r , 1 9 7 9 : 2 4 ) . A c c o r d i n g t o M o r i n , this process was i n e x t r i -
cably b o u n d u p w i t h cinema's 'search f o r r e a l i s m ' , w h i c h was m a r k e d b y cer-
t a i n t e c h n i c a l i n n o v a t i o n s (the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f s o u n d , c o l o u r , deep focus), t h e
g r o w t h o f social themes i n H o l l y w o o d f i l m s d u r i n g t h e 1930s, t h e p s y c h o l o -
g i z a t i o n o f cinema's protagonists a n d paradoxically, t h e ' d o g m a ' o f the h a p p y

e n d i n g . 'Realism, p s y c h o l o g i s m , t h e " h a p p y e n d i n g " ... reveal precisely t h e
bourgeois t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f this i m a g i n a t i o n ' ( M o r i n , i n D y e r , 1 9 7 9 : 2 5 )
Chance and occult possession are replaced by psychological motivation.

Bourgeois individualism cannot take the death of the hero, hence the insis-
tence on the happy ending. So stars become more usual i n appearance, more
'psychologically' credible i n personality, more individuated i n image (Dyer,
1979: 25).
Stars became less directly the f i l m i c representatives o f particular 'virtues' o r

'essences'. T h e cinematic archetype - the v a m p , the g o o d g i r l , the gentleman,
the c l o w n , t h e i n n o c e n t , t h e l a n d l o r d - gave w a y t o m o r e i n d i v i d u a t e d social
types. Psychological realism a n d the m o t i v a t i o n a l credibility o f screen characters
w e r e accompanied by the desire o f audiences t o k n o w the stars that played these
characters 'as people', t o have access t o their 'real' lives, t o w h a t they were 'real-
l y ' l i k e ; i n s h o r t , t o k n o w their 'personalities' - hence t h e p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f t h e
fan magazines a n d t h e p u b l i c i t y machine w h i c h became crucial t o the star sys-
t e m as a n image maker. L o w e n t h a l traces a similar process at w o r k d u r i n g the
first h a l f o f the century i n the expansion o f biographical stories i n p o p u l a r mag-
azines, w h e r e he finds a significant shift away f r o m w h a t he calls the 'idols o f
p r o d u c t i o n ' w h o serve p r i m a r i l y as 'educational models' t o be ' l o o k e d u p o n as
examples o f success w h i c h can be i m i t a t e d ' ( L o w e n t h a l , 1 9 6 1 : 113) t o w a r d t h e
'idols o f c o n s u m p t i o n ' w h o p r o v i d e a 'readily grasped e m p i r e ' , merely c o n f i r m -
i n g ' i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h n o r m a l c y ' ( i b i d . : 135). A n a l y z i n g the stories over t i m e ,
he discovers t h a t ' w h i l e i t once was rather contemptible t o give m u c h r o o m t o
the private affairs a n d habits o f public figures, the t o p i c is n o w the focus o f
interest' ( i b i d . : 1 1 9 ) . Parentage, personal relationships, friendships, domesticity,
sociability, hobbies a n d culinary proclivities a b o u n d as the thematic structures
t h r o u g h w h i c h the heroes a n d celebrities o f magazine biography are revealed i n
their 'private lives', n o t so very d i f f e r e n t a f o r m a t , so i t seems, f r o m that used i n
the fan magazine f o r the star system.
T h i s ' i n t i m a t e v i s i o n ' w i t h its a t t e n d a n t 'obsession w i t h persons' - o n e o f
the most pervasive c o n d i t i o n s c h a r a c t e r i z i n g social life under modern
c a p i t a l i s m (Sennett, 1 9 7 4 ) - seriously e r o d e d t h e ' d i v i n e ' status o f t h e
star system, b u t i t d i d n o t succeed i n d o i n g this c o m p l e t e l y . A s M o r i n p o i n t s
o u t , t h e star does n o t cease t o be special, b u t n o w combines ' t h e e x c e p t i o n a l
w i t h t h e ordinary, the ideal w i t h the everyday' ( M o r i n , i n Dyer, 1 9 7 9 : 2 5 ) .
T h e ' m a g i c ' o f t h e silver screen s t i l l l i n g e r s , even i f this is o n l y i n t e r m s o f a
c o l l e c t i v e b u t v e r y p o w e r f u l f o l k m e m o r y o f H o l l y w o o d 'as i t used t o b e ' . I t
is l e f t t o television's p e r s o n a l i t y system t o take u p this process o f em¬
bourgeoisement and move i t f o r w a r d , considerably advancing the 'intimate
v i s i o n ' t o t h e p o i n t w h e r e w h a t is presented o n t e l e v i s i o n is precisely
t h a t w h i c h is ' t h e o r d i n a r y ' , w h e r e ' t h e e v e r y d a y ' has superseded a n d sup-
p l a n t e d ' t h e e x c e p t i o n a l ' , w h e r e ' t h e e x c e p t i o n a l ' is t h e e x c e p t i o n rather
than the rule.
Television's'Personality System' 167
I n s o m e respects w h a t m i g h t be t e r m e d t h e classical p a r a d i g m o f t h e star

system, b e f o r e i t s s u b j u g a t i o n t o t h e ' r e i g n o f i n t i m a c y ' , c a n be s i t u a t e d i n
d i r e c t o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e p e r s o n a l i t y system manifest i n t e l e v i s i o n . I t is t h i s
o p p o s i t i o n w h i c h begins t o a r t i c u l a t e some o f t h e t e r m s o f each system.
W h e r e a s t h e star system operates f r o m t h e realms o f t h e spectacular, t h e
inaccessible, t h e i m a g i n a r y , p r e s e n t i n g t h e cinematic universe as 'larger
t h a n l i f e ' , t h e p e r s o n a l i t y system is c u l t i v a t e d almost exclusively as ' p a r t o f
l i f e ' ; whereas t h e star system always has t h e a b i l i t y t o place distance b e t w e e n
itself a n d its audiences t h r o u g h its insistence o n ' t h e e x c e p t i o n a l ' , the p e r s o n -
ality system w o r k s directly t o construct and foreground intimacy and
i m m e d i a c y ; whereas c o n t a c t w i t h stars is u n r e l e n t i n g l y sporadic a n d uncer-
t a i n , c o n t a c t w i t h t e l e v i s i o n personalities has r e g u l a r i t y a n d p r e d i c t a b i l i t y ;
whereas stars are always p l a y i n g ' p a r t s ' e m p h a s i z i n g t h e i r i d e n t i t y as 'stars' as
m u c h - perhaps even m o r e t h a n - t h e characters they play, t e l e v i s i o n per-
sonalities ' p l a y ' themselves; whereas stars emanate as idealizations o r
a r c h e t y p a l expressions, t o be c o n t e m p l a t e d , r e v e r e d , desired a n d even bla-
t a n t l y i m i t a t e d , s t u b b o r n l y s t a n d i n g outside t h e realms o f t h e f a m i l i a r a n d
t h e r o u t i n i z e d , personalities are d i s t i n g u i s h e d f o r t h e i r representativeness,
t h e i r t y p i c a l i t y , t h e i r ' w i l l t o o r d i n a r i n e s s ' , t o be accepted, n o r m a l i z e d , expe-
r i e n c e d as familiar.
Media contexts
I f t e l e v i s i o n is i n d e e d a n apparatus f o r t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f s y m b o l i c goods
w h i c h are m a d e i n t e l l i g i b l e b y a process o f e n c o d i n g , h o w t h e n is t h e p e r s o n -
a l i t y system ' a r r a n g e d ' w i t h i n t h e television discourse, a n d w h a t o p e r a t i o n s
are at w o r k w h i c h p r e c l u d e t h e f o r m a t i o n o f a star system? T o begin w i t h
w h a t at first glance seems m o s t o b v i o u s : w a t c h i n g television b y a n d large, as a
socially c o n s t r u c t e d act, takes place, t o use a phrase a d o p t e d f r e q u e n t l y a n d
f o n d l y b y television's p r a c t i t i o n e r s , ' i n t h e c o m f o r t o f one's o w n h o m e ' , v e r y
m u c h e m b e d d e d w i t h i n t h e i n t i m a t e setting t h a t circumscribes the r o u t i n e s o f
everyday l i f e ; w a t c h i n g f i l m , h o w e v e r , except o f course those o n t e l e v i s i o n ,
leads away f r o m t h e h o m e , elsewhere i n t o a n u n f a m i l i a r ' e x c e p t i o n a l ' setting
n o t d i r e c t l y c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e n e t w o r k o f intimacies w h i c h m a k e u p every-
day l i f e . Television is always ' t h e r e ' , r o u t i n e l y e n c o u n t e r e d a n d ready f o r use
w h e n e v e r t h e t e l e v i s i o n experience is r e q u i r e d . C i n e m a w a t c h i n g , o n t h e
other h a n d , needs t o be pre-arranged, calculated a n d attended t o . T h e i n t i m a c y
o f d o m e s t i c l i f e has t o be set aside i n o r d e r t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the 'special' expe-
rience o f t h e c i n e m a . I n fact this is o n e o f the m a j o r ways i n w h i c h f i l m as a
leisure a c t i v i t y is p r o m o t e d i n a d v e r t i s i n g - 'give y o u r s e l f a break, g o t o a
m o v i e ' , ' g o f o r a n i g h t o u t a n d be e n t e r t a i n e d ' . T h e television image is 'close',
o c c u p y i n g a r e l a t i v e l y r e s t r i c t e d space w i t h i n t h e f i e l d o f v i s i o n ( H e a t h a n d
S k i r r o w , 1 9 7 7 : 5 4 ) , i n a sense p o s i t i o n i n g the spectator t o take a 'closer l o o k ' .
I t c a n be acted o n a n d m a n i p u l a t e d i n t h e m o m e n t o f transmission - t u r n e d
o n , o f f , f i n e t u n e d o r s w i t c h e d f o r alternative images. Because o f its p r o x i m i t y

t o t h e ebb a n d f l o w o f everyday life i t can be received casually, w i t h t h e
p o t e n t i a l t o become the focus f o r social p a r t i c i p a t i o n d u r i n g the v i e w i n g situa-
t i o n itself. T h e f i l m screen image, i n contrast, hovers over a n d above the spec-
t a t o r massively i m p o s i n g itself u p o n t h e visual f i e l d . By n o t being subject t o
c o n t r o l o r m o d i f i c a t i o n at t h e t i m e o f its r e c e p t i o n , i t remains ' d i s t a n t , inac-
cessible a n d fascinatingly f i x e d ' ( H e a t h a n d S k i r r o w , 1 9 7 7 : 5 4 ) . O n c e t h e f i l m
begins, even i f one goes w i t h a g r o u p o f people t o t h e theatre, t h e c o n d i t i o n s
o f v i e w i n g are c o n s t i t u t e d b y a n o n y m i t y - t h e nexus o f screen image a n d
spectator alone, silent a n d i n t h e d a r k , t h e possibility o f social p a r t i c i p a t i o n
r u l e d o u t u n t i l the f i l m is over.
L i k e t h e w o r l d , television never stops, is m o r e o r less c o n t i n u o u s ( H e a t h
and S k i r r o w , 1 9 7 7 : 5 4 ) . Its r e a l i t y runs a parallel course t o t h e r e a l i t y o f
everyday l i f e itself, can be t u n e d i n o r o u t at w i l l , a n d can be ' m e t ' v i r t u a l l y at
any one p o i n t i n t i m e . Television's ' f l o w ' is contemporaneous w i t h the f l o w o f
l i f e . So, n o t o n l y is television 'always already available', there w i l l always be
s o m e t h i n g t o w a t c h i m m e d i a t e l y , as soon as t h e set w a r m s u p . Television's
' c o m m u n i c a t i o n a l i t y ' is n o t constrained b y t i m e o r scheduling. C e r t a i n l y there
are p r o g r a m m e s o r g a n i z e d a r o u n d p a r t i c u l a r t i m e slots w i t h i n t h e c o n t i n u o u s
f l o w , b u t i f one p r o g r a m m e is missed, there w i l l always be another o n e t o take
its place. As H e a t h a n d S k i r r o w e x p l a i n , ' t h e r o l e o f t h e image is t o be p r e -
sent' ( i b i d . : 5 6 ) . C i n e m a , o n t h e other h a n d , is m o r e i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y g r o u n d e d
w i t h i n t e m p o r a l operations - i t requires active a t t e n t i o n t o its d e l i n e a t i o n i n
t i m e . U n l i k e just s i t t i n g d o w n t o ' w a t c h t e l e v i s i o n ' , ' g o i n g t o t h e m o v i e s ' gen-
erally means g o i n g o n t i m e , ' g e t t i n g there f o r t h e credits', ' n o t w a n t i n g t o
miss the b e g i n n i n g ' , 'staying t o the e n d ' .
A t this p o i n t i t becomes clear that those apparently ' n a t u r a l ' t a k e n - f o r -
g r a n t e d arrangements w h i c h d i f f e r e n t i a l l y structure v i e w i n g i n r e l a t i o n t o f i l m
and television are also w o r k i n g t o inscribe a n d r e p r o d u c e a n entire cluster o f
terms - distance/intimacy, o r d i n a r y / e x t r a o r d i n a r y , f a m i l i a r / e x c e p t i o n a l , i m m e -
diate/remote - as they p e r t a i n t o t h e star/personality systems, a n d this occurs
even before t h e set is s w i t c h e d o n o r t h e f i l m is r o l l i n g t h r o u g h t h e p r o j e c t o r
gate. T h e act o f television w a t c h i n g is f o u n d i n t h e i n t i m a t e a n d f a m i l i a r ter-
r a i n o f everyday life w h e r e w e receive television's o w n 'intimacies' a n d ' f a m i l -
iarities' b r o u g h t t o us t h r o u g h its personalities. T h i s correspondence between
the i n t i m a c y s t r u c t u r e o f television w a t c h i n g a n d the w a y i n w h i c h i n t i m a c y is
s t r u c t u r e d t h r o u g h t h e personality system f o r m s o n e o f t h e m a j o r c o n d i t i o n s
t h r o u g h w h i c h television negotiates effectively t o w i n t h e consent o f a u d i -
ences a n d t o render invisible its ideological w o r k .
The regular and the episodic

If o n e o f television's central characteristics is t h e 'experience o f f l o w ' , another
is its r i t u a l r e g u l a r i t y , its tendency ' t o w a r d a n idea t h a t i t is capable o f
r e p r o d u c t i o n ' ( A l v a r a d o a n d Buscombe, i n E a t o n , 1 9 7 8 / 7 9 : 6 8 ) . W i t h i n t h e
s e q u e n t i a l f l o w o f t e l e v i s i o n there are m o m e n t s carved o u t a n d a r r a n g e d i n t o
p a r t i c u l a r c y c l i c a l , repeatable televisual occurrences w h i c h give t h e f l o w its
shape a n d substance. Television p r o g r a m m i n g , i n t h e m a i n , operates i n t e r m s
o f 'seasons' - t h e series, f o r e x a m p l e , i f i n i t i a t e d , usually runs f o r a n u m b e r
o f consecutive episodes n o r m a l l y scheduled at t h e same t i m e o n t h e same day
each w e e k , a l t h o u g h these schedules m a y be a l t e r e d i n response t o p o o r rat-
ings. I f a series is d e e m e d successful - w i n n i n g r a t i n g s , c a p t u r i n g audiences
a n d l a n d i n g sponsors - there is every chance t h a t i t w i l l re-appear f o r t h e
n e x t season. O n t h i s basis a series can be sustained f o r several years i n a r o w .
T h i s has, i n fact, been c o m m o n practice w i t h genres l i k e t h e p o l i c e d r a m a ,
t h e s i t u a t i o n c o m e d y , o r t h e l a t e - n i g h t t a l k show. O t h e r p r o g r a m m e s are n o t
necessarily subject t o seasonality - the news cycle, f o r e x a m p l e , is o n e w h i c h
recurs each day, a n d possibly several times a day o n a single c h a n n e l a l l
t h r o u g h t h e year. These cycles o f r e p e t i t i o n p r o v i d e a f o r u m f o r t h e regular
appearance o f t h e p e r s o n a l i t y - t h e newsreader, t h e t a l k s h o w host, t h e lead
actor i n a c o p s h o w - a r o u n d w h i c h t h e p r o g r a m m e is o r g a n i z e d . A s a result,
these c y c l i c a l r e p e t i t i o n s t e n d t o p l a y a p a r t i n television's s t r u c t u r e o f i n t i -
m a c y a n d i m m e d i a c y . Each repeated appearance, even t h o u g h i t m a y n o t elic-
it 'personal data' - as i n t h e case o f t h e v e r y f o r m a l d e m e a n o r o f t h e
newsreader - nonetheless tends t o b u i l d w h a t is p e r c e i v e d t o be a k n o w a b l e
a n d k n o w n ' t e l e v i s i o n s e l f . T h i s t e l e v i s i o n self, increasingly a u t h e n t i c a t e d
w i t h each r e g u l a r appearance, coheres i n t o t h e f o r m o f a ' g e n u i n e ' p e r s o n a l i -
ty. F i n a l l y , t h e v e r y appearance itself becomes a m a r k o f k n o w l e d g e a b o u t
that personality.
T h i s , o f course, is quite d i f f e r e n t f r o m t h e appearance o f a star i n a f i l m ,
w h i c h occurs perhaps t w i c e i n a year at best. T h e star's appearance occurs as
an e v e n t f u l a r r i v a l , o f t e n h e r a l d e d ahead o f t i m e i n press a n d i n d u s t r y releases,
n o t t o be repeated i n t h a t same c o n t e x t again, except perhaps i n a sequel. Even
t h e r e , h o w e v e r , the event is discrete a n d u n i q u e . I t needs t o be caught i n its sin-
gularity, a n d i f i t is repeated, i t always emerges f u l l b l o w n i n its o r i g i n a l l y f i x e d
f o r m . Access t o stars t h r o u g h t h e i r f i l m s must be deferred over l o n g periods o f
t i m e : i t is episodic a n d ephemeral, c o m i n g o n l y once i n a w h i l e . I n between
appearances, t i m e can be spent r e - v i e w i n g their earlier films o r r e a d i n g f a n
magazines i n a n a t t e m p t t o r e k i n d l e t h e 'aura', o r other stars can be taken u p
a n d appreciated. T h e r e is n o n e o f this capriciousness o r u n c e r t a i n t y w h e r e the
television personality is concerned. H e o r she reliably appears over a n d over
again, w e e k after w e e k , even year after year, p r o v i d i n g t h e coherent fixed
p o i n t o f r e g u l a r i t y w i t h i n t h e o v e r a l l f l o w o f television. By never b e c o m i n g
o v e r l y r o u t i n i z e d a n d f a m i l i a r t h e star system can m a i n t a i n its remoteness a n d
u n a t t a i n a b i l i t y , whereas t h e personality system crucially embedded w i t h i n tele-
vison's cyclical rituals can m u c h m o r e readily facilitate a sense o f f a m i l i a r i t y
a n d accessibility.
Identity
Television personalities also become a n c h o r i n g p o i n t s w i t h i n t h e i n t e r n a l
w o r l d t h a t each p r o g r a m m e u n i q u e l y establishes i n a n d f o r itself. T h e y exist
as m o r e o r less stable ' i d e n t i t i e s ' w i t h i n t h e f l o w o f events, situations o r nar-
ratives w h i c h are presented i n a p a r t i c u l a r p r o g r a m m e a t a n y g i v e n p o i n t i n
its cycle o f r e p e t i t i o n . F o r e x a m p l e , despite t h e p a n o r a m i c f l o w o f news sto-
ries w h i c h c o n s t i t u t e any single early evening news broadcast, i t is always t h e
newsreader w h o remains t h e constant, u n f a l t e r i n g a n d c o h e r e n t i n d e n t i t y ,
w h o 'carries o n regardless'. T h e w o r l d changes, b u t the t e l e v i s i o n p e r s o n a l i t y
stays t h e same. I n t h e case o f the news, o n e o f the c o n v e n t i o n a l i z e d m a r k s o f
this c o h e r e n t stable i d e n t i t y w h i c h persists despite a w o r l d o f f l u x a n d
change, is t h e w a y t h e news reader is f r a m e d b y t h e camera. T h e head a n d
shoulders d o m i n a t e , a p p e a r i n g balanced a n d central i n g l i s t e n i n g , u n w a v e r -
i n g focus - l i k e t h e a u t h o r i t a t i v e carriage o f a p o r t r a i t - w h i c h l o o k s a t us
w i t h c a l m d e l i b e r a t i o n . T h e ' r e a l ' w o r l d , w h e r e stories c o m e f r o m , is, i n c o n -
trast, o f t e n s k e w e d , o f f balance, w i t h shaky camera w o r k d o n e i n t h e heat o f
the n e w s w o r t h y m o m e n t . T h e ' r e a l ' w o r l d m a y be unstable a n d u n b a l a n c e d ,
b u t t h e w o r l d o f t h e television news p e r s o n a l i t y w h o explains that w o r l d t o
us is n o t .
The establishment o f t h e t e l e v i s i o n p e r s o n a l i t y as a c o h e r e n t i d e n t i t y
is also t h e occasion f o r coherence t o be i m p a r t e d t o w h a t is p o t e n t i a l l y a
diverse a n d seemingly chaotic universe o f events. Newsreaders, then,
n o t o n l y f u n c t i o n as c o h e r e n t i d e n t i t i e s i n t h e f l o w o f events, b u t t h e y act as
the p r i n c i p a l i n s t r u m e n t f o r classifying a n d u n i f y i n g these events i n t o some
k i n d o f acknowledged o r d e r . T h e newsreader is responsible f o r giving
events meaning, placing them i n referential contexts and providing
a p p r o p r i a t e clues t o t h e i r significance i n ' t h e scheme o f t h i n g s ' , f u n c t i o n i n g
as 'a v e r y d e f i n i t e e t h i c a l f i g u r e ( g i v i n g ) u n i t y t o w h a t is essentially a
very disjointed f o r m a t ' ( M i l l s , 1980). Similar encoding procedures w o r k t o
build the personality system across a whole range of non-fiction/
a c t u a l i t y f o r m s o f t e l e v i s i o n - essentially t h e same p r i n c i p l e s appear t o
be at w o r k i n c u r r e n t affairs, t a l k shows, v a r i e t y s h o w s , documentaries
a n d so o n .
References
Dyer, R. 1979: Stars. London: BFI.
Eaton, M . 1978/9: Television situation comedy. Screen 19(4).
Heath, S. and Skirrow, G. 1977: Television: a world in action. Screen 18(2).
Lowenthal, L . 1961: Literature, popular culture and society. Palo Alto, Calif.: Pacific
Books.
Mills, I . 1980: Pulpit drama, the mythic form of T V news programmes. I n Edgar, P.
(ed.), The news in focus. London: Macmillan.
Monaco, J. 1978: Celebrity: the media as image makers. N e w York: Delta Books.
Sennett, R. 1974: The fall of public man. New York: Vintage Books.
Questions
1 Summarise the main arguments concerning the differences between the film
star and the television personality. Select some examples of each and research
their particular appeal and significance as well as their respective differences.
2 Assess the role of the popular press in the construction and mediation of film
stars and TV personalities.
3 How do other modem stars, e.g. those in the fields of sport or pop music, relate
to the ideas and arguments discussed in this extract?
Further reading
Buxton, D . 1990: Rock music, the star system and the rise of consumerism. I n Frith, S.
and Goodwin, A . (eds.), On record: rock, pop and the written word. London:
Routledge.
Connell, I . 1992: Personalities i n the popular media. I n Dahlgren, P. and Sparks, C.
(eds.), Journalism and popular culture. London: Sage.
Ellis, J. 1982: Visible fictions: cinema, television, video. London: Routledge.
Geraghty, C. and Lusted, D . (eds.) 1997: The television studies book. London: Arnold.
Lewis, L . (ed.) 1992: The adoring audience: fan culture and popular media. London:
Routledge.
Livingstone, S. and Lunt, P. 1994: Talk on television: audience participation and public
debate. London: Routledge.
Lusted, D . 1984: The glut of the personality. In Masterman, L. (ed.), Television mytholo-
gies. London: Comedia/MK Media Press.
Tolson, A . 1996: Mediations: text and discourse in media studies. London: Arnold.
Section 3
Audiences and Reception
The various extracts in the previous section tended to assume that media representations
are implicated in the ways in which we make sense of the social world and construct a
sense of identity within it. This section shifts attention to the relationships between audi-
ences and various forms of media output and use. The study of audience reception of
media forms has been an especially productive focus for recent mass communication
research, although much of this work needs to be contextualised against an historical ten-
dency to assume the direct effects of media imagery on behaviour. In fact, the history of
audience research can be understood as a dialogue and debate between two largely
opposed positions: one stressing the effects that the media cause in their audiences, the
other countering with an emphasis on the various and diverse uses which different audi-
ences in their respective social contexts may make of given forms of media output. One
way of summarising this division has been to contrast the idea of what the media do to
people against what people do with the media.
The readings in this section encompass and analyse both of these dominant premises.
Reading 17, by Andrew Tudor, is an historical overview of the developments in audience
research and it provides an entry into a discussion undertaken in the following two read-
ings about the power of the media to persuade, influence and corrupt. Graham Murdock
and Robin lyicCron critically assess the perspectives and methods which have dominated
effects research since the 1930s, while Julian Petley focuses on two recent cases where
the media was blamed for influencing the perpetrators of specific violent and much publi-
cised crimes.
Readings 20 to 22 are characteristic of a type of research which has assumed promi-
nance throughout the 1980s. They are loosely characterised as ethnographic studies and
although they differ from the tradition of ethnography established in anthropology, they are
united in that they draw on observation, informal interview techniques and naturalistic
research settings. While much of this research has centred on television consumption,
Mark Pursehouse's study is significant in that it focuses on readers of a tabloid newspa-
per, Ann Gray's is an analysis of women's relationship with video technology, and Shaun
Moores' is a study of satellite television viewers. Together, these readings help us to build
up a picture of media usage in Britain in the 1990s. The section ends with an extract from
a useful summary of audience studies by Nick Stevenson, in which he outlines the key
debates and dilemmas facing contemporary audience researchers.
17
On Alcohol and the Mystique of Media Effects
Andrew Tudor
From J . Cook and M. Lewington (eds.), Images of alcoholism (BFI/Alcohol Education Centre 1979)
In this first short extract, which introduces the section, Tudor provides what he calls a
'potted history' of research into media audiences. He identifies four key periods which, he
argues, have been characterised by particular forms of research, concern and distinctive
ways of conceptualising media audiences. As he suggests, the study of media audiences
has historically been dominated from its earliest stages by a number of ingrained and pub-
licly recurrent assumptions and ideas concerning the negative, anti-social effects of expo-
sure to diverse forms of media output. The historical map which he sketches in what
follows indicates a general shift from perspectives which asked 'what do the media do to
people?' to those which by contrast have reversed the question and ask 'what do people do
to/with the media?' In the study of media audiences, their social and cultural contexts, and
their consumption of the increasing ranges of media forms and output available to them,
this is a pivotal move of great significance. The reading thus provides a useful historical
foundation and overview from which to approach and work through the rest of this section
on audiences and reception.
I t has l o n g been c l a i m e d that t h e m e d i a can encourage people i n t o acts t h a t

they w o u l d o t h e r w i s e n o t consider a n d i n t o beliefs that they w o u l d o t h e r w i s e
n o t espouse.
[...]
[ I ] t is s t i l l w i d e l y c l a i m e d t h a t t h e mass m e d i a are responsible f o r m u c h ...
t h a t is w r o n g i n o u r society, a belief g i v e n constant c u r r e n c y b y t h e m e d i a
themselves. T h u s w e p e r i o d i c a l l y f i n d ourselves e m b r o i l e d i n w h a t Stan
C o h e n has called ' m o r a l panics': times at w h i c h t h e n e w s - m e d i a , i n p a r t i c u -
lar, a m p l i f y certain topics into issues o f apparently enormous public
concern. 1
W h e n such 'panics' focus o n t h e r o l e o f t h e m e d i a themselves
( w h e r e v i o l e n c e a n d sex are t h e f a v o u r i t e topics) they presuppose t h e t r u t h
o f t h e v i e w t h a t t h e m e d i a effect us s i m p l y a n d directly, w h a t e v e r o u r i n d i -
v i d u a l c o m m i t m e n t s a n d characters.
I f i n d t h a t h a r d t o accept. A l t h o u g h t h e m e d i a are certainly n o t guiltless,
t h e y d o n o t cause us t o act i n specific ways o r t o believe i n certain things s i m -
p l y b y v i r t u e o f t h e fact o f t h e i r m e d i a presentation. T h e influence t h a t t h e
m e d i a can exert over social behaviour cannot be u n d e r s t o o d i n such simple
terms. Yet, i n p u b l i c discussion w e persist i n t a l k i n g about m e d i a effects as i f
they are w e l l u n d e r s t o o d , a l t h o u g h r e m a r k a b l y f e w effects studies c o u l d be
said t o have conclusively d e m o n s t r a t e d a n y t h i n g at a l l . T o u n d e r s t a n d h o w
On Alcohol and the Mystique of Media Effects 175
t h a t has c o m e t o be so, a n d t o consider t h e alternatives i t is necessary t o

k n o w s o m e t h i n g o f t h e h i s t o r y o f m e d i a research. I t is a large t o p i c , a n d there
are a n u m b e r o f useful summaries available; here I shall l i m i t myself t o some-
t h i n g o f a p o t t e d h i s t o r y . For convenience
2
I divide i t into four periods:
1 9 2 5 - 1 9 4 0 ; 1 9 4 0 - 1 9 6 0 ; 1960-1970; and 1970 onward.
On media research
(i) 1925-1940
I t was i n this p e r i o d t h a t t h e mass audience f o r cinema a n d r a d i o e x p a n d e d
b e y o n d a l l expectations, a d e v e l o p m e n t w h i c h i n consequence occasioned
a g o o d deal o f p u b l i c discussion. M u c h a r g u m e n t r e v o l v e d a r o u n d t h e adverse
effects m o v i e s w e r e p r e s u m e d t o be h a v i n g u p o n c h i l d r e n a n d u p o n certain
classes o f a d u l t w h o , i t was i m p l i e d , w e r e less d i s c r i m i n a t i n g t h a n m o r e dis-
tanced observers o f the c u l t u r a l scene. O f t e n t h a t concern f o u n d h i g h l y m o r a l -
istic expression (the L e g i o n o f Decency were responsible f o r the 1934
P r o d u c t i o n C o d e ) t a k i n g f o r g r a n t e d that t h e movies d i d i n d e e d have u n f o r t u -
nate effects. I n t h a t respect, o f course, t h e p a t t e r n remains t h e same today.
Organisations like t h e N a t i o n a l V i e w e r s a n d Listeners Association still start
b y assuming m e d i a effects, even t h o u g h t h e accumulated evidence o f half-a-
c e n t u r y o f research h a r d l y p e r m i t s such simple generalisations.
I n t h e t h i r t i e s , h o w e v e r , t h e r e w a s n o a c c u m u l a t i o n o f research, a n d i t
was as a result o f c o n c e r n a b o u t t h e effects o f m o t i o n p i c t u r e s u p o n c h i l d -
r e n a n d adolescents t h a t there e m e r g e d t h e f i r s t m a j o r systematic a t t e m p t t o
assess t h e i m p a c t o f t h e m o v i e s . These researches w e r e c o l l e c t i v e l y k n o w n as
t h e Payne F u n d Studies, a n d u l t i m a t e l y r e p o r t e d i n a d o z e n v o l u m e s cover-
i n g t o p i c s as v a r i e d as a t t i t u d e change, e m o t i o n a l responses, effects o n sleep
p a t t e r n s , a n d j u v e n i l e d e l i n q u e n c y . Some w e r e based o n e x p e r i m e n t s , some
o n survey w o r k , yet others o n extended interviews. N o t surprisingly, given
t h e i r a s s u m p t i o n s , t h e y came d o w n o n t h e side o f those w h o b e l i e v e d t h a t
t h e c i n e m a w a s h a v i n g serious effects (Our Movie Made Children ran the
title o f t h e p o p u l a r s u m m a r y v o l u m e ) a n d t h e y generally emphasised
adverse effects r a t h e r t h a n b e n e f i c i a l ones. 3
O f course t h e i r c o n c l u s i o n s n o w need serious q u a l i f i c a t i o n . Several o f t h e

studies are m e t h o d o l o g i c a l l y suspect, a n d m o s t o f t h e m s u f f e r e d f r o m t h e i r
emphasis o n i n d i v i d u a l effects at t h e cost o f n e g l e c t i n g t h e social c o n t e x t s i n
w h i c h t h e m o v i e s f e a t u r e d . I n t h a t , h o w e v e r , t h e y f o l l o w e d t h e characteris-
t i c t h i n k i n g o f t h e p e r i o d . These years saw t h e b e g i n n i n g o f a d e v e l o p m e n t
o f a v i e w o f m o d e r n society - later t o be c h r i s t e n e d M a s s Society - i n w h i c h
t h e mass m e d i a w e r e c o n c e i v e d t o be u n d e r m i n i n g , even r e p l a c i n g , t r a d i -
t i o n a l p a t t e r n s o f social r e l a t i o n s . People i n mass society, i t w a s suggested,
were becoming isolated anonymous automatons - reflex products o f the
m e d i a . I t was a n image o f social l i f e t h a t d o v e t a i l e d n e a t l y w i t h t h e idea t h a t
t h e m e d i a a f f e c t e d p e o p l e d i r e c t l y , regardless o f t h e s o c i o - c u l t u r a l w o r l d i n
176 Audiences and Reception
w h i c h t h e y l i v e d , a n d i t w a s t h i s account t h a t was t o d o m i n a t e t h i n k i n g
a b o u t t h e m e d i a f o r a l m o s t t h i r t y years.
(ii) 1940-1960
By t h e m i d - f i f t i e s t h e Mass Society t h e o r y was at its m o s t i n f l u e n t i a l , a n
unquestionable a n d u n q u e s t i o n e d f r a m e w o r k . T h e essence o f the v i e w is w e l l
expressed i n this passage f r o m C . W r i g h t M i l l s :
(1) the media tell the man i n the mass who he is - they give h i m identity; (2)
they tell h i m what he wants t o be - they give him aspirations; (3) they tell h i m
how t o get that way - they give him technique; and (4) they tell him how to feel
that way even when he is not - they give h i m escape. 4
T o a l l intents a n d purposes society was n o w Mass Society, a n d t h e process o f

communication a one-way hypodermic injection into the vein o f the body
p o l i t i c . W h o e v e r they w e r e , wherever they w e r e , the m e d i a o f mass c o m m u n i -
c a t i o n affected a l l its u n c r i t i c a l consumers equally.
Yet even i n t h i s , t h e finest h o u r o f t h e Mass Society researches, there was
w o r k i n progress w h i c h w o u l d u l t i m a t e l y render t h e master image suspect.
T h e w a r h a d generated considerable interest i n p r o p a g a n d a a n d , especially i n
A m e r i c a , there w e r e attempts t o assess t h e effects o f d i f f e r e n t sorts o f p r o p a -
ganda m a t e r i a l . T h e net result was increasing r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t the 'effect' o f a
5
p a r t i c u l a r i t e m was n o t a simple linear consequence o f the c o n t e n t o f the i t e m

itself. Selective p e r c e p t i o n ( p e r c e p t i o n c o n d i t i o n e d b y t h e predispositions o f
audience members) p r o v e d far m o r e i m p o r t a n t t h a n Mass Society t h e o r y sug-
gested. Researchers f o u n d people perversely able t o i n t e r p r e t w h a t they saw
o r h e a r d i n l i n e w i t h t h e i r o w n already established beliefs; they w e r e rarely
passive recipients o f m e d i a messages. N o r w e r e they t h e social isolates, t h e
a n o n y m o u s 'faces i n t h e c r o w d ' o f t h e fifties. Mass society h a d n o t replaced
localised g r o u p s t r u c t u r e w i t h a w o r l d o f isolated i n d i v i d u a l s - easy game f o r
the c a r n i v o r o u s m e d i a . Social life h a d changed, certainly, b u t g r o u p s still
existed, people still i n t e r a c t e d . T h e m e d i a reached t h e m , i f at a l l , v i a a net-
w o r k o f social r e l a t i o n s ; i t m a y have been d i f f e r e n t t o t r a d i t i o n a l patterns, b u t
i t w a s n ' t necessarily i n f e r i o r . 6
By t h e e n d o f the fifties such deviations f r o m t h e o r t h o d o x y w e r e d e m a n d -

i n g m o r e a n d m o r e a t t e n t i o n . T h o u g h t h e d o m i n a n t perspective still e m p h a -
sised d i r e c t effects o n i n d i v i d u a l subjects, there was n o w a g r o w i n g b o d y o f
research w h i c h , at the very least, was inconclusive a b o u t m e d i a effects.
(Hi) 1960-1970
I t was d u r i n g these ten years t h a t m e d i a researchers recognised t h a t t h e i r f a i l -
u r e t o a r r i v e at c o n v i n c i n g f i n d i n g s was a result o f the w a y i n w h i c h they h a d
conceptualised 'effects' rather t h a n a f a i l i n g i n research t e c h n i q u e . I n 1 9 6 0 a
m a j o r r e v i e w o f the c u r r e n t state o f effects research c o u l d p u t i t n o stronger
t h a n t h i s : 'mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n does n o t o r d i n a r i l y serve as a necessary
On Alcohol and the Mystique of Media Effect 177
a n d s u f f i c i e n t cause o f audience effects, b u t rather f u n c t i o n s t h r o u g h a nexus

o f m e d i a t i n g f a c t o r s ' . T h e p r o b l e m n o w w a s t o establish t h e m e d i a t i n g fac-
7
t o r s a n d so generate a n e w a n d less restrictive m o d e l o f t h e process o f mass

communication. A l l the time and money invested i n t r a d i t i o n a l effects
research h a d p r o d u c e d o n l y c o n f u s i o n .
Recognising t h e need t o r e t h i n k t h e p r o b l e m , however, was n o t t h e same as
r e t h i n k i n g i t . A n e w u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e r e l a t i o n between m e d i a a n d society
was n o t i m m e d i a t e l y f o r t h c o m i n g ; understandably, researchers first t r i e d m o d i -
fications o f e x i s t i n g approaches. T h e so-called 'laissez-faire' v i e w became p o p -
ular ( p a r t i c u l a r l y a m o n g those w o r k i n g i n t h e media) i n w h i c h t h e media w e r e
n o longer seen t o play t h e m a n i p u l a t i v e r o l e allocated t o t h e m i n t h e Mass
Society theories. Instead, they w e r e said t o p r o v i d e a w i d e range o f c u l t u r a l
materials f r o m w h i c h people chose w h a t best suited t h e m . I n a real sense t h e
people w e r e ' g i v e n w h a t they w a n t ' . T h e school o f research most closely relat-
e d t o this r a t i o n a l i s a t i o n was d u b b e d t h e 'uses a n d gratifications' a p p r o a c h .
Audiences w e r e s t u d i e d f r o m t h e p o i n t o f v i e w o f the use they made o f m e d i a
p r o d u c t s t o g r a t i f y p a r t i c u l a r needs: t h e emphasis being o n t h e active audience
w h i c h a v o i d e d t h e t r a d i t i o n a l passivity a n d isolation assumptions. Descendants
o f t h a t style o f research still t h r i v e , a n d have indeed a r r i v e d at a richer u n d e r -
s t a n d i n g o f the social-psychological f u n c t i o n s o f the m e d i a . B u t i n recent years
yet another m o d e l o f m e d i a effects has begun t o emerge, this t i m e asking a d i f -
ferent set o f questions a n d i n m o r e general social terms.
(iv) 1970 onward

Perhaps t h e easiest w a y t o appreciate t h e change is t o contrast t h e t r a d i t i o n a l
'effects' emphasis w i t h some o f the c o m m o n features o f m o r e recent perspec-
tives. T h e o l d effects studies focused o n specified effects o n i n d i v i d u a l s w h o ,
i f n o t i n e x p e r i m e n t a l l y s i m u l a t e d i s o l a t i o n , w e r e selected so as t o m i n i m i s e
the i m p a c t o f t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l i t y a n d social b a c k g r o u n d . I n its crudest versions
this a p p r o a c h p r o d u c e d almost n o serious evidence o f m e d i a effects. I n t h e
hands o f m o r e i m a g i n a t i v e researchers i t d i d p r o d u c e some evidence, b u t even
t h e n t h e effects thus isolated w e r e h i g h l y m e d i a t e d a n d barely i d e n t i f i a b l e
w i t h i n t h e c o n v e n t i o n a l before/after m e t h o d o l o g y . Even o n t h e most e x t e n -
sively researched t o p i c , screen violence, t h e modest results o f effects studies
c o u l d h a r d l y be generalised b e y o n d l a b o r a t o r y restrictions. 8
T o this day researchers can rarely agree o n the precise significance o f televi-
sion a n d m o v i e violence. Yet c o m m o n sense urges that all those v i o l e n t battles
a n d chases must be o f some significance; i f t r a d i t i o n a l effects studies can tell us
l i t t l e about i t , t h e n w h a t can? I t is i n answer t o that sort o f question that some
recent w o r k has emphasised w h a t I shall call t h e 'cultural effect'. O n screen v i o -
lence, f o r instance, this leads t o t w o key assertions. First, that w h a t is at issue is
n o t s i m p l y t h e incidence o f violence, b u t also t h e various contexts i n w h i c h i t
features. T h u s , i n analysing representations o f violence i n t h e media w e w o u l d
need t o ask detailed questions about t h e kinds o f narrative i n w h i c h i t features,
about the stereotypes a n d character typifications t o w h i c h i t relates, a n d about

the media-constructed ' w o r l d s ' i n w h i c h i t appears. T h i s , i n c o m b i n a t i o n w i t h
systematic audience analysis, w o u l d lead us t o a m u c h better understanding o f
the m e a n i n g media violence has f o r those w h o see i t . Secondly, that i t is n o t the
single before/after effect w h i c h is significant, b u t the m o r e general consequences
o f patterned r e p e t i t i o n . Hence t h e w e l l k n o w n 'desensitisation' argument: t h e
c l a i m that constant exposure t o media violence desensitises us t o the real t h i n g .
B e h i n d that lies the m o r e general claim that repeated patterns o f action, familiar
narratives o r t y p i c a l images can be significant i n ways n o t immediately discern¬
able t o those concerned w i t h effects at an i n d i v i d u a l level.
I have called this t h e ' c u l t u r a l effects' approach because i t leads us t o ask
how t h e w o r l d - v i e w s a n d stereotypes f o u n d i n t h e media affect t h e c u l t u r a l
f r a m e w o r k s w e use t o understand o u r everyday w o r l d . T h e media p r o v i d e us
w i t h a sort o f ' c u l t u r a l reservoir' w h i c h , directly a n d indirectly, influences w h a t
is taken f o r g r a n t e d i n o u r society. By p r o v i d i n g us w i t h the terms w i t h i n w h i c h
w e c o m p r e h e n d the w o r l d a r o u n d us, the media t e n d along w i t h other agencies
actually t o constitute that w o r l d . It's a very d i f f e r e n t emphasis t o that f o u n d i n
the t r a d i t i o n a l concept o f 'effects', a n d i t leads t o very d i f f e r e n t styles o f
research. Such analysis w o u l d , f o r instance, require a far m o r e comprehensive
a n d systematic u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f media representations themselves (and t h e
'languages' i n w h i c h they are cast) as w e l l as d e m a n d i n g that w e conceive t h e
m e d i a as articulators o f o u r cultures rather t h a n as sources o f i n d i v i d u a l effects.
Four decades o f effects research have n o t delivered the goods. T h a t does n o t
mean - as some have suggested - that the media have n o effects. I t means that
the effects that they d o have are n o t those w h i c h researchers have t r a d i t i o n a l l y
sought. T h e v i r t u e o f the c u l t u r a l effects approaches (and there are m a n y d i f -
ferent variants c u r r e n t l y available) is that they take this f a i l i n g o f m e d i a
research seriously, a n d t r y t o develop a n e w analysis w h i c h w i l l overcome i t .
On cultural effects
W h a t sorts o f questions, t h e n , s h o u l d one be asking? I n general I t h i n k there
are t w o m a j o r areas t o w h i c h w e must pay a t t e n t i o n : they m i g h t be t e r m e d
' w o r l d c o n s t r u c t i o n ' a n d ' w o r l d maintenance'.*
(i) World construction

H e r e w e are d e a l i n g p r i m a r i l y w i t h l e a r n i n g o r socialisation a n d hence p a r t i c -
u l a r l y w i t h the i m p a c t o f the m e d i a o n c h i l d r e n a n d adolescents. T o t h e m t h e
m e d i a o f f e r a n almost i n f i n i t e l y expandable peer g r o u p , a f o r m i d a b l e a d d i t i o n
t o f a m i l y , s c h o o l , a n d friends, t h r o u g h w h i c h ways o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g the w o r l d
a n d o f m a p p i n g its features are p r o v i d e d a l o n g w i t h dramatic models o f
w h a t w i l l c o u n t as a p p r o p r i a t e behaviour. N o t e that this isn't necessarily a
consciously a r t i c u l a t e d process; these are aspects o f o u r lives t h a t , i n the v e r y
On Alcohol and the Mystique of Media Effect 179
social n a t u r e o f t h i n g s , w e c o m e t o take f o r g r a n t e d . Such socialisation

i n v o l v e s f i r s t l e a r n i n g h o w t o act i n society, a n d t h e n u n l e a r n i n g t h e fact t h a t
this was a lesson i n t h e first place. So i t is n o t the m o s t o b v i o u s questions I a m
p r o p o s i n g here - w h a t effects w i l l t h e violence i n this m o v i e have o n a n a u d i -
ence o f 14 year olds? - b u t r a t h e r : i f coercive f o r m s o f social i n t e r a c t i o n are
repeatedly s h o w n t o be t h e n o r m a n d t o be f u n c t i o n a l f o r t h e i n d i v i d u a l
' h e r o ' , w i l l resort t o c o e r c i o n become a n established p a r t o f o u r c u l t u r e a n d
hence n a t u r a l i s e d , made a n unquestionable feature o f ' h u m a n nature'? O v e r
t i m e w e d o l e a r n f r a m e w o r k s f r o m t h e m e d i a , ways o f seeing. A n d w h e n w e
have l e a r n e d t h e m w e c o n v e n i e n t l y f o r g e t t h a t they are learned. T h e y c o m e t o
be seen as ' c o m m o n sense' o r ' w h a t e v e r y b o d y k n o w s ' . T h e y are n o longer
recognised f o r w h a t t h e y are: p a r t i a l , learned f r a m e w o r k s w h i c h relate t o par-
t i c u l a r interests a n d generate p a r t i c u l a r p o i n t s o f view. Instead, they become
t h e constants o f o u r c o g n i t i v e processes, t h e f u n d a m e n t a l assumptions o n
w h i c h w e rest o u r sense o f a n o r d e r e d social l i f e . I n t h a t w a y they become
p a r t o f t h e v e r y c o n s t i t u t i o n o f t h e w o r l d as w e see i t .
(ii) World maintenance

For adults, whose basic f r a m e w o r k s are already established, t h e p r o b l e m is t o
l e g i t i m a t e o r m a i n t a i n t h e w o r l d as they see i t . A c c o r d i n g l y , w h a t w e choose t o
w a t c h o r read - itself l i m i t e d severely b y w h a t is made available t o us - helps t o
d e f i n e a tacit range o f consensus, setting t h e boundaries o f o u r t o l e r a t i o n b y
l a b e l l i n g as deviant certain roles, attitudes, a n d activities. I t isn't necessarily a
m a t t e r o f conspiracy, t h o u g h i t m a y be. I n large p a r t those w h o c o n t r o l t h e
m e d i a are as m u c h captives o f past l e a r n i n g as w e are; they can, i n all honesty,
m a i n t a i n t h e i r o w n claims t o i n t e g r i t y a n d independence w h i l e still m a i n t a i n i n g
us i n o u r basic conceptions o f the w o r l d . I n d e e d , they are almost o b l i g e d t o d o
so. I f they are t o be i n t e l l i g i b l e t o so m a n y o f us they cannot step t o o far
b e y o n d t h e b o u n d s o f w h a t w e w i l l accept. T h e i r trade lies i n a r t i c u l a t i n g a
c o m m o n c u l t u r e , a n d w e select that w h i c h best fits o u r conceptions a n d
r e q u i r e m e n t s . B u t , a n d i t must be emphasised, w e can o n l y select f r o m w h a t is
there. I t is i n this respect t h a t the m e d i a act as a c u l t u r a l reservoir. T h e i r l i m i t a -
t i o n s are also o u r l i m i t a t i o n s , a n d there is a real sense i n w h i c h s o m e t h i n g n o t
p r o v i d e d f o r i n a c u l t u r e becomes u n t h i n k a b l e . T h u s , i n research, as w e l l as
establishing w h a t the m e d i a do say, w e must also ask about w h a t they d o n ' t say,
a b o u t w h a t is s i m p l y absent f r o m t h e reservoir o f conceptions they p r o v i d e .
For instance, a great deal can be learned about m e d i a representations o f
w o m e n b y asking a b o u t the m a n y ways i n w h i c h they are not p o r t r a y e d , itself a
r e f l e c t i o n o f the restrictions o n h o w they actually are p o r t r a y e d .
Notes
l . S t a n Cohen, Folk Devils and Moral Panics (London, 1972). The moral panic that
interests Cohen here is that surrounding the confrontations between mods and rock-
ers i n the mid-sixties.
2. See, for example, J. T. Klapper, The Effects of Mass Communication (New York,
1960); Roger L. Brown, Approaches to the Historical Development of Mass Media
Studies', in Jeremy Tunstall, (ed.), Media Sociology (London, 1970); Denis McQuail,
T h e Influence and Effects of Mass Media', in James Curran, Michael Gurevitch and
Janet Woollacott, (eds.), Mass Communication and Society (London, 1977). A n d
many others.
3. Many volumes of the Payne Fund Studies have now been reprinted by the Arno Press
of N e w York. Perhaps the most interesting is the volume by Herbert Blumer, Movies
and Conduct (New York, 1935).
4. C. Wright Mills, The Power Elite (New York, 1959), p. 314.
5. The best known o f the w o r k on propaganda was probably that conducted in the
American Soldier researches and reported in Carl Hovland, Arthur Lumsdaine and
Fred D . Sheffield, Experiments in Mass Communications (New York, 1949). But there
was also a great deal of less well known work.
6. The responsibility for this 'rediscovery of the primary group' is usually attributed to
Elihu Katz and Paul F. Lazarsfeld in their study Personal Influence (Glencoe, I I I . ,
1955).
7. Klapper, The Effects of Mass Communication.
8. For an excellent short summary of w o r k in this area see André Glucksmann, Violence
on the Screen (London, 1971).
9. These terms owe something to the work of Peter Berger. Especially Peter Berger and
Thomas Luckman, The Social Construction of Reality (Harmondsworth, 1967), and
Peter Berger, The Sacred Canopy (New York, 1967). However, I do not intend them
to carry the whole apparatus of Berger's style of work.
Questions
1 Summarise the principal characteristics and distinctive features of the four his-
torical periods which Tudor outlines in the extract. Can you think of any exam-
ples taken from recent debates concerning the media in contemporary settings
which are relevant to his discussion?
2 Research and draw up an historical map of the growth and development of
media audiences, from the medieval period to the present. How and in what
major ways have audiences and forms of media consumption changed?
3 Compare and contrast the characteristic forms of audience relationships estab-
lished by people with any two different media, for instance newspapers and
films, or videos and radio.
Further reading
Curran, J. and Gurevitch, M . (eds.) 1991: Mass media and society. London: Edward
Arnold.
Jensen, K.B. and Rosengren, K.E. 1990: Five traditions i n search of the audience.
European Journal of Communication 5, 207-38.
Lury, C. 1992: Popular culture and the mass media. In Bocock, R. and Thompson, K .
(eds.), Social and cultural forms of modernity. Cambridge: Polity Press.
The Television and Delinquency Debate 181
Morley, D . 1992: Television, audiences and cultural studies. London: Routledge.

(See Section 5, reading 34.)
O'Sullivan, T., Dutton, B. and Rayner, P. 1994: Studying the media: an introduction.
London: A r n o l d .
18
The Television and Delinquency Debate
Graham Murdock and Robin McCron
From Screen Education 30, 51-67 (Spring 1979)
One of the most fiercely debated areas in media research has been that of 'effects', and in
particular the potentially harmful effects that various media might have on audiences. This
debate has been brought dramatically into the public domain on a number of occasions,
and has gained a particular intensity in recent years following the murder of the toddler
James Bulger in February 1993 and renewed calls for government legislation to ban so-
called Video nasties'.
As we saw in Section 1, the media have long been credited with having a powerful
influence on people, and early research - coinciding with political propaganda movements
- stressed the potential of the media for persuading and manipulating audiences. But
despite the fact that more recent research has moved away from a notion of passive audi-
ences susceptible to media messages, to a more sophisticated view of audiences as
active users of media material who cannot be viewed in the isolation of their social con-
texts, the notion of all-powerful media that can persuade, manipulate and corrupt remains
strong. Thus, the media has persistently been held responsible for declining moral stan-
dards generally (particularly among young people) and blamed for a number of specific
'copy-cat' crimes.
As this reading emphasises, worries about rising crime and violence in society have a
long history, with a marked inclination to blame popular entertainment. Public outrage tends
to become even more focused with the introduction of each new media innovation, and one
can chart this history from the popularity of 'Penny Dreadful' comics in the nineteenth cen-
tury to current fears about unregulated information and images on satellite or cable TV and
the Internet. Such anxieties frequently reflect deeper concerns about social change, and
declining standards of behaviour among children have been a recurrent focus of attention.
The reading notes that two broad perspectives have dominated this area of study: the
psychologists approach, which assumes a direct link between exposure to deviant images
and imitative behaviour; and the sociological or relational approach, which emphasises the
social and cultural contexts within which deviant activities are embedded. The former
presents media output as the principal cause of aggressive and deviant behaviour and
its methods are primarily those of the controlled laboratory experiment, while the latter
sees the media as peripheral and relies largely on ethnographic techniques (interview,
observation etc.) to consider the subject in relation to, and in the context of, his or her
social background and class position.
Murdock and McCron criticise both perspectives for their rather narrow and mutually
exclusive approaches. While acknowledging that the sociological perspective has pro-
duced some of the best empirical work on causes of deviance in Britain in the postwar
period, they are nonetheless critical of ethnographers such as Paul Willis for failing to
address explicitly the possible impact of media on behaviour: specifically, that of television
viewing on criminal activity among juveniles. But they are far more condemnatory of the
opposing perspective - as represented by the work of Belson and of Eysenck and Nias
(see the 'Further Reading' section of this reading) - which, it is argued, is inadequate in
explaining delinquency because the researchers tend to start out with the premise that
there is a direct causal link between television viewing and violent behaviour, and set out
to prove it, rather than researching possible causes of juvenile crime and asking how tele-
vision might fit into the overall picture. The insistence on removing television (or any other
medium) from the social and cultural context of the viewer and analysing its impact in iso-
lation from other important variables is one of the major criticisms that has been levelled at
psychologistic and laboratory-based effects research over the last 20 years.
Despite the criticism of such methods, which is part of a more widespread rejection of
early research into 'cause and effects', these types of study continue to have credence in a
number of quarters. Thus, while Media Studies academics in the UK maintain that there is
no substantial evidence for a link between screen violence and real-life violence, and that
this is not the most important starting point for any research into why some types of vio-
lence are on the increase in society, popular opinion - fuelled by insistence from many psy-
chologists and public figures in the UK and America that there is an indisputable link -
continues to uphold the view that it is a matter of 'common sense' that society has
become more violent since the advent of television and video, and therefore the two phe-
nomena are 'naturally' connected. Belson, and Eysenck and Nias were widely quoted in
press reports following the publication of Video violence and the protection of children by
child psychologist Elizabeth Newson in 1994, which itself was a response to the killing of
James Bulger. For further discussion of this case see reading 19.
Roots of reaction
What shall we do w i t h our juvenile delinquents? is a question often asked, but as
yet most unsatisfactorily and variously answered ... prisons multiply and are bet-
ter regulated; Juvenile Offenders Acts are passed and boys whipped by the hun-
dred. The schoolmaster walks abroad enlightening our youth on Geography,
History, the Steam Engine and Social Science ... A n d still, in spite of all, the vex-
ing fact of a large amount of juvenile delinquency remains - and the young
offender gains ground upon us, the plague of the policeman, the difficulty of the
magistrate, a problem to the statesman, and a sorrow to the philanthropist. 1
T h i s passage comes at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f an article o n d e l i n q u e n c y w h i c h

appeared i n t h e Edinburgh Review f o r 1 8 5 1 . A p a r t f r o m a f e w dated phrases,
i t c o u l d easily be a recent e d i t o r i a l i n t h e Daily Telegraph o r Daily Mail. Over

a h u n d r e d years o n , c o m m e n t a t o r s are still asking w h y , i n spite o f a l l t h e
r e f o r m s a n d changes, 'a large a m o u n t o f juvenile d e l i n q u e n c y r e m a i n s ' , a n d
t h e y are s t i l l c o m i n g u p w i t h t h e same answers. T h e n , as n o w , m a n y observers
saw a s t r o n g a n d d i r e c t c o n n e c t i o n between t h e r i s i n g adolescent c r i m e rate
a n d the g r o w t h o f p o p u l a r e n t e r t a i n m e n t f e a t u r i n g scenes o f sex a n d violence.
Back i n 1 8 5 1 , c o n c e r n was focused o n t h e cheap theatres w h i c h w e r e s p r i n g -
i n g u p i n t h e w o r k i n g class areas o f t h e large t o w n s a n d a t t r a c t i n g a sizeable
adolescent audience. T h e Edinburgh Review was i n n o d o u b t t h a t these shows,
w i t h t h e i r suggestive sketches a n d vignettes o f v i o l e n t crimes, w e r e m a k i n g a
m a j o r c o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e increase i n i m m o r a l i t y a n d deviance they saw
a m o n g w o r k i n g class y o u t h .
One powerful agent for the depraving of the boyish classes of our towns and
cities is t o be found i n the cheap shows and theatres, which are so specially
opened and arranged for the attraction and ensnaring of the young. When for
three-pence a boy can procure some hours of vivid enjoyment from exciting
scenery, music and acting ... i t is not to be wondered at that the boy w h o is led
on t o haunt them becomes rapidly corrupted and demoralised, and seeks to be
the doer of the infamies which have interested h i m as a spectator. 2
T h i s style o f a r g u m e n t rests i n three basic p r o p o s i t i o n s : (1) that deviant imagery

i n p o p u l a r entertainment is a p o w e r f u l c o n t r i b u t o r y cause o f delinquency, (2)
t h a t there is a direct relationship between exposure t o deviant images a n d
i n v o l v e m e n t i n delinquency - t h e higher the exposure, t h e m o r e the i n v o l v e -
m e n t , a n d (3) t h a t since imagery is connected t o action t h r o u g h psychological
processes such as i m i t a t i o n , e x p l a i n i n g subsequent delinquency is p r i m a r i l y a
p r o b l e m f o r psychology a n d can be adequately tackled w i t h o u t l o o k i n g at t h e
social a n d c u l t u r a l contexts w i t h i n w h i c h delinquency is embedded. T h i s psy-
chologistic approach has tended t o f i n d its professional academic expression i n
c o n t r o l l e d l a b o r a t o r y experiments w h i c h deliberately isolate subjects f r o m their
social life. A s w e shall see, i t has been enormously i n f l u e n t i a l a n d continues t o
d o m i n a t e the c u r r e n t debate o n the d e t r i m e n t a l effects o f television.
F r o m t h e outset, this a p p r o a c h has been v i g o r o u s l y a n d consistently chal-
l e n g e d b y sociological perspectives w h i c h place d e l i n q u e n c y f i r m l y i n t h e c o n -
t e x t o f social relations a n d class structure. I n t h e same year as t h e article just
q u o t e d came o u t , 1 8 5 1 , M a r y Carpenter p u b l i s h e d her i n f l u e n t i a l b o o k o n
j u v e n i l e o f f e n d e r s , i n w h i c h she stressed t h e need ' t o v i e w t h e c h i l d , not only
in his individual position, but in his relation to the class among which he is
placed'? Versions o f this r e l a t i o n a l perspective have u n d e r p i n n e d a l o n g t r a d i -
t i o n o f e t h n o g r a p h i c studies i n w h i c h researchers have t r i e d t o u n p a c k t h e
d y n a m i c s o f d e l i n q u e n c y using a c o m b i n a t i o n o f i n f o r m a l i n t e r v i e w s a n d
d i r e c t observations. T h i s a p p r o a c h was p i o n e e r e d b y t h e great V i c t o r i a n inves-
t i g a t i v e j o u r n a l i s t s like H e n r y M a y h e w a n d Clarence R o o k , a n d later t a k e n u p
a n d d e v e l o p e d b y academic sociologists. These studies p r o v i d e a very d i f f e r e n t
slant o n t h e i n f l u e n c e o f t h e mass m e d i a . I n t h e first place they present t h e
m e d i a as p e r i p h e r a l rather t h a n central, as a m i n o r c o n t r i b u t o r y cause at

m o s t . Secondly, they reject t h e n o t i o n o f direct influence a n d see adolescents
as actively selecting a n d i n t e r p r e t i n g media m a t e r i a l i n l i n e w i t h t h e i r p r e -
e x i s t i n g patterns o f social a n d c u l t u r a l i n v o l v e m e n t .
T h e o p p o s i t i o n between these t w o perspectives - the psychologistic a n d t h e
r e l a t i o n a l - was f i n a l l y cemented d u r i n g t h e debate o n t h e i m p a c t o f t h e
m o v i e s i n t h e 1920s a n d 1930s, w h e n f o r t h e first t i m e o p i n i o n o n b o t h sides
was backed w i t h evidence gleaned f r o m academic research. O n t h e o n e side
s t o o d t h e psychologists, i n c l u d i n g the f o r m i d a b l e f i g u r e o f Sir C y r i l B u r t ,
i n f l u e n t i a l advocate o f intelligence testing a n d o n e o f the f o u n d i n g fathers o f
academic p s y c h o l o g y i n B r i t a i n . H e w e i g h e d i n w i t h The Young Delinquent,
w h i c h c o n c l u d e d t h a t as causes o f delinquency, 'psychological factors are
supreme b o t h i n n u m b e r a n d strength over all t h e rest'. D r a w i n g o n six h u n -
4
d r e d o d d pages o f research results, he r a n k e d t h e various c o n t r i b u t o r y causes

i n o r d e r o f i m p o r t a n c e . 'Specific instincts', ' e m o t i o n a l i n s t a b i l i t y ' a n d ' i n t e l -
lectual disabilities' a l l came i n t h e t o p s i x , closely f o l l o w e d b y ' d e t r i m e n t a l
interests such as a passion f o r t h e c i n e m a ' at n u m b e r seven. 'Poverty a n d its
c o n c o m i t a n t s ' came n e x t t o last at n u m b e r f o u r t e e n . M e a n w h i l e across t h e
5
A t l a n t i c i n C h i c a g o , h o m e o f A l Capone a n d o n e o f t h e capitals o f v i o l e n t
c r i m e , a team o f sociologists f r o m t h e u n i v e r s i t y were d e v e l o p i n g a r e l a t i o n a l
perspective i n a series o f t w e l v e studies o f t h e m o v i e s ' i m p a c t o n y o u t h . F o r
t h e m , differences i n response m a i n l y resulted n o t f r o m i n d i v i d u a l differences
i n intelligence o r personality, b u t f r o m variations i n 'the social b a c k g r o u n d o f
v i e w e r s ' w h i c h p r o v i d e d 'the basis f o r selection a n d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ' . T h e same
m o t i o n p i c t u r e , they a r g u e d , 'may exert influence i n d i a m e t r i c a l l y o p p o s e d
d i r e c t i o n s ' d e p e n d i n g o n ' t h e social m i l i e u , the attitudes a n d interests o f t h e
observer'. 6
As t h e locus o f debate has shifted f r o m cinema t o television, so the gap

between t h e t w o m a j o r perspectives has w i d e n e d . T h e a r r i v a l o f television as a
mass e n t e r t a i n m e n t m e d i u m i n t h e m i d - f i f t i e s c o i n c i d e d w i t h a m a r k e d rise i n
the j u v e n i l e c r i m e rate, p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r v i o l e n t c r i m e , o n b o t h sides o f t h e
A t l a n t i c . T h i s c o n j u n c t u r e generated t w o very d i f f e r e n t research responses.
Sociologists o f deviance m o r e o r less i g n o r e d t h e possible i m p a c t o f television
a n d c o n t i n u e d t o l o o k f o r t h e social a n d c u l t u r a l r o o t s o f teenage deviance
a n d t h e i r r e l a t i o n t o patterns o f d e p r i v a t i o n a n d disadvantage. F o l l o w i n g
A l b e r t C o h e n ' s p a t h - b r e a k i n g b o o k Delinquent Boys i n 1 9 5 5 , a great deal o f
this w o r k has c o n c e n t r a t e d o n observing groups o f teenage boys i n school a n d
o u t o n t h e streets. T h e response o f psychologists o n the other h a n d was
almost t h e c o m p l e t e opposite. T h e y t o o k the possible l i n k between television
a n d d e l i n q u e n c y as a central research t o p i c a n d pursued i t t h r o u g h c o n t r o l l e d
l a b o r a t o r y e x p e r i m e n t s w h i c h deliberately detached subjects f r o m t h e i r every-
day social i n t e r a c t i o n s .
T h e observational a p p r o a c h has p r o d u c e d some o f the best B r i t i s h e m p i r i c a l
sociology o f the last t w o decades, f r o m t h e w o r k o f D a v i d D o w n e s a n d D a v i d
Hargreaves i n t h e sixties t o t h e recent studies o f H o w a r d Parker. Paul W i l l i s

a n d o t h e r s . A l t h o u g h this m a t e r i a l offers a n i m p l i c i t account o f the i m p a c t o f
t e l e v i s i o n i t does n o t address t h e question directly. T h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between
t h e mass m e d i a a n d deviance has become a p r o m i n e n t t o p i c o f sociological
research, b u t i n the c o n t e x t o f l a b e l l i n g a n d a m p l i f i c a t i o n studies w h i c h focus
o n t h e w a y i n w h i c h m e d i a presentations o f deviance structure t h e responses
o f c o n t r o l agencies a n d the p o p u l a t i o n at large. T h i s w o r k has been immensely
valuable i n o p e n i n g u p t h e debate a n d i n raising i m p o r t a n t questions a b o u t
the r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n coercive a n d i d e o l o g i c a l c o n t r o l . A t the same t i m e i t
has meant t h a t t h e possible l i n k s between television v i e w i n g a n d i n i t i a l
deviance have been m o r e o r less t o t a l l y i g n o r e d o r dismissed as a pseudo-
p r o b l e m , a f i g m e n t o f m e d i a publicity. T h i s , together w i t h the general lack o f
interest i n t h e q u e s t i o n s h o w n b y ethnographers, has l e f t a sizeable gap i n t h e
sociological l i t e r a t u r e - a gap t h a t is c u r r e n t l y b e i n g o c c u p i e d b y the o p p o s i n g
perspective. Recent m o n t h s have seen the p u b l i c a t i o n o f t w o i m p o r t a n t b o o k s
o n television's i m p a c t o n social v i o l e n c e : Sex, Violence and the Media by Hans
Eysenck a n d D . K . N i a s , a n d W i l l i a m Belson's Television Violence and the
Adolescent Boy. 7
B o t h o f t h e m received a l o t o f p u b l i c i t y a n d the psychologis-
tic perspective t h e y p r o m o t e increasingly c o m m a n d s a central place i n acade-
mic a n d official thinking. I t is s y m p t o m a t i c t h a t they b o t h i g n o r e t h e
sociology o f deviance, Eysenck b y design, Belson b y default. T h e y can d o this
because sociologists have themselves dismissed t h e question o f television a n d
v i o l e n c e b y s l i p p i n g a r o u n d i t o r displacing the debate elsewhere. I f y o u take a
b r o a d t h e o r e t i c a l v i e w o f d e l i n q u e n c y t h e n the possible i m p a c t o f television is
n o t a p a r t i c u l a r l y i m p o r t a n t issue. B u t equally, given t h e i r c e n t r a l i t y t o c u r r e n t
debates, t h e evidence a n d arguments b y Belson a n d Eysenck s h o u l d be t a k e n
seriously a n d c o n f r o n t e d h e a d - o n .
Decontextualising delinquency
Eysenck a n d N i a s b e g i n b y c l a i m i n g t h a t ' t h e p r o b l e m i n q u e s t i o n , a n d t h e
m e t h o d s o f e m p i r i c a l e n q u i r y , are p s y c h o l o g i c a l ' . T h i s d e f i n i t i o n o f the f i e l d
8
has several advantages f o r t h e m . I t enables t h e m t o dismiss m o r e o r less t h e

e n t i r e c o r p u s o f research i n c r i m i n o l o g y a n d sociology as inadequate a n d
i r r e l e v a n t . I t also bolsters t h e i r general professional c l a i m t h a t since p s y c h o l o -
gists are t h e o n l y people w i t h t h e relevant competence a n d expertise they are
the o n l y ones e n t i t l e d t o scarce research funds i n a p e r i o d o f cut-backs. F o r
m o s t o f t h e b o o k this streak o f blatant self-interest is concealed b e h i n d a
façade o f disinterested scientificity, b u t i t occasionally becomes e x p l i c i t :
Non-psychologists may have a supportive role to play i n research, particularly

when there is concern about institutional problems and policies, but without the
necessary training i n statistics, methodology and especially psychological theory
they should never be asked to design or control the research projects?
T h e b o o k , t h e n , is rather less t h a n the comprehensive r e v i e w o f relevant l i t e r a -

t u r e i t claims t o be a n d rather m o r e o f a p r o m o t i o n j o b f o r psychology i n gen-
eral a n d t h e trends f a v o u r e d by Eysenck a n d Nias i n particular. T h e m o r e
adventurous research i n social psychology a n d symbolic i n t e r a c t i o n i s m h a r d l y
gets a l o o k i n . T h e emphasis is very f i r m l y o n laboratory e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n a n d
o n the b r a n d o f personality t h e o r y that has made Eysenck's professional name.
L a b o r a t o r y experiments have been very w i d e l y used i n research o n t e l e v i -
sion a n d violence a n d most f o l l o w the same basic design. You take a g r o u p o f
people a n d d i v i d e t h e m i n t o t w o (sometimes three) sub-groups, either b y
assigning t h e m at r a n d o m so that everyone has an equal chance o f e n d i n g u p
i n either g r o u p , o r b y t r y i n g t o m a t c h t h e m so that b o t h groups have the same
basic c o m p o s i t i o n . You m i g h t , f o r example, w a n t t o ensure that b o t h groups
h a d an equal n u m b e r o f m e n a n d w o m e n , m i d d l e a n d w o r k i n g class subjects,
i n t r o v e r t s a n d e x t r o v e r t s , o r whatever factors y o u felt were p e r t i n e n t . B o t h
g r o u p s are t h e n s h o w n a piece o f f i l m . T h e so-called ' e x p e r i m e n t a l ' g r o u p is
s h o w n a sequence f e a t u r i n g violence (almost always inter-personal) w h i l e t h e
' c o n t r o l ' g r o u p w a t c h a piece s h o w i n g ' n e u t r a l ' o r co-operative behaviour.
T h e responses o f b o t h groups are t h e n measured. A variety o f techniques have
been t r i e d f r o m c h a r t i n g physiological changes d u r i n g v i e w i n g ( b l o o d pres-
sure, sweating a n d so o n ) t o observing social behaviour d i r e c t l y afterwards t o
see i f subjects behave m o r e aggressively. Since other relevant factors a f f e c t i n g
response have supposedly been c o n t r o l l e d o r equalised, a n y differences
b e t w e e n t h e g r o u p s are a t t r i b u t e d t o differences i n the e x p e r i m e n t a l stimulus
- t h e f i l m they have just seen. I f t h e people i n the g r o u p w h i c h has w a t c h e d
the v i o l e n t sequence are m o r e aggressive t h a n t h e ' c o n t r o l s ' a f t e r w a r d s , this
difference is p u t d o w n t o t h e effect o f t h e f i l m . W i t h a f e w notable excep-
t i o n s , t h e e x p e r i m e n t a l studies have t e n d e d t o p r o d u c e evidence o f d i r e c t a n d
p o w e r f u l effects. H o w e v e r , they are o p e n t o c r i t i c i s m o n several counts.
First, there are questions t o be asked about t h e procedures e m p l o y e d . F o r
e x a m p l e , h o w far are t h e differences i n response attributable t o t h e f i l m s a n d
h o w far are they due t o t h e subjects' willingness t o please t h e experimenters
by f u l f i l l i n g t h e i r expectations? H o w far d o t h e s o r t i n g procedures really c o n -
t r o l t h e i n f l u e n c e o f ' e x t e r n a l ' factors? M a t c h i n g people b y age, sex a n d social
b a c k g r o u n d , f o r e x a m p l e , i n n o w a y equalises t h e i m p a c t o f these factors o n
t h e i r consciousness a n d behaviour. I n a d d i t i o n , there is o f t e n a very consider-
able j u m p f r o m t h e stimulus s h o w n o n t h e f i l m t o t h e response that is being
measured. Take t h e w e l l - k n o w n e x p e r i m e n t b y Mussen a n d R u t h e r f o r d f o r
example. 10
I n t h i s , some c h i l d r e n saw a c a r t o o n o f a w e e d t r y i n g t o choke a
f l o w e r w h i l e others w a t c h e d a f i l m o f a f r o g and a d u c k p l a y i n g co-operative-
ly. A f t e r w a r d s members o f b o t h groups were asked i f they w o u l d l i k e t o
play w i t h a b a l l o o n o r burst i t . T h e first g r o u p were m o r e l i k e l y t o express a
desire t o burst t h e b a l l o o n . G i v e n that this response is o n l y very t e n u o u s l y
related t o t h e b e h a v i o u r depicted i n t h e f i l m i t is d i f f i c u l t t o accept t h e results
as f i r m evidence f o r a direct c o n n e c t i o n between t h e t w o . C e r t a i n l y several
a l t e r n a t i v e e x p l a n a t i o n s suggest themselves. I t is even m o r e d i f f i c u l t t o take i t

as evidence f o r a r e l a t i o n s h i p between television a n d social violence. Yet
Eysenck a n d N i a s are p r e p a r e d t o a d d this study t o t h e i r list o f ' g o o d ' e v i -
dence w i t h o u t c o m m e n t i n g o r raising queries. H o w t h e n d o they get f r o m
Mussen's m a r a u d i n g w e e d t o street fights a n d muggings? T h e i r answer is t h a t
w a n t i n g t o b u r s t a b a l l o o n a n d k n o c k i n g d o w n o l d ladies b o t h stem f r o m t h e
same basic p s y c h o l o g i c a l processes. For t h e m ,
There seems no reason why mild forms of aggression should not be subject to
the same laws as more extreme forms. We do not have one set of theories of
mild aggression and another set for serious. 11
T h i s a p p r o a c h c o n v e n i e n t l y ignores t h e fact that v i o l e n t b e h a v i o u r is always

e m b e d d e d i n w i d e r patterns o f social a n d c u l t u r a l relations, r a n g i n g f r o m t h e
b r i e f encounters b e t w e e n e x p e r i m e n t e r s a n d t h e i r subjects t o t h e c o n t i n u i n g
relations o f everyday l i f e . T h i s does n o t mean that psychological processes
a n d i n d i v i d u a l differences are i r r e l e v a n t o r u n i m p o r t a n t . B u t i t does me a n
t h a t since they w o r k i n a n d t h r o u g h social relations they c a n n o t be adequately
s t u d i e d i n i s o l a t i o n f r o m t h e m . Yet this is precisely w h a t l a b o r a t o r y e x p e r i -
ments are designed t o d o .
Notes
1. 'Juvenile Delinquency', Edinburgh Review (1851), pp. 403-4.
2. 'Juvenile Delinquency', p. 409.
3. Mary Carpenter, Reformatory Schools for the Children of the Dangerous and
Perishing Classes and Juvenile Offenders (facsimile edn) (Ilford, The Woburn Press,
1968), p. 77 (our emphasis).
4. Sir Cyril Burt, The Young Delinquent (London, University of London Press, 1925),
p. 607.
5. Burt, The Young Delinquent, p. 606.
6. Herbert Blumer and Philip M . Hauser, Movies, Delinquency and Crime (New York,
Macmillan, 1933), pp. 201-2.
7. H . J. Eysenck and D . K. Nias, Sex, Violence and the Media (London, Maurice
Temple Smith, 1978); William A . Belson, Television Violence and the Adolescent
Boy (Farnborough, Saxon House, 1978).
8. Eysenck and Nias, Sex, Violence and the Media, p. 10.
9. Eysenck and Nias, Sex, Violence and the Media, pp. 265-6 (our emphasis).
10. P. Mussen and E. Rutherford, 'Effects of Aggressive Cartoons on Children's
Aggressive Play', Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 62 (1961), p p .
461-4.
11. Eysenck and Nias, Sex, Violence and the Media, pp. 7 4 - 5 .
Questions
1 Summarise Murdock and McCron's main criticisms of psychologists studies.
Given that much of our understanding of the media has been dominated by
American psychological 'effects' models, what would you define as the main
problems with the tradition and how can we best understand this dominance?
2 A common view among many effects researchers is that concerns over new
media frequently reflect or crystallise deeper anxieties in periods of social
change. For example, some reactions to radio and cinema in the 1930s reflected
fears of change associated with growing industrialisation and mass production
techniques, increasing urbanisation, the rise of extremist political movements
etc. How could this argument be applied to contemporary concerns about the
effects of the media?
3 The media is blamed for causing almost exclusively negative effects, not just
desensitisation to violence, but also, for example, the greed and dissatisfaction
with one's consumer power which game shows might illicit. But can media con-
tent also be said to have positive effects?
Further reading
Bandura, A. and Walters, R. 1963: Social learning and personality development. N e w
York: H o l t , Rinehart & Winston.
Belson, W 1978: Television violence and the adolescent boy. Farnborough: Saxon House.
Cumberbatch, G., et al. 1987: The portrayal of violence on British television: a content
analysis. London: BBC Data Publications.
Eysenck, H . and Nias, B. 1978: Sex, violence and the media. London: Paladin.
Gauntlett, D . 1995: Moving experiences: understanding television's influences and
effects. Luton: John Libbey.
Hodge, B. and Tripp, D . 1986: Children and television. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Klapper, J. 1960: The effects of mass communication. New York: Free Press.
Noble, G. 1975: Children in front of the small screen. London: Constable.
Pearson, G. 1983 : Hooligan: a history of respectable fears. London: Macmillan.
Willis, P. 1978: Learning to labour. Farnborough: Saxon House.
19
In Defence of 'Video Nasties'
Julian Petley
From British Journalism Review 5(3), 52-7 (1994).
The previous extract was written in an age when television content was under scrutiny
and 'cop shows' such as The Sweeney and Target were being blamed for declining moral
standards and a general desensitisation to violence by groups such as the National
Viewers and Listeners Association (of which Mary Whitehouse was vociferous chairper-
son). Julian Petley's article, written 15 years later, is concerned with two specific cases -
the murders of toddler James Bulger and teenager Suzanne Capper in 1993. Much of
the reporting on these cases was characterised by attributing blame to violent videos
(especially Child's Play 3).
In Defence of'Video Nasties' 189
In particular, the trial of the two children 'caught on camera' and subsequently convicted
of killing James Bulger, became a catalyst for widespread and powerfully expressed anxi-
eties about the presumed effects of violent media content on the young, and there were a
number of calls for greater controls in the form of more stringent censorship. These includ-
ed a proposal by Liberal Democrat MP David Alton to amend the Criminal Justice Bill to
enact a ban on the sale and rental of 'video nasties' (already, in fact, legislated for under
the Video Recordings Act of 1984). Within this climate a number of films which had been
successful at the cinema were denied video certification, while others had their cinema
release delayed for several months.
One of the stories given greatest prominence by the media in the aftermath of the
Bulger case was the publication of the 'Newson Report' signed by 33 'leading experts',
which supported, and indeed purported to provide evidence for, the assumed, common
sense view, that there is a direct causal link between screen violence and violence in real
life. Petley takes issue with Newson and the newspapers which, in his view, uncritically
reported her findings, accusing them of perpetuating a moral panic which they had started
in the mid-eighties and trying to find a convenient scapegoat for an incident which could
not easily be explained away by other means. Once again, aUhe heart of the fear and
indignation expressed by most reporters was the myth of childhood innocence and its cor-
ruption by persistent and prolonged exposure to violent video content.
A c c o r d i n g t o m o s t newspapers, B r i t a i n is awash w i t h V i d e o nasties' w h i c h are

o p e n l y available t o y o u n g c h i l d r e n ; there is a d i r e c t causal l i n k between t h e
v i d e o Child's Play 3 a n d t h e m u r d e r s o f James Bulger a n d Suzanne C a p p e r ;
academics have at l o n g last recognised t h e ' o b v i o u s ' l i n k between screen v i o -
lence a n d r e a l - l i f e c r i m e ; a n d t h e B r i t i s h B o a r d o f F i l m Classification is i r r e -
sponsibly l i b e r a l i n its decisions.
I n fact, ' v i d e o nasties' w e r e o u t l a w e d b y p o l i c e a c t i o n u n d e r t h e Obscene
P u b l i c a t i o n s A c t even before t h e V i d e o Recordings A c t was passed i n 1 9 8 4 ;
t h e r e are n o causal l i n k s whatsoever between Child's Play 3 a n d t h e Bulger
a n d C a p p e r m u r d e r s , as t h e p o l i c e i n v o l v e d i n b o t h cases readily testify; there
has been n o wholesale U - t u r n b y academics o n t h e v e x e d q u e s t i o n o f ' m e d i a
effects'; a n d B r i t a i n has o n e o f t h e strictest regimes o f f i l m a n d v i d e o censor-
ship i n t h e w e s t e r n w o r l d .
So w h a t lies ( a n d t h a t is i n d e e d t h e operative w o r d ) b e h i n d t h e latest e x a m -
ple o f t h e ' v i d e o nasty' p a n i c , w h i c h t h e press was i n s t r u m e n t a l i n i g n i t i n g i n
the early eighties a n d w h i c h w i t h its h e l p has p e r i o d i c a l l y f l a r e d i n t o life ever
since? T h e i n i t i a l i m p e t u s clearly lay i n attempts t o f i n d some sort o f explana-
t i o n f o r t h e seemingly i n e x p l i c a b l e m u r d e r o f James Bulger i n February 1993..
E x a m i n e t h e b r u t a l i s i n g , i m p o v e r i s h i n g a n d destructive effects o f policies car-
r i e d o u t i n t h e s p i r i t o f the d o g m a t h a t 'there is n o such t h i n g as society'? N o t
o n y o u r l i f e ! So step f o r w a r d t h e scapegoats: sixties 'permissiveness', ' t r e n d y '
teachers, single m o t h e r s , t h e 'underclass' a n d , o f course, t h e ever-reliable
' v i d e o n a s t y ' , this last h e l p e d i n t o t h e s p o t l i g h t b y t h e Bulger t r i a l judge's
exceedingly i l l - i n f o r m e d a n d u n c a l l e d - f o r r e m a r k that ' i t is n o t f o r m e t o pass

j u d g e m e n t o n t h e i r [Jon Venables' a n d Robert T h o m p s o n ' s ] u p b r i n g i n g b u t I
suspect t h a t exposure t o v i o l e n t f i l m s may be i n p a r t an e x p l a n a t i o n ' .
B u t there's m o r e t o i t t h a n that. First o f a l l , there's p u r e a n d simple
hypocrisy. O u r i n i m i t a b l e papers have l o n g excelled at r e v e l l i n g i n w h a t they
p u r p o r t t o c o n d e m n , a n d their l i p - s m a c k i n g descriptions (or, rather, d i s t o r -
tions) o f various supposed 'nasties' i n the wake o f t h e Bulger a n d Capper
m u r d e r s w e r e t h e e p i t o m e o f this k i n d o f j o u r n a l i s m , w h i c h has n o w reached
such depths t h a t i t ' s almost impossible t o parody. A l m o s t , b u t n o t q u i t e , as
Private Eye d e m o n s t r a t e d :
Once again the Daily Gnome has forced a major change i n Government policy
and made the powers that be see sense. Our week-long series of pieces on the
top 100 disgusting videos currently available was a masterpiece of campaigning
journalism. Only the Daily Gnome gave a full plot summary and detailed
description of each obscene and depraved action on every one of these revolting
videos. Only the Daily Gnome published graphic stills of the sort of corrupting
filth that is getting into our homes every day. A n d only the Daily Gnome is
offering a cut-price video compilation of all the most twisted and most vile
moments o f the videos that we have now successfully curbed.
C i r c u l a t i o n wars also played their part here t o o . T h e Mirror, t h e Telegraph

and The Independent, t h e n , as n o w , f i g h t i n g o f f p r e d a t o r y p r i c i n g b y t h e
M u r d o c h papers, a l l h a d cause t o a d d t o the attack o n Child's Play 3, since i t
had been s h o w n t w i c e by M u r d o c h ' s BSkyB d u r i n g the Bulger m u r d e r t r i a l i n
N o v e m b e r 1 9 9 3 . ( A t h i r d screening, w h i c h w o u l d have been broadcast after
the t r i a l , was cancelled - thereby, o f course, o n l y a d d i n g t o the m y t h that t h e
f i l m h a d played a role i n the m u r d e r . ) T h u s a sarcastic D i a r y entry i n The
Independent o f 2 6 N o v e m b e r under the headline ' O u t r a g e d o f W a p p i n g ' , a
Telegraph article o n the same day headed 'Sky drops f i l m James's killers may
have seen' (even t h o u g h Sky's actions take u p o n l y t w o o f the story's 17 para-
graphs), a n d an e d i t o r i a l i n the same day's Mirror w h i c h argued that 'such v i o -
lence is n o t o n l y available f r o m the local video shop. I t is p u m p e d i n t o m i l l i o n s
o f homes v i r t u a l l y every n i g h t o n satellite television. T h e rules w h i c h g o v e r n
B B C a n d I T V d o n o t apply t o satellite. T h e y can s h o w w h a t they l i k e , h o w
they l i k e , w h e n they like. A n d they d o . Failure t o c o n t r o l their o u t p u t has been
due t o G o v e r n m e n t cowardice. I t does n o t w a n t t o upset p o w e r f u l friends.'
T h i r d l y , this latest t w i s t i n t h e 'nasty' saga gave the press a m a r v e l l o u s
chance t o attack another o f its f a v o u r i t e targets: 'intellectuals'. T h i s came
about because, o n 3 1 M a r c h 1 9 9 4 u n d e r t h e f r o n t page headline ' U - T u r n
O v e r V i d e o Nasties', t h e Evening Standard p u r p o r t e d t o reveal that ' B r i t a i n ' s
t o p psychologists t o d a y confess that they h a d g o t i t w r o n g i n d e n y i n g a l i n k
between v i d e o nasties a n d real life violence'. T h i s was meat a n d d r i n k t o t h e
populist press. T h e n e x t day's Mirror b r a n d e d t h e m as ' V i d i o t s ' f o r t a k i n g so
l o n g t o reach t h e ' o b v i o u s ' , ' c o m m o n sense' c o n c l u s i o n , t h e Daily Mail com-
p l a i n e d o f a ' t a r d y c o n v e r s i o n ' a n d t h e ever reliable Peter M c K a y i n The
In Defence of 'Video Nasties' 191
Sunday Times c l a i m e d t h a t 'the idea t h a t w e possess 25 " t o p " psychologists is

black comedy. Y o u m i g h t as w e l l t a l k a b o u t 25 t o p three-card t r i c k o p e r a t o r s . '
M e a n w h i l e , t h e Telegraph accused those academics w h o r e m a i n e d sceptical
a b o u t t h e l i n k o f b e i n g g u i l t y o f a 'trahison de clercs\
I n fact, there was b o t h m o r e a n d less t o this story t h a n t h e papers realised,
o r cared t o a d m i t . Firstly, t h e d o c u m e n t t o w h i c h t h e Standard, followed by
o t h e r papers, r e f e r r e d h a d been signed n o t s i m p l y b y psychologists b u t by psy-
chiatrists a n d paediatricians as w e l l . H o w e v e r , o f t h e t o t a l o f 33 signatories
(not 25 as t h e Standard claimed) o n l y three h a d ever spoken p u b l i c l y o n t h e
t o p i c b e f o r e . T h e s t o r y was thus seriously m i s l e a d i n g o n at least t w o counts:
c e r t a i n l y n o ' U - t u r n ' h a d t a k e n place. B u t n o t o n l y d i d the papers f a i l t o p o i n t
out t h a t n o t o n e m e d i a specialist h a d signed t h e d o c u m e n t (thereby rather
v i t i a t i n g t h e papers' claims t h a t i t represented ' e x p e r t ' o p i n i o n ) b u t , worse
s t i l l , n o - o n e n o t e d ( o r cared, perhaps) t h a t the d o c u m e n t has been w r i t t e n b y
Professor Elizabeth N e w s o n o f N o t t i n g h a m U n i v e r s i t y at t h e specific i n v i t a -
t i o n o f t h e M P D a v i d A l t o n , t o be used as evidence t o s u p p o r t his C r i m i n a l
Justice B i l l a m e n d m e n t t o t i g h t e n u p f i l m a n d v i d e o censorship! O n l y R i c h a r d
B o s t o n i n his v i d e o c o l u m n i n The Guardian w e n t i n t o this c r u c i a l matter o f
t h e d o c u m e n t ' s genesis a n d raison d'etre i n any significant d e t a i l .
Lobby
E v e n m o r e seriously, at the t i m e o f w r i t i n g n o t one paper has t h o u g h t i t w o r t h
r e v e a l i n g t h a t t h e A l t o n a m e n d m e n t was t h e result o f a h i g h l y organised r e l i -
gious lobby. T u c k e d away i n a c o u p l e o f Daily Telegraph a n d Sunday Telegraph
pieces about Alton I came across references t o something called t h e
Movement for Christian Democracy a n d its newspaper The Christian
Democrat. A s I c o u l d f i n d neither i n t h e L o n d o n p h o n e d i r e c t o r y I r a n g t h e
S P C K b o o k s h o p a n d g o t a n u m b e r ; this I t h e n r a n g , a n d asked t h e m t o send
m e details o f the M o v e m e n t a n d a copy o f The Christian Democrat. Hardly a
feat o f investigative j o u r n a l i s m , b u t t h e l i t e r a t u r e w h i c h I was sent revealed,
inter alia, t h a t t h e M o v e m e n t h a d raised £ 1 3 , 0 0 0 t o s u p p o r t its v i d e o cam-
p a i g n , t h a t i t h a d i n s t r u c t e d a p a r l i a m e n t a r y d r a u g h t s m a n t o d r a f t the a m e n d -
m e n t t o the C r i m i n a l Justice B i l l , a n d t h a t i t was responsible f o r g a t h e r i n g the
1 0 0 , 0 0 0 signatories o n t h e m u c h - p u b l i c i s e d p e t i t i o n s u p p o r t i n g t h e a m e n d -
m e n t . The Christian Democrat f o r June 1 9 9 4 t r u m p e t s t h a t ' w i t h t h i s , t h e
MCD can be seen as c o m i n g o f age p o l i t i c a l l y - a n d can l o o k f o r w a r d t o m o r e
successful campaigns', a n d A l t o n is q u o t e d as saying t h a t 'this has s h o w n h o w
the M C D really can affect events i f i t wants t o , i f i t picks its issues, attaches
t h e m t o G o v e r n m e n t bills t h a t are g o i n g t h r o u g h p a r l i a m e n t , campaigns
a r o u n d t h e m ' . Some idea o f w h a t w e can expect is c o n t a i n e d i n t h e statement
t h a t ' w e w i l l n o w d i r e c t o u r campaign t o t h e anomalies this a m e n d m e n t w i l l
create b e t w e e n w h a t m a y be s h o w n o n v i d e o a n d w h a t is s h o w n o n satellite,
cable a n d t e r r e s t r i a l T V . W e l l , d o n ' t say y o u h a v e n ' t been w a r n e d , b u t w h y
n o t b y the m a i n s t r e a m press, especially given t h e r i s i n g level o f concern about

p a r l i a m e n t a r y lobbying? I suspect i t w o u l d be a very d i f f e r e n t s t o r y i f t h e
MCP t u r n e d its u n d o u b t e d energies t o l o b b y i n g f o r a Privacy B i l l .
T h e h i g h l y selective nature o f press interest i n academic research was nicely
illustrated a f e w days after the revelation o f the N e w s o n d o c u m e n t w h e n the
Policy Studies Institute published its long-awaited r e p o r t i n t o the v i e w i n g habits
o f y o u n g offenders. T h i s was f u n d e d by the BBFC, BBC, Independent Television
C o m m i s s i o n a n d Broadcasting Standards C o u n c i l . D i s a p p o i n t i n g l y f o r large sec-
tions o f t h e press, t h e r e p o r t showed that y o u n g offenders d o n o t have signif-
icantly d i f f e r e n t v i e w i n g habits f r o m n o n - o f f e n d i n g c h i l d r e n o f t h e same age.
(One m i g h t also note i n passing that amongst those offenders w h o read news-
papers, t h e Sun came o u t as favourite.) T h e r e p o r t was totally i g n o r e d b y most
papers - the Sun i n c l u d e d . Still, i t got m o r e coverage than a d o c u m e n t signed b y
23 media academics (myself included) w h i c h questioned the w h o l e basis o f
N e w s o n ' s discussion paper a n d forcefully stated that her conclusions were c o m -
pletely o u t o f kilter w i t h most recent academic research o n the media. T h i s was
sent t o a l l the same places as the N e w s o n d o c u m e n t - a n d totally ignored.
N e v e r let the facts get i n the w a y o f a g o o d story.
U n a b l e t o get over t h e r a t h e r a w k w a r d fact t h a t t h e p o l i c e officers l e a d i n g
the Bulger a n d Capper cases h a d consistently d e n i e d t h a t videos, a n d
specifically Child's Play 3 , h a d caused t h e k i l l i n g s , most o f t h e press
s i m p l y f e l l back o n r e p e a t i n g a d nauseam t h a t there must be a l i n k because
' c o m m o n sense' demands i t . T h e r e are all sorts o f v a r i a t i o n s o f this o n e basic
' a r g u m e n t ' (or, rather, a s s u m p t i o n ) , a n d f r o m t h e t r u l y vast n u m b e r o f e x a m -
ples o n e c o u l d cite, t w o w i l l have t o suffice. I n The Times o f 26 November
1993 w e get t h e w o u l d - b e sophisticated v e r s i o n , dressed u p i n fancy
language: ' T o c l a i m t h a t o n l y some i n d i s p u t a b l e p r o o f o f causal l i n k c o u l d
j u s t i f y t h e c u r t a i l i n g o f " f r e e d o m o f e x p r e s s i o n " is an evasion o f an o b v i o u s
t r u t h : a society t h a t accepts v i v i d l y enacted b r u t a l i t y is ipso facto making
such acts conceivable, a n d even encouraging t h e belief that they are
c o m m o n p l a c e . T h i s is n o t a m a t t e r f o r p r o o f ; i t is self-evident.' T o w h i c h t h e
s i m p l e answer is: r u b b i s h . T h e m o r e p o p u l i s t v e r s i o n is nicely i l l u s t r a t e d b y
A n n e D i a m o n d ( w h o else?) i n the Mirror o f 1 December 1 9 9 3 : ' O u r g u t tells
us they must have seen t h e evil d o l l Chucky. T h e y must have l o v e d t h e
f i l m . A n d they must have seen i t over a n d over again, because some o f t h e
things t h e y d i d are almost exact copies o f t h e screenplay.' T o w h i c h t h e
answer is: n o a m o u n t o f w i s h f u l t h i n k i n g o r p e t u l a n t f o o t - s t a m p i n g w i l l alter
the fact t h a t there is n o t a shred o f evidence t h a t t h e Bulger k i l l e r s w a t c h e d
Child's Play 3.
H o w e v e r , w e d o k n o w t h a t they w a t c h e d cartoons i n t h e i r l o c a l v i d e o
shop a n d t h a t J o n Venables' f a v o u r i t e f i l m was The Goonies (this courtesy o f
the consultant forensic psychiatrist D r Susan Bailey, w h o interviewed
Venables before h i s t r i a l ) . T h e r e are n o parallels o f any significance b e t w e e n
the f i l m a n d t h e m u r d e r o f James Bulger; D i a m o n d must have been r e a d i n g
t h e i n c r e d i b l y d i s t o r t e d press descriptions o f the f i l m w h i c h t r i e d desperately

t o d r a w such parallels. S t i l l , D i a m o n d o b v i o u s l y k n o w s m u c h m o r e about
t h e m e d i a t h a n I d o ; as she puts i t : ' G o d p r o t e c t us f r o m t h e " o l o g i s t s " -
because t h e i r h a c k n e y e d p e r c e p t i o n is dangerous. I sometimes t h i n k t h a t a
degree i n some s o r t o f " o l o g y " b l i n d s y o u t o c o m m o n sense. W e a l l k n o w
t h a t v i o l e n c e begets v i o l e n c e . ' So that's i t - n o w w e k n o w . O f course, once
u p o n a time 'everybody k n e w ' t h a t t h e e a r t h was flat a n d t h a t t h e s u n
r e v o l v e d a r o u n d i t , t h a t illnesses w e r e caused b y ' e v i l h u m o u r s ' a n d c u r e d b y
b l e e d i n g , a n d t h a t m i s f o r t u n e s w e r e t h e result o f w i t c h c r a f t . B u t , o f course,
w e ' r e m u c h m o r e i n t e l l i g e n t n o w , a n d w e ' v e g o t The Times a n d the Mirror to
prove i t .
The problem with 'common sense' assumptions, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n such a
bleakly a n t i - i n t e l l e c t u a l c u l t u r e as o u r o w n , is t h a t , b e i n g deeply i n g r a i n e d
i n t o ' f o l k w i s d o m ' a n d h e l d p a r t i c u l a r l y dear b y t h e p o p u l i s t press, t h e y ' r e
v e r y d i f f i c u l t t o challenge effectively. T h e p r o b l e m is a l l the m o r e t r i c k y w h e n
those ' c o m m o n sense' assumptions c o n c e r n t h e media. T h i s is because o f t h e
c o m m o n l y h e l d v i e w t h a t since everybody consumes the m e d i a t h e n everyone
is a n ' e x p e r t ' o n i t . T h u s d u r i n g the a f t e r m a t h o f the Capper a n d Bulger trials
w e h a d t o p u t u p w i t h t h e likes o f D i l l i e Keane, R o y Hattersley, L y n d a Lee
Potter a n d o t h e r assorted p u n d i t s g i v i n g us t h e i r ' c o m m o n sense' views about
the alleged effects o f the m e d i a , a n d d o i n g so w i t h a t o t a l l y u n w a r r a n t e d air
o f expertise a n d a u t h o r i t y t o b o o t . I t is s i m p l y n o t t h e case t h a t because peo-
ple w a t c h television they are e x p e r t o n i t - a l t h o u g h , o f course, t h e y ' r e o b v i -
ously e n t i t l e d t o h o l d views about i t . Mutatis mutandis, w e a l l use language
b u t w e ' r e n o t a l l experts i n phonetics, p h o n o l o g y a n d m o r p h o l o g y , o r able t o
debate the f i n e r p o i n t s o f t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l grammar.
Finally, a n d this is perhaps t h e m o s t d i s t u r b i n g aspect o f t h e w h o l e affair,
it's i n t e r e s t i n g t o n o t e t h e w o r r y i n g prevalence o f attempts t o hitch the
'nasty' bandwagon t o now-fashionable ideas a b o u t t h e 'underclass', o r t h e
'undeserving poor' as they used to be called i n Victorian times.
U n s u r p r i s i n g l y this a t t e m p t t o de-legitimise t h e w e l f a r e system b y b l a m i n g
the p o o r f o r t h e i r w r e t c h e d state h a d its r o o t s i n Reagan's A m e r i c a , b u t
t h a n k s t o sustained campaigns b y t h e Mail, The Times a n d Sunday Times i t
n o w has f o l l o w e r s o n t h e T o r y R i g h t . T h e l i n k was f i r s t m a d e b y B r y a n
A p p l e y a r d ( w h o used t o w o r k f o r The Sunday Times) i n a l e n g t h y piece i n
The Independent o n 1 D e c e m b e r 1 9 9 3 i n w h i c h he asked r h e t o r i c a l l y ' w o u l d
you a l l o w an ill-educated, culturally deprived, unemployable underclass
u n l i m i t e d access t o v i o l e n t p o r n o g r a p h y ? ' T h e n , i n a conscious echo o f t h e
f a m o u s r e m a r k a b o u t servants i n t h e 1 9 6 0 L a d y C h a t t e r l e y t r i a l , he goes o n
to argue that i f y o u d o away with censorship ' y o u don't just get
M a p p l e t h o r p e f o r t h e connoisseur, y o u also get v i c i o u s d r i v e l f o r t h e masses.
M o r e p a i n f u l l y , y o u also get u n a r g u a b l y fine f i l m s such as Taxi Driver and
Goodfellas, w h i c h , i f y o u are honest, y o u w o u l d rather w e r e n o t w a t c h e d b y
c e r t a i n types o f p e o p l e . ' Reservoir Dogs is also singled o u t as a ' b r i l l i a n t ,
b l o o d y f i l m t h a t I w o u l d prefer n o t t o be seen b y t h e c r i m i n a l classes (sic) o r

the m e n t a l l y unstable o r b y inadequately supervised c h i l d r e n w i t h l i t t l e else
i n t h e i r lives'. I suppose this is w h a t T h a t c h e r i t e p u n d i t s w o u l d p r o u d l y call
' t h i n k i n g t h e u n t h i n k a b l e ' . Personally I prefer t h e w o r d snobbery. T h e Mail
o f 18 December, i n t h e w a k e o f t h e j u s t - c o n c l u d e d Capper t r i a l , w a s even
more 'unthinkable'. N o t i n g that the police had commented o n the murder-
ers' ' o r d i n a r i n e s s ' the Mail p r o c l a i m e d that 'they are t h e p r o d u c t o f a society
w h i c h tolerates p e t t y c r i m e , t h e b r e a k - u p o f families a n d feckless s p e n d i n g . I t
subsidises a n d , i n m a n y cases, encourages t h e m . I t is i n t e r e s t i n g t o n o t e t h a t
m o s t o f Suzanne's t o r m e n t o r s w e r e o n social security. B u t t h e n those i n soci-
ety w h o are g e n u i n e l y o u t o f w o r k b u t w h o have savings, d o n o t receive
i n c o m e s u p p o r t . T h u s are t h e p r u d e n t penalised w h i l e t h e negligent are n u r -
t u r e d . A l l t h i s reflects a society s h o w i n g reckless disregard f o r t h e s u r v i v a l o f
its o w n decency. A n underclass is b e i n g created t o d a y w h i c h is a grave t h r e a t
t o B r i t a i n ' s f u t u r e . I f i t is n o t c o u n t e r e d , t h e n w e w i l l c o n t i n u e a decline
t o w a r d s lawlessness a n d degeneracy.' A h , now I u n d e r s t a n d - i t ' s n o t v i d e o
nasties w h i c h create sadistic k i l l e r s , it's t h e w e l f a r e state (or w h a t ' s l e f t o f i t ) .
T h i s k i n d o f ' t h i n k i n g ' re-emerged i n A p r i l 1 9 9 4 a r o u n d t h e t i m e o f t h e
A l t o n a m e n d m e n t . T h u s i n The Sunday Times of 3 April we find Margaret
D r i s c o l l a r g u i n g t h a t 'the c h i l d r e n m o s t l i k e l y t o be damaged are those b e i n g
b r o u g h t u p i n s i n k estates w h e r e f a m i l y values n o longer h o l d sway - t h e
p r o d u c t s o f the " a n y t h i n g goes" society', w h i l s t a Times editorial o f 11 A p r i l
h e l d f o r t h t h a t ' h o r r o r - v i d e o a d d i c t i o n is p a r t o f a socially-disadvantaged
s i n k c u l t u r e i n w h i c h lack o f p a r e n t a l supervision is e n d e m i c ' . M e a n w h i l e i n
the Mail t w o days later t h e inevitable L y n d a Lee Potter s h r i e k e d t h a t 'there
are thousands o f c h i l d r e n i n this c o u n t r y w i t h fathers they never see a n d
m o t h e r s w h o are lazy sluts. T h e y are a l l o w e d t o d o w h a t they w a n t , w h e n
t h e y w a n t . T h e y s n i f f glue o n b u i l d i n g sites, scavenge f o r f o o d a n d , u n t i l
n o w , t h e y w e r e free t o w a t c h increasingly h o r r i f i c videos. By 16 they are dis-
turbed and dangerous.'
G i v e n t h e w a y i n w h i c h t h e press have consistently d e m o n i s e d h o r r o r
videos i n t h e w a k e o f t h e Capper a n d Bulger m u r d e r s i t ' s h a r d l y s u r p r i s i n g
t h a t so m a n y M P s s h o u l d have l i n e d u p b e h i n d D a v i d A l t o n . O f course, these
are t h e v e r y last p e o p l e w h o s h o u l d be a l l o w e d t o legislate a b o u t t h e m e d i a :
g i v e n t h e l u d i c r o u s hours they choose t o w o r k they rarely w a t c h T V ; a n d I
suspect t h a t m o s t o f t h e m have never seen, o r p r o b a b l y even h e a r d of, Psycho
o r Peeping Tom l e t alone m o r e recent h o r r o r movies. S t i l l , i t ' s altogether f i t -
t i n g t h a t t h e a m e n d m e n t is t o t h e C r i m i n a l Justice B i l l , u n d o u b t e d l y o n e o f
the m o s t s h a m e f u l pieces o f legislation ever t o be c o n t e m p l a t e d i n B r i t a i n . Its
i n t e n d e d c r i m i n a l i s a t i o n o f squatters, travellers, ravers a n d o t h e r T o r y hate-
objects has been massively f a c i l i t a t e d by exactly t h e same k i n d o f v i c i o u s , dis-
torted, hysterical reporting o f their activities i n t h e press that has
characterised t h e papers' scapegoating o f v i d e o i n t h e w a k e o f the Bulger a n d
C a p p e r m u r d e r s . T h e r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s o f t h e recent Royal C o m m i s s i o n o n
C r i m i n a l Justice have been n o t s i m p l y i g n o r e d b u t s t o o d o n t h e i r heads:

clearly when i t comes t o l a w - m a k i n g i n Britain today, w h e t h e r we're
t a l k i n g a b o u t videos o r a n y t h i n g else t h a t can be h i t c h e d u p t o t h e L a w ' n '
O r d e r j u g g e r n a u t , i t is n o t reason t h a t prevails b u t t h e saloon bar p u n d i t s o f
t h e p o p u l i s t press a n d t h e b r a y i n g m o b o n t h e f l o o r o f a n n u a l T o r y Party
conferences.
Questions
1 What are the predominant elements in 'common sense' accounts of media
effects? How would you challenge the common sense view which has dominat-
ed the censorship lobby, that we have become a more violent society since the
advent of television and that therefore the two are linked?
2 One of the problems with the way that this debate is carried out seems to be
with the definition of violence and what constitutes a 'violent act'. How would
you define 'violence'? Are there some kinds of violence which are deemed more
acceptable for portrayal by the media than others?
3 Carry out your own monitoring of an evening's TV. How many acts of violence
and what kinds of violence are portrayed, and how would you analyse them in
the light of your understanding of the above readings?
4 One of the most common arguments put forward by those who support the
causal links thesis is that the media must have an effect or advertising would
not work. How would you assess the adequacy of this argument?
Further reading
Barker, M . 1984: The video nasties: freedom and censorship in the media. London:
Pluto Press.
Barker, M . and Petley, J. 1997: /// effects: the media violence debate. London:
Routledge.
Barwise, P. and Ehrenberg, A. 1989: Television and its audience. London: Sage.
Buckingham, D . 1993: Children talking television: the making of television literacy.
London: Falmer Press.
Buckingham, D . (ed.) 1993: Reading audiences: young people and the media.
Manchester: Manchester University Press.
Cumberbatch, G., Maguire, A . and Woods, S. 1993: Children and video games: an
exploratory study. Aston University. Birmingham: Communications Research Group.
Gunter, B. and McAleer, J. 1990: Children and television: the one-eyed monster?
London: Routledge.
Liebert, R., Neale, J. and Davidson, E. 1982: The early window: effects of television on
children and youth. O x f o r d : Pergamon Press.
Postman, N . 1982: The disappearance of childhood. New York: Dell.
20
Looking at The Sun: Into the Nineties with a Tabloid
and its Readers
Mark Pursehouse
From Cultural Studies from Birmingham (Department of Cultural Studies, University of Birmingham
1991)
The following extract has been chosen for two principal reasons. First, it deals with ques-
tions about the 'influence' that a particular newspaper format - the popular tabloid - might
be said to exert over and among its readership. In so doing, it shifts our attention away
from screen-based media - film, television, video and recently computer - to consider the
relationships between other, different media, forms of popular culture and their readers.
More specifically, the extract calls into question the extent to which we can think about
direct and simple 'effects' resulting from all forms of media exposure or use. We have
become used to debates and assumptions about the effects or power of the media in the
context of films, videos or television programmes. The preceding readings in this section
have served to outline some of the major lines of contending debate, argument and evi-
dence in this respect. We are perhaps less used to arguments about the 'effects' of the
popular press. They are less often accused of causing direct effects. However, their cover-
age of controversial issues and their involvement at the cutting edge of the 'manufacture of
news' has guaranteed them a special place in public, private and political debate.
The study is interesting because, rather than analysing the text of The Sun and then infer-
ring particular 'effects' on its readers, it focuses on the readers themselves and their uses
and views of the newspaper they read and buy. Unfortunately we do not have the space to
incorporate the full study with its lengthy ethnographic data, but we have included the con-
clusion which encapsulates many of the findings and makes reference to some of the views
expressed in interviews, including those of one of The Sun's most famous adversaries, the
Labour MP Clare Short. If you wish to follow up your reading of this extract by turning to the
original text and studying the interview material in its entirety, you may find it useful, as you
are reading, to make notes about firstly the method used, secondly the responses of inter-
viewees and finally, how they are interpreted and made sense of by the author.
Introduction
' W e l l , f o l k s , this is t h e b i g m o m e n t y o u have a l l been w a i t i n g f o r ' - c l a i m e d
The Sun f r o n t page o f 12 J u l y 1 9 9 1 . T h e phrase was used t o describe t h e
exclusive u n c o v e r i n g o f an o l d p h o t o g r a p h s h o w i n g 'Prince A n d r e w as y o u
have never seen h i m before'. I t was a t y p i c a l l y direct appeal t o The Sun's l o y a l
readers, c o m p l e t e w i t h o v e r - t h e - t o p hype o f a perfect t a b l o i d s t o r y d e p i c t i n g
n a k e d royalty. Perhaps n o t h i n g has changed.
Looking at The Sun 197
Yet questions are b e i n g asked a b o u t a decline i n t a b l o i d sales ( L e a p m a n , 17

A p r i l 1 9 9 1 ; Greenslade, 1 July 1 9 9 1 ) . The Sun itself h i t a c i r c u l a t i o n h e i g h t o f
4.3 m i l l i o n i n 1 9 8 8 , w i t h the a u d i t e d daily sale f o r M a y 1 9 9 1 being just over
3.6 m i l l i o n . E c o n o m i c recession m a y account f o r m u c h o f the f a l l , b u t there
m a y be o t h e r reasons f o r the d r o p i n p u b l i c d e m a n d .
T h e m a i n focus f o r this paper is a small-scale, q u a l i t a t i v e piece o f research
o n t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n The Sun, a n d its regular readers, c a r r i e d o u t w h e n
The Sun was at its brightest i n 1988. I t is p r i m a r i l y a study o f h o w The Sun
seemed t o f i t i n t o t h e real lives o f m a n y y o u n g people i n the late eighties. T h e
a d d i t i o n a l q u e s t i o n is w h e t h e r the decline o f The Sun since can be attached t o
p o l i t i c a l changes. Was the r e l a t i o n s h i p between The Sun a n d T h a t c h e r i s m so
intense t h a t The Sun has lost its shine i n the nineties?
C e r t a i n l y the t a b l o i d e n v i r o n m e n t has changed. T h e press has supposedly
been w a t c h i n g its o w n standards since the C a l c u t t R e p o r t o f June 1990
focussed o n t h e excesses o f t a b l o i d behaviour. Conservative-led legislation
against t h e press, arguably a f f e c t i n g The Sun m o r e t h a n m o s t , w o u l d i n some
ways be i r o n i c p r o o f o f c h a n g i n g times. T h e m e d i a p h i l o s o p h y o f M u r d o c h
a n d T h a t c h e r o n l y accounted f o r r e g u l a t i o n by the free m a r k e t , b u t n o w o l d e r
Conservative p r i n c i p l e s o f surface-level respectability a n d p u b l i c m o r a l i t y
t h r e a t e n t o re-emerge. C a l c u t t a r t i c u l a t e d concerns about tastes a n d standards
w h i c h have f o r c e d t h e t a b l o i d s i n t o some f o r m o f self-censorship. I t is possible
t o detect The Sun b e i n g less vicious i n its personal attacks, slightly less brazen
i n its o p i n i o n s a n d a t t e m p t i n g t o s h o w m o r e o f its gentler, h u m a n face.
C o i n c i d i n g w i t h this pressure has been the d i l e m m a o f The Sun i n facing the
demise o f its i d o l : M a r g a r e t T h a t c h e r a n d her p o l i t i c a l practice. T h e g r a d u a l
sense t h a t the T h a t c h e r i t e p r o g r a m m e was l o s i n g p u b l i c favour, f o l l o w e d by
the hastiness o f her r e m o v a l f r o m o f f i c e m u s t have taken some confidence
f r o m The Sun, after its years o f f o r c e f u l s u p p o r t .
Readers, t o o , have h a d n u m e r o u s causes f o r t h o u g h t over recent years.
Most i n f a m o u s l y , the v i l e r e p o r t i n g o f the deaths o f n i n e t y people at
H i l l s b o r o u g h s t a d i u m i n A p r i l 1 9 8 9 , p r e c i p i t a t e d an effective b o y c o t t o f The
Sun o n Merseyside. S i m p l y t o o m a n y ' o r d i n a r y ' people have been v i c t i m s o f
the paper's offensiveness, spreading its r e p u t a t i o n as a ' b a d ' newspaper
b e y o n d celebrity targets, intellectuals a n d l e f t - w i n g p o l i t i c i a n s . 1
T h e p u b l i c m o o d t o w a r d s The Sun m i g h t i n d e e d have changed. T h e G u l f

W a r coverage o f January 1 9 9 1 was another t a b l o i d loser as readers d e m a n d e d
h a r d e r i n f o r m a t i o n t h a n The Sun's appeal t o ' S u p p o r t O u r Boys A n d Put T h i s
Flag I n Your W i n d o w ' ( w i t h a U n i o n Jack a n d a n o n y m o u s ' T o m m y ' t a k i n g u p
t h e f r o n t page o f 16 January 1 9 9 1 ) . Perhaps the genuine a n x i e t y a n d sense o f
the m u l t i n a t i o n a l scope o f the c o n f l i c t made The Sun's b l a z i n g j i n g o i s m feel
m i s p l a c e d . I t perhaps missed the m a r k even f u r t h e r w i t h the f o l l o w i n g l u d i -
crous appeal o f 1 N o v e m b e r 1 9 9 0 : 'At the stroke o f n o o n t o m o r r o w , w e i n v i t e
all t r u e Brits t o France a n d y e l l " U p Yours D e l o r s ' " (the phrase selected f o r the
f r o n t page headline). Debates about E u r o p e a n f i n a n c i a l strategy are s i m p l y
n o t The Sun's strengths!
P r i o r t o R o b e r t M a x w e l l ' s demise, t h e r i v a l Daily Mirror was p r o c l a i m i n g

itself: ' N e w s p a p e r f o r the N i n e t i e s . ' Q u i t e apart f r o m the o u t c o m e o f the bat-
tle f o r o w n e r s h i p o f t h e Daily Mirror, there is an i n t r i g u i n g struggle ahead
w i t h i n t h e newspaper m a r k e t , a r o u n d t h e type o f press B r i t a i n w i l l have, as
the nineties d e v e l o p , a n d w h i c h o f the tabloids w i l l best capture the climate o f
the t i m e s . I t is a battle related t o a bigger q u e s t i o n , about the type o f p o l i t i c a l
2
climate a n d agenda w h i c h is g o i n g t o emerge post-Thatcher.
Ways of looking
Theoretical positions
The Sun seems t o be i d e n t i f i e d i n w i d e l y divergent ways, p o s i n g d i f f i c u l t i e s f o r
attempts at 'academic' analysis. T h e so-called ' l i b e r a l ' i n t e l l e c t u a l response
seems t o be o n e o f w o n d e r i n g w h a t there c o u l d possibly be t o analyse a b o u t
The Sun. Such p o p u l a r taste can either be i g n o r e d , a l l o w e d as ' f i n e f o r some-
one else', i n t h e name o f c u l t u r a l r e l a t i v i s m , o r dismissed as ' r u b b i s h ' , n o t
w o r t h y o f consideration.
F r o m a l e f t p o l i t i c a l perspective t h e paper seems almost t o o easy t o
describe i n t e r m s o f its racism, n a t i o n a l i s m , sexism, homophobia, con-
s u m e r i s m a n d C o n s e r v a t i s m . I t is t e m p t i n g t o c o n c l u d e t h a t this is c r i t i c a l
analysis e n o u g h ! T h e danger here is t w o - f o l d . O n t h e o n e h a n d is t h e p r o b -
lem o f sheer c o m p l a c e n c y - f a i l i n g t o consider t h e endless ways The Sun can
cause real offence t o a v a r i e t y o f g r o u p s , cultures a n d beliefs, s i m p l y because
all ' r i g h t o n ' p e o p l e k n o w they s h o u l d expect n o t h i n g else f r o m t h e r i g h t -
w i n g press. O n t h e o t h e r h a n d is t h e p r o b l e m o f w r i t i n g o f f the w h o l e c o n -
3
stituency o f t a b l o i d readers as m i s g u i d e d v i c t i m s o f a mass d e c e p t i o n , as

passive, d u p e d dopes.
M e d i a and cultural studies suffered for some t i m e w i t h this p r o b l e m o f ack-
n o w l e d g i n g genuine cultural reasons f o r the appeal o f the popular, w h i l e
r e m a i n i n g critical. A closer l o o k at the ' p o p u l a r ' audience, the realities o f their
media-use, a n d the r e c o g n i t i o n o f the audience by critics shifted the focus o f the
debate f r o m the complexities o f the ' t e x t ' t o the complexities o f daily life
(Bennett, 1983: 214-227, 1986: 6 - 2 1 ; Buckingham, 1987; Hall, 1980:
1 2 8 - 1 3 8 ; H o b s o n , 1 9 8 2 ; M o r l e y , 1 9 8 0 , 1 9 8 1 , 1 9 8 6 ; Radway, 1 9 8 4 , 1 9 8 6 :
93-123, 1988: 3 5 9 - 3 7 6 ; Walkerdine, 1987: 167-199; Williamson, 1986:
14-15).
T h e closer e x p l o r a t i o n o f h o w the p o p u l a r m e d i u m are enjoyed b y t h e
audience disturbs t h e idea that they carry u n i f i e d , coherent ideologies. I n t h e
case o f The Sun, c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f d i f f e r e n t positions f r o m w h i c h i t can be read
presents a series o f conflicts a n d c o n t r a d i c t i o n s w i t h i n The Sun's v i e w o f the
w o r l d . T h e ' f u n ' o f endless, u n p r o b l e m a t i c heterosexual ' b o n k i n g ' sometimes
clashes w i t h a sterner m o r a l code a n d t r a d i t i o n a l views o f t h e family. T h e
h e d o n i s t i c ' c h e e k y ' r e b e l l i o n o f The Sun has t o f i t w i t h some vicious a u t h o r -
i t a r i a n i s m . Snubs a n d criticisms o f a u t h o r i t y figures, i n c l u d i n g r o y a l t y , peers,
MPs, judges a n d t h e police never stretch to questioning that the

B r i t i s h system is best. T h e flashing p o u n d signs o f instant c o n s u m e r i s m sit
w i t h d e r i s i o n f o r ' y u p p i e s ' a n d praise f o r the values o f t h r i f t a n d h a r d w o r k .
I n o r d e r t o observe these conflicts a v i t a l analytical step is necessary a n d o n
w h i c h James C u r r a n a n d C o l i n Sparks have recently argued:
When people write about British newspapers, they usually comment only on
their overtly political content. Thus, most historians and social scientists have
ignored the entertainment features of the popular press... This view is based on
the elitist assumption that most of what people read most of the time does not
warrant critical study (Curran and Sparks, 1991: 215).
T h e need is t o v i e w The Sun as a m e d i a p r o d u c t i n r e l a t i o n t o its regular read-

ers. T h i s requires m o v i n g away f r o m t h e n o t i o n t h a t an 'academic' researcher
4
can i d e o l o g i c a l l y i n t e r p r e t 'a t e x t ' a n d ' r e a d ' i t o n behalf o f everybody else.

Such a practice, w i t h its peculiar version o f w h a t i t is ' t o r e a d ' , avoids a l l t h e
i m p o r t a n t questions a b o u t h o w such a paper enters i n t o very real areas o f
l i v e d c u l t u r e . A f t e r a l l , m a r k e t research can s h o w that despite t h e offence
o f t e n recognised, m a n y black people a n d m a n y w o m e n d o b u y a n d enjoy The
Sun. T r y i n g t o f i n d s o m e t h i n g o f t h e investments these readers f i n d i n t a k i n g
the paper is g e t t i n g closer t o t h e ways everyday i d e o l o g i c a l conflicts are actu-
ally e x p e r i e n c e d . I f s o m e t h i n g can be discovered about t h e aspects o f their
i d e n t i t y w h i c h are p o s i t i v e l y r e s p o n d i n g t o t h e paper this c o u l d be a valuable
resource f o r l e f t p o l i t i c s .
G e t t i n g closer t o t h e social relations i n w h i c h p o p u l a r c u l t u r e is i n v o l v e d
does n o t necessarily m e a n t h r o w i n g away i d e o l o g i c a l c r i t i q u e . Rather, t h e c r i -
t i q u e c a n be f o r m u l a t e d f r o m m o r e clearly d e f i n e d positions.
Put a n o t h e r way, readers become less o f a ' p r o b l e m ' i n need o f e x p l a n a t i o n
( t r a p p e d as i d e o l o g i c a l v i c t i m s , i n a rather Althusserian w a y ) a n d become
m o r e active p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t h e m e a n i n g contest.
Politically, there are u r g e n t questions f o r t h e left about its images a n d its
c u l t u r e f r o m w h i c h t h e e x a m p l e o f the relations between The Sun a n d its
readers m a y even p r o v e useful. S o m e w h a t i r o n i c a l l y , I a m suggesting there
m a y be m o r e valuable p o l i t i c a l insights b y g e t t i n g away f r o m t h e m o r e o v e r t ,
d i r e c t style o f i d e o l o g i c a l analysis. ^
Conclusions
Living The Sun
T h e sheer enthusiasm w i t h w h i c h people spoke about t h e i r uses a n d o p i n i o n s
o f t h e t a b l o i d s c o n f i r m e d t h e sense o f a lively, active engagement w i t h such
papers. 'Readings' c a n n o t o n l y be e x p l a i n e d i n r e l a t i o n t o 'deep' i d e o l o g i c a l
bases (identities a r o u n d race, n a t i o n , class, gender, age) because t h e t a b l o i d s
b e c o m e a resource amongst a l l sorts o f everyday experiences. I n p a r t i c u l a r ,
t h e w a y The Sun seemed t o o f f e r r e l a x a t i o n , b o t h at w o r k a n d at h o m e , p o s i -
t i o n s t h e paper as a site o f ' p r i v a t e ' leisure space - perhaps i n an a t t e m p t t o
s m o o t h over some o f t h e daily aspects o f i d e n t i t y c o n f l i c t . The Sun offers a

t e m p o r a r y respite f r o m some m o r e serious social relations a n d instead fits i n t o
patterns o f leisure interests. 5
I n a d d i t i o n , t h e evidence f r o m these i n t e r v i e w s w o u l d suggest that The Sun

is recognised as c o n t a i n i n g some i m p o r t a n t ingredients f o r appearing t o k n o w
a n d get close t o its readers. The Sun's h u m o u r , 'street credible' sociability a n d
s i m p l i f y i n g 'commonsense' are i m p o r t a n t aspects t o its appeal. I t gains c r e d i -
bility, almost becomes friends w i t h readers, t h r o u g h appearing t o ' t a l k t h e
same language'.
H o w e v e r , i t seems i m p o r t a n t t o emphasise that there are m a n y elements o f
everyday experience, m a n y ways o f t a l k i n g , w h i c h The Sun cannot satisfy. Even
the m o s t a v i d readers h a d conflicts a n d doubts i n their relationship w i t h The
Sun. T h e r e was a s t r o n g k n o w l e d g e o f w h a t c o u l d be expected f r o m t h e
t a b l o i d genre. T h e y criticised factual inaccuracies, i d e n t i f i e d m a n y o v e r - t h e - t o p
o p i n i o n s a n d d i d n o t appreciate some o f t h e gross exaggerations o f character
descriptions. T h e y expect t o laugh ' a t ' as w e l l as ' w i t h ' The Sun. Paul o p e n l y
criticised t h e one-dimensional c r i t i q u e o f The Sun w h i c h fails t o account f o r
either the scepticism o r the f r u s t r a t i o n p r o v o k e d i n regular readers:
A l l these people who go round slagging off The Sun - saying " O h you buy The
Sun, ha-ha-ha" and laughin', erm - well they ought to think twice about why
they're laughin'. I mean, yes laugh if they - i f I was buying it because I thought it
was a good paper but keep your mouth shut if er, you don't really know why I ' m
buying i t .
T h e ' p r i v a t e ' e n j o y m e n t o f The Sun does n o t d i r e c t l y p r o d u c e m o r e ' p u b l i c '

a p p r o v a l o f its apparent values. W h i l e people spoke o f t h e i r personal invest-
ments i n l o o k i n g at t h e paper, they w e r e aware other people c o u l d be r e a d i n g
i t d i f f e r e n t l y . T h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between The Sun a n d its readers operates i n
this sometimes c o n f l i c t i n g space between ' p r i v a t e ' uses a n d investments i n t h e
paper a n d t h e simultaneous k n o w l e d g e o f other positions a n d considerations
f r o m a w i d e r ' p u b l i c ' perspective. T h e r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e paper conse-
q u e n t l y lives a n d changes i n r e l a t i o n t o p a r t i c u l a r i d e n t i t y p r i o r i t i e s , d e p e n d -
i n g u p o n a variety o f personal experiences, responsibilities a n d investments.
Questions o f ' i n f l u e n c e ' d e p e n d u p o n h o w readers are seeking t o resolve t h e
f r a g m e n t e d p r i o r i t i e s o f i d e n t i t y i n w h i c h they have t o operate i n t h e i r o w n
lives. I t may w e l l be t h a t the o n l y w a y t o p r e d i c t l i k e l y responses t o m a t e r i a l
physically i n The Sun is t o l o o k at the w a y t h e i d e n t i t y investments o f people
are o f f e r e d as socially active outside the r e a d i n g m o m e n t .
T h i s at least offers some o p t i m i s m f o r alternative constructions t o t h e
t a b l o i d w o r l d o f The Sun. T h e r e are l i m i t s t o t h e capabilities o f The Sun.
Readers k n o w h o w m u c h there is t o gain f r o m r e a d i n g a t a b l o i d newspaper.
T h e y d o n o t expect t o f i n d answers t o life's real anxieties o r features w h i c h
align w i t h m a n y real experiences. T h e m a i n site w h i c h seemed s t r o n g l y rele-
v a n t i n real life b u t barely present i n n e g o t i a t i n g The Sun was t h e i m p o r t a n c e
o f a sense o f t h e social, as opposed t o t h e isolated i n d i v i d u a l . T h e o n l y real
Looking at f/?e Sun 201
g r o u p The Sun acknowledges is the c o m m u n i t y o f Sun readers. I n its crude

classifications The Sun m a y i g n o r e t h a t people live by h e l p i n g each o t h e r o u t
a n d l e a v i n g each o t h e r r o o m t o live. Readers d i d n o t seem t o recognise The
Sun w i t h any sense o f w a r m t h or honesty, b u t w i t h an i r o n i c distance, realis-
i n g the p h o n e y n a t u r e o f m u c h supposedly spontaneous w i t a n d accepting sto-
ries c o u l d n o t always be t a k e n as they seemed. T h i s at least leaves r o o m f o r
a l t e r n a t i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n s t o f i n d a m o r e relevant language - reaching the same
readers w i t h a m o r e accurate v e r s i o n o f everyday language, h u m o u r a n d peo-
ple's real considerations.
W h i l e The Sun gets close t o some aspects o f h o w real c u l t u r e is l i v e d , there
are o t h e r possibilities w h i c h i t does n o t reach. T h e central focus o f a t t e n t i o n
needs t o be the d i m e n s i o n s o f everyday life w h i c h c o n t r i b u t e t o w a r d s various
possible relations w i t h such ' p o p u l a r ' texts. The Sun's ability to w o r k f r o m
m u l t i p l e p o s i t i o n s a n d pay close a t t e n t i o n t o c u l t u r a l m o v e m e n t s offers
lessons f o r those i n v o l v e d i n disseminating a very d i f f e r e n t set o f values. T h e
i m p o r t a n t p o i n t is t h a t Sun readers are n o t s i m p l y mistaken o r w r o n g b u t t h a t
t h e y have a v a r i e t y o f genuine social factors a n d positions g i v i n g t h e m p a r t i c u -
lar investments i n w h a t the ' t e x t ' contains. I n d e e d the supposed ' t e x t ' is a
m u l t i p l e , s h i f t i n g body, e x i s t i n g o n l y i n r e l a t i o n t o these o t h e r social factors
a n d p o s i t i o n s . I t is the real social practices i n w h i c h ' t e x t s ' a n d 'readers' are
i n v o l v e d w h i c h need f u r t h e r study rather t h a n any n o t i o n t h a t they can be
separated a n d h e l d i n an isolated r e l a t i o n s h i p .
T h e r e is clearly a difference between t r u l y ' l i v i n g The Sun 9
a n d the tendency
o f m y o w n style o f analysis o f The Sun, f r o m the perspective o f a l e f t r e c o g n i -
t i o n o f r e a c t i o n a r y elements o f social c o n c e r n . T h e L e f t has h a d t o revive the
i m p o r t a n c e o f the ' p o l i t i c s o f i d e n t i t y ' i n an era w h e n increasing social f r a g -
m e n t a t i o n a n d d i v i s i o n necessarily means people o c c u p y i n g a m o r e m u l t i p l e
range o f i d e n t i t y locations ( B r u n t , 1 9 8 8 : 2 0 - 2 3 and H a l l , 1988: 24-29). A
l o o k at the f u l l , v a r i e d ways readers meet The Sun is perhaps p r o o f e n o u g h o f
a c o m p l e x , l i v e l y struggle i n this era o f the ' p o l i t i c s o f i d e n t i t y ' .
I n t r u t h , so far, The Sun m a y i l l u s t r a t e , rather better t h a n the L e f t , the pos-
sibilities g a i n e d by addressing m u l t i p l e i d e n t i t i e s . The Sun does n o t constantly
6
b o m b a r d a single i d e n t i t y p o s i t i o n or expect t o always gain everybody's

a p p r o v a l , b u t i t does w o r k t o d i f f e r e n t aspects o f i d e n t i t y (at d i f f e r e n t times,
t o variable degrees). T h e L e f t has t o get used t o ways o f r e l a t i n g t o t h a t c o n -
stituency o f p e o p l e w h o lead largely a p o l i t i c a l a n d o f t e n c o n f l i c t i n g lives.
These are the p e o p l e w h o c h i e f l y read The Sun because i t is c o n v e n i e n t , relax-
i n g a n d m i g h t o f f e r an e n l i g h t e n i n g m o m e n t , the chance f o r s o m e t h i n g t o d o ,
a conversational item or a touch of humour. 7
Politcal and tabloid futures

L o o k i n g at the r e l a t i o n s h i p between The Sun, its readers a n d T h a t c h e r i s m
o f f e r s some relevant lines o f t h o u g h t f o r the unclear p o l i t i c a l f u t u r e ahead f o r
B r i t a i n i n t h e nineties. T o begin w i t h , t h e idea that I c o u l d l o o k at The Sun i n

1 9 8 7 - 8 8 t o f i n d a coherent p o p u l a r expression o f T h a t c h e r i s m , a n d t h e n
speak t o readers w h o were p i c k i n g u p these values, soon l o o k e d i n a p p r o p r i -
ately s i m p l i s t i c . B o t h t h e media p r o d u c t a n d the readers w e r e i n v o l v e d i n
m o r e c o n f l i c t i n g a n d f l u i d relations t h a n c o u l d be reduced t o t h e d o m i n a n t
tenets o f a p o l i t i c a l , hegemonic m o v e m e n t . H o w e v e r , this is n o t t o argue t h a t
these complex relations never d o align. The Sun p u t f o r w a r d certain
T h a t c h e r i t e voices, o n occasions very l o u d l y , a n d must have reached t h r o u g h
t o m a n y readers, at various times, just by p u t t i n g f o r w a r d such values as p a r t
o f t h e stock o f possibilities. Paul f o u n d a useful m e t a p h o r w h e n he said he
m a y use the paper f o r ' a m m u n i t i o n ' t o bolster his o p i n i o n s .
The Sun is u n l i k e l y t o change an o p i n i o n against a c o n f l i c t i n g v i e w c o n -
s t r u c t e d b y m o r e p r i m a r y relations a n d experiences. The Sun m i g h t have t h e
' i n f l u e n c e ' o f p r o v i d i n g m a t e r i a l t o an a r g u m e n t w h e n there is already an
i n v e s t m e n t i n t a k i n g such a stance. Perhaps, u n f o r t u n a t e l y , this c o n c l u s i o n t h a t
h e a r t - f e l t attitudes a n d values w i l l n o t change, h o w e v e r h a r d a newspaper
tries, i f o t h e r experiences are n o t served by this change, need n o t a p p l y t o t h e
practice o f s w i t c h i n g v o t i n g i n t e n t i o n s . T h e p o l i t i c a l apathy o f m a n y readers
means there is n o t really an i m p o r t a n t investment i n h o l d i n g a p o l i t i c a l i d e n -
t i t y as a p r i o r i t y w h e n r e a d i n g the paper. T h i s sheer lack o f interest leaves a
gap w h e r e t h e instant headlines, images a n d arguments o f The Sun m i g h t
cause a change i n t h e casting o f a v o t e , w h i c h is itself seen as o f l i t t l e
relevance t o t h e r o u t i n e s o f everyday l i f e . T h e o t h e r i m p o r t a n t a r g u m e n t i n
8
r e l a t i o n t o p o l i t i c a l 'influences' is that ideas o r arguments i n i t i a l l y h a r d l y

n o t i c e d o r registered as relevant can be recollected o r r e t u r n e d t o i n conver-
sation later. T h e 'stock o f possibilities' can be activated i f personally relevant
circumstances arise. F o r e x a m p l e , I s h o u l d n o t expect t o f i n d o n e coherent
response t o t h e w h o l e o f T h a t c h e r i s m o r The Sun's i d e o l o g y f r o m o n e person,
b u t i n a s i t u a t i o n such as t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o b u y p r i v a t i s e d shares o r a dis-
agreement w i t h a L a b o u r c o u n c i l this real, practical s i t u a t i o n may b r i n g t o t h e
f o r e a p o i n t o r an a t t i t u d e encountered i n The Sun. Just as t h e paper need
never be read i n a ' t o t a l ' , u n i f i e d w a y the experience o f T h a t c h e r i s m f o r m a n y
people was p r o b a b l y n o t o n e o f either a l l ' f o r ' o r a l l 'against', b u t o n e o f
e n c o u n t e r i n g p a r t i c u l a r aspects o f p o l i c y w h e n they h a d t o be l i v e d .
U n d o u b t e d l y The Sun f i t t e d best w i t h its readers w h e n i t was n o t engaged i n
o b v i o u s l y representing T h a t c h e r i s m . Yet i n some ways the horoscopes, cross-
w o r d s , cartoons, sports pages a n d television chat say the most about The Sun's
politics. I t is a w o r l d o f ' e n t e r t a i n m e n t ' , consumerism, easy self-pleasure, rather
t h a n social concerns o r active, p r o d u c t i v e c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o society. T h e very
rejection o f ' p o l i t i c s ' i n favour o f ' e n t e r t a i n m e n t ' perhaps illustrates t h e
changes t o t h e p o l i t i c a l climate d u r i n g the eighties. The Sun was able t o t u r n
far-reaching ' p u b l i c ' , ideological values i n t o accessible personal stories a n d its
c o n f i d e n t personality suited the individualised spirit o f T h a t c h e r i s m . A b o v e a l l ,
The Sun was i n v o l v e d i n t h e apparent d e p o l i t i c i s i n g o f politics itself a n d p u b l i c
l i f e , t u r n i n g a l l i n t o i n d i v i d u a l issues, personalities a n d choices, creating a c o n -

n e c t i o n w i t h the increasingly 'private* f o r m s o f social i d e n t i t y people e x p e r i -
enced as larger senses o f social groups were denied o r f r a g m e n t e d .
H o w e v e r , just as The Sun s u p p o r t e r s I spoke t o at the h e i g h t o f its success
f e l t d o u b t s , absences a n d a m b i g u i t i e s about the paper, i t seems m a n y p e o p l e
f e l t c o n f l i c t s a n d antagonisms a b o u t the T h a t c h e r i t e d i r e c t i o n . As o r d i n a r y
p e o p l e began t o q u e s t i o n the T h a t c h e r i t e p r o g r a m m e some o f the c e r t a i n t y
a n d boldness f a d e d f r o m The Sun. A t the e n d o f the eighties p e o p l e w h o h a d
g a i n e d f r o m t a x cuts w e r e seeing t h e y h a d n o t been p a r t o f an 'economic
m i r a c l e ' a n d m a n y services, l i k e h e a l t h a n d e d u c a t i o n became m o r e appreci-
a t e d as t h e o n s l a u g h t o n p u b l i c s p e n d i n g deepened. People d i d n o t seem t o
l i k e the l o o k o f a society based o n ruthless e c o n o m i c i n d i v i d u a l i s m a n d as
splits d e v e l o p e d at the level o f o v e r t p o l i t i c s a n u m b e r o f o l d values f o u n d an
o p p o r t u n i t y t o be r e a r t i c u l a t e d . Even a d v e r t i s i n g agencies w e r e p r o c l a i m i n g a
softer image o f ' t h e c a r i n g nineties' before the f i n a l f a l l o f T h a t c h e r in
November 1990.
I t was 'the m e n i n grey suits' a n d an o l d e r version o f paternalistic, p r a g m a t -
ic Conservatism which stopped the 'radical' Thatcherite steamroller.
U n f o r t u n a t e l y f o r The Sun, o t h e r t h a n an interest i n large p r o f i t s , this repre-
sents v e r y d i f f e r e n t g r o u n d o n w h i c h t o w o r k . I t certainly is n o t clear yet
exactly w h a t J o h n M a j o r l e d post-Thatcher Conservatism contains, b u t any
k i n d o f r e t u r n t o 'consensus' p o l i t i c s (even i f o n l y a gloss o f style) p r o v i d e s
d i f f i c u l t i e s f o r R i g h t - w i n g tabloids after t h e i r zealous, crusading years. T h i s
gap i n t h e p o l i t i c a l - c u l t u r a l c l i m a t e , o n t o p o f doubts about w h a t t a b l o i d
excesses w i l l be t o l e r a t e d p o s t - C a l c u t t , leaves The Sun w i t h o u t a refreshingly
bright vision or purpose.
T h e relative f i g h t b a c k f r o m the Daily Mirror perhaps aligns w i t h the fact
t h a t m a n y n o n - T h a t c h e r i t e values never d i d really go away. T h e Daily Mirror
has p i c k e d u p its o w n m o r e c o n f i d e n t i d e n t i t y based o n a m o r e ' h u m a n ' face,
f o l l o w i n g some years o f t r y i n g t o out-Sun The Sun. T h e tackiness has been
r e d u c e d a n d the news c o n t e n t increased. T a l k i n g t o a small g r o u p o f t a b l o i d
readers, as I d i d , h i g h l i g h t e d a simple t r u t h : social concerns, sharing, h e l p f u l
c o m m u n i t i e s , k n o w l e d g e s o f injustice a n d senses o f inequalities never disap-
peared. As p a r t o f m y research I sought the views o f Clare Short o n The Sun,
a n d its p a r t i c u l a r r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h its readers a n d her o w n perceptions o f the
target o f her c a m p a i g n . I n September 1 9 8 8 , she expressed f r u s t r a t i o n t h a t the
above values w e r e r e m a i n i n g p o l i t i c a l l y u n t a p p e d :
The Sun's success is, sort of, another side of the coin of some of Labour's prob-
lems.... We've got to the point where people's sense of why they're voting
Labour - what values that represents - that should be a natural part of their life
- have been so eroded that they're not surprised or offended by it [The Sun]. It's
a complex thing the Thatcher success. It isn't true that she's created a new con-
sensus - it's partly w i t h an idea of opposition that just electorally explains things
and partly the eroded values that belong to us that we've [the Labour Party]
failed, erm, made to live i n people's lives. And I think The Sun belongs to such
an era.
Some o f the successful attachments o f The Sun t o its readership p r o v i d e useful

lessons f o r visions o f the democratic L e f t . A key feature, f r o m t h e evidence o f
this research, is t h e need t o use a language recognisable t o t h e ways b y w h i c h
people really l i v e . T h e politics o f the nineties w i l l have t o pay close a t t e n t i o n
t o h o w groups o f people i d e n t i f y themselves a n d t h e terms b y w h i c h they
articulate t h e i r lives. Clare Short p r o v i d e d a clear example:
People who are objectively 'working class' don't all call themselves 'working
class' ... I t doesn't mean that class doesn't exist and all the issues of class don't
exist, but it's no good using a language that people aren't talking ... So i f you
have ranting speeches about 'working class means stand together' then nobody's
going to be listening to that kind of thing.
I t can be argued t h a t The Sun has played a p a r t i n m o v i n g the L e f t away f r o m

the everyday language o f people b y using a largely depoliticised language t o
represent its o w n p r e f e r r e d interests a n d p r o m o t i n g a l i g h t - h e a r t e d e n t e r t a i n -
m e n t w h i c h seeks t o laugh at a l l o p p o s i t i o n , leaving L e f t counter-arguments
w i t h t h e appearance o f 'serious' p o l i t i c a l r h e t o r i c . The Sun holds a f o r m o f
influence s i m p l y b y recognising the importance o f everyday conversation.
A m o n g s t m y i n t e r v i e w s Dave summarised t h e significance o f this p o i n t : 'Even
p o l i t i c s they [The Sun] make simple ... a n d people t h i n k they k n o w about p o l -
itics so they can argue about i t at the bar.'
A n o t h e r o p p o r t u n i t y f o r t h e L e f t t h a t The Sun clearly i l l u m i n a t e s is t h e
need t o p u t f o r w a r d a p o s i t i v e v i s i o n o f a f u t u r e society. The Sun g a i n e d
appeal f r o m its up-beat, b r i g h t , l i v e l y a t t i t u d e a n d images, l e a v i n g t h e L e f t
w i t h a s o m e w h a t grey, d o w d y contrast. T h e d i s m a n t l i n g o f oppressive c o m -
m u n i s t bureaucracies m i g h t h e l p , b u t there is s t i l l a v a c u u m t h e L a b o u r
Party's r e d rose h a r d l y f i l l s . A g a i n , b y w o r k i n g at t h e c u t t i n g edge o f
p o p u l a r c u l t u r e t h e t a b l o i d s have a p a r t t o play i n o f f e r i n g h o p e f u l visions. I
asked C l a r e S h o r t a b o u t h e r o w n ' s p o i l s p o r t ' image (at best!) i n The Sun
a n d she was r a t h e r amused at t h e idea t h a t ' F u n a n d f r e e d o m a n d happiness'
c o u l d possibly belong more t o the Tory MPs w h o 'look like little o l d
men when they're thirty' than the Labour movement's more 'irrev-
erent', 'libertarian' traditions. Again, the Left has lost ground i n an
advantageous area, possibly because o f its recent struggle i n t h e f i e l d o f p o p -
ular culture.
I t is t e m p t i n g t o conclude that L e f t politics is i n need o f a r e v i v a l w i t h
r e g a r d t o p o p u l a r c u l t u r e . Stuart H a l l has asked, 'Can a socialism o f the 21st
c e n t u r y revive, o r even survive, w h i c h is w h o l l y cut o f f f r o m the landscapes o f
p o p u l a r pleasures, h o w e v e r c o n t r a d i c t o r y a t e r r a i n they are?' ( 1 9 8 8 : 2 8 ) .
My argument, f r o m this research, must be that, however contradictory
the g r o u n d w o r k e d o n b y t h e tabloids, t h e k i n d o f appeals they w o r k o n have
t o be t a c k l e d i f t h e L e f t is t o reach significantly w i d e r t h a n the already
c o n v e r t e d . T h e r e m a y be a h i g h price t o pay f o r c o n d e m n i n g tabloids w i t h the

t y p e o f c r i t i q u e w h i c h o n l y focusses o n the level o f ( a d m i t t e d l y a w f u l ) i d e o -
l o g i c a l representations. T h e danger is o f e n t i r e l y missing the levels at w h i c h
such t a b l o i d s are recognised (the identities a n d investments they serve) a n d
t h e r e b y a b a n d o n i n g the p o p u l a r g r o u n d . A closer l o o k at the p o l i t i c s o f
' e n t e r t a i n m e n t ' , leisure a n d pleasure needs t o be p a r t o f the v i s i o n o f the
d e m o c r a t i c L e f t just as m u c h as the c o n s u m e r i s m o f the R i g h t . To this e n d ,
t a l k i n g t o Sun readers p r o v i d e d an interesting resource f o r s t u d y i n g c h a n g i n g
times.
Notes
1. Clare Short's campaign and Bill against the display of sexually provocative
naked women i n newspapers provides an example. She has received thousands
of letters of support, culminating i n the publication of selected letters: Short,
1991.
2. Michael Leapman makes this point: 'Historically ... individual titles have forfeited
market supremacy by failing to adapt quickly enough to changes in public prefer-
ences; for instance, the Daily Herald and Sunday Dispatch in the fifties, the Daily
Express and Daily Mirror in the seventies ... The first tabloid editor to capture the
true mood of the nineties could move well ahead of the field', The Independent, 17
A p r i l 1991.
3. Racism has been identified w i t h The Sun so frequently the Institute for Race
Relations have published w o r k on the subject; see Searle, 1989.
4. There are a number of books viewing The Sun ' f r o m the inside' shedding some
light on the production and construction of The Sun's w o r l d : see Chippindale and
Horrie, 1990; Lamb, 1989; Grose, 1989.
5. Janice Radway (1988), has noted the importance leisure pursuits can play i n per-
ceptions of self-identity; 'For many individuals and subgroups, in fact, the concep-
tually subordinated leisure w o r l d is the primary site for the elaboration of what is
taken to be meaningful identity.'
6. Frank M o r t and Nicholas Green (1988), have made a similar point in relation to
the multiple complexities advertisers put to w o r k : 'Advertisers seem to know
instinctively what political activists have been slow to understand. Most of us do
not have one fixed political identity. We are not in any simple sense "black" or
"gay" or "upwardly mobile".'
7. These reasons for reading the paper offer a contrast to some of the ' o l d ' , alienat-
ing language of politics: Brunt (1988), ' I t is not, after all, obvious w h y anyone,
particularly i n such an apolitical culture as Britain, should ever choose to define
themselves as political. For the commonsense opinion of politics is that, like reli-
gion, it spells trouble. It is what you do not discuss at high points of social
togetherness, like family weddings or Christmas, or even just having a d r i n k . '
8. Recent research f r o m William Miller at Glasgow University argues the Tory
tabloids can indeed change voting patterns. This research has been published (How
Voters Change f r o m Clarendon Press) though the argument is outlined by Ivor
Crewe's article 'Revenge of the M i n d Benders', in The Guardian, 19 November
1990.
References
Bennett, T. 1983: Text, readers, reading formations. Literature and History 9(2)
Bennett, T. 1986: The politics of 'the popular' and popular culture. I n Bennett, T.,
Mercer, C. and Woolacott, J. (eds.), Popular culture and social relations. M i l t o n
Keynes: Open University Press.
Brunt, R. 1988: Bones in the corset. Marxism Today, October.
Buckingham, D . 1987: Public secrets: EastEnders and its audience. London: British
Film Institute.
Chippindale, P. and H o m e , C. 1990: Stick it up your punter - the rise and fall of The
Sun. London: Heinemann.
Curran, J. and Sparks, C. 1991: Press and popular culture. Media, Culture and Society
13.
Grose, R. 1989: The Sun-sation - behind the scenes of Britain's bestselling daily news-
paper. London: Angus & Robertson.
Hall, S. 1980: Encoding/decoding. I n Hall, S., Hobson, D . , Lowe, A . and Willis, P.
(eds.), Culture, media, language. London: Hutchinson.
Hall, S. 1988: Brave new w o r l d . Marxism Today, October.
Hobson, D . 1982: Crossroads: the drama of a soap opera. London: Methuen.
Lamb, L . 1989: Sunrise - the remarkable rise and rise of the best-selling Soaraway Sun.
London: Macmillan.
Morley, D . 1980: The 'nationwide' audience: structure and decoding. London: British
Film Institute.
Morley, D. 1981: The nationwide audience - a critical postscript. Screen Education 39.
Comedia.
M o r t , F. and Green, N . 1988: You've never had it so good again. Marxism Today, May.
Radway, J. 1984: Reading the romance: women, patriarchy and popular literature.
Chapel H i l l : University of N o r t h Carolina Press.
Radway, J. 1986: Identifying ideological seams: mass culture, analytical method and
political practice. Communication, 9.
Radway, J. 1988: Reception study: ethnography and the problems of dispersed audi-
ences and nomadic subjects. Cultural Studies 2(3).
Searle, C. 1989: Your daily dose: racism and The Sun. In Murray, N . and Searle, C ,
Racism and the press in Thatcher's Britain. London: Institute of Race Relations.
Short, C. 1991: Dear Clare ... this is what women feel about Page 3. Radius.
Walkerdine, V. 1987: Video replay: families, films and fantasy. In Burgin V , Donald, J.
and Kaplan, C. (eds.), Formations of fantasy. London: Methuen.
Williamson, J. 1986: The problems of being popular. New Socialist, September.
Questions
1 From your reading of this short extract what would you surmise might be the
main questions and problems concerning method of analysis and the conclu-
sions drawn?
2 The study was based on interviews carried out with readers of The Sun in 1988
('when The Sun was at its brightest'). What has happened to the style of
The Sun and its tabloid market since 1988, especially with regard to its shifts of
support prior to the 1997 general election?
Technology in the Domestic Environment 207
3 Carry out one or two interviews of your own with readers of a current popular
tabloid daily newspaper. On the basis of these interviews, how would you sum-
marise their relationship with the paper in question?
Further reading
Chippindaie, P. and H o m e , C. 1988: Disaster! The rise and fall of News on Sunday.
London: Sphere.
Chippindaie, P. and Horrie, C. 1990: Stick it up your punter - the rise and fall of The
Sun. London: Heinemann.
Dahlgren, P. and Sparks, C. (eds.) 1992: Journalism and popular culture. London:
Sage.
Fiske, J. 1989: Reading the popular, London: Unwin Hyman.
Fiske, J. 1989: Understanding popular culture. London: Unwin Hyman.
McNair, B. 1995: An introduction to political communication. London: Routledge.
21
Technology in the Domestic Environment
Ann Gray
From Video playtime: the gendering of a leisure technology (Routledge 1992)
Like the previous extract, this reading demonstrates by means of detailed interview the
relationship between a specific medium - in this case, video - and its users. But as with
the previous extract, limitations of space prevent us from including the detailed interview
transcripts in their entirety and, as before, we would recommend that if you wish to follow
up your reading with more detailed information about the ethnographic research methods
employed and the responses of interviewees, you should refer to the original text.
The overall aim of the research was to understand how, and on what terms, the video
cassette recorder (VCR) was domesticated in British homes in the 1980s. This was the
decade when the VCR rapidly became a widely accepted part of the technological and cul-
tural landscape of many homes, a taken-for-granted attachment for the television screen.
In particular, Gray was concerned to investigate how women related to and used the VCR,
and to explore the types of impact it made upon their lives and the household cultures in
which they lived. The central focus for the study lies, then, in its analysis of the signifi-
cance of gender in structuring women's and men's relationships with domestic media and
communications technologies. Earlier in the study, Gray investigates the extent to which
social class, education and generation play a part in women's relationships with video
technology, but she concludes that while such variables raise some important issues relat-
ing to gender, in terms of different kinds of viewing contexts, confidence in one's ability to
operate the VCR etc., gender itself is the key determinate in the use of, and expertise in,
video technology in the home. The reading begins by exploring the reasons behind the
acquisition of the VCR in the home.
Winning consent
T h e purchase o f the V C R was o f t e n t h e subject o f n e g o t i a t i o n , largely, b u t n o t
always, instigated b y m e n , w i t h a variety o f 'carrots' o f f e r e d . Beth's husband,
f o r e x a m p l e , h a d a w o r k - r e l a t e d reason f o r t h e purchase o f the V C R , b u t , as
she p o i n t e d o u t , her house is f u l l o f 'gadgets'.
We've got several tape recorders, we've got an early Sinclair computer and a
later Sinclair computer, certainly a wireless for each room ... it's just that we've
always had video recorders before anybody else had video recorders ... the only
thing we haven't got is a compact disc player ... but that's just because we'd just
bought a whole new stereo system. But we bought a video recorder. We were
working for the Open University at the time and he made this great case that we
really needed a video recorder so we could watch our programmes, and we did-
n't watch many O U programmes. (Beth)
A t another p o i n t i n t h e i n t e r v i e w I asked her w h y they h a d g o t the v i d e o , a n d

she r e p l i e d ,
Because George loves gadgets. He bought i t , I wouldn't have bought i t , but then
he buys all those things. I buy silly things. (Beth)
For three o f t h e w o m e n , t h e reasons f o r t h e decision t o purchase t h e V C R

h a d resulted i n t h e w o m e n b e i n g m a r g i n a l t o its use. Sheila a n d K a y w e r e
' n o t i n t e r e s t e d ' i n g e t t i n g a v i d e o , a l t h o u g h their husbands a n d f a m i l y w e r e
v e r y keen. K a y felt t h a t h e r husband a n d f a m i l y were already w a t c h i n g t o o
much television.
Were you in favour of getting the video}
N o . I was dead against it until the Royal Wedding. That's where I slipped up you
see. I said I w o u l d love that, you know, for posterity, to have ... and he said,
right ... I ' l l go and get a video recorder and you shall have i t [laugh] and that's
what he d i d . (Kay)
Kay hardly ever recorded things - ' I don't even know h o w to work
the t h i n g p r o p e r l y ' - a n d w h i l s t her husband's case f o r getting the video
was that he w o u l d be able t o record things and therefore go o u t m o r e w i t h her,
this h a d n ' t actually happened. I n effect, he had ended u p w a t c h i n g m o r e .
Well, because he records ... there's always something on the other side he wants
to watch, so he'll watch one channel, record the other side, and then he has a
backlog of things that he's got to sit and watch, so even when ... like Monday
night is very bad on television, there's nothing really on, but he's got a backlog
of stuff that he wants to watch, so ... (Kay)
Similarly, Sheila, whose teenage c h i l d r e n were the m a i n instigators o f the p u r -

chase, rarely used the v i d e o recorder a n d was n o t interested i n its use.
T h e p r i m e m o t i v a t i o n i n Shirley's h o u s e h o l d f o r t h e purchase o f a v i d e o
r e c o r d e r was the desire f o r a v i d e o camera t o r e c o r d their c h i l d r e n .
Roger had been toying w i t h the idea of getting a camera for some while and
eventually we bought i t t o coincide w i t h the second daughter ... so ... that was
the incidental reason for i t , although I suppose we do use the video for record-
ing. (Shirley)
W h i l s t they d i d use t h e v i d e o , as w e have seen i n the previous chapter, Shirley

d i d n o t feel i t was 'her t e r r i t o r y ' ; her husband operated the camera a n d tended
t o d o m i n a t e the use o f the v i d e o recorder.
Rene was v e r y keen t o get a v i d e o a n d its purchase was p a r t o f a bargain.
We needed a new television and my husband said, right, we'll have one w i t h
Teletext. I said, well, if you're having your Teletext, I ' m having a video.
Why did you want a video?
Well, because of the things he used t o watch. Say, for instance, Match of the Day
on a Saturday night, well, there could be, as I recall, Tales of the Unexpected on
the other side which I enjoyed, but because I got my o w n way so much during
the week, I thought, well it's only fair t o let h i m watch Match of the Day i n
colour. N o w , I w o u l d either take the television up to bed i n the winter, or I ' d go
in the kitchen and watch ... and it's damned uncomfortable in the kitchen and I
don't always particularly want t o be in bed. You know, watching television, par-
ticularly because I fall asleep, you know, i f I take the television t o bed I've really
... it's got t o be really something special that keeps me awake t o watch i t , so
that's the reason I wanted a video. (Rene)
Rene is a keen v i d e o user a n d so is her husband, a l t h o u g h he was n o t i n

f a v o u r o f h a v i n g a V C R ; his reaction t o her w a n t i n g a v i d e o was ' y o u w a t c h
e n o u g h r u b b i s h already', associating t h e V C R w i t h e n t e r t a i n m e n t as against
'his' Teletext, the provider o f i n f o r m a t i o n .
Another important bargaining position was t h e a r g u m e n t that the
v i d e o w a s ' f o r t h e c h i l d r e n ' a n d this o f t e n came i n t o p l a y at C h r i s t m a s . A
number o f working-class women r e p o r t e d t h a t t h e V C R was r e n t e d at
C h r i s t m a s ' f o r t h e c h i l d r e n ' because o f t h e g o o d f i l m s o n t h e n , w h i c h t h e y
could record.
It was my husband really wanted i t i n the first place. I honestly didn't think
we'd watch i t . I mean we do. But all the time I thought, oh we don't really need
one. Then i t got t o Christmas time and he said it would be nice for the kiddies
... so ... (Betty)
For those households o n l o w incomes w i t h y o u n g c h i l d r e n , i t is n o t surprising

that e c o n o m i c factors a n d lack o f f r e e d o m t o g o o u t were m o t i v a t i n g elements.
He bought a video because we couldn't afford t o go to the pictures. I t was

expensive when there's five of us going. (Alison)
T h e o t h e r f a c t o r f o r t w o o f the w o m e n was t h e fact t h a t t h e y w o r k e d i n t h e

e v e n i n g a n d i t m e a n t t h a t t h e y d i d n ' t miss t h e i r f a v o u r i t e p r o g r a m m e s (soap
opera).
He decided he wanted a video, he's wanted one since a couple of years ago and I
said no ... I ' m not interested. But then when I started on i n the evenings ... he
says 'Well, we can get one now because then I can tape Coronation Street for
when I ' m at w o r k ' . . . so I wouldn't be without it now. (Cathy)
T h e r e is n o d o u b t here whose decision i t was t o have a v i d e o a n d here is a

very clear e x a m p l e o f this k i n d o f n e g o t i a t i o n . Brenda r e p o r t e d t h a t they
wanted a V C R mainly for recording.
The Olympics were coming on and I was working in the evening, and my hus-
band would tape things we could watch together when I came home.
Can you remember whose idea it was to get the video}
Well, my husband had seen one and we talked about i t and said ... when they
first came out we said, no ... because what was the point if you wanted to watch
something, i f you were out you'd stop i n and watch it, i f you really wanted to
watch i t . . . but then I started working evenings and he found out what it was like
looking after three kids [laugh]; that clinched it. (Brenda)
Everybody's got one

T h e acquisition o f V C R s b y friends and colleagues was an i m p o r t a n t a d d i t i o n a l
factor behind t h e decisions f o r lower-income groups. VCR-related talk
becomes a feature at w o r k , i n t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d a n d at social gatherings a n d
i n this w a y i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t t h e advantages o f the V C R is shared a n d n o n -
o w n e r s can r a p i d l y be persuaded t o become owners.
Well, they were all getting them where he works, and he thought i t would be a
good idea. (Alison)
I think Megan was the first to get one round here and, you know ... well that
persuaded us really. Most people have got 'em now. (Janet)
T w o o f t h e w o m e n declared that i t h a d been a j o i n t decision t o purchase t h e

machine. These were Susan a n d M i c h e l l e - f u l l - t i m e w o r k e r s , m a r r i e d b u t
w i t h no children.
There's nothing else to do

T w o o f the w o m e n w e r e u n d e r 2 1 a n d l i v i n g w i t h their parents. A l t h o u g h o n e
h a d a j o b , w o r k i n g i n a supermarket, a n d t h e other was u n e m p l o y e d , they
b o t h h a d a very l i m i t e d a m o u n t o f m o n e y t o spend o n g o i n g o u t a n d l i v e d i n
an area w h i c h , as far as they were concerned, o f f e r e d very l i t t l e i n t h e w a y o f
e n t e r t a i n m e n t . C h r i s t i n e , the o n e i n e m p l o y m e n t , said,
There's nothing to do ... I think it's w i t h not many of us having much money
and i t costing so much to go out, I think that's the reason. I don't go out during
the week, unless it's a special occasion, I mean there's not much going off,
except pubs that are open ... it's a shame though because we're only 2 1 and
we've no life, really. (Christine)
Sandra, u n e m p l o y e d , was also short o f cash a n d b o t h these w o m e n w e n t t o

the c i n e m a very i n f r e q u e n t l y .
I think I've been once so far this year. I went about twice last year. It's only if
there's a f i l m that I really want to watch and usually my sister goes w i t h me
because we both like the same kind of films, but normally we can get a video
and watch it at home, all the family can watch it together. (Sandra)
Sometimes, on Monday nights we'll go 'cos it's only a pound in for any age, and
if there's a decent f i l m on we'll go, but there haven't been many films. We go see
cartoons and weepies, that's all we do. I sometimes take my sister, or sometimes
go w i t h people f r o m w o r k if they want to go see it as well. (Christine)
T h e m a i n reason g i v e n b y C h r i s t i n e f o r r e n t i n g a V C R was that there was

n o t h i n g g o o d o n television d u r i n g the week w h e n she h a d t o stay i n .
M y life's more or less come home, have my tea, watch television and go to bed
about nine o'clock and I was just getting fed up and all my friends, well some
of my friends at w o r k , have got videos and they were saying, ' O h I watched so
and so video this week, and i t was really good' and I thought, well, if they're
watching all them films and there's nothing on television, I might get one.
(Christine)
A g a i n this is evidence, as seen earlier, o f peer g r o u p pressure t o acquire a

V C R . H o w e v e r , she f o u n d h i r i n g f i l m s f r o m t h e v i d e o l i b r a r y o f t e n b e y o n d
her means.
I haven't watched one for a while, it's just a matter of going down and getting
one, I ' m a bit skint you see ... they cost a pound to one pound fifty; i t isn't
much, but w i t h me going out on Saturday and Sunday and spending more
money than what I intended ... I haven't been able t o afford one and my dinners
at w o r k has cost me a bit more, and I've got some new things, new clothes; there
are a few new films, but not many that interest me, so I think that's the reason.
(Christine)
U n l i k e C h r i s t i n e , Sandra f o u n d t h a t there w e r e lots o f p r o g r a m m e s o n t e l e v i -

s i o n t h a t interested h e r a n d t h a t she w a n t e d t o r e c o r d . H e r m a r r i e d sister a n d
b r o t h e r b o t h h a d a V C R a n d she f o u n d she was constantly asking t h e m t o
r e c o r d things f o r her. She t h e r e f o r e managed t o persuade her father t o rent a
machine.
Well, my brother had his video for about a year and a half, and my sister
had had hers for nearly a year and I had some tapes at her house, you see, and
I used t o ring her up and say ... oh quick, you know, put the tape in, I want
this taping and ... I don't know, I think my Dad got fed up with the 'phone bill and
I kept saying, you know, it's wonderful, you'll be able to sit here w i t h all your cow-
boy films on a Saturday ... so I kind of persuaded my Dad to get it. (Sandra)
B o t h these w o m e n w e r e t h e d o m i n a n t users i n t h e h o u s e h o l d a n d b o t h
c l a i m e d t o use i t m o r e f o r h i r i n g f i l m s t h a n r e c o r d i n g o f f air.
Summary
I t w o u l d seem t h a t class a n d e d u c a t i o n are n o t significant variables i n attitudes
t o w a r d s t e c h n o l o g y i n t h e h o m e . Gender is the key d e t e r m i n a n t i n t h e use o f
a n d expertise i n specific pieces o f domestic e q u i p m e n t . T h i s i n t u r n can

be seen t o relate t o t h e gendered d i v i s i o n o f l a b o u r w i t h i n t h e h o m e a n d its
associated technology. Recent research i n t o the acquisition o f r a d i o a n d t e l e v i -
sion has i d e n t i f i e d v e r y similar patterns o f use a n d d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g across
gender ( M o o r e s 1 9 8 8 ; O ' S u l l i v a n 1 9 9 1 ) . I n t h e l i g h t o f the w o m e n ' s attitudes
to older forms o f entertainment technology such as r a d i o a n d cassette
recorders, w e can perhaps see t h e i r resistance t o v i d e o t e c h n o l o g y as a passing
phase. T h i s w o u l d certainly f i n d s u p p o r t i n Sherry Turkle's ( 1 9 8 4 ) arguments
i n r e l a t i o n t o ' c o m p u t e r p h o b i a ' , w h i c h she argues is t r a n s i t i o n a l . H o w e v e r , w e
can see f r o m this study that there is m o r e at stake f o r m a n y o f t h e w o m e n .
O n e p o i n t t o make is that i t seems that t h e w o m e n w i l l always be 'lagging
b e h i n d ' i n mastery o f e n t e r t a i n m e n t a n d i n f o r m a t i o n technology. H o w e v e r ,
the c r u c i a l p o i n t t o be d r a w n f r o m this analysis is that t h e domestic context
a n d t h e social relations w i t h i n i t have quite p o w e r f u l consequences i n r e l a t i o n
t o w o m e n a n d n e w technology.
J o n a t h a n G e r s h u n y has created a n i n d e x s h o w i n g t h e extent t o w h i c h d i f -
ferent pieces o f domestic technology are used b y w o m e n a n d m e n (Gershuny
1 9 8 2 ) . U s i n g t i m e - b u d g e t survey data he f o u n d t h a t t h e m e n i n his study
m a i n l y used e q u i p m e n t l i k e electric drills a n d electric saws t o p e r f o r m o n e - o f f
jobs w i t h a h i g h l y visible e n d p r o d u c t . T h e w o m e n used t e c h n o l o g y f o r t h e
e x e c u t i o n o f day-to-day chores, the end p r o d u c t s o f w h i c h are usually i m m e -
diately c o n s u m e d , t e c h n o l o g y such as t h e cooker, t h e w a s h i n g m a c h i n e , t h e
i r o n , a n d so o n . A l s o , Gershuny notes that t h e m o r e ' h i - t e c h ' a device is, t h e
m o r e l i k e l y i t is t o be m a l e - d o m i n a t e d i n its use. H i s study indicates t h a t
e n t e r t a i n m e n t t e c h n o l o g y falls w i t h i n a n e u t r a l cluster, being neither female
n o r male specific. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , he does n o t include t h e V C R amongst this
e q u i p m e n t , b u t w e can see that most o f t h e w o m e n i n t h e study d o n o t feel
p r o f i c i e n t i n t h e o p e r a t i o n o f the V C R , a n d i n p a r t i c u l a r w i t h t h e t i m e s w i t c h
f o r pre-setting recordings.
Advertisements f o r domestic a n d entertainment technology o f t e n i m p l y a
male o r female operative t h r o u g h b o t h visual a n d textual codes. Early adver-
tisements f o r the V C R stressed its ' h i - t e c h ' nature, were very rarely seen i n a
domestic setting, a n d emphasized technical c o m p l e x i t y i n its use a n d o p e r a t i o n .
I n a n i n t e r v i e w d u r i n g August 1 9 8 7 w i t h Master care L t d . , a f o l l o w - u p service
agency f o r V C R s , I discovered that a very h i g h percentage o f call-outs f o r engi-
neers resulted f r o m m a l f u n c t i o n s o f t i m e r mechanisms, largely o w i n g t o user
error. T h i s l e d t o design changes and a n u m b e r o f campaigns stressing the s i m -
p l i c i t y rather t h a n the c o m p l e x i t y o f t i m e - s w i t c h mechanisms a n d , significantly,
women were often represented as operatives i n these advertisements.
Conversely, m i c r o - w a v e cookers have been marketed o n their simplicity, b u t
here the operatives are male: 'so simple even men can use i t ! ' ( H i t a c h i advertis-
ment, 1987).
T h e ways i n w h i c h consumers are addressed t h r o u g h advertisements o n
t e l e v i s i o n , i n t h e press, a n d i n magazines w o u l d seem t o have an effect i n
t e r m s o f t h e assumed k n o w l e d g e a n d use o f specific pieces o f e q u i p m e n t i n

t h e h o m e . T h i s places w o m e n at a disadvantage w i t h r e g a r d t o use o f the
V C R , a n d those members o f the h o u s e h o l d w h o have t i m e t o become V C R -
c o m p e t e n t t e n d t o d o m i n a t e its use.
T h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e w o m e n w e r e persuaded i n t o the purchase o r r e n t a l o f
t h e V C R b y t h e i r partners. T h i s makes sense given gender specific concepts o f
'spare t i m e ' i n the h o m e a n d the t a r g e t i n g o f a d v e r t i s i n g campaigns. T h e m e n
w e r e l o o k i n g t o w a r d s f u r t h e r h o m e e n t e r t a i n m e n t a n d leisure p r o v i s i o n f o r
w h i c h t h e w o m e n themselves c o u l d see n o need. T h e i r spare t i m e is l i m i t e d ,
a n d t h e V C R is conceived as n e e d i n g t i m e f o r its use. I t is i n t e r e s t i n g , h o w e v -
er, t h a t some o f t h e m e n managed t o persuade t h e i r r e l u c t a n t partners b y c o n -
v i n c i n g t h e m t h a t they did have a need f o r the V C R . Consent was also o f t e n
w o n b y v i r t u e o f an 'event'. Christmas was the most c o m m o n , b u t p u b l i c
events such as a r o y a l w e d d i n g a n d the O l y m p i c s w e r e also c i t e d as key fac-
tors i n t h e e v e n t u a l decision.
T h e r e is also evidence, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the l o w e r - i n c o m e g r o u p s , o f access t o
a V C R b e c o m i n g t h e n o r m i n social a n d w o r k groups a n d an i m p o r t a n t p a r t
o f c o n v e r s a t i o n a l currency. I n the h i g h e r - i n c o m e g r o u p this d i m e n s i o n was
n o t e x p l i c i t l y stated. H o w e v e r , the fact t h a t available disposable i n c o m e is
spent o n the V C R , rather t h a n o n any o t h e r p r o d u c t o r service, indicates t h e i r
awareness o f the p r o d u c t . S i m o n F r i t h has p l o t t e d the middle-class con-
sumer's g r a d u a l a p p r o a c h t o this m o m e n t o f a c q u i s i t i o n :
We read of new devices that cost huge amounts of money and seem to have no
immediate purpose; we follow reports of the prices coming down and domestic
value going u p ; we see or hear the machines at w o r k for richer or more foolish
friends; we find ourselves thinking one day ' i f only I could do that', and then the
price or rental costs suddenly seem right, we get the equipment for ourselves
and soon can't live without it. (Frith 1988: 91)
I t is the case, h o w e v e r , t h a t f o r some o f the households the V C R was seen as a

necessity, m a i n l y because o f lack o f disposable i n c o m e f o r trips t o the c i n e m a ,
o r because o f the presence o f c h i l d r e n . T h e r e is thus a m a r k e d d i s t i n c t i o n
b e t w e e n households: between those w h e r e the V C R was t h o u g h t o f as an
i n d u l g e n c e o r i m p u l s e buy, the purchase o f w h i c h was made possible b y avail-
able e x t r a cash, a n d those w h e r e the purchase o r r e n t o f a V C R was a m a j o r
expense t o be c a r e f u l l y considered a n d p l a n n e d .
References
Frith, S. 1988: Fast forward. Screen 29(2).
Gershuny, J. 1982: Household tasks and the use of time. In Walman, S. et al. (eds),
Living in South London. London: Gower.
Moores, S. 1988: The box on the dresser: memories of early radio and everyday life.
Media, Culture and Society 10(1).
O'Sullivan, T. 1991: Television memories and cultures of viewing 1950-65. I n Corner,
J. (ed.), Popular television in Britain: studies in cultural history. London: BFI.
Turkle, S. 1984: The second self: computers and the human spirit. London: Granada.
Questions
1 How would you assess the strengths and weaknesses of the ethnographic
methods employed in this kind of research (i.e. based on in-depth interviews,
detailed discussion and observation)? What are the key issues at stake in evalu-
ating this kind of data and evidence?
2 Carry out some of your own interviews with both males and females and sum-
marise their relationships with video and other 'new' technologies. To what
extent - and how -do the responses of women differ from those of men?
3 Carry out a content analysis of advertisements for various media or other tech-
nologies. To what extent is it still appropriate to say that 'the more hi-tech a
device is, the more likely it is to be male-dominated in its use' and how far, and
in what ways, does advertising perpetuate and promote such ideologies?
Further reading
Baehr, H . and Gray, A. 1995: Turning it on: a reader in women and media, London:
Arnold.
Cockburn, C. and Furst-Dilic, R. 1994: Bringing technology home: gender and technol-
ogy in a changing Europe. Buckingham: Open University Press.
Hammersley, M . and Atkinson, P. 1983: Ethnography: principles in practice. London:
Tavistock.
Livingstone, S. 1992: The meaning of domestic technologies: a personal construct
analysis of familial gender relations. I n Silverstone, R. and Hirsch, E., Consuming
technologies: media and information in domestic spaces. London: Routledge.
Lull, J. 1990: Inside family viewing: ethnographic research on television's audiences.
London: Routledge.
Moores, S. 1993: Interpreting audiences: the ethnography of media consumption.
London: Sage. (See reading 22.)
Comedia.
Morley, D . 1992: Television, audiences and cultural studies. London: Routledge. (See
Section 5, reading 34).
Van Zoonen, L. 1994: Feminist media studies. London: Sage.
22
Satellite TV as Cultural Sign
Shaun Moores
From 'Media, Technology and Domestic Life', in Interpreting audiences: the ethnography of media
consumption (Sage 1993)
In this extract Moores, like Gray in the previous reading, is concerned to explore and to
understand the cultural contexts and conditions which surround the entry and reception of
Satellite TV as Cultural Sign 215
new media technologies in the home. Whereas Gray focused on the VCR and women's
attitudes to and relations with television and video, in this extract Moores writes about the
recent purchase and reception of satellite television in Britain. As in the previous two
readings, his method of research is ethnographic in that it uses extended informal inter-
views, discussions and observations based upon a relatively small number of cases. His
discussion foregrounds the picture which emerges from two particular households in one
suburban residential area in a large city in South Wales. His long-term aim is to report on a
range of households from varying types of residential neighbourhood.
In approaching the reading, you will find it useful to spend some time initially on the dis-
cussion of three central concepts - consumption, embedding and articulation - which
form the theoretical framework for the study. This provides the foundation from which to
work through and assess the detailed accounts provided in the latter half of the reading.
You may find that these accounts of the 'micro-worlds' of the domestic and familial interi-
ors of others invites comparison with your own settings or those known to you.
Satellite TV as cultural sign

M y c u r r e n t research ... rather l i k e the w o r k I d i d a f e w years ago o n early
r a d i o ' s a r r i v a l i n t h e p r i v a t e sphere ( M o o r e s , 1 9 8 8 ) , is concerned w i t h t h e
place o f a n e w m e d i a t e c h n o l o g y i n everyday l i f e . I t is a n i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f
satellite T V ' s c u l t u r a l significance as a n object o f domestic consumption.
T h r o u g h a n analysis o f conversational i n t e r v i e w s r e c o r d e d at the homes o f
consumers l i v i n g i n a S o u t h Wales city, I a m m a p p i n g o u t various meanings
w h i c h have c o m e t o be invested i n the t e c h n o l o g y at the p o i n t o f its e n t r y i n t o
specific social contexts a n d situations. T h e m e t h o d o f i n q u i r y , t h e n , can
b r o a d l y be described as e t h n o g r a p h i c - a n d m y purpose has been t o chart the
c o n d i t i o n s o f satellite T V ' s ' m u l t i - a c c e n t u a l i t y ' w i t h i n a n d across d i f f e r e n t
h o u s e h o l d a n d n e i g h b o u r h o o d cultures. T h i s [extract] offers a series o f reflec-
t i o n s o n t h e study, addressing some o f t h e general theoretical issues that
u n d e r p i n the p r o j e c t a n d i d e n t i f y i n g p a r t i c u l a r themes w h i c h have emerged i n
the course o f the f i e l d w o r k .
I begin by discussing three terms, o r k e y w o r d s , that help t o p r o v i d e a c o n -
ceptual f r a m e w o r k f o r the research. T h e first o f these, ' c o n s u m p t i o n ' , is e v i -
d e n t l y u n d e r g o i n g s o m e t h i n g o f a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n i n media a n d c u l t u r a l studies
at present. If, i n the past, i t has o f t e n been placed alongside p r o d u c t i o n i n a
b i n a r y o p p o s i t i o n - w i t h passive c o n s u m p t i o n as the p o o r r e l a t i o n t o an active
p r o d u c t i o n - t h e n a n u m b e r o f theorists have n o w begun t o redress the i m b a l -
ance by r e f e r r i n g t o c o n s u m p t i o n itself as ' p r o d u c t i v e ' . I t is a m o m e n t at w h i c h
objects a n d texts are actively a p p r o p r i a t e d a n d i n t e r p r e t e d as they come i n t o
contact w i t h the everyday practices o f social subjects. O f course, there can be
dangers associated w i t h this k i n d o f approach. I n focussing o n the meanings
t h a t consumers create w h e n they ' r e a d ' satellite T V , w e s h o u l d be careful n o t t o
lose sight altogether o f the technology's design a n d m a r k e t i n g o r the sounds
a n d images t h a t are broadcast. Satellite T V ' s significance is p a r t l y d e t e r m i n e d

b y i t s p o s i t i o n i n g w i t h i n t h e h o m e a n d residential area, b u t t h e m o m e n t s o f
m a n u f a c t u r e a n d p r o m o t i o n also exert considerable pressure o n r e c e p t i o n
activity. So technologies are n o t c o m p l e t e l y o p e n t o be used a n d made sense
o f i n any w a y o n e chooses. A degree o f closure has already been i m p o s e d else-
w h e r e i n t h e c u l t u r a l c i r c u i t (Johnson, 1 9 8 6 ) .
A n o t h e r , related danger is the p o p u l i s t celebration o f consumer freedoms.
Despite h i s g o o d p o l i t i c a l i n t e n t i o n s , J o h n Fiske ( 1 9 8 9 ) presents us w i t h a
m o d e l o f c u l t u r a l c o n s u m p t i o n w h i c h is g u i l t y o f such a mistake. F o l l o w i n g
M i c h e l D e Certeau ( 1 9 8 4 ) , he has emphasized t h e 'tactical resistances' o f sub-
o r d i n a t e g r o u p s i n t h e i r constant daily struggle against the p o w e r o f the d o m i -
n a n t . F o r Fiske, ' t h e p o p u l a r ' is a site w h e r e t h e weak f r e q u e n t l y succeed i n
p u t t i n g one over o n t h e s t r o n g - ' p o a c h i n g ' o n t h e c o m m o d i t i e s o f a capitalist
system, a n d asserting their o w n meanings a n d pleasures i n t h e process.
A l t h o u g h i t is u n d o u b t e d l y the case that c u l t u r e is a contested sphere, his w r i t -
ings u n f o r t u n a t e l y suffer f r o m an o v e r l y o p t i m i s t i c a n d rather r o m a n t i c per-
c e p t i o n o f everyday l i f e i n t h e p o s t m o d e r n w o r l d . Fiske tends t o overestimate
the progressive p o t e n t i a l o f c o n s u m p t i o n practices a n d fails t o a c k n o w l e d g e
any o f the p r o f o u n d l y reactionary elements at play i n p o p u l a r c u l t u r e .
S o m e b o d y else w h o m i g h t be accused o f s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d l y celebrating t h e
' s y m b o l i c creativities' o f consumers is Paul W i l l i s i n Common Culture (1990).
H o w e v e r , W i l l i s ' s recent b o o k has i m p o r t a n t advantages over Fiske's. H e
g r o u n d s his c o m m e n t a r y i n an extensive e m p i r i c a l study o f y o u n g people's
c u l t u r a l experiences, a n d he is keen t o stress the m a t e r i a l a n d social con-
straints t h a t bear d o w n o n those research subjects. I n the strand o f B r i t i s h c u l -
t u r a l studies w h i c h is represented b y his c o n t i n u i n g w o r k (see also W i l l i s ,
1 9 7 7 , 1 9 7 8 ) - a n d b y M o r l e y ' s audience inquiries t o o ( M o r l e y , 1 9 8 0 , 1 9 8 6 ) -
detailed a t t e n t i o n t o questions o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , use a n d c o n t e x t has always
been a c c o m p a n i e d b y a genuine sociological concern w i t h t h e p a t t e r n i n g o f
c u l t u r e a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n . I w o u l d w a n t m y o w n investigation t o be c o n -
sidered p a r t o f this same analytical s t r a n d , because i t opens u p a convenient
p a t h w a y between D e Certeau's interest i n imaginative ways o f ' m a k i n g
d o ' a n d Pierre B o u r d i e u ' s p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h t h e s t r u c t u r e d distinctions o f
consumer b e h a v i o u r ( B o u r d i e u , 1 9 8 4 ) . W h a t w e r e q u i r e is a t h e o r y a n d
m e t h o d t h a t recognizes b o t h creativity a n d constraint i n q u o t i d i a n l i f e .
T h e second t e r m i n m y conceptual vocabulary is ' e m b e d d i n g ' . I e m p l o y i t i n
an e f f o r t t o stress t h e situated nature o f c o n s u m p t i o n practices a n d c u l t u r a l
objects. S t u d y i n g satellite T V ' s p o s i t i o n i n t h e day-to-day lives o f social a u d i -
ences necessarily involves an u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the t e c h n o l o g y as embedded at
several, i n t e r c o n n e c t e d levels o r instances (Silverstone, 1 9 9 0 : 1 7 4 ) . P r i m a r i l y ,
there is t h e level o f households a n d families - t h e i m m e d i a t e physical a n d
human contexts o f r e c e p t i o n . T h i s includes spatial divisions inside t h e h o m e ,
the t e m p o r a l r o u t i n e s o f its inhabitants, a n d the i n t e r p e r s o n a l ties a n d ten-
sions t h a t have f o r m e d between h o u s e h o l d members. A n y n e w c o m m o d i t y
t h a t arrives w i l l i n e v i t a b l y become enmeshed w i t h i n t h e e x i s t i n g dynamics o f

p o w e r i n t h e domestic r e a l m . I t t h e r e f o r e has t o be analysed i n c o n j u n c t i o n
w i t h t h e range o f artefacts a n d activities t h a t are already i n place. O n c e again,
t h o u g h , p o t e n t i a l p r o b l e m s arise w h e n t h e n o t i o n o f e m b e d d i n g is t a k e n u p i n
ethnographies o f m e d i a use, just as there w e r e certain dangers associated w i t h
ideas a b o u t t h e p r o d u c t i v i t y o f c o n s u m p t i o n . We r u n t h e risk o f assuming
d o m e s t i c cultures t o be f i x e d entities i n t o w h i c h goods are inserted a n d i n c o r -
p o r a t e d w i t h o u t a n y r e s u l t i n g i m p a c t o n t h e pre-given structure. Instead, as I
have f o u n d i n m y conversations w i t h consumers, t h e f a m i l y is best seen as a
'system i n process'. T o a l i m i t e d extent, practices a n d dynamics m a y change
over t i m e , a n d t h e e n t r y o f a n e w t e c h n o l o g y can occasionally serve as t h e sig-
nal f o r a r e n e g o t i a t i o n o f i n t e r n a l boundaries a n d relationships i n t h e h o m e .
C o m m u n i c a t i o n technologies can also be i m p l i c a t e d i n t h e r e d r a w i n g o f
boundaries a n d relationships between the private sphere o f the h o u s e h o l d a n d
various p u b l i c w o r l d s b e y o n d . T h i s actually goes f o r ' c o m m u n i c a t i o n s ' i n its
m o s t general sense, a n d w o u l d a p p l y just as w e l l t o a machine l i k e t h e m o t o r
car as i t does t o t h e m e d i u m o f television. B o t h these objects are i n t h e business
o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n - albeit o f slightly d i f f e r e n t sorts - a n d each facilitates w h a t
G i d d e n s ( 1 9 8 4 ) has called a 'time-space convergence'. T h e y have b r o u g h t i n d i -
viduals a n d families i n t o t h e presence o f places a n d events that w e r e previously
distant o r u n k n o w n , enabling t h e m t o i d e n t i f y w i t h dispersed y e t k n o w a b l e
c o m m u n i t i e s a n d t o imagine themselves as embedded i n r e g i o n a l , n a t i o n a l a n d
even t r a n s n a t i o n a l collectivities. I t is w o r t h r e m e m b e r i n g here h o w W i l l i a m s
( 1 9 7 4 : 2 6 ) , i n his b o o k o n television as technology a n d c u l t u r a l f o r m , lists
broadcasting side b y side w i t h t h e car w h e n discussing t h e tendency i n t w e n t i -
e t h - c e n t u r y l i v i n g w h i c h he refers t o as ' m o b i l e p r i v a t i z a t i o n ' . So, i n research-
i n g t h e domestic c o n s u m p t i o n o f satellite T V , I a m interested i n asking about
the k i n d s o f m o b i l i t y t h a t t h e object a n d its texts offer viewers - t o w h a t n e w
destinations is i t p r o m i s i n g t r a n s p o r t a n d w h o chooses t o make the journey?
^ A t a n i n t e r m e d i a t e level, between t h e m i c r o - c o n t e x t o f t h e h o m e a n d t h e
large-scale ' i m a g i n e d c o m m u n i t i e s ' t o w h i c h the m e d i a p r o v i d e access, there is
t h e artefact's e m b e d d i n g i n particular residential n e i g h b o u r h o o d s a n d u r b a n
cultures. Few h o u s e h o l d technologies are visible f r o m the street - they are usu-
ally h i d d e n o u t o f sight b e h i n d closed doors a n d d r a w n curtains - b u t satellite
T V ' s dish aerial is an extremely p u b l i c s y m b o l o f possession. D i s p l a y e d o n
e x t e r i o r w a l l s o r r o o f t o p s , dishes o p e n l y announce t h e technology's a r r i v a l .
T h e y give outsiders a fair i n d i c a t i o n o f the types o f sounds a n d images t h a t are
b e i n g c o n s u m e d i n p r i v a t e . W e c o u l d pursue t h e c o m p a r i s o n w i t h automobiles
a l i t t l e f u r t h e r n o w , because just as t h e car p a r k e d at t h e f r o n t o f the house says
s o m e t h i n g a b o u t t h e lifestyle o f its d r i v e r , so t h e satellite aerial is a sign t o be
r e a d b y n e i g h b o u r s a n d passers-by. H o w i t is v a l u e d w i l l d e p e n d , o f course, o n
the person m a k i n g the j u d g e m e n t a n d the geographical area i n w h i c h i t is sited.
For o n l o o k e r s , t h e dish can either be a focus o f disgust o r a matter o f i n d i f f e r -
ence. Similarly, f o r o w n e r s , i t m a y be a source o f p r i d e o r else a cause o f
embarrassment. T h e task is t o m a t c h these varied decodings a n d dispositions t o

social patterns o f taste i n c o n t e m p o r a r y c u l t u r e .
T h i s leads us neatly o n t o questions o f ' a r t i c u l a t i o n ' , t h e last o f m y key-
w o r d s . A s H a l l ( 1 9 8 6 : 5 3 ) has p o i n t e d o u t , t h e t e r m can have a dual s i g n i f i -
cance. O n t h e o n e h a n d , i t refers t o t h e act o f speaking - t o t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f
l i n g u i s t i c utterances - a n d o n t h e o t h e r i t implies a l i n k i n g together, a connec-
t i o n t h a t is f o r g e d between t w o separate things. For example, i n his w r i t i n g s
o n t h e B r i t i s h N e w R i g h t , H a l l ( 1 9 8 8 ) employs t h e w o r d t o account f o r a
linkage o f i d e o l o g i c a l elements i n t h e p o l i t i c a l discourse o f T h a t c h e r i s m . I
m a k e use o f the t e r m rather d i f f e r e n t l y here, w h i l s t r e t a i n i n g its double-edged
m e a n i n g . M y o w n concern is w i t h the ways i n w h i c h a n e w m e d i a t e c h n o l o g y
gets ' h i t c h e d u p ' t o l i v e d cultures o f c o n s u m p t i o n , a n d thereby enables social
subjects t o actively ' v o i c e ' senses o f i d e n t i t y a n d d i s t i n c t i o n . A s satellite T V is
e m b e d d e d at each o f the levels o r instances o u t l i n e d above - a r t i c u l a t i n g w i t h
relations i n a n d between t h e p r i v a t e a n d p u b l i c spheres - i t gives consumers
an o p p o r t u n i t y t o articulate t h e i r subjectivities.
I n these simultaneous practices o f connection and expression, t h e technology
becomes - t o b o r r o w Valentin Volosinov's remarks o n the spoken w o r d - 'a l i t -
tle arena f o r the clash a n d criss-crossing o f d i f f e r e n t l y o r i e n t e d social accents'
(Volosinov, 1 9 7 3 : 4 1 ) . T h e c o n t i n u a l dialogue between artefact a n d everyday
contexts is w h a t transforms satellite T V i n t o a multi-accentual sign a n d w h a t
allows i t t o f u n c t i o n , quite literally, as a ' m e d i u m ' f o r cultural forces o f i d e n t i f i -
cation o r d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . H a l l (1986) reminds us that articulations are always
contingent a n d non-necessary. There is n o t h i n g inevitable, he suggests, about
the c o u p l i n g together o f discursive elements. T h i s applies t o the embedding o f
media technologies as w e l l . We cannot predict, simply f r o m the development o f
a n e w means o f broadcasting, h o w i t w i l l eventually come t o have significance
for audience groupings. I t is certainly the case, as I n o t e d earlier, that designers
and advertisers play an i m p o r t a n t part i n encoding the object p r i o r t o consump-
t i o n . P r o g r a m m i n g policies are also f o r m u l a t e d w i t h specific v i e w i n g publics
and m a r k e t segments i n m i n d . H o w e v e r , the linkages made w i t h local settings
d e m a n d detailed empirical investigation. M y c o m m i t m e n t , therefore, has been
to qualitative research carried o u t at homes i n selected n e i g h b o u r h o o d areas
w h e r e satellite dishes have recently been erected. Households i n m y study are
distributed across three different areas o f the same city (the basic idea f o r such a
geographical segmentation is b o r r o w e d f r o m models n o w being e m p l o y e d i n
c o m m e r c i a l m a r k e t research - f o r example, see C A C I M a r k e t Analysis, 1985).
By t a l k i n g t o f a m i l y members about their n e w l y acquired c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d b y
observing t h e domestic a n d residential e n v i r o n m e n t s , I believe i t is possible t o
construct suitably ' t h i c k ' descriptions (Geertz, 1 9 7 3 ) o f situated consumer
activity.
For t h e purposes o f the present discussion, I i n t e n d t o concentrate o n data
f r o m o n e o f m y three n e i g h b o u r h o o d s (a m o r e complete account o f a l l t h e
households appears i n M o o r e s , 1 9 9 6 ) . T h i s p a r t i c u l a r d i s t r i c t is made u p o f
p r i v a t e l y o w n e d p r o p e r t i e s t h a t w e r e o r i g i n a l l y b u i l t just after t h e t u r n o f t h e
c e n t u r y - a c o l l e c t i o n o f large b a y - f r o n t e d E d w a r d i a n terraces a n d detached
houses. Situated i n i t is a small p a r k w i t h trees a n d a stream, s u r r o u n d e d b y
o r n a t e a n t i q u e r a i l i n g s . Estate agents refer t o its ' a u t h e n t i c ' h i s t o r i c a l qualities,
a n d w h i l e some o f the r o a d names echo those o f English stately homes, others
recall f a m o u s m i l i t a r y battles overseas. L y i n g a p p r o x i m a t e l y five k i l o m e t r e s
f r o m t h e c i t y centre, t h e area has a m i x e d p o p u l a t i o n o f s k i l l e d m a n u a l w o r k -
ers a n d middle-class professionals. I n some w a y s , t h e n , i t is comparable w i t h a
c o m m u n i t y i n t h e n o r t h - w e s t o f E n g l a n d t h a t was s t u d i e d b y D e r e k W y n n e
( 1 9 9 0 ) . H e sought t o contrast t h e lifestyles a n d leisure patterns o f h o u s i n g
estate residents w h o h a d v e r y d i f f e r e n t sorts o f ' c u l t u r a l c a p i t a l ' at t h e i r dis-
posal - a n d his f i e l d w o r k h i g h l i g h t e d t h e f r i c t i o n s between t h e m over matters
o f taste. S i m i l a r clashes o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n a n d d i s p o s i t i o n i n m y o w n d i s t r i c t
give rise t o c e r t a i n anxieties about satellite T V w h i c h are f r e q u e n t l y expressed
in the conversational interviews.
A distinguishing feature o f t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d I have chosen t o analyse here
is its age. W y n n e ' s e t h n o g r a p h y was c o n d u c t e d o u t o f t o w n o n a m o d e r n estate.
T h e households discussed b e l o w are located i n a city suburb w h i c h , f o r various
reasons o u t l i n e d i n t h e previous paragraph, has s t r o n g connotations o f 'her-
itage'. I n these circumstances, t h e arrival o f a n e w c o m m u n i c a t i o n s technology -
w i t h its futuristic dish o n o p e n display - results i n a curious collision o f aesthetic
a n d c u l t u r a l codes (early p r o m o t i o n a l material f o r satellite T V made interesting
use o f science f i c t i o n imagery - w i t h advertisements f o r t h e p o p u l a r 'Amstrad
F i d e l i t y ' system p i c t u r i n g t h e dish a n d receiver u n i t together o n a cratered
moonscape). B r u n s d o n ( 1 9 9 1 ) , i n her r e v i e w o f newspaper reports o n c o n t r o -
versies over t h e siting o f aerials, notes that tensions t e n d t o surface w h e n t h e
objects are installed o n o l d buildings considered t o have architectural m e r i t .
Discourses o f i n n o v a t i o n a n d conservation c o n f r o n t each other, exerting pres-
sure i n opposite directions, a n d i t is precisely this c o n t r a d i c t i o n between senses
o f 'the m o d e r n ' a n d 'the t r a d i t i o n a l ' w h i c h runs t h r o u g h m u c h o f the f o l l o w i n g
commentary. Such a c o n f l i c t , I w i l l argue, is n o t c o n f i n e d t o antagonisms at the
level o f t h e residential area. I t can get ' g r i d d e d ' , i n c o m p l e x a n d s h i f t i n g ways,
o n t o social divisions o f gender o r generation w i t h i n domestic life - a n d m a y
also help t o constitute o u r broader feelings o f collective identity.
L e t m e start t o u n p a c k these remarks n o w b y l o o k i n g i n m o r e d e t a i l at
some o f t h e homes i n m y n e i g h b o u r h o o d (names o f t h e families have been
changed). For instance, t h e Gibsons - w h o have a ' C a m b r i d g e ' dish - live i n
an o l d house w h i c h once b e l o n g e d t o a w e l l k n o w n f a m i l y o f solicitors i n t h e
city. T h e r e is a s t r i k i n g divergence o f tastes a n d competences between M r
G i b s o n a n d his n i n e t e e n - y e a r - o l d s o n . T h e father takes great pleasure i n t h e
' c h a r a c t e r ' a n d heritage value o f the b u i l d i n g they o w n . H e is c u r r e n t l y restor-
i n g o n e o f t h e o r i g i n a l a n t i q u e fireplaces, w h i c h he discovered h i d d e n b e h i n d
a p l a s t e r b o a r d w a l l , a n d has plans t o strip a n d v a r n i s h a w o o d e n dresser i n t h e
back d i n i n g r o o m . A s w e shall see, he is e x t r e m e l y a n x i o u s a b o u t t h e dish's
appearance o n t h e i r h o u s e f r o n t . I t was t h e son, Tony, w h o w a n t e d a satellite

receiver. Since he l e f t school three years ago a n d gained his o w n i n d e p e n d e n t
source o f i n c o m e as a s h i f t w o r k e r i n a bakery, T o n y has chosen t o buy a range
o f the latest m e d i a technologies. These c o m m o d i t i e s a d o r n his attic b e d r o o m ,
described t o m e b y M r G i b s o n as 'a c o n g l o m e r a t i o n o f electronics'. T o u n d e r -
stand t h e p o s i t i o n that satellite T V occupies i n this particular f a m i l y ' s inter-
generational a n d time-space relations, i t is necessary f o r us t o e x p l o r e t h e
d y n a m i c structure o f i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s a n d distinctions w h i c h is i n play.
A t t h e t o p o f t h e house, separated f r o m t h e m a i n l i v i n g area b y a n a r r o w
staircase a n d l a n d i n g , is Tony's r o o m . H e is intensely p r o u d o f this space a n d
the objects t h a t are arranged inside, r e g a r d i n g i t as a place i n t o w h i c h he can
retreat a n d as a s y m b o l o f independence f r o m t h e rest o f his f a m i l y : ' I ' m t h e
o n l y o n e w h o really k n o w s h o w t o use any o f m y electrical equipment.
N o b o d y else comes i n m y r o o m - I t h i n k o f i t as m y space ... u p here, I can
w a t c h a n y t h i n g I w a n t , read, sleep, t h i n k about l i f e , listen t o music.' A r o u n d
the television set there is a remarkable 'entourage' (Leal, 1 9 9 0 : 2 1 ) o f techno-
l o g i c a l h a r d w a r e a n d s o f t w a r e , as w e l l as an array o f decorative images a n d
artefacts. T w o v i d e o recorders, a h i - f i system a n d the satellite receiver are a l l
stacked o n shelves u n d e r n e a t h t h e T V T h e y have been w i r e d together, t o o , so
that t h e s o u n d comes o u t o f f o u r ' D o l b y S u r r o u n d ' speakers m o u n t e d o n
brackets i n each corner o f the r o o m . A c c o r d i n g t o M r G i b s o n , 'it's l i k e a disco
i n there ... i f he t u r n e d t h e v o l u m e u p any m o r e , i t ' d b l o w t h e w h o l e r o o f
o f f . T o n y has m o v e d his b e d t o a central p o i n t between these sources o f
s o u n d , a n d five d i f f e r e n t r e m o t e c o n t r o l devices rest o n t o p o f t h e 'Bart
S i m p s o n ' d u v e t cover (The Simpsons is an A m e r i c a n c a r t o o n s h o w broadcast
o n Sky). O n a bedside table there is a Simpsons a l a r m clock w h i c h wakes h i m
i n t i m e f o r t h e s h i f t w o r k . T h e walls are covered w i t h posters o f sports cars,
w h i l s t neat piles o f v i d e o tapes a n d C D s l i e o n t h e f l o o r . H i s v i e w i n g prefer-
ences are f o r science f i c t i o n a n d h o r r o r - r e c o r d i n g several f i l m s o f f t h e Sky
M o v i e s channel - a n d he also collects tapes about t h e m a k i n g o f f i l m s , espe-
cially those c o n c e r n e d w i t h stunts a n d special effects.
I t is possible, I believe, t o read these assembled goods as signs o f a struggle
t o f a s h i o n some l i m i t e d degree o f a u t o n o m y i n t h e face o f p a r e n t a l a u t h o r i t y .
The b a k e r y j o b has n o t earned h i m e n o u g h t o get a h o m e o f his o w n ,
enforcing a reliance o n parents for accommodation, b u t he is able t o
save u p a n d purchase things - items that are treasured precisely because they
p r o v i d e a statement o f personal i d e n t i t y . O f course, t h a t i d e n t i t y takes shape
u n d e r c o n d i t i o n s n o t e n t i r e l y o f his 6 w n choosing. H e is, as t h e poststruc-
turalists w o u l d say, c o n s t i t u t e d as a subject o n l y as a consequence o f b e i n g
'subject-ed' t o a n d positioned w i t h i n the symbolic order o f culture. Tony
i n h a b i t s a specifically masculine w o r l d o f gadgets, fast cars a n d sci-fi fantasies
(a w o r l d w h i c h h e shares, i n c i d e n t a l l y , w i t h his friends a n d f e l l o w w o r k e r s ) .
H o w e v e r , i n t h e s p i r i t o f c u r r e n t developments i n audience studies, I w a n t
t o insist o n a m o r e situated t h e o r y o f subjectivity a n d discourse t h a t recog-
nizes a measure o f h u m a n agency a n d understands m e a n i n g as negotiable.

For t h i s teenager i n t h i s i m m e d i a t e c o n t e x t , t h e n , satellite T V is p a r t o f a
constellation o f technologies a n d practices which provides the cultural
m a t e r i a l t o express d i f f e r e n c e a n d establish c o m p e t e n c e . Tellingly, his father
confesses c o m p l e t e i n c o m p e t e n c e w h e n i t comes t o o p e r a t i n g t h e m a c h i n e r y
i n T o n y ' s b e d r o o m : ' H e k n o w s w h e r e e v e r y t h i n g is, b u t I d o n ' t ... I r e m e m -
ber g l a n c i n g o v e r at i t - t h e electronics a n d w i r i n g - a n d just o n e l o o k was
enough for me.'
M r . Gibson's interest i n r e s t o r i n g antique furnishings a n d f i t t i n g s has, i t
s h o u l d be stated, g r o w n considerably over t h e p e r i o d since satellite T V
e n t e r e d t h e i r h o m e . T h i s heightened investment i n t h e t r a d i t i o n a l is a d i r e c t
response t o his son's passion f o r t h e m o d e r n . As I argued earlier, t h e i n t r o d u c -
t i o n o f a t e c h n o l o g y i n t o t h e f a m i l y system occasionally coincides w i t h a
r e d r a w i n g o f domestic boundaries a n d relationships, a n d i t certainly appears
t o be t h e case here. T o n y makes a p a r t i a l b i d f o r independence. H i s father,
m e a n w h i l e , defines a clearly c o n t r a s t i n g f i e l d o f k n o w l e d g e a n d skills. T h e
i n t e r g e n e r a t i o n a l p a t t e r n is clear - a l t h o u g h there remains a single e x c e p t i o n
t o t h e general r u l e . M r s . Gibson's taste f o r sixties p o p music has been i n h e r i t -
ed b y Tony, w h o started b o r r o w i n g her scratched LPs w h e n he was still at
s c h o o l . T h o s e same recordings have n o w been b o u g h t o n C D , f o r m i n g a large
p a r t o f his musical library. Perhaps t h e r a i d i n g o f styles f r o m a previous era is
n o t so s u r p r i s i n g - c o n s i d e r i n g t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y t r e n d i n y o u t h cultures
w h i c h D i c k H e b d i g e ( 1 9 8 8 ) has t e r m e d ' r e t r o - c h i c ' - b u t i t adds a f u r t h e r
t w i s t t o t h e o p p o s i t i o n s b e t w e e n ' o l d ' a n d ' n e w ' i n the G i b s o n h o u s e h o l d .
T h e story o f h o w their external dish was selected a n d t h e n positioned o n the
f r o n t w a l l is a revealing account o f c o n f l i c t a n d c o m p r o m i s e . I n this instance,
installing t h e satellite aerial was very m u c h a public enactment o f private ten-
sions. I t was also g o i n g t o be a p o t e n t i a l cause o f embarrassment for M r .
G i b s o n , given the ' t o n e ' o f the n e i g h b o u r h o o d they live i n . Realizing the techni-
cal impracticalities o f siting at the rear o f the house, Tony h a d t o enter i n t o a
debate w i t h his father over the aesthetics o f display. M r . Gibson's comments o n
the circular A m s t r a d dishes - the most c o m m o n l y seen aerials - are decidedly
u n c o m p l i m e n t a r y . H e calls t h e m ' f r y i n g pans w i t h handles o n ' , a n d says:
They look completely out of place on houses like this, old houses w i t h character
... I didn't want an unsightly thing hovering up there. If it was just a prefabricat-
ed sort of house, then sure, I wouldn't mind - but as we've got bay windows and
all the stonework at the front, I wasn't going to have something that wouldn't
blend in ... wouldn't retain the character of the area.
A f t e r c o n s u l t i n g o n e o f t h e consumer guide magazines w h i c h have recently

c o m e o n t o t h e m a r k e t , T o n y eventually managed t o convince his father o f t h e
' C a m b r i d g e ' system's u n o b t r u s i v e qualities. T h e name itself suggests a higher-
status c o m m o d i t y , w i t h distant associations o f e d u c a t i o n a n d heritage, a n d its
aerial is a rectangular s t o n e - c o l o u r e d b l o c k rather t h a n t h e usual w h i t e sphere.
E v e n M r . G i b s o n a d m i t s t h a t ' i t ' s c o m p a c t a n d l o o k s neater o n t h e side o f
houses ... there's m a n y a p e r s o n ' l l pass a n d n o t notice y o u ' v e g o t i t ' ( I r e t u r n

t o t h e t h e m e o f ' i n v i s i b i l i t y ' later).
T h i s tentative agreement between father a n d son is n o t q u i t e t h e e n d o f t h e
story, t h o u g h . W h e n a w o r k m a n came t o f i x t h e dish at t h e f r o n t , there w e r e
r e c e p t i o n d i f f i c u l t i e s caused b y a tall tree w h i c h stands across t h e w a y f r o m
t h e i r h o m e . A s n o w - l i k e effect was created o n the screen, a n d t h e interference
p r o b l e m c o u l d o n l y have been solved b y using an extension pole s t r e t c h i n g
o u t a m e t r e o r so above the bay. Predictably, M r . G i b s o n refused t o accept
such a s o l u t i o n - 'it's be stuck o u t like a l o l l i p o p ' - so the aerial w e n t u p i n a n
alcove o f t h e bay w i n d o w despite t h e rather p o o r p i c t u r e quality. Thereafter,
T o n y h a d a constant visual r e m i n d e r as he w a t c h e d o f the i n t r i g u i n g c o m p r o -
mise t h a t was struck. I t t o o k the l a u n c h o f a second 'Astra' satellite, a n d
a n o t h e r visit f r o m t h e i n s t a l l a t i o n engineer t o realign his d i s h , f o r t h e situa-
t i o n f i n a l l y t o be r e c t i f i e d .
M y closing c o m m e n t o n the Gibsons - o n e w h i c h provides a c o n v e n i e n t
link with the next h o u s e h o l d I discuss - concerns t h e i r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s ,
t h r o u g h t e l e v i s i o n , w i t h larger n a t i o n a l o r transnational c o m m u n i t i e s . Some
m i g h t protest t h a t small-scale e t h n o g r a p h i c research o f t h e sort I have been
d o i n g is an i n a p p r o p r i a t e means o f investigating t h e c u l t u r a l c o n s t r u c t i o n o f
collective i d e n t i t i e s . T h e best existing w o r k o n this theme has taken p u b l i c
representations a n d narratives as a s t a r t i n g p o i n t f o r analysis (e.g. F o r m a t i o n s
C o l l e c t i v e , 1 9 8 4 ; Bhabha, 1 9 9 0 ) , rather t h a n t r y i n g t o e x p l o r e t h e sentiments
o f actual social subjects i n t h e private d o m a i n . H o w e v e r , a recently p u b l i s h e d
b o o k b y M i c h a e l B i l l i g - Talking of the Royal Family (1992) - demonstrates
the relevance o f conversational i n t e r v i e w s w i t h families f o r e x a m i n i n g dis-
courses o f n a t i o n h o o d . G e t t i n g t h e m t o speak a b o u t t h e B r i t i s h royals, he
p o i n t s t o p o w e r f u l ' c o m m o n sense' articulations o f m o n a r c h y , d o m e s t i c i t y a n d
n a t i o n a l i t y . T a l k i n g a b o u t TV, i n b o t h its terrestrial a n d satellite varieties, can
deliver s i m i l a r insights i n t o processes o f i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . As M o r l e y ( 1 9 9 1 : 1 2 )
puts i t , ' t h e s i t t i n g r o o m is exactly w h e r e w e need t o start f r o m i f w e f i n a l l y
w a n t t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e c o n s t i t u t i v e dynamics o f abstractions such as " t h e
c o m m u n i t y " o r " t h e n a t i o n ' " . A l t h o u g h M o r l e y overstates t h e a r g u m e n t a l i t -
tle, broadcasting does connect t h e space o f t h e h o m e w i t h electronic 'image
spaces', a n d i n t h e case o f t h e Gibsons an interesting d i s t i n c t i o n is made
between d i f f e r e n t t e r r i t o r i e s o f transmission. Tony's positive feelings a b o u t
the A s t r a broadcasts (he tunes i n t o c o n t i n e n t a l stations like R T L Plus o r Pro 7
as w e l l as t h e Sky channels a n d M T V Europe) are i n t i m a t e l y related t o his dis-
missal o f established terrestrial p r o g r a m m i n g as t r a d i t i o n a l a n d o l d fashioned.
I n fact, he labels i t negatively as ' B r i t i s h ' T V M r . a n d M r s . G i b s o n use precise-
l y t h e same label themselves, b u t here its value is c o m p l e t e l y reversed. T h e y
prefer t o w a t c h B B C o r I T V i n the l i v i n g r o o m d o w n s t a i r s .
For t h e H a r v e y s , a f a m i l y l i v i n g nearby, there are f u r t h e r i n t e r e s t i n g c o n -
nections b e i n g f o r g e d between everyday experience a n d t h e n e w 'spaces o f
i d e n t i t y ' made available by satellite T V Dave a n d L i z H a r v e y are i n t h e i r late
t w e n t i e s a n d have three y o u n g c h i l d r e n aged f i v e , f o u r a n d six m o n t h s . T h e y

m o v e d t o the c i t y f o u r years ago f r o m the M i d l a n d s r e g i o n o f E n g l a n d , w h e r e
he h a d s t u d i e d f o r a p o l y t e c h n i c degree i n electronic engineering. She w o r k s
as a h o u s e w i f e a n d M r . H a r v e y is n o w self-employed, h a v i n g g i v e n u p a
salaried j o b t o start his o w n small business designing a n d m a n u f a c t u r i n g c o m -
p u t e r r o b o t i c s e q u i p m e n t f o r e x p o r t . T h i s m a r r i e d couple perceive the satel-
lite t e c h n o l o g y t o be o f f e r i n g t h e m an e x p a n d e d range o f v i e w i n g choices -
a l t h o u g h D a v e gets t o exercise t h a t choice m o r e t h a n L i z - a n d , significantly,
he speaks a b o u t the 'larger feel' created by a type o f television transmission
w h i c h transcends t h e boundaries o f n a r r o w l y B r i t i s h broadcasting.
W h i l s t the first o f these perceptions is w h a t w e m i g h t reasonably expect t o
hear f r o m satellite T V consumers, since the t e c h n o l o g y has been m a r k e t e d as
o f f e r i n g increased f r e e d o m o f choice f o r its viewers, the second set o f feelings
is far less p r e d i c t a b l e . M r . H a r v e y explains t h a t :
When I ' m watching Sky - because it's f r o m a European satellite - and when I ' m
looking at some of the other continental stations that are available, I very much
get the sense of being a European. A lot of the channels are an hour ahead,
they're on European time. If you're just channel-hopping, which is a bit of a
sport for me - buzzing round eight or nine stations to see what's going on - you
do get the feeling of not being restricted in the good old British way. It's quite
something when you can sit down in your own front room and watch what's on
in another country.
W i l l i s ( 1 9 8 0 : 9 0 ) has w r i t t e n about the p o t e n t i a l that e t h n o g r a p h y has f o r 'sur-

p r i s i n g ' us - f o r t h r o w i n g u p e m p i r i c a l data a n d conceptual issues n o t p r e f i g -
u r e d i n the researcher's s t a r t i n g p a r a d i g m - a n d i n this early i n t e r v i e w , I was
g e n u i n e l y surprised by Dave's statement o f i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . T h e o p p o s i t i o n he
constructs here b e t w e e n r e s t r i c t i o n a n d m o b i l i t y is m a p p e d o n t o another dis-
t i n c t i o n i n w h i c h 'Britishness' a n d 'Europeanness' are contrasted ('not b e i n g
r e s t r i c t e d i n the g o o d o l d B r i t i s h w a y ' ) . Even i f his v i e w i n g pleasures take the
f o r m o f a ' t o u r i s t i c g r a z i n g ' , i t remains the case t h a t satellite T V is h e l p i n g
h i m t r a v e l t o n e w places a n d t o reimagine the boundaries o f c o m m u n i t y . O f
course, the image spaces p r o d u c e d by a c o m m u n i c a t i o n s t e c h n o l o g y cannot
reshape n a t i o n a l subjectivities o n t h e i r o w n . O n l y w h e n those audio-visual
t e r r i t o r i e s are a r t i c u l a t e d w i t h e x i s t i n g situations a n d discourses can a f i c t i o n
l i k e E u r o p e be ' r e a l i z e d ' by certain groups o f people.
So M r . H a r v e y , w h o manufactures h i - t e c h goods f o r the e x p o r t m a r k e t ,
already i d e n t i f i e s s t r o n g l y w i t h a t r a n s n a t i o n a l business c o m m u n i t y . T h e fact
t h a t his parents have b o u g h t a r e t i r e m e n t h o m e o n the c o n t i n e n t also c o n -
t r i b u t e s t o Dave's r e c o g n i t i o n o f h i m s e l f as 'a E u r o p e a n ' . T h e i r v i l l a is n o w a
regular d e s t i n a t i o n f o r f a m i l y holidays a b r o a d . M r s . H a r v e y , t o o , finds that
the idea o f E u r o p e has a certain l i m i t e d salience. W h e n her y o u n g e r sister - an
arts student at u n i v e r s i t y - came t o visit w i t h a b o y f r i e n d f r o m France, they
w e r e able t o s h o w t h e m French-language p r o g r a m m e s o n satellite T V Some o f
these circumstances are o b v i o u s l y u n i q u e t o the H a r v e y h o u s e h o l d - w h i l e
others, such as t h e c o m m e r c i a l a n d c u l t u r a l significance o f a single E u r o p e a n

m a r k e t , have m u c h w i d e r currency. W h a t w e need t o specify, t h o u g h , are p r e -
cisely those interdiscursive m o m e n t s at w h i c h p r i v a t e lives a n d p u b l i c w o r l d s
meet a n d mesh together. A n y t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f collective identities w i l l
i n e v i t a b l y be uneven i n its d e v e l o p m e n t a n d w i l l necessarily be g r o u n d e d i n
q u o t i d i a n practices.
T h e t h e m e o f ' m o d e r n versus t r a d i t i o n a l ' runs just as p o w e r f u l l y t h r o u g h
pursuits a n d disputes i n t h e H a r v e y s ' h o m e as i t d i d t h r o u g h t h e Gibsons'. I n
this family, i t is t h e father w h o is a self-confessed gadgeteer. F r o m t h e t i m e he
began p l a y i n g a r o u n d w i t h l i g h t b u l b s a n d circuits as a teenager, Dave has
always been enthusiastic about electronics. H e can be located w i t h i n w h a t
H a d d o n ( 1 9 8 8 ) has called ' h o b b y i s t ' c u l t u r e - a p r e d o m i n a n t l y masculine
sphere o f social a c t i v i t y w h e r e consumers are concerned t o e x p e r i m e n t w i t h
all t h e latest i n n o v a t i o n s i n i n f o r m a t i o n a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n technology. T h e i r
house c u r r e n t l y contains three computers (one o f w h i c h he assembled h i m s e l f
o u t o f I B M parts), t w o V C R s a n d t w o televisions, i n a d d i t i o n t o t h e satellite
system a n d a c o m p a c t disc player. A n interest i n electronic music has also
resulted i n plans t o b u y a synthesizer. L i z , however, is e x t r e m e l y conscious o f
the fact t h a t 'people d o take t h e m i c k e y o u t o f us ... w e ' r e constantly t r i p p i n g
over m o n i t o r s a n d t h i n g s ' . H e r feelings t o w a r d s these gadgets are d i s t i n c t l y
m o r e a m b i v a l e n t t h a n those o f her husband. I n d e e d , she is clearly f r u s t r a t e d
by the fact t h a t m o n e y spent o n his ' t o y s ' is m o n e y w h i c h goes unspent o n h e r
p r e f e r r e d pastime o f c o l l e c t i n g antique f u r n i t u r e (there is a g r o w i n g b o d y o f
w o r k o n f a m i l y resource d i s t r i b u t i o n a n d the c o n t r o l o f m o n e y w i t h i n m a r -
riage w h i c h serves t o i l l u m i n a t e these sorts o f situations - see B r a n n e n &
W i l s o n , 1 9 8 7 ; Pahl, 1 9 8 9 ) .
I f t h e h o u s e h o l d dynamics a n d differences o f taste appear t o be o r g a n i z e d
c h i e f l y a l o n g gendered lines, they are best h i g h l i g h t e d b y focussing o n i n t e r -
personal relations across three generations - b y l o o k i n g first at t h e ties t h a t
M r . a n d M r s . H a r v e y have w i t h their c h i l d r e n , a n d t h e n at the tensions w h i c h
arise w h e n h e r parents come f r o m t h e M i d l a n d s t o visit. A l t h o u g h t h e y o u n g -
sters are d e n i e d access t o certain areas o f domestic space, i n c l u d i n g t h e f r o n t
l i v i n g r o o m w h e r e satellite T V is w a t c h e d , this does n o t mean t h a t they are
k e p t a w a y f r o m m e d i a technologies altogether. O n t h e contrary, t h e o l d e r
v i d e o r e c o r d e r was ' g i v e n t o t h e k i d s ' a n d Dave's m i c r o - c o m p u t e r f r o m c o l -
lege days has n o w been h a n d e d d o w n t o the f i v e - y e a r - o l d , P h i l . These are v e r y
g o o d i l l u s t r a t i o n s o f t h e ' c u l t u r a l b i o g r a p h y ' o f objects (see K o p y t o f f , 1 9 8 6 ;
Silverstone et aL, 1 9 9 2 ) , w h e r e a technology's p o s i t i o n a n d f u n c t i o n w i t h i n
the h o m e e n v i r o n m e n t has s h i f t e d , a n d its 'career' can be traced against t h e
c h a n g i n g biographies o f f a m i l y members. Goods a n d competences here are
passing t h r o u g h a g r a d u a l process o f inheritance. M r . H a r v e y r e p o r t s p r o u d l y
on h i s son's progress with t h e m i c r o : 'he k n o w s h o w t o p u t discs i n ,
k n o w s w h a t disc drives are, a n d can operate t h e m ... w h i c h is great because
I ' d l i k e h i m t o get i n t o c o m p u t i n g ' . Understandably, L i z is less sure a b o u t t h e
a c q u i s i t i o n o f his father's enthusiasm f o r electronic gadgetry. She r e a d i l y

a c k n o w l e d g e s the e d u c a t i o n a l advantages o f a t e c h n o l o g i c a l literacy - yet
describes P h i l w i t h some regret as 'a c h i l d o f the nineties'. H e r o w n recent
e f f o r t s t o h a n d o n nostalgic pleasures t o the c h i l d r e n e n d e d i n b i t t e r disap-
p o i n t m e n t . M r s . H a r v e y purchased a v i d e o r e c o r d i n g o f the B B C ' s o r i g i n a l
Watch with Mother broadcasts as a g i f t f o r t h e m , o n l y t o discover t h a t t h e y
f o u n d i t slow and boring i n comparison w i t h modern American cartoon
shows l i k e , f o r e x a m p l e , Teenage Mutant Hero Turtles.
M e a n w h i l e , M r s . H a r v e y ' s m o t h e r a n d father have t a k e n e x c e p t i o n t o the
satellite aerial w h i c h is m o u n t e d o n the house e x t e r i o r . I t has been the source
o f arguments b e t w e e n parents a n d daughter w h e n they come t o stay. ' M y
mum t h i n k s it's rather v u l g a r , ' L i z explains. 'She says t o m e , " Y o u really
s h o u l d n ' t have t h a t t h i n g o n the f r o n t o f such a l o v e l y E d w a r d i a n h o m e " . '
T h e r e c o u l d be n o m o r e e m p h a t i c statement o f the i n n o v a t i o n / c o n s e r v a t i o n
c o n f l i c t . C o m p a r i n g the perceived ugliness o f an A m s t r a d dish w i t h the
assumed beauty o f p e r i o d architecture, the g r a n d m o t h e r f o r m s a c r i t i c a l
j u d g e m e n t o n the basis o f certain m o r a l a n d aesthetic values t h a t p r i v i l e g e
past o v e r present. W e have seen h o w this j u x t a p o s i t i o n o f t r a d i t i o n a l a n d
m o d e r n codes is at the r o o t o f n u m e r o u s f r i c t i o n s i n the H a r v e y family. Liz's
desire f o r pieces o f a n t i q u e f u r n i t u r e is o p p o s e d t o Dave's fascination w i t h
electronic gadgets. S i m i l a r l y , the u n c e r t a i n feelings she has about P h i l l e a r n i n g
t o use a m i c r o - c o m p u t e r contrasts w i t h Dave's evident p r i d e i n his son's
achievements. As f o r the disagreement between M r s . H a r v e y a n d her parents
over the dish o n the f r o n t w a l l , she chooses t e m p o r a r i l y t o side w i t h her hus-
b a n d - r e l u c t a n t l y i d e n t i f y i n g w i t h ' m o d e r n i t y ' because she is f o r c e d o n t o the
defensive b y t h e i r u n f a v o u r a b l e c o m m e n t s . I n these d i f f e r e n t situations, L i z
has t o negotiate the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s o f her gendered a n d generational subject
p o s i t i o n s as they are r e l a t e d t o p a r t i c u l a r senses o f ' o l d ' a n d ' n e w ' .
B o t h M r . a n d M r s . H a r v e y are amused by her parents' remarks o n the satel-
l i t e d i s h , a n d yet there are s t r o n g i n d i c a t i o n s t h a t they t o o are anxious over its
appearance. So Dave sees i t , i n p a r t , as a s y m b o l o f t e c h n o l o g i c a l progress - a
sign o f b e i n g ahead o f the times - b u t w o r r i e s about the c o n n o t a t i o n s i t may
have f o r others i n v i e w o f the 'character' o f the n e i g h b o u r h o o d . H e a d m i t s
t h a t i f they w e r e t o p u t t h e i r p r o p e r t y o n the m a r k e t i n the near f u t u r e , he
w o u l d seriously consider t a k i n g the aerial d o w n - ' i f i t p r o v e d d e t r i m e n t a l t o
the sale o f t h e house'. L i z confesses t h a t ' m o s t o f the people w e k n o w d o
actually t h i n k it's a b i t v u l g a r ' . A l s o , a local c o u n c i l l o r has been d i s t r i b u t i n g
leaflets t o residents i n the d i s t r i c t , asking f o r o p i n i o n s o n the spread o f dishes.
T h e f o l l o w i n g extract f r o m m y i n t e r v i e w w i t h the H a r v e y s clearly d e m o n -
strates t h e anxieties they have a b o u t the p o s i t i o n i n g a n d visual i m p a c t o f the
a e r i a l , w h i c h D a v e i n s t a l l e d himself, o n the f r o n t w a l l :
Liz: We d i d try to put the dish round the back, didn't we? ... Still, I don't think
it's as bad - as noticeable - on our house as it is on some where there's just a
straight r o w of houses in a line. Then it can look awful.
Dave: Yes. I f it was out at the end of the bay, i t ' d be apparently obvious from all
directions. Whereas at the moment you can actually come down the road and
not realize it's there.
I t is i n t e r e s t i n g t o c o m p a r e the sentiments being expressed here w i t h t h e o p i n -

ions t h a t w e r e v o i c e d b y M r . G i b s o n . H e perceived aerials o n m o d e r n 'prefab-
r i c a t e d ' b u i l d i n g s as less o f a n eyesore t h a n those o n t r a d i t i o n a l E d w a r d i a n
houses. M r s . H a r v e y disagrees - b u t o n l y because she believes bay f r o n t s h e l p
t o h i d e t h e m better. W h a t L i z a n d Dave share w i t h M r . G i b s o n is a desire f o r
the object t o be made ' i n v i s i b l e ' . O n this p o i n t , M r . H a r v e y announces his
i n t e n t i o n t o site t h e i r n e x t dish i n the l o f t . O n e o f the specialist magazines f o r
satellite T V consumers r a n a feature recently o n t h e possibilities o f receiving a
signal t h r o u g h acrylic glass r o o f t i l e s , a n d he is w i l l i n g t o t r y t h e idea o u t f o r
himself. I n fact, there are regular advertisements i n these magazines f o r p i g -
ments t h a t p r o m i s e t o stain t h e aerial i n colours w h i c h b l e n d neatly i n t o a n y
residential b a c k g r o u n d - a d d i n g t h e tactic o f camouflage t o e x i s t i n g m e t h o d s
o f seclusion.
L i s t e n i n g t o the accounts given by other families i n the same n e i g h b o u r h o o d ,
w e can hear a w h o l e range o f 'resonances' w i t h those processes o f c o n s u m p -
t i o n , e m b e d d i n g a n d a r t i c u l a t i o n that are at w o r k i n the Gibson a n d H a r v e y
households. I n m y t w o p o r t r a i t s , I have opened u p a n d e x p l o r e d a n u m b e r o f
i m p o r t a n t issues. Close a t t e n t i o n has been p a i d t o t h e ways i n w h i c h media
technologies get stitched i n t o t h e fabric o f domestic cultures - a n d , i n p a r t i c -
ular, t o the ways i n w h i c h social divisions o f gender o r generation p r o d u c e d i f -
ferential dispositions t o w a r d s a technology like satellite T V T h e p a r t played b y
this n e w m e d i u m i n h e l p i n g t o construct senses o f collective i d e n t i t y a n d
transnational c o m m u n i t y was also discussed. I anticipate objections t o using
conversational i n t e r v i e w s f o r such an i n q u i r y , b u t c o n t i n u e t o argue that f i e l d
research provides us w i t h valuable material o n the interrelations o f private a n d
p u b l i c i n everyday life. Finally, m y analysis has sought t o understand t h e c o n -
tested meanings o f satellite dishes i n a specific residential setting - i n c l u d i n g
the feelings o f p r i d e , disgust o r embarrassment evoked b y these objects.
Pursuing each o f t h e thematic strands developed above, I n o w w a n t t o cite
some f u r t h e r examples f r o m t h e i n t e r v i e w data i n o r d e r t o a m p l i f y m y e t h n o -
graphic reading.
For instance, there is a d e f i n i t e p a t t e r n o f satellite t e c h n o l o g y being desired
a n d a c q u i r e d b y male consumers. O n l y i n o n e family, t h e C l a r k s , have I c o m e
across a s i t u a t i o n i n w h i c h the w o m a n was responsible f o r the decision t o p u r -
chase a dish - a n d i n this case, i t was a m o t h e r b u y i n g her t h i r t e e n - y e a r - o l d
son a special g i f t at Christmas. T h e b o y - a keen f o l l o w e r o f the sports cover-
age o n A s t r a - always used t o be o u t w a t c h i n g at a friend's house before t h e
C l a r k s g o t a receiver just over a year ago. H i s m o t h e r w a n t e d h i m t o spend
m o r e t i m e at h o m e i n t h e evenings, a n d saw satellite T V as a means t o t h a t
e n d . Programmes o n t h e E u r o s p o r t a n d Screensport channels have been t h e
m a i n a t t r a c t i o n t o male viewers f r o m other households i n t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d
t o o . So, against t h e i r w i v e s ' wishes, M r . M o r g a n a n d M r . L l o y d b o u g h t aerials

w h i c h enable t h e m t o see soccer a n d b o x i n g matches t h a t are n o t s h o w n o n
t h e t e r r e s t r i a l stations:
Mr. M . : I was the one w h o wanted to have i t . She didn't want me to have i t at
all. I was watching sport all the time and she didn't like i t . I t cost us t w o hun-
dred pounds. That was the other thing she didn't like - the money i t cost -
but I w o n i n the end, I always do.
Mrs. L . : He got i t for the sports channels.
Mr. L . : The boxing ... they've got a lot on there which you don't get on the ordi-
nary television. It's on nearly every night.
Mrs. L . : I didn't want t o have i t . I was very much against i t , but I had to get used
to i t .
T h e r e is also a n o t h e r instance o f a y o u n g gadgeteer i n his b e d r o o m - e c h o i n g

t h e experiences o f T o n y G i b s o n . Steve Price, a m e r c h a n t sailor i n his early
t w e n t i e s , s t i l l lives i n an upstairs flat at t h e parental h o m e f o r several m o n t h s
o f t h e year w h e n he is n o t at sea. W i t h t h e m o n e y he earns, Steve has p u t
t o g e t h e r a h i g h - q u a l i t y h i - f i system a n d o w n s t w o v i d e o machines i n a d d i t i o n
t o t h e satellite T V e q u i p m e n t . B y contrast, a n d i n c o m m o n w i t h M r . a n d M r s .
G i b s o n , t h e m o t h e r a n d father 'never w a t c h i t ... t h e y ' r e n o t interested - they
get t h e o r d i n a r y channels o n t h e i r set d o w n s t a i r s ' .
T h i s y o u n g m a n , m u c h l i k e Dave H a r v e y o r Tony, talks about feeling ' l i m i t -
e d ' b y t h e f o u r stations w h i c h are available f r o m terrestrial broadcasting ser-
vices. H i s w o r k i n t h e m e r c h a n t navy occasionally takes h i m t o t h e U S A ,
w h e r e he has witnessed m u l t i - c h a n n e l cable systems first h a n d . Steve's acquisi-
t i o n o f satellite t e l e v i s i o n o n r e t u r n i n g t o t h e U K was an a t t e m p t t o recreate
t h a t experience: ' I ' v e w a t c h e d q u i t e a b i t o f T V over t h e r e , a n d t h o u g h t " t h e
m o r e t h e m e r r i e r " , y o u k n o w - a w i d e r variety - w h i c h is w h y I b o u g h t i t . '
T h e sign o f ' A m e r i c a ' is p r o m i n e n t here, rather t h a n t h e idea o f ' E u r o p e ' , b u t
the p r i n c i p l e s o f t r a v e l a n d m o b i l i t y ( b o t h actual a n d i m a g i n a r y ) are present
again. T h e r e has, o f course, been a l o n g h i s t o r y o f debates c o n c e r n i n g t h e
e x p o r t o f A m e r i c a n styles t o B r i t a i n ( H e b d i g e , 1 9 8 2 ) - w i t h some social
g r o u p s b r a n d i n g US c u l t u r e as vulgar a n d others choosing t o celebrate i t .
W h a t w e have t o d o , as ethnographers o f m e d i a r e c e p t i o n , is seek o u t those
interdiscursive m o m e n t s o f c o n n e c t i o n I spoke about earlier i n this chapter -
w h e r e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s w i t h n e w image spaces are made. O n e such m o m e n t can
be f o u n d i n m y i n t e r v i e w w i t h t h e Sharmas, a middle-class Asian family. For
the father, Astra's 'non-Britishness' is o f p a r t i c u l a r significance. C o m p a r i n g
t h e modes o f address e m p l o y e d b y announcers o n B B C 1 a n d Sky N e w s , he
comments that:
W i t h the BBC, you always feel as though the structure of society is there - the
authority. Their newsreaders speak just like schoolmasters. They're telling you,
like schoolmasters telling the kids. I think Sky News has more of a N o r t h
American approach. It's more relaxed. They treat you like equals and don't take
the audience for a bunch of small kids.
M r . Sharma's assessment is t h e consequence o f a broader h o s t i l i t y t o w a r d s

establishment values i n w h i t e B r i t i s h society - a n d t o w a r d s t h e B B C as an
i n s t i t u t i o n w h i c h , f r o m his perspective, embodies t h e m .
A n x i e t y over t h e p u b l i c display o f dishes, clearly e v i d e n t i n m y f a m i l y p o r -
t r a i t s , is w i d e l y expressed b y consumers elsewhere i n t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d .
M r s . C l a r k , t h e w o m a n w h o purchased a satellite receiver t o please h e r s o n ,
f o u n d t h a t she w o r r i e d a b o u t t h e aerial's appearance w h e n i t was f i t t e d t o
the f r o n t o f the house: ' I w a n t e d i t t o g o o n t h e back ... t h e y ' r e a b i t u n s i g h t -
ly, a n d n o b o d y else i n t h e street has g o t o n e . ' Similarly, Steve Price a d m i t s t o
second t h o u g h t s after i n s t a l l i n g a dish b y himself. ' I d o w o n d e r i f i t l o o k s a
b i t o u t o f place,' he says, 'because t h e l o c a l c o u n c i l have p a i n t e d t h e o l d r a i l -
ings a n d made t h e p a r k nice - I suppose that's w h y . ' I t is t h e n o w f a m i l i a r
o p p o s i t i o n b e t w e e n i n n o v a t i o n a n d c o n s e r v a t i o n w h i c h p r o v o k e s his d o u b t s ,
a n d t h i s c o n f l i c t o f c u l t u r a l tastes f u n c t i o n s i n t h e M o r g a n s ' h o m e as w e l l .
W h i l e t h e h u s b a n d usually gets his w a y i n disputes over t h e a c q u i s i t i o n a n d
use o f m e d i a technologies, t h e w i f e c o n t r o l s decisions i n t h e d o m a i n o f i n t e -
r i o r d e c o r a t i o n . M r s . M o r g a n has created an a n t i q u e l o o k i n t h e l o u n g e w i t h
t r a d i t i o n a l o r n a m e n t s a n d f u r n i s h i n g s , alongside a fireplace w h i c h she h a d
specially r e s t o r e d f o r t h e r o o m . H e r general o p i n i o n o f satellite TV, as I have
p r e v i o u s l y n o t e d , is l o w - a n d there are concerns a b o u t h o w t h e aerial is
i n t e r p r e t e d b y p e o p l e l i v i n g i n t h e i r street. M r . M o r g a n , a l o r r y d r i v e r , refers
t o t h e v i e w s o f a teacher's w i f e across t h e r o a d : 'She t h i n k s i t l o w e r s t h e t o n e
o f t h e area w i t h a dish o u t t h e f r o n t ... there's a l o t o f d o c t o r s a n d teachers
r o u n d here, a n d I d o n ' t t h i n k t h e y ' r e keen o n t h e m . ' As f o r his o w n percep-
t i o n , M r . M o r g a n is less a n x i o u s t h a n m o s t interviewees i n t h e d i s t r i c t .
' W h y w o r r y ? ' he asks. ' L i f e ' s t o o s h o r t , i s n ' t i t ? ' I n fact, his expression o f
i n d i f f e r e n c e has m o r e i n c o m m o n w i t h responses r e c o r d e d i n m y w o r k i n g -
class n e i g h b o u r h o o d . T h e r e , t h e e r e c t i o n o f dishes seems t o be r e l a t i v e l y
unproblematic.
O n a f i n a l n o t e , I w o u l d l i k e t o stress t h e considerable divergences i n
emphasis a n d m e t h o d b e t w e e n m y o w n c u r r e n t w o r k a n d e x i s t i n g academic
w r i t i n g s o n satellite broadcasting. I n t h e m a i n , p u b l i s h e d essays a n d m o n o -
graphs ( N e g r i n e , 1 9 8 8 ; C o l l i n s , 1 9 9 0 ; C r i t c h e r & M c C a n n , 1 9 9 0 ) have
focussed o n i n s t i t u t i o n a l a n d p o l i c y issues. T h e y o u t l i n e patterns o f o w n e r -
s h i p , d r a w f r o m t h e available q u a n t i t a t i v e data o n audience size, a n d m a k e
speculative forecasts a b o u t t h e f u t u r e t a k e - u p a n d e c o n o m i c v i a b i l i t y o f t h e
t e c h n o l o g y . W h a t remains t o t a l l y absent f r o m this l i t e r a t u r e is a n y u n d e r -
s t a n d i n g o f t h e significance t h a t satellite T V has f o r consumers i n everyday
social c o n t e x t s . O f course, a l l types o f research ( m i n e i n c l u d e d ) w i l l have
t h e i r ' o p p o r t u n i t y costs' - those lines o f i n q u i r y w h i c h are sacrificed i n
f a v o u r o f others - a n d I a m c e r t a i n l y n o t suggesting t h a t t h e matters
dealt w i t h b y these a u t h o r s are u n i m p o r t a n t . H o w e v e r , I a m i n s i s t i n g o n
the n e e d f o r an analysis w h i c h engages w i t h t h e f i n e - g r a i n e d d e t a i l o f sit-
u a t e d c o n s u m p t i o n practices. M y i n v e s t i g a t i o n can t h e r e f o r e be seen as
c o n t r i b u t i n g t o w h a t Klaus B r u h n Jensen ( 1 9 9 1 ) calls 'the q u a l i t a t i v e t u r n ' i n

mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n s research - a n d i t f o r m s p a r t o f an e m e r g i n g t r a d i t i o n
o f w o r k i n c u l t u r a l studies t h a t is addressing the domestic uses a n d meanings
o f media technologies.
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Jensen, Klaus Bruhn 1991: Introduction: the qualitative turn. In Jensen, Klaus Bruhn
and Jankowski, Nicholas (eds.), A handbook of qualitative methodologies for mass
communication research. London: Routledge.
Johnson, Richard 1986: The story so far: and further transformations? In Punter,
David (ed.), Introduction to contemporary cultural studies. London: Longman.
Kopytoff, Igor 1986: The cultural biography of things: commoditisation as process. In
Appadurai, Arjun (ed.), The social life of things: commodities in cultural perspective.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Leal, Ondina Fachel 1990: Popular taste and erudite repertoire: the place and space of
television in Brazil. Cultural Studies 4(1), 19-29.
Moores, Shaun 1988: T h e box on the dresser': memories of early radio and everyday
life. Media, Culture and Society 10(1), 2 3 ^ 0 .
Moores, Shaun 1996: Satellite television and everyday life: articulating technology.
Acamedia Research Monograph 18. Luton: John Libbey Media.
Morley, David 1980: The 'nationwide' audience: structure and decoding. London: BFI.
Morley, David 1986: Family television: cultural power and domestic leisure. London:
Comedia.
Morley, David 1991: Where the global meets the local: notes from the sitting room.
Screen 32(1), 1-15.
Negrine, Ralph (ed.) 1988: Satellite broadcasting: the politics and implications of the
new media. London: Routledge.
Pahl, Jan 1989: Money and marriage. London: Macmillan.
Silverstone, Roger 1990: Television and everyday life: towards an anthropology of the
television audience'. I n Marjorie Ferguson (ed.), Public communication: the new
imperatives. London: Sage.
Silverstone, Roger, Hirsch, Eric and Morley, David 1992: Information and communi-
cation technologies and the moral economy of the household. In Silverstone, Roger
and Hirsch, Eric (eds.), Consuming technologies: media and information in domestic
spaces. London: Routledge.
Volosinov, Valentin 1973: Marxism and the philosophy of language. N e w York:
Seminar Press.
Williams, Raymond 1974: Television: technology and cultural form. London: Fontana.
Willis, Paul 1977: Learning to labour: how working class kids get working class jobs.
Aldershot: Saxon House.
Willis, Paul 1978: Profane culture. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
Willis, Paul 1980: Notes on method. In Hall, Stuart, Hobson, Dorothy, Lowe, Andrew
and Willis, Paul (eds.), Culture, media, language: working papers in cultural studies
1972-79. London: Hutchinson.
Willis, Paul 1990: Common culture: symbolic work at play in the everyday cultures of
the young. M i l t o n Keynes: Open University Press.
Wynne, Derek 1990: Leisure, lifestyle and the construction of social position. Leisure
Studies 9(1), 21-34.
Questions
1 What do you take to be the key ideas in the extract associated with consump-
tion, embedding, mobile privatisation and articulation? How are they helpful in
studying forms of media reception?
2 Analyse a range of advertising material for new media technologies - satellite TV,
compact discs and players, domestic multi-media systems etc. What techniques
do these adverts use in attempting to promote the appeal of their product and
how do they do it?
3 Using Moores' approach as a model, carry out at least one detailed household-
based study of media technologies - established as well as new - and their use
and cultural significance for various members of the household. As well as record-
ing matters of relevant detail you should consider any issues which might arise
concerning the method of enquiry itself and your role as investigator/researcher.
Critical Perspectives within Audience Research 231
Further reading
Alasuutari, P. 1995: Researching culture: qualitative method and cultural studies.
London: Sage.
Jensen, K.B. and Janowski, N . W. (eds.) 1991: A handbook of qualitative methodolo-
gies for mass communication research. London: Routledge.
L u l l , J. 1990: Inside family viewing: ethnographic research on television's audiences.
London: Routledge.
Moores, Shaun 1996: Satellite television and everyday life: articulating technology.
Acamedia Research Monograph 18. Luton: John Libbey Media.
Silverstone, R. 1994: Television and everyday life. London: Routledge.
Silverstone, R. and Hirsch, E. (eds.) 1992: Consuming technologies: media and infor-
mation in domestic spaces. London: Routledge,
23
Critical Perspectives within Audience Research
Nick Stevenson
From Understanding media cultures: social theory and mass communication (Sage, 1995)
In the final reading in this section on audiences and the reception of media output,
Stevenson provides a very useful overview and commentary on the key issues at stake
in audience research in its current phase. Initially, he begins by noting the intensifying
competition for audiences and consumers in the 1980s and 1990s and the complications
posed by the development of new technologies - VCRs, remote control units and cable
networks for instance - and their cultural and market impacts in the same period. The
extract then 'maps' and provides a critical survey of key areas of research and debate
associated with recent audience studies. In its original format, Stevenson's discussion is
quite lengthy and we have only been able to include his assessment of the work of John
Fiske and his particular approaches to the study of popular culture and modern forms of
cultural reception. This forms the final part of the extract and includes a series of argu-
ments about the possibilities for diverse forms of cultural creativity and resistance to be
understood as part and parcel of the ways in which people actively use and relate to
popular culture in everyday life. The commentary that Stevenson provides assumes a
fairly advanced degree of familiarity with the historical as well as the contemporary con-
tours of sociological and cultural theories concerning media audiences. One of the
strengths of the extract, however, is its ability to summarise cogently different or con-
tending positions of research and theory, and to provide useful signposts for further read-
ing and study, as well as posing the key questions to think about. Throughout your
reading of the extract, you will find it useful to make notes on both conceptual and
methodological issues for discussion.
The emergence of critical audience studies

Basically t w o kinds o f audience research are c u r r e n t l y being undertaken. T h e
first a n d m o s t w i d e l y circulated f o r m o f k n o w l e d g e about the audience is gath-
ered b y large-scale c o m m u n i c a t i o n institutions. T h i s f o r m o f investigation is
made necessary as television, r a d i o , cinema a n d p r i n t p r o d u c t i o n need t o attract
viewers, listeners a n d readers. I n order t o capture an audience m o d e r n insti-
tutions require k n o w l e d g e about the 'public's' habits, tastes a n d dispositions.
T h i s enables media corporations t o target certain audience segments w i t h a p r o -
g r a m m e o r t e x t u a l strategy. T h e desire t o k n o w w h o is i n the audience at any
one t i m e provides useful k n o w l e d g e that attracts advertisers, and gives b r o a d -
casters certain impressions o f w h o they are addressing.
Some critics have suggested that the n e w cable technology that w i l l a l l o w tele-
v i s i o n transmissions t o be transferred d o w n phone wires w i l l be able t o calculate
h o w m a n y people i n a particular area o f the city watched last night's H o l l y w o o d
blockbuster. T h i s increasingly individualised k n o w l e d g e base dispenses w i t h t h e
p r o b l e m o f existing n e t w o r k s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n where the m a j o r i t y o f adver-
tisements m i g h t be w a t c h e d by an underclass t o o p o o r t o purchase the goods o n
offer. Yet t h e belief that n e w technology w i l l deliver a streamlined consumer-
h u n g r y audience t o advertisers sounds like an advanced f o r m o f capitalist w i s h
f u l f i l m e n t . T h i s m i g h t be the strategy b e h i n d a n u m b e r o f investments i n n e w
c o m m u n i c a t i o n s technologies, b u t its realisation is a different matter. Audiences
have devised ways o f a v o i d i n g semiotic capitalism's attempts t o make t h e m sit
t h r o u g h o b l i g a t o r y periods o f advertising. T h i s is achieved by w a t c h i n g another
channel, m a k i n g a cup o f tea d u r i n g the commercial break, o r pressing the fast-
f o r w a r d b u t t o n o n the video. I n response, commercial culture has sought t o
integrate advertising i n t o the programmes themselves. A l t h o u g h this makes
some f o r m o f engagement w i t h consumer products unavoidable, the audience
has n o t been rendered passive. D u r i n g the 1 9 9 4 W o r l d C u p , A m e r i c a n viewers
keen t o a v o i d a variety o f commercial strategies that had been integrated i n t o
the c o m m e n t a r y switched t o Spanish-language cable television stations. These
p r o v i d e d better coverage, as the advertising was n o t as intrusive, a l t h o u g h i t is
u n l i k e l y that t h e vast m a j o r i t y o f the viewers w o u l d have u n d e r s t o o d the l i n -
guistic f r a m i n g o f the event. This example points t o a situation where the capi-
talisation a n d p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f different n e t w o r k s make i t easier f o r the audience
to escape ' p a r t i c u l a r ' media strategies f o r their a t t e n t i o n . T h e c h a n n e l - h o p p i n g
v i e w i n g patterns fostered by these conditions w i l l again make i t m o r e d i f f i c u l t t o
calculate audience share.
But, as I e n A n g ( 1 9 9 1 ) has argued, t h e practice o f m a k i n g t h e audience sta-
tistically k n o w a b l e has the consequence o f r e i f y i n g its actual social practices.
We m a y k n o w t h a t 2 0 per cent o f w o m e n health w o r k e r s w a t c h e d last n i g h t ' s
episode o f thirtysomething, b u t this actually tells us very l i t t l e a b o u t t h e i r
v i e w i n g c o n t e x t , o r i n d e e d t h e m e a n i n g t h a t was constructed f r o m t h e p r o -
g r a m m e b y the w o m e n . T h e f o r m o f q u a n t i f i a b l e k n o w l e d g e r e q u i r e d b y c o m -
m e r c i a l a n d state i n s t i t u t i o n s is c o n t i n u a l l y d i s r u p t e d b y t h e everyday practice

o f t h e audience. F o r A n g , a n d others, t h e members o f t h e audience r e m a i n
s l i g h t l y anarchistic. O u r h e a l t h w o r k e r settling d o w n t o w a t c h thirtysomething
m i g h t also be z a p p i n g over t o another channel t o w a t c h t h e n e w Prince v i d e o ,
o r i n d e e d she c o u l d be i n t e r r u p t e d b y a w o r k - r e l a t e d telephone call. I n such a
c o n t e x t i t w o u l d be d i f f i c u l t t o decide w h a t actually counts as ' w a t c h i n g ' . I t is
the so-called o r d i n a r y practices a n d pleasures o f v i e w i n g , l i s t e n i n g a n d read-
i n g t h a t constitute t h e second p a r a d i g m o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n research. T h i s
s t r a n d o f audience w a t c h i n g has been developed by i n t e r p r e t a t i v e approaches
t o sociology a n d m e d i a studies. Against t h e m o r e i n s t r u m e n t a l concerns o f
c o m m e r c i a l organisations these studies have sought t o address t h e l i f e - w o r l d
c o n t e x t s o f m e d i a audiences. H e r e t h e concerns o f audience research are
focused o n o f f e r e d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s a n d t h e social relations o f r e c e p t i o n .
C o n t e m p o r a r y interest i n t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i v e activity o f t h e audience usually
c o n t a i n s a s t r o n g c r i t i q u e o f t h e c u l t u r a l pessimism o f certain members o f t h e
early F r a n k f u r t s c h o o l , a n d an indebtedness t o t h e so-called uses a n d g r a t i f i c a -
t i o n s a p p r o a c h . . . . [ Q e r t a i n members o f t h e F r a n k f u r t school t e n d e d t o v i e w
p o p u l a r c u l t u r e t h r o u g h a specific attachment t o h i g h f o r m s o f m o d e r n i s t a r t .
T h i s p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r a l d i s p o s i t i o n meant t h a t they d i d n o t problematise t h e
r e a d i n g activities o f a socially situated audience. I t is a d i s p o s i t i o n evident i n
l i t e r a r y approaches t o t h e m e d i a , l i k e that o f R a y m o n d W i l l i a m s , a n d Fredric
Jameson, w h o s e readings o f c u l t u r e are i n t e n d e d t o b o t h m i r r o r a n d replace
those o f absent social subjects. Uses a n d gratifications research, o n t h e o t h e r
h a n d , has sought t o substitute t h e idea o f w h a t measurable 'effects' t h e media
have o n t h e audience w i t h an analysis o f t h e ways i n w h i c h people use t h e
m e d i a . T h i s research, m o s t l y p i o n e e r e d b y postwar social psychology, b r o u g h t
t o t h e f o r e t h e n o t i o n that t h e audience's perceptions o f messages c o u l d be
r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t f r o m t h e meanings i n t e n d e d b y t h e i r producer(s). While
t h e r e remains some dispute as t o t h e debt c u r r e n t audience research owes t o
this perspective, i t is n o t o u r c o n c e r n here ( C u r r a n , 1 9 9 0 ; M o r l e y , 1 9 9 2 ) .
Instead, a w o r d o r t w o needs t o be said, b y w a y o f a n i n t r o d u c t i o n , o n t h e
i n t e l l e c t u a l r o o t s o f t h e r e n e w e d c o n c e r n w i t h t h e audience. T h e strands o f
c u l t u r a l t h e o r y I w a n t t o address have a l l g r o w n o u t o f t h e q u e s t i o n i n g o f the
a s s u m p t i o n t h a t t h e m e a n i n g o f an a c t i o n can s i m p l y be taken f o r g r a n t e d .
T h a t is, t h e subjectivity o f t h e audience is constructed t h r o u g h its i n t e r a c t i o n
w i t h c e r t a i n m a t e r i a l c o n d i t i o n s o f existence a n d a variety o f symbolic f o r m s .
These concerns are usually c o n n e c t e d w i t h a symbolic c o n c e p t i o n o f c u l t u r e .
T h e w r i t i n g o f t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i s t C l i f f o r d Geertz ( 1 9 7 3 ) has been p a r t i c u -
l a r l y v i t a l i n h e l p i n g shape a symbolic a p p r o a c h t o c u l t u r a l studies. Geertz
argues t h a t w h a t w e call c u l t u r e is t h e w e b o f s i g n i f i c a t i o n that has been spun
by m e a n i n g f u l actions, objects a n d expressions. I n this sense, c u l t u r e is neither
objective n o r subjective. T h e empiricist claim that the p r o d u c t i o n o f hard
objective data (such as t h a t p r o d u c e d by v i e w i n g figures) can p r o v i d e a secure
anchoring f o r t h e social sciences is dismissed b y this approach. Such
objectivistic claims seem t o h o l d o u t t h e possibility o f breaking o u t o f the cir-

cle o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n altogether. Geertz's stress o n t h e symbolic nature o f c u l -
t u r e retains a n openness t o f u r t h e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s by the lay actors themselves
o r t h e investigative sociologists. H e r e there is a need t o distinguish between
first- a n d second-order interpretations: a separation needs t o be made
between t h e intersubjective meanings p r o d u c e d b y t h e agents themselves, a n d
the sense social scientists make o f these i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . C u l t u r a l expressions
are m e a n i n g f u l f o r social agents as w e l l as f o r t h e researchers t h a t study t h e m .
Further, i f w e can agree that m e a n i n g is a p u b l i c a n d intersubjective p r o p e r t y ,
this entails t h a t i t is n o t s o m e h o w h e l d inside people's heads. I n s h o r t , a g o o d
i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f a p a r t i c u l a r linguistic c o m m u n i t y is n o t g o v e r n e d by t h e
a u t h o r ' s cleverness, b u t b y his o r her a b i l i t y t o take the reader t o the 'heart' o f
the s y m b o l i c a l l y p r o d u c e d c o m m o n meanings.
James Carey ( 1 9 8 9 ) , c o m m e n t i n g o n t h e recent 'interpretative t u r n ' w i t h i n
m e d i a sociology, argues that there has been a corresponding m o v e away f r o m
f u n c t i o n a l approaches. By f u n c t i o n a l analysis he means research that concen-
trates u p o n w h e t h e r o r n o t the mass media c o n f i r m o r d i s r u p t the status q u o . A
m o r e symbolic approach t o c u l t u r a l f o r m s , he suggests, w o u l d seek t o examine
the i n t e r a c t i o n o f symbolic meanings w i t h i n c o m m u n i c a t i o n . A n d yet w h i l e
this is a legitimate area o f i n q u i r y , there remains a f u n d a m e n t a l d i f f i c u l t y w i t h
this k i n d o f approach t o mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n studies. T o p u t i t bluntly, some
o f the studies that have utilised this particular understanding o f culture r e m a i n
under-appreciative o f the o p e r a t i o n o f p o w e r a n d social structure i n t h e p r o -
d u c t i o n a n d reception o f symbolic f o r m s . . . . I shall argue that the p r o d u c t i o n o f
m e a n i n g s h o u l d be related t o the o p e r a t i o n o f institutions and p o w e r . Further,
that t h e symbolic celebration o f the interpretative capacity o f the audience, i n
certain instances, has been a l l o w e d t o replace a m o r e critical a n d n o r m a t i v e
social theory.
[...]
John Fiske and the pleasure of popular culture

J o h n Fiske ... has sought t o articulate a theory o f popular culture that builds
u p o n H a l l ' s o r i g i n a l encoding/decoding essay. R u n n i n g t h r o u g h most o f his
w r i t i n g o n p o p u l a r culture is the distinction between instrumental streamlined
f o r m s o f p r o d u c t i o n that characterise capitalism, a n d the creative meanings
invested i n these products by the consumers. T h e r e is a radical break between
the interests o f the economic institutions that produce c u l t u r a l f o r m s and the
interpretative concerns o f the audience. Fiske expresses this d i s t i n c t i o n as an
o p p o s i t i o n between the ' p o w e r bloc' (the d o m i n a n t c u l t u r a l , p o l i t i c a l a n d social
order) a n d the 'people' (sets o f felt social allegiances cut across b y class, gender,
race, age, etc.). T h e ' p o w e r bloc' produces u n i f o r m mass-produced products
which are then transformed i n t o practices o f resistance b y the 'people'. As
Fiske argues, ' p o p u l a r culture is made by the people, n o t p r o d u c e d by t h e
culture i n d u s t r y ' (Fiske, 1989a: 2 4 ) . T o be considered popular, therefore,
c o m m o d i t i e s have t o be able t o be mass p r o d u c e d f o r economic r e t u r n , a n d be

p o t e n t i a l l y o p e n t o t h e subversive readings o f the people. For Fiske, once I have
purchased t h e n e w M a d o n n a compact disc f r o m the local music store, the p r o d -
uct has become detached f r o m t h e strategies o f capitalism. T h e music o f
M a d o n n a is n o t s i m p l y a standardised p r o d u c t that can be purchased t h r o u g h
the institutions o f global capitalism, b u t is a c u l t u r a l resource o f everyday life.
T h e act o f c o n s u m p t i o n always entails the p r o d u c t i o n o f meaning.
T h e c i r c u l a t i o n o f m e a n i n g requires us t o study three levels o f t e x t u a l i t y
w h i l e teasing o u t t h e specific relations between t h e m . First there are t h e c u l -
t u r a l f o r m s t h a t are p r o d u c e d a l o n g w i t h t h e n e w M a d o n n a a l b u m t o create
the idea o f a m e d i a event. These can i n c l u d e concerts, books, posters a n d
videos. A t t h e n e x t level, there is a variety o f media t a l k i n p o p u l a r magazines
a n d newspapers, television p o p p r o g r a m m e s a n d r a d i o shows a l l o f f e r i n g a
v a r i e t y o f c r i t i c a l c o m m e n t a r y u p o n M a d o n n a . T h e f i n a l level o f t e x t u a l i t y ,
the o n e t h a t Fiske claims t o be most attentive t o , involves t h e ways i n w h i c h
M a d o n n a becomes p a r t o f o u r everyday l i f e . A c c o r d i n g t o Fiske ( 1 9 8 7 a ,
1989b), Madonna's career was launched b y a r o c k v i d e o o f an early song
called ' L u c k y Star'. She became established i n 1985 as a c u l t u r a l i c o n t h r o u g h
a series o f successful LPs a n d singles, t h e f i l m Desperately Seeking Susan, nude
shots t h a t appeared i n Penthouse a n d Playboy, as w e l l as t h e successful m a r -
k e t i n g o f a certain ' l o o k ' . Fiske argues that M a d o n n a symbolically plays w i t h
t r a d i t i o n a l m a l e - d o m i n a t e d stereotypes o f t h e v i r g i n a n d t h e w h o r e i n o r d e r
t o subtly subvert p a t r i a r c h a l meanings. T h a t is, t h e t e x t u a l i t y o f M a d o n n a ide-
o l o g i c a l l y destabilises t r a d i t i o n a l representations o f w o m e n . Fiske accounts
f o r M a d o n n a ' s success b y a r g u i n g that she is an o p e n o r w r i t e r l y t e x t rather
t h a n a closed readerly o n e . I n this way, M a d o n n a is able t o challenge her fans
t o r e i n v e n t t h e i r o w n sexual identities o u t o f t h e c u l t u r a l resources that she
a n d p a t r i a r c h a l capitalism p r o v i d e s . H e n c e M a d o n n a as a t e x t is polysemic,
patriarchal a n d sceptical. I n t h e f i n a l analysis, Madonna is n o t p o p u l a r
because she is p r o m o t e d b y t h e c u l t u r e industry, b u t because her attempts t o
forge h e r o w n i d e n t i t y w i t h i n a m a l e - d e f i n e d c u l t u r e have a certain relevance
f o r h e r fans.
W h i l e Fiske d r a w s f r o m a range o f c u l t u r a l theory, most n o t a b l y semiotics
a n d p o s t - s t r u c t u r a l i s m , t h e w o r k o f M i c h e l D e Certeau ( 1 9 8 4 ) has a particular
resonance f o r his a p p r o a c h . For D e Certeau, p o p u l a r c u l t u r e is best d e f i n e d as
the o p e r a t i o n s p e r f o r m e d u p o n texts, rather t h a n t h e actual domains o f t h e
texts themselves. Everyday life has t o operate w i t h i n t h e i n s t r u m e n t a l spaces
t h a t have been carved o u t b y t h e p o w e r f u l . T o read a fashion magazine, listen
t o a p u n k a l b u m , p u t o n a soccer s u p p o r t e r ' s scarf, o r p i n u p a p i c t u r e o f
Bruce Springsteen, is t o discover a w a y o f using c o m m o n c u l t u r e that is n o t
s t r i c t l y p r o s c r i b e d b y its makers. T h e act o f c o n s u m p t i o n is part o f the 'tactics'
o f t h e w e a k t h a t w h i l e o c c u p y i n g t h e spaces o f t h e s t r o n g converts d i s c i p l i -
n a r y a n d i n s t r u m e n t a l t i m e i n t o t h a t w h i c h is free a n d creative. T h e specific
tactics t h a t evade i n s t r u m e n t a l modes o f d o m i n a t i o n , o r w h a t D e C e r t e a u
sometimes calls c u l t u r a l p o a c h i n g , i n practice never become r e i f i e d as they are

constantly s h i f t i n g a n d thereby evade d e t e c t i o n . I n this v e i n , D e Certeau
describes as ' l a p e r r u q u e ' those a r t f u l practices t h a t are able t o t r i c k order. F o r
instance, t h e practice o f w r i t i n g a love letter w h i l e at w o r k is a means o f steal-
i n g t i m e f r o m an i n s t r u m e n t a l activity a n d d i v e r t i n g i t i n t o a m o r e sensuous
p u r s u i t . T h u s w h i l e t h e practices o f the p o w e r f u l d o m i n a t e the p r o d u c t i o n o f
c u l t u r a l f o r m s a n d regulate the spaces o f their r e c e p t i o n , the r e a d i n g processes
o f t h e w e a k elude strategies o f direct c o n t r o l . T o take another example
d e r i v e d f r o m D e C e r t e a u ; w h i l e Spanish colonisers were 'successful' i n i m p o s -
i n g t h e i r o w n c u l t u r e o n indigenous Indians, t h e d o m i n a t e d w e r e able t o
m a k e o f this i m p o s e d c u l t u r e s o m e t h i n g d i f f e r e n t f r o m that w h i c h t h e c o n -
querors i n t e n d e d . T h i s was n o t achieved t h r o u g h r e v o l u t i o n a r y struggle, b u t
by accepting t h e c u l t u r e o f t h e Spanish a n d subtly t r a n s f o r m i n g i t f o r t h e i r
o w n ends.
F o l l o w i n g D e Certeau, Fiske dispenses w i t h t h e n o t i o n o f t h e ' p r e f e r r e d
r e a d i n g ' evident w i t h i n t h e o r i g i n a l e n c o d i n g / d e c o d i n g m o d e l . B o t h Fiske a n d
D e Certeau are keen t o distance themselves f r o m c u l t u r a l theories, like those
p r o p o s e d b y t h e early F r a n k f u r t school, w h i c h assume that t h e consumer
becomes m o r e l i k e t h e p r o d u c t , rather t h a n t h e n o t i o n t h a t consumers m a k e
the p r o d u c t m o r e l i k e themselves. M o r e conservative c u l t u r a l accounts, f o r
D e C e r t e a u , stem f r o m t h e E n l i g h t e n m e n t belief that certain a u t h o r i s e d f o r m s
o f k n o w l e d g e w e r e capable o f t r a n s f o r m i n g the habits o f the people. T h i s par-
ticular d i s p o s i t i o n establishes a d e f i n i t e h i e r a r c h y between those professional
intellectuals w h o construct t h e t e x t a n d those w h o are meant t o passively
assimilate i t . T h e ' p o w e r b l o c ' , i n this r e a d i n g , attempts t o close d o w n t h e
p o t e n t i a l meanings o f t h e t e x t by hierarchically f i x i n g certain i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s
over others. T h e m o d e r n w o r l d , however, has witnessed a decline i n t h e
p o w e r o f t r a d i t i o n i n general, a n d intellectuals i n p a r t i c u l a r , t o prescribe
meanings i n this way. D e Certeau w r i t e s :
Just as the aeroplane makes possible a growing independence w i t h respect to the

constraints imposed by geographical organisation, the techniques of speed read-
ing obtain, through the rarefaction of the eye's stopping points, an acceleration
of its movements across the page, an autonomy in relation to the determinants
of the text and a multiplication of the spaces covered. Emancipated from places,
the reading body is freer in its movements. (De Certeau, 1984: 176)
I n d e e d , f o r D e C e r t e a u , the need t o w r i t e f l o w s f r o m a psychic desire t o mas-

ter a n d o r d e r t h e w o r l d . T h e emergence o f t h e n o v e l , t h e r e f o r e , was an
a t t e m p t t o recapture some o f the cosmological language that h a d p r e v i o u s l y
d e f i n e d one's place i n t h e w o r l d w i t h i n t r a d i t i o n a l society. I n t h e m o d e r n age
o f a t o m i s e d i n d i v i d u a l i s m there has been a f u r t h e r decline i n t h e c o m m i t m e n t
t o c e r t a i n beliefs. Further, as those i n s t i t u t i o n s , such as religious a n d p o l i t i c a l
organisations lose t h e i r capacity t o engender belief, t h e people take refuge i n
m e d i a a n d leisure activities. W e n o w live i n a ' r e c i t e d ' society t h a t constantly
circulates narratives a n d stories t h r o u g h t h e m e d i u m o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n .
I n t h e p o s t - t r u t h w o r l d , t h e people are saturated b y a p l u r a l i t y o f discourses

t h a t are s t r u g g l i n g f o r t h e consent o f t h e audience, t h e difference being t h a t
t h e e x p l o s i o n o f messages t h a t characterises m o d e r n i t y is n o longer stamped
w i t h t h e ' a u t h o r i t y ' o f t h e i r authors. D e Certeau a p t l y describes t h e w a y i n
w h i c h o l d religious f o r m s o f a u t h o r i t y have been s u p p l a n t e d by a p l u r a l i t y o f
narratives that empower t h e reader, rather than the writer. Similarly,
Fiske argues t h a t t h e shift f r o m n a t i o n a l t o g l o b a l capitalism has meant t h a t
the system o f p r o d u c t i o n has become m o r e ' d i s t a n t ' , leaving t h e necessary
space f o r o p p o s i t i o n a l tactics. T h e central p a r a d o x o f m o d e r n i t y i d e n t i f i e d b y
Fiske a n d D e Certeau is t h a t t h e m o r e i n f o r m a t i o n that is p r o d u c e d b y t h e
p o w e r b l o c , t h e less i t is able t o g o v e r n t h e various i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s made o f i t
by socially situated subjects. T o illustrate this p o i n t , Fiske ( 1 9 8 7 b ) o f t e n d r a w s
u p o n t h e seminal research o f H o d g e a n d T r i p p ( 1 9 8 6 ) i n t o c h i l d r e n ' s r e l a t i o n -
ship w i t h t e l e v i s i o n .
H o d g e a n d T r i p p a i m t o r e f u t e t h e j o i n t m y t h s t h a t television is necessarily
e d u c a t i o n a l l y b a d f o r c h i l d r e n a n d t h a t parents a n d c h i l d r e n read t e l e v i s i o n
i n t h e same w a y . T h i s c o n c e r n is p a r t i c u l a r l y e v i d e n t i n t h e i r a t t e m p t t o
u n r a v e l t h e reasons f o r t h e p o p u l a r i t y o f t h e soap o p e r a Prisoner Cell Block
H amongst Australian schoolchildren. Hodge a n d Tripp f o u n d that the
s c h o o l c h i l d r e n psychically i d e n t i f i e d w i t h t h e w o m e n prisoners o f t h e t e l e v i -
s i o n series. T h e a u t h o r s e x p l a i n this p h e n o m e n o n t h r o u g h t h e s t r u c t u r a l s i m -
i l a r i t i e s o f t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e c h i l d r e n w i t h i n t h e school a n d those o f t h e
fictional prisoners. Schoolchildren a n d t h e prisoners l i v e u n d e r a single
a u t h o r i t y , are t r e a t e d alike i n a t i g h t l y scheduled o r d e r i m p o s e d f r o m above,
a n d have t h e i r activities c o - o r d i n a t e d b y t h e r a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g o f t h e i n s t i t u -
t i o n . T h e s c h o o l c h i l d r e n also a r t i c u l a t e d a n u m b e r o f p o i n t s o f s i m i l a r i t y ,
b e t w e e n t h e s c h o o l a n d t h e p r i s o n , i n terms o f t h e w a y they are o f t e n shut
i n , separated f r o m f r i e n d s , have n o r i g h t s , w o u l d n ' t be there unless they h a d
t o be, a n d are m a d e t o suffer rules they see l i t t l e p o i n t i n k e e p i n g . T h e
p u p i l s ' o w n self-perceptions resembled those represented by the prisoners,
w h o w e r e also r e d u c e d t o ' c h i l d l i k e ' roles w i t h i n t h e p r o g r a m m e s . Similarly,
t h e teachers a n d t h e p r i s o n w a r d e r s , as figures o f a u t h o r i t y , w e r e o f t e n p o s i -
t i o n e d together. H e n c e t h e p o p u l a r i t y o f Prisoner Cell Block H is t h e result
o f t h e c h i l d r e n ' s u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h a t schools are l i k e prisons. T o r e t u r n t o
Fiske's a r g u m e n t s , as H o d g e a n d T r i p p a m p l y d e m o n s t r a t e , t h e ' p o p u l a r ' is
an o p e n , f l u i d a n d s h i f t i n g c u l t u r e t h a t is realised t h r o u g h t h e s y m b o l i c tac-
tics o f t h e w e a k . T h e s y m b o l i c practices o f t h e s c h o o l c h i l d r e n can o n l y be
m a d e sense o f i f t h e i r v a r i o u s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s are u n d e r s t o o d i n terms o f t h e
a s y m m e t r i c a l r e l a t i o n s o f p o w e r t h a t exist between adults a n d c h i l d r e n . I f
Fiske's c o n c l u s i o n s are accepted, a l t h o u g h I a d m i t I a m n o t t o t a l l y c o n v i n c e d ,
t h e n research i n t o c h i l d r e n a n d t e l e v i s i o n s h o u l d be c o n c e r n e d less w i t h t h e
i d e o l o g i c a l c o r r u p t i n g influences o f t e l e v i s i o n t h a n w i t h t h e w a y i t is used as
a f o r m o f resistance.
Life's more fun with the popular press

I n a r e p r i n t e d i n t e r v i e w , Fiske describes his o w n theoretical o u t p u t as being
c o n c e r n e d t o articulate 'a socialist theory o f pleasure' (Fiske, 1 9 8 9 b ) . These
i r r e v e r e n t f o r m s o f jouissance that erupt f r o m b e l o w are opposed t o the
disciplinary techniques utilised b y the p o w e r bloc. H e r e there is a double
pleasure i n v o l v e d i n the audience's reading o f p o p u l a r texts. T h e first is t h e
enjoyment i n v o l v e d i n the symbolic p r o d u c t i o n o f meanings that oppose those
o f t h e p o w e r bloc, a n d t h e second concerns the actual activity o f being p r o d -
uctive. These practices are p a r t i c u l a r l y i m p o r t a n t w i t h i n m o d e r n settings, as
n o t u n l i k e his colleague J o h n H a r t l e y ( 1 9 9 2 ) , Fiske argues that modern
bureaucratic politics is c o n t r o l l e d by a small, p o w e r f u l m i n o r i t y . T h e 'distance'
o f p a r l i a m e n t a r y democracy f r o m the fabric o f people's everyday lives means
that p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e p o l i t i c a l comes t h r o u g h t h e creative use o f p o p u l a r
p r o d u c t s . I n this scenario, t h e m a r k e t , u n l i k e the declining h i g h culture o f t h e
p o w e r f u l , brings certain c u l t u r a l products w i t h i n the critical horizons o f t h e
people. T h e p r o b l e m w i t h m u c h o f the c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n o f the p o w e r bloc is
that i t remains insufficiently polysémie and t o o concerned w i t h the discovery
o f objective t r u t h . T h e search f o r a final universal t r u t h , w h i c h this p o s i t i o n
implies, is t o t a l i t a r i a n rather t h a n democratic. T h e result is the closing d o w n o f
the p l u r a l i t y o f truths that s h o u l d be a l l o w e d expression under a democratic
order. A r g u m e n t s that t h e news s h o u l d be m o r e accurate a n d objective are
actually s u p p o r t i v e o f the discursive practices o f the p o w e r bloc. A m o r e d e m o -
cratic f o r m o f electronic j o u r n a l i s m w o u l d seek t o ironise t r u t h claims b y seek-
i n g t o reveal t h e ways i n w h i c h they are socially a n d historically p r o d u c e d . T o
c l a i m that there is o n e t r u t h , therefore, is t o capitulate t o the d o m i n a n t regime
o f t r u t h , a n d deny the p o t e n t i a l l y liberatory pleasure o f the t e x t . But once t h e
p r o d u c t i o n o f i n f o r m a t i o n has given u p ' t h e tone o f the a u t h o r - g o d ' (Fiske,
1 9 8 9 b : 193) this s h o u l d encourage viewers t o become m o r e actively i n v o l v e d
i n m a k i n g sense o f the w o r l d . W h i l e citizens are excluded f r o m direct f o r m s o f
involvement i n t h e decision-making processes o f m o d e r n representative
democracies, they c o u l d be a l l o w e d m o r e m i c r o f o r m s o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a
semiotic democracy.
Fiske ( 1 9 9 2 ) has recently sought t o make these theoretical points m o r e c o n -
crete t h r o u g h a discussion o f the press. H e r e he outlines three d i f f e r e n t f o r m s
o f news p r o d u c t i o n : quality, alternative a n d p o p u l a r . As w e saw above, t h e
c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n o f t h e ' p o w e r bloc' ideologically disguises t h e interested
nature o f its p r o d u c t i o n b y appeals t o universal values. I n this way, t h e q u a l i t y
press, t h r o u g h t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f objective facts actually gears its o u t p u t
t o w a r d s p r o d u c i n g belief rather t h a n scepticism amongst its readers. T h e eigh-
teenth-century p u b l i c sphere, defended i n Habermas's ( 1 9 8 9 ) account, was
n o t so m u c h a b o u t c o m m u n i c a t i v e l y o p e n i n g u p certain repressed questions,
as i t was a strategy o f d o m i n a t i o n . I t was t h e p o w e r bloc rather t h a n t h e c i t i -
zens w h o decided t o circulate certain forms o f i n f o r m a t i o n that d i d n o t
r e q u i r e t h e active engagement o f t h e w e a k . N e x t , t h e transmission o f m o r e

r a d i c a l perspectives is sustained b y t h e alternative press, w h i c h is dependent
upon t h e practice o f radical journalists a n d is m a i n l y c o n s u m e d by the
educated m i d d l e class. T h i s f o r m o f news is m o r e c r i t i c a l o f t h e practices o f
the d o m i n a n t t h a n t h e q u a l i t y press, b u t its readers a n d w r i t e r s are usually
m a d e u p o f m o r e m a r g i n a l representatives o f t h e p o w e r bloc itself. T h e
t a b l o i d o r p o p u l a r press, u n l i k e t h e q u a l i t y o r alternative press, deconstructs
the o p p o s i t i o n b e t w e e n news a n d e n t e r t a i n m e n t . T h i s is a necessary m o v e as
e n t e r t a i n m e n t is just as m u c h a discursive p r o d u c t as so called ' h a r d ' news,
a n d f o r t h e news t o become m o r e p o p u l a r i t needs t o be able t o pleasurably
engage t h e audience. Fiske also claims that w h i l e t h e q u a l i t y press produces a
b e l i e v i n g subject t h e tabloids encourage m o r e c r i t i c a l f o r m s o f c u l t u r a l p r o -
d u c t i o n amongst t h e i r readers. T h r o u g h t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f o p e n texts t h e
t a b l o i d press produces:
sceptical laughter which offers the pleasures of disbelief, the pleasures of not
being taken i n . This popular pleasure of 'seeing through' them (whoever consti-
tutes the powerful them of the moment) is the historical result of centuries of
subordination which the people have not allowed to develop into subjection.
(Fiske, 1992: 49)
W h a t is i m p o r t a n t a b o u t t h e t a b l o i d press is n o t w h e t h e r t h e articles a n d fea-

tures i t r u n s are actually t r u e , b u t its o p p o s i t i o n a l stance t o o f f i c i a l regimes o f
t r u t h . Fiske illustrates this a r g u m e n t b y r e f e r r i n g t o a story c o n c e r n i n g aliens
l a n d i n g f r o m o u t e r space, w h i c h he claims t o be a r e c u r r e n t o n e w i t h i n
t a b l o i d j o u r n a l i s m . T h e p o i n t about such stories is that they subversively b l u r
t h e d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n facts a n d f i c t i o n , thereby d i s r u p t i n g the d o m i n a n t l a n -
guage game disseminated b y t h e p o w e r bloc. Further, w h i l e o f f i c i a l news
a t t e m p t s t o i d e o l o g i c a l l y mask the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s evident w i t h i n its discourse,
t h e t a b l o i d press deliberately seeks t o exaggerate certain n o r m s , hereby abnor¬
malising t h e m . Fiske's a r g u m e n t here is that the sensationalised stories charac-
teristic o f t h e tabloids p r o d u c e a w r i t e r l y t e x t i n t h a t they o p e n l y i n v i t e t h e
i n t e r p r e t a t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f t h e i r readers. T h e t a b l o i d s , l i k e o t h e r p o p u l a r
texts such as M a d o n n a a n d soap operas, m a i n t a i n their p o p u l a r i t y b y i n f o r m -
i n g p e o p l e a b o u t t h e w o r l d i n a w a y that is o p e n t o the tactics o f the weak. I n
this r e a d i n g , t h e various f o r m s o f d e p o l i t i c i s a t i o n evident w i t h i n Western
democracies are a t t r i b u t a b l e m o r e t o the q u a l i t y t h a n t o the p o p u l a r press. O n
the o t h e r h a n d , Fiske claims t o be aware that t h e p o p u l a r press is rarely
o r c h e s t r a t e d t o w a r d s p o l i t i c a l l y progressive ends. B u t the c u l t u r a l a n d stylistic
f o r m o f t h e p o p u l a r press c o u l d , a c c o r d i n g t o Fiske, be t u r n e d against t h e
interests o f t h e p o w e r f u l . A L e f t p o l i t i c a l strategy s h o u l d steer clear o f
'preachiness' (Fiske, 1 9 8 9 a : 1 7 8 ) a n d advocate pleasurable texts that refuse
the t e m p t a t i o n o f i m p o s i n g certain socially correct meanings. T h i s w o u l d h o l d
o p e n t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f a genuinely l e f t - w i n g paper that d i d n o t seek r i g i d l y t o
c o n t r o l t h e meanings p r o d u c e d by its readers.
Pointless populism or resistant pleasures?

T h e m a i n strength o f J o h n Fiske's approach t o the study o f m e d i a a n d c u l t u r e
is t h e emphasis he places u p o n t h e creative w o r k u n d e r t a k e n b y the audience
i n the p r o d u c t i o n o f negotiated a n d o p p o s i t i o n a l readings. T h e study o f p o p u -
lar c u l t u r e is n o t a b o u t the m a c r o issues o f p o l i t i c a l economy, i d e o l o g y o r t h e
p u b l i c sphere, b u t about t h e evasive tactics o f t h e weak. T h i s v i e w offers a n
i m p o r t a n t corrective t o those w h o c o n t i n u e t o ignore the capacity o f the a u d i -
ence t o i n v o l v e themselves i n semiotic insurgence. But I w a n t t o argue that the
w r i t i n g o f J o h n Fiske is irredeemably f l a w e d . H e r e I shall offer five m a i n rea-
sons f o r this c l a i m : (1) his account pays insufficient a t t e n t i o n t o t h e i n s t i t u -
tions that structurate t h e reception o f symbolic f o r m s ; (2) his arguments
foreclose t h e possibility o f a t h e o r y o f ideology; (3) his v i e w o f t h e p o p u l a r
press excludes any concrete investigation o f its actual c o n t e n t ; (4) he lacks a
critical conception o f the political importance o f the fragmentation o f the
p u b l i c sphere; a n d (5) he consistently substitutes his o w n r e a d i n g o f p o p u l a r
f o r m s f o r those o f the audience.
1 . Fiske's socialist t h e o r y o f pleasure is dependent o n a v i e w o f t h e m a r k e t

d e m o c r a t i s i n g t h e people's access t o c u l t u r a l goods. T h i s assumption can
o n l y be m a i n t a i n e d i f mass f o r m s o f c u l t u r e are c o m p a r e d w i t h so-called
' h i g h c u l t u r e ' . A s B o u r d i e u ( 1 9 8 4 ) has argued, access t o t h e relevant c u l -
t u r a l d i s p o s i t i o n f o r t h e enjoyment o f the ' o f f i c i a l arts' is dependent u p o n
the subject's f a m i l y a n d educational b a c k g r o u n d . T h i s d i s p o s i t i o n , o r w h a t
B o u r d i e u refers t o as t h e d o m i n a n t aesthetic, is a learnt b o d i l y sense t h a t
emphasises t h e p r i m a c y o f detachment and contemplation over active
f o r m s o f i n v o l v e m e n t . T h e habitus o f the d o m i n a n t class can be discerned
i n t h e i d e o l o g y o f n a t u r a l charisma, as w e l l as t h e n o t i o n that 'taste' is a
g i f t f r o m n a t u r e . T h e d o m i n a n t lifestyle is historically b o r n o u t o f a d i v i -
sion w i t h i n t h e d o m i n a n t class between t h e i n d u s t r i a l bourgeoisie a n d t h e
intelligentsia. T h e intelligentsia's separation f r o m material necessity has
m e a n t t h a t they have t r a d i t i o n a l l y misrecognised their o w n c u l t u r a l p r o -
d u c t i o n as disinterested. Bourdieu's a i m is t o treat apparently n e u t r a l prac-
tices, such as those i n v o l v e d i n c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n , as a strategic means o f
g a i n i n g m o n e y a n d p o w e r . T h e intelligentsia's aesthetic d i s p o s i t i o n n a t u -
ralises t h e i r specific p r o d u c t i o n a n d reception o f certain types o f s y m b o l i c
goods. I n o p p o s i t i o n , the p o p u l a r aesthetic, the p r o d u c t o f the c u l t u r a l dis-
p o s i t i o n o f t h e w o r k i n g class, expresses a desire f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n a n d
i m m e d i a t e f o r m s o f g r a t i f i c a t i o n . T h i s w o u l d e x p l a i n the p o p u l a r i t y o f soc-
cer as a spectator sport amongst working-class males, given the o p p o r t u n i -
ties f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n t h r o u g h fashion, c h a n t i n g a n d singing. T h e range o f
c u l t u r a l practices t h a t are e m b o d i e d i n the p o p u l a r aesthetic are distinct
f r o m those generated b y t h e d o m i n a n t aesthetic. H e n c e t h e social space
generated f o r audience p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i t h i n the d o m i n a n t aesthetic is m o r e
t i g h t l y regulated. T o gain pleasure f r o m t h e less spontaneous atmosphere
o f a n a r t gallery o r m u s e u m , a c c o r d i n g t o B o u r d i e u , presupposes t h a t o n e
has access t o the a p p r o p r i a t e social codes a n d dispositions.
T o r e t u r n t o Fiske, w e can see t h a t his a n d Bourdieu's accounts r e t a i n a
s i m i l a r i t y i n r e l a t i o n t o the p o p u l a r need f o r a s t r o n g sense o f i n v o l v e m e n t
i n c u l t u r a l practices. W h e t h e r these practices are the result o f the excess o f
the t a b l o i d s , t h e w r i t e r l y texts o f soap operas o r the m o r e i m m e d i a t e plea-
sures o f soccer spectatorship, they can be d e f i n e d i n o p p o s i t i o n t o b o t h t h e
i n s t r u m e n t a l p r o d u c t i o n o f the p o w e r bloc a n d the aesthetic d i s p o s i t i o n o f
the bourgeoisie. T h e r e does i n d e e d seem t o be some j u s t i f i c a t i o n i n t h e
a r g u m e n t t h a t t h e p o p u l a r c u l t u r e o f t h e market-place is m o r e inclusive
t h a n t h a t o f the educated bourgeoisie o r the p o w e r bloc. But neither Fiske,
n o r B o u r d i e u , i n t h e i r a d m i t t e d l y distinct analyses, p a y a n y sustained
a t t e n t i o n t o t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s o f the c u l t u r e i n d u s t r y ( G a r n h a m , 1 9 8 6 ) . F o r
instance, t h e c o m m e r c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s o f late capitalism are geared t o w a r d s
t a r g e t i n g c e r t a i n audience segments. D i c k H e b d i g e has described t h e post¬
F o r d i s t m o v e away f r o m mass t o m o r e f l e x i b l e f o r m s o f p r o d u c t i o n as t h e
'sociology o f a s p i r a t i o n ' ( H e b d i g e , 1 9 8 9 : 5 3 ) . By this he means t h a t c o m -
m e r c i a l f o r m s o f c u l t u r e are s y m b o l i c a l l y arranged t o connect w i t h t h e
lifestyles a n d t h e f u t u r e desires o f consumer groups. W h a t is n o t clear is
t h a t the o p p o s i t i o n a l readings o f target groups actually constitute f o r m s o f
resistance t h a t subvert t h e e c o n o m i c structures o f late capitalism, o r t h a t
c o m m e r c i a l f o r m s o f c u l t u r e are as m a t e r i a l l y accessible as Fiske i m p l i e s .
C o m p u t e r games, f o r e x a m p l e , are sold t o a y o u n g teenage audience
t h r o u g h television advertising, trade magazines, television programmes,
r a d i o shows a n d t h e p o p u l a r press. Fiske c o u l d argue that some game f o r -
mats constitute relatively o p e n texts, w h i c h leaves t h e m o p e n t o semiotic
f o r m s o f resistance. T h e p r o b l e m w i t h this argument is t h a t i t is d i f f i c u l t t o
see h o w t h e structures o f late capitalism are threatened by this activity.
I n d e e d , as w i t h o t h e r c u l t u r a l f o r m s , c o m p u t e r games are l i k e l y t o have a
certain semiotic openness deliberately b u i l t i n t o t h e m . ... [ S t r u c t u r e s o f
d o m i n a t i o n are just as l i k e l y t o be m a i n t a i n e d t h r o u g h social a t o m i s m as
b y i d e o l o g i c a l consensus. A society whose i m a g i n a r y is c o n s t i t u t e d t h r o u g h
difference a n d d i v e r s i t y rather t h a n sameness provides a p l u r a l i t y o f mar-
kets f o r capitalist a c c u m u l a t i o n strategies. O f course this does n o t m e a n , as
Fiske demonstrates, t h a t certain readings c r i t i c a l o f t h e d o m i n a n t social
o r d e r c a n n o t be o p e n e d u p t h r o u g h an engagement w i t h t h e p o p u l a r .
W h a t I a m a r g u i n g instead is that a f r a g m e n t e d c u l t u r e may u n d e r m i n e t h e
social cohesion necessary t o p r o d u c e relations o f s o l i d a r i t y w i t h those n o t
i m m e d i a t e l y present i n t i m e a n d space. T h i s s i t u a t i o n is l i k e l y t o destabilise
p o l i t i c a l attempts t o s y m b o l i c a l l y create alliances amongst the w e a k against
the p o w e r bloc. I n d e e d , o n e c o u l d argue that t h e c u l t u r a l l y f r a c t u r e d
n a t u r e o f t h e audience w o r k s i n t h e interests o f t h e c u l t u r e industry, as i t
p r o v i d e s n e w markets a n d p r o m o t e s an i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c c u l t u r e .
I f this a r g u m e n t is f o l l o w e d , t h e n a m o r e effective means o f resisting the
capitalist c o m p u t e r game i n d u s t r y w o u l d be b y t h e use o f d e c o m m o d i f i c a -

t i o n strategies. Such practices c o u l d i n c l u d e t h e setting u p o f p u b l i c l e n d -
i n g libraries i n c o m p u t e r games a n d t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f n e w games b y
co-operatives. T h a t such projects are u n l i k e l y t o occur is surely due t o t h e
fact that investment is c o n t r o l l e d b y large transnational corporations,
w h i c h i n t u r n are progressively p r i v a t i s i n g p u b l i c f o r m s o f c u l t u r e . T h i s
p r o b l e m is c o m p l e t e l y bypassed b y Fiske. I n fact, he even suggests, at o n e
p o i n t , that n e w f o r m s o f s o l i d a r i t y evident o n t h e dance f l o o r , i n f a n c u l -
t u r e a n d o t h e r p o p u l a r practices c o u l d p r o v i d e the basis f o r a m o r e socially
just society (Fiske, 1989a: 1 7 6 ) . A m o r e i n s t i t u t i o n a l frame o f reference
c o u l d have m o r e adequately contextualised the creative responses o f t h e
audience b y l i n k i n g t h e m t o socially r e p r o d u c i b l e structures o f d o m i n a -
t i o n . I n this i n t e r p r e t a t i o n semiotic playfulness a n d t h e d o m i n a n c e o f t h e
status q u o c o u l d be m o r e closely related t h a n Fiske is aware.
Similarly, t h e absence o f an i n s t i t u t i o n a l perspective b l i n d s Fiske t o
m a t e r i a l rather t h a n symbolic distinctions amongst t h e audience. A s Peter
G o l d i n g ( 1 9 9 0 ) has argued, t h e Western capitalist nations e x h i b i t massive
inequalities i n terms o f t h e i r access t o c u l t u r a l goods. T h i s s i t u a t i o n is
m a i n l y d e t e r m i n e d b y the m u c h publicised e v e r - w i d e n i n g gap between r i c h
a n d p o o r . Fiske seems t o assume that t h e capitalist m a r k e t has a d e m o c r a -
t i s i n g effect i n t h a t i t makes w i d e l y available a w h o l e range o f pleasurable
texts. T h i s a r g u m e n t , as w e have seen, has some validity, i f o n e compares
g e n u i n e l y p o p u l a r c u l t u r a l f o r m s t o those that r e q u i r e t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f
scarce s y m b o l i c resources. Yet i f w e r e t u r n t o t h e analysis o f c o m p u t e r
games presented above, w h a t s h o u l d be obvious is that i t neglects t o m e n -
t i o n t h e u n e q u a l d i s t r i b u t i o n o f the necessary c o m p u t e r technology. I n
1 9 8 6 , 3 2 . 1 per cent o f those whose h o u s e h o l d i n c o m e was over £ 5 5 0 a
w e e k o w n e d a h o m e c o m p u t e r , c o m p a r e d t o 1.3 per cent o f those s u r v i v -
i n g o n £ 4 5 o r less ( G o l d i n g , 1 9 9 0 ) . Class structure t h e n erects certain
m a t e r i a l , i n a d d i t i o n t o s y m b o l i c , barriers t o c u l t u r a l f o r m s o f p a r t i c i p a -
t i o n , t h a t are neglected by Fiske's concern w i t h signs a n d symbols.
2. A c r i t i c a l t h e o r y o f i d e o l o g y is dependent u p o n the n o t i o n that certain l i n -

guistic signs s y m b o l i c a l l y r e i n f o r c e o r leave u n q u e s t i o n e d m a t e r i a l rela-
t i o n s o f d o m i n a t i o n . Fiske, I w o u l d argue, forecloses t h e possibility o f a
t h e o r y o f i d e o l o g y b y always r e a d i n g t h e p o p u l a r as a f o r m o f resistance.
R e t u r n i n g t o B o u r d i e u , i t is apparent that Fiske lacks a t h e o r y o f c u l t u r a l
d o m i n a t i o n as such. B o u r d i e u refers t o t h e d o m i n a n t aesthetic as arbitrary,
since there is n o i n t r i n s i c reason w h y certain upper-class accents a n d tastes
s h o u l d be i n d i c a t i v e o f a h i g h c u l t u r e . C u l t u r e is a t o o l o f class d o m i n a -
t i o n . T h e bourgeoisie misrecognise their lifestyle a n d c u l t u r a l f o r m s o f
p r o d u c t i o n as being ahistorical a n d disinterested. T h e e d u c a t i o n system,
f o r e x a m p l e , reproduces t h e d o m i n a n c e o f the bourgeoisie t h r o u g h t h e
recognised s u p e r i o r i t y o f t h e d o m i n a n t aesthetic. B o u r d i e u a n d Passeron
( 1 9 7 7 ) argue t h a t e d u c a t i o n i n s t i t u t i o n s impose t h e d o m i n a n t f o r m o f life

o n t h e w o r k i n g classes. T h e d o m i n a n t habitus does n o t socialise subjects
i n t o t h e c u l t u r a l patterns r e q u i r e d b y t h e education system, b u t results i n
the self-exclusion o f the dominated classes. T h r o u g h a process that
B o u r d i e u calls s y m b o l i c violence, t h e w o r k i n g class recognises t h a t t h e
d o m i n a n t habitus is superior t o its o w n . For B o u r d i e u ( 1 9 9 1 ) language
does n o t serve as a p u r e i n s t r u m e n t o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n b u t expresses t h e
social p o s i t i o n o f t h e speaker. I t is n o t , i n other w o r d s , t h e c o m p l e x i t y o f
the bourgeoisie's vocabulary t h a t ensures its superiority. Instead t h e s y m -
b o l i c d o m i n a n c e o f t h e bourgeoisie is m a i n t a i n e d b y its a b i l i t y t o censor
the l e g i t i m a c y o f o t h e r modes o f expression. Working-class lifestyles, o n
this r e a d i n g , are c u l t u r a l l y d o m i n a t e d a n d evaluated f r o m t h e perspective
o f the d o m i n a n t c u l t u r a l style. T h u s even those w h o enjoy the r o b u s t activ-
ities o f s u p p o r t i n g a soccer team are l i k e l y t o v i e w higher f o r m s o f c u l t u r a l
practice (such as v i s i t i n g the opera) as h a v i n g greater w o r t h . A l t e r n a t i v e l y ,
Fiske views t h e p o p u l a r as t h e site o f resistance rather t h a n d o m i n a t i o n .
H e discounts t h e possibility, w h i c h a d m i t t e d l y B o u r d i e u overstates, t h a t
the people w o u l d v i e w their o w n c u l t u r a l practices as being less i m p o r t a n t
t h a n those o f the p o w e r bloc. W h a t Bourdieu's analysis reveals is t h a t cer-
t a i n c u l t u r a l styles a n d dispositions are able t o impress themselves u p o n
others due t o relations o f a u t h o r i t y that exist outside o f language.
O n a d i f f e r e n t subject, M i c h a e l Schudson ( 1 9 9 3 ) shares Fiske's doubts
c o n c e r n i n g t h e extent t o w h i c h advertising directly affects consumer choic-
es. T h i s is because advertising competes w i t h other f o r m s o f i n f o r m a t i o n
(press reviews, peer assessment, b r a n d loyalty) a n d is also t h e subject o f
p o p u l a r disbelief. I n some respects, however, advertising can be a p o w e r f u l
m e d i u m f o r persuading m o r e vulnerable consumers o f the merits o f a par-
ticular p r o d u c t . O n e such g r o u p are y o u n g c h i l d r e n , w h o necessarily have
access t o m o r e restricted sources o f i n f o r m a t i o n w h e n c o m p a r e d t o adults.
W h i l e they are able t o make sense o f television advertisements, they are
unable t o decipher m u c h o f the o u t p u t o f the p r i n t media a n d are relatively
inexperienced c u l t u r a l consumers. Fiske, i n response, w o u l d u n d o u b t e d l y
object that H o d g e a n d T r i p p ' s study argues that c h i l d r e n a n d adults read
television i n very d i f f e r e n t ways. W h i l e this may be t r u e , Fiske is unable t o
account f o r t h e reasons w h y c h i l d r e n seem t o be such easy prey f o r adver-
tisers. J i m M c G u i g a n ( 1 9 9 2 ) adds that n o t o n l y are advertisements geared
t o w a r d s creating m a t e r i a l desires amongst a y o u n g audience, b u t television
programmes a n d f i l m s are o f t e n specifically p r o d u c e d i n order t o sell a
range o f p r o d u c t s f r o m expensive toys t o T-shirts. T h a t is, c h i l d r e n m a y
decode symbolic f o r m s d i f f e r e n t l y f r o m t h e ways t h e producers o f the
image i n t e n d e d , w h i l e b e c o m i n g convinced o f the desirability o f a particular
p r o d u c t . T h u s , i n so far as Fiske is hostile t o a critical concept o f ideology, i t
w o u l d seem that he is able t o appreciate o n l y a n a r r o w range o f c u l t u r a l
practices.
3. W h a t i m m e d i a t e l y strikes t h e reader o f Fiske's analysis o f p o p u l a r c u l t u r e

is t h e inadequacy o f his perceptions o f its c o n t e n t . A l t h o u g h Fiske's ( 1 9 8 2 )
b a c k g r o u n d i n semiotics means t h a t he was f u l l y e q u i p p e d t o p r o b e t h e
i n t e r n a l structures o f p o p u l a r texts, he gives t h e m a decidedly o n e - d i m e n -
sional r e a d i n g . T h e r e are, i n fact, f e w sustained analyses o f p o p u l a r texts i n
his w o r k . T h i s leads o n e t o d o u b t some o f the claims he makes o n behalf
o f p o p u l a r c u l t u r e . A t t h e heart o f his v i e w o f t h e p o p u l a r press is t h e
a s s u m p t i o n t h a t discursive modes o f exaggeration p r o d u c e a certain scepti-
cism w i t h i n t h e r e a d i n g subject. For Fiske, stories a b o u t aliens l a n d i n g
f r o m o u t e r space subvert t h e language game o f the p o w e r bloc. O n e o f the
p r o b l e m s w i t h this a r g u m e n t is that Fiske offers very l i t t l e b y t h e w a y o f
evidence t o s u p p o r t his a r g u m e n t c o n c e r n i n g t h e w i d e s p r e a d n a t u r e o f
such stories. I n d e e d , m u c h m o r e evidence is available f o r a r g u i n g t h a t t h e
actual c o n t e n t o f t h e t a b l o i d press is o v e r t l y i d e o l o g i c a l . F o r instance, t h e
systematic c o n t e n t studies o f Van D i j k ( 1 9 9 1 ) have d e m o n s t r a t e d t h e racist
n a t u r e o f m u c h o f press c o n t e n t . I n a study o f the B r i t i s h a n d D u t c h press
d u r i n g t h e 1980s he uncovers t h e extent t o w h i c h press coverage i d e o l o g i -
cally reproduces a system that sustains w h i t e g r o u p d o m i n a n c e . W h i l e
these issues c a n n o t be e x p l o r e d here, i t c o u l d be argued, i n terms o f actual
c o n t e n t , t h a t t h e p o p u l a r press is m o r e readily characterised b y t h e racist
n a t u r e o f its c o n t e n t , t h a n b y t h e sort o f bizarre stories Fiske discovers.
Rather t h a n a b n o r m a l i s i n g c o m m o n l y h e l d n o r m s , t h e p o p u l a r press is
m o r e o f t e n i n v o l v e d i n s y m b o l i c a l l y creating certain o u t - g r o u p s . T h e w h i t e
n a t i o n a l press consistently ignores those subjects t h a t are o f m o s t c o n c e r n
t o ethnic m i n o r i t i e s (housing, w o r k , health) w h i l e representing t h e m as a
social p r o b l e m ( r i o t s , c r i m e , i m m i g r a t i o n ) . T h e r e is a case f o r a r g u i n g -
a n d this p o i n t is f o r c i b l y made by Van D i j k - that by representing ethnic
m i n o r i t i e s i n such a w a y t h e press is h e l p i n g t o sustain w h i t e d o m i n a n c e .
T h i s is n o t t o argue that such stories w o u l d necessarily be u n c r i t i c a l l y
accepted b y t h e i r readers, b u t I w o u l d w a n t t o at least h o l d o p e n such a
possibility. T h a t Fiske largely ignores such arguments i r r e d e e m a b l y c o m -
promises his m o r e impressionistic v i e w o f the c o n t e n t o f p o p u l a r c u l t u r e .
4 . I n dealing w i t h t h e alternative press, Fiske argues t h a t i t has a tendency t o

be a u t h o r i t a r i a n a n d o v e r l y prescriptive. Similarly, i n his v i e w t h e c u l t u r e
o f the p o w e r bloc concentrates u p o n t h e ' o f f i c i a l ' activities o f the r i c h a n d
p o w e r f u l i n a w a y t h a t is distant f r o m t h e lives o f so-called o r d i n a r y
p e o p l e . These very practices constitute t h e m a j o r reason, o f f e r e d by Fiske,
f o r t h e ' c u l t u r e g a p ' that has o p e n e d u p w i t h i n Western democracies
between elected p o l i t i c i a n s a n d t h e populace. I n place o f t h e q u a l i t y a n d
alternative press, Fiske advocates a m o r e p o l i t i c a l l y diverse range o f
p o p u l a r texts. T h i s a r g u m e n t contrasts w i t h the perspectives o f W i l l i a m s
a n d H a b e r m a s w h o suggest t h a t m o d e r n i t y has witnessed t h e g r o w i n g d i f -
ferentiation o f high- and low-quality forms o f i n f o r m a t i o n . This and
o t h e r processes, i n c l u d i n g t h e p r i v a t i s a t i o n o f k n o w l e d g e , social a t o m i s m ,
e c o n o m i c stagnation a n d t h e restricted nature o f democracy, has c o n -
t r i b u t e d t o t h e progressive d e p o l i t i c i s a t i o n o f t h e p u b l i c sphere. I n t u r n ,
this has created a social v a c u u m w h i c h t h e tabloids f i l l w i t h t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r
b r a n d o f scandal a n d sensation. Fiske, o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , uncovers some
o f t h e discursive strategies t h a t have been i n c o r p o r a t e d b y p o p u l a r news,
a n d r e m i n d s us t h a t t h e audience is capable o f m a k i n g p l u r a l meanings.
H o w e v e r , Fiske's a r g u m e n t t h a t a p l u r a l i s t , p a r t i c i p a t o r y c u l t u r e can o n l y
be sustained once t h e q u a l i t y press has become m o r e l i k e t h e tabloids is
t o t a l l y m i s t a k e n . C o l i n Sparks ( 1 9 9 2 ) has argued that t h e p o p u l a r press
tends t o represent t h e w o r l d i n terms o f a n i n d i v i d u a l i s e d c o n f l i c t between
g o o d a n d e v i l . T h e q u a l i t y press, regardless o f its p o l i t i c a l c o n t e n t , is m u c h
m o r e c o n c e r n e d w i t h r e l a t i n g 'events' t o t h e p u b l i c c o n t e x t o f social a n d
p o l i t i c a l relations. Sparks j u s t i f i a b l y argues that a n i n f o r m e d p u b l i c debate
necessarily rests o n t h e discussion o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l processes a n d practices
o p e n e d u p b y t h e q u a l i t y press. I w o u l d a d d t h a t Fiske misunderstands t h e
o r i g i n a l n o t i o n o f t h e p u b l i c sphere that has been developed b y W i l l i a m s
and Habermas. Despite t h e l i m i t a t i o n s o f t h e i r approaches, b o t h w r i t e r s
stress t h e need f o r a c o m m u n i c a t i v e sphere p r o t e c t e d f r o m t h e o p e r a t i o n
o f m o n e y a n d p o w e r . T h u s t h e c u l t u r e o f t h e p o w e r bloc s h o u l d be less
a b o u t p r o d u c i n g belief, a n d m o r e c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e process o f r a t i o n a l
a r g u m e n t a n d discussion. T h a t t h e actually existing p u b l i c sphere o f t e n
e m p l o y s i d e o l o g i c a l strategies t o legitimise t h e d o m i n a n c e o f r u l i n g elites is
u n d e n i a b l e . B u t , as W i l l i a m s a n d H a b e r m a s argue, a m o r e democratic soci-
ety a n d c u l t u r e can be ensured o n l y b y t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f diverse f o r m s o f
k n o w l e d g e , a n d t h e social a n d p o l i t i c a l structures t h a t encourage d e m o c r a -
tic f o r m s o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n . J o h n Keane ( 1 9 9 1 ) argues i n this v e i n that
i n f o r m e d debate amongst t h e citizens o f m o d e r n democracies, especially
w i t h i n globalised settings, is dependent u p o n h i g h - q u a l i t y f o r m s o f i n f o r -
m a t i o n . I n h i s terms, a n d similar t o Sparks, g o o d investigative j o u r n a l i s m
depends u p o n t h e patient processes o f investigation that seek t o keep a
w a t c h f u l eye over those i n p o w e r . M y suspicion is that Fiske's v i s i o n o f a
m o r e p a r t i c i p a t o r y c u l t u r e is m o r e l i k e l y t o revolve a r o u n d a diet o f hype
a n d scandal. T h i s v i e w is r e i n f o r c e d b y his misrepresentation o f certain
d e m o c r a t i c t r a d i t i o n s a n d his p o p u l i s t belief i n t a b l o i d fictions.
5. Fiske's central c l a i m is t h a t t h e f l u i d practices o f consumers constitute a

f o r m o f resistance against t h e d o m i n a n t i n s t r u m e n t a l society. W h i l e I have
questioned some o f his assumptions concerning t h e n o t i o n o f semiotic
resistance, Fiske has been accredited w i t h o p e n i n g u p t h e theoretical space
f o r t h e i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f t h e audience. T h e p r o b l e m here is t h a t , similar t o
D e C e r t e a u , Fiske o f t e n substitutes his o w n experience o f t h e t e x t f o r t h a t
o f t h e audience. J o h n F r o w ( 1 9 9 1 ) argues t h a t D e Certeau's semiotic cate-
gories lead h i m t o i m p l a n t his o w n voice, w h e r e w e s h o u l d expect t o f i n d
those o f t h e users o f p o p u l a r c u l t u r e . Fiske offers very l i t t l e by w a y o f

e m p i r i c a l evidence t o s u p p o r t his claims c o n c e r n i n g the v i b r a n t activities
o f t h e audience. T h i s is due t o his o w n enthusiasm f o r p o p u l a r texts a n d
his i n t e l l e c t u a l b a c k g r o u n d i n semiotic forms o f content analysis. H i s
analysis o f the i n t e r t e x t u a l nature o f M a d o n n a is largely based o n his o w n
s k i l f u l r e a d i n g , a n d o n l y b r i e f l y engages w i t h t h e perspectives o f her 'fans'
t h r o u g h t h e letters page o f a teenage magazine. Similarly, Fiske's a r g u m e n t
t h a t t h e t a b l o i d press is open t o t h e subversive tactics o f the w e a k remains
at t h e level o f the t e x t . H e is unable t o offer any e m p i r i c a l s u p p o r t f o r his
a r g u m e n t . A d m i t t e d l y , w h i l e television a n d f i l m studies are b e g i n n i n g t o
o p e n u p perspectives o n t h e audience, there has, as yet, been l i t t l e research
o f a comparable q u a l i t y o n magazine a n d newspaper c u l t u r e .
One o f t h e f e w examples o f such research is o f f e r e d by M a r k
Pursehouse ( 1 9 8 7 ) i n an e t h n o g r a p h i c a c c o u n t o f the r e a d i n g practices o f
t a b l o i d consumers. Pursehouse accurately describes t h e m o d e o f address
o f t h e Sun newspaper as ' h e t e r o s e x u a l , m a l e , w h i t e , conservative, capi-
t a l i s t , n a t i o n a l i s t ' ( 1 9 8 7 : 2 ) . H i s s t u d y represents t h e i n t e r v i e w subjects
as a r t f u l l y n e g o t i a t i n g w i t h t h e w a y i n w h i c h t h e newspaper is s y m b o l i -
cally c o n s t r u c t e d . T h i s was p a r t i c u l a r l y e v i d e n t amongst the w o m e n
readers w h o v i e w e d t h e page three p i n - u p s a n d t h e sports sections as o f f
l i m i t s . Pursehouse also reveals t h a t m a n y o f the readers v i e w e d t h e paper
as a source o f f u n a n d r e l a x a t i o n t o be e n j o y e d as a ' b r e a k ' f r o m w o r k
r o u t i n e s . Yet t h e newspaper is c o m m o n l y i n t e r p r e t e d as a w o r k i n g - c l a s s
paper, u n l i k e t h e qualities, w h i c h are p r e s u m e d t o have a m o r e m i d d l e -
class r e a d e r s h i p . T h e Sun, f o r these readers, is d e f i n e d b y t h e personal
use i t has i n o r d i n a r y contexts. We can i n t e r p r e t this r e a d i n g as a f o r m o f
i d e o l o g i c a l m a s k i n g o r d i s s i m u l a t i o n . As J. B. T h o m p s o n ( 1 9 9 0 ) has p u t
i t , d i s s i m u l a t i o n is established w h e n certain social r e l a t i o n s are l i n g u i s t i -
cally concealed. W h e n t h e newspaper is read as a f o r m o f p r i v a t e enter-
t a i n m e n t i t becomes detached f r o m t h e axes o f p o w e r a n d p o l i t i c s . T h e
i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f t h e newspaper as w o r k i n g - c l a s s , I w o u l d suggest, denies
its p o l i t i c a l a n d i n s t i t u t i o n a l l o c a t i o n . As is w e l l k n o w n , t h e Sun is
o w n e d by the global media empire o f Rupert M u r d o c h , and throughout
t h e 1980s i t h e l p e d c o n s t r u c t t h e a u t h o r i t a r i a n p o p u l i s t p o l i t i c s o f t h e
far R i g h t . T h a t Pursehouse's readers are unable t o give t h e newspaper a
m o r e p o l i t i c a l r e a d i n g is p r o b a b l y the result o f its b e i n g seen as a means
o f p r i v a t e pleasure rather t h a n p u b l i c c o n c e r n . Fiske's lack o f h e r m -
eneutic s e n s i t i v i t y t o t h e h o r i z o n s o f t h e audience, despite his claims
t o t h e c o n t r a r y , slides his o w n r e a d i n g o f t a b l o i d newspapers i n t o that
o f t h e audience. M o r e i n t e r p r e t a t i v e l y sensitive investigations should
both open o u t t h e space f o r t h e responses o f t h e audience, while
p o s i t i o n i n g t h e m w i t h i n u n e q u a l social r e l a t i o n s . T h i s is precisely w h a t
Fiske fails t o d o .
References
Ang, I . 1991: Desperately seeking the audience. London: Routledge.
Bourdieu, P. 1984: Distinction. London: Routledge.
Bourdieu, P. 1991: Language and symbolic power, ed. and introduction by John B.
Thompson. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Bourdieu, R and Passeron, C. P. 1977: Reproduction in education, society and culture.
London: Sage.
Carey, J.W 1989: Communication as culture: essays on media and society. London:
Unwin Hyman.
Curran, J. 1990: The 'new revisionism' i n mass communications research. European
Journal of Communications 5(2-3), 135-64.
De Certeau, M . 1984: The practice of everyday life. Berkeley, Calif: University of
California Press.
Fiske, J. 1982: Introduction to communication studies. London: Routledge.
Fiske, J. 1987a: British cultural studies and television. In R. Allen (ed.), Channels of
Discourse. London: Methuen
Fiske, J. 1987b: Television culture. London: Methuen.
Fiske, J. 1989a: Understanding popular culture. London: Unwin Hyman.
Fiske, J. 1989b: Reading the popular. London: Unwin Hyman.
Fiske, J. 1992: Popularity and the politics of information. In Dahlgren, P. and C. Sparks
(eds.), Journalism and popular culture. London: Sage.
Frow, J. 1991: Michel de Certeau and the practice of representation. Cultural Studies
5(1), 52-60.
Garnham, N . 1986: Extended review: Bourdieu's distinction. Sociological Review 34.
Geertz, C. 1973: The interpretation of cultures: selected essays. New York: Basic Books.
Golding, R 1990: Political communication and citizenship: the media and democracy in
an inegalitarian social order. I n Ferguson, M . (ed.), Public communication: the new
imperatives. London: Sage.
Habermas, J. 1989: The structural transformation of the public sphere, trans. Thomas
MacCarthy. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Hartley, J. 1992: The politics of pictures: the creation of the public in the age of popular
media. London: Routledge.
Hebdige, D . 1989: After the masses. Marxism Today, January.
Hodge, B. and Tripp, D . 1986: Children and television. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Keane, J. 1991: The media and democracy. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Pursehouse, M . 1987: Life's more fun with your number one 'Sun' - interviews with
some 'Sun' readers. CCCS Occasional Paper, no. 85, Birmingham.
Schudson, M . 1993: Advertising, the uneasy persuasion: its dubious impact on American
society. London: Routledge.
Sparks, C. 1992: Popular journalism: theories and practice. In Dahlgren, R and Sparks,
C. (eds.), Journalism and popular culture. London: Sage.
Thompson, J. B. 1990: Ideology and modern culture: critical social theory in the era of
mass communication. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Van Dijk, T. A . 1991: Racism and the press: critical studies in racism and migration.
London: Routledge.
Williams, R. 1979: Marxism and literature. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Questions
1 Stevenson suggests that there are a number of key dilemmas facing contempo-
rary studies of media audiences. How would you summarise his main argu-
ments?
2 Choose an example of media output and discuss issues concerning its reception
and cultural impact. Use your example to work through the issues that
Stevenson develops in his critique of Fiske's work.
3 What methods of investigation might be used for researching and studying audi-
ences and their varied forms of media consumption? Discuss the strengths and
weaknesses of selected methods.
Further reading
Abercrombie, N . 1996: Television and society. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Alasuutari, P. 1995: Researching culture. London: Sage.
Ang, I . 1996: Living room wars: rethinking media audiences for a postmodern world.
London: Routledge.
Boyd-Barrett, O. and Newbold, C. (eds.) 1995: Approaches to media: a reader.
Buckingham, D . 1993: Children talking television: the making of television literacy.
London: The Falmer Press.
Fiske, J. 1989a: Understanding popular culture. London: Unwin Hyman.
Fiske, J. 1989b: Reading the popular. London: Unwin Hyman.
Moores, S. 1993: Interpreting audiences: the ethnography of media consumption.
London: Sage. (See reading 22.)
Silverstone, R. 1994: Television and everyday life. London: Routledge.
Van Zoonen, L . 1994: Feminist media studies. London: Sage.
Section 4
Producers and Production
Section 4 turns from issues concerning the reception of media output to matters of produc-
tion, and in readings encompassing a wide range of media - television news and drama,
the press, radio, pop and rock music, cinema and video technology - we hope to show the
economic, political and cultural determinants which influence the production of all media
texts and which in turn shape their distribution, reception and consumption.
The common thread running through all these readings is that media texts are commodi-
ties just like any other products of industry, and their production shares many of the rou-
tines and characteristics of assembly line manufacture, such as that of cars or computers.
In the first two readings, Peter Golding and Roger Bolton analyse the 'manufacture' of
broadcast news and current affairs respectively, demonstrating that both have certain ide-
ological functions, operate within various constraints, and serve particular vested interests.
Stephen Barnard extends this focus to consider the restrictions which radio producers
and programme-makers face, and he draws our attention to the role of 'gatekeepers', a
theme which is picked up and developed by Keith Negus in his analysis of the practices of
key personnel in the record industry. Richard Kilborn, in reading 28, taken from his study
of the making of soap operas, continues the theme of the constraints which guide produc-
tion practices and also refers back to some of the issues raised in the previous section
about the sense that audiences make of this enduring genre.
The final three readings in this section introduce the theme of new media technologies
and consider their implications for cultural forms. In reading 2, Janet Wasko looks at film
production, specifically the use of special effects in Hollywood movies, while in readings
30 and 31 Peter Keighron and Andrew Goodwin consider the rather different production
issues and problems raised by so-called 'reality programming' or 'people TV'.
Common to all the readings in this section, then, is a consideration of the technical,
structural and financial pressures which face media producers. Although many adopt a
more optimistic stance and argue that in an increasingly fragmented market the media
cater for all tastes, interests and opinions, most of the writers here are rather more pes-
simistic and broadly support the view that such pressures frequently result in takeover,
merger and integration. It is argued that these forces can in turn lead to standard profes-
sional routines and institutional practices which limit the parameters of power and free-
dom, undermine professional autonomy and encourage consensus among the audience by
repetition and imitation of successful tried-and-tested formulae.
24
The Missing Dimensions - News Media and the
Management of Change
Peter Golding
From E. Katz and T. Szecsko (eds.), Mass media and social change (Sage 1981)
In this reading, Golding considers the processes and structures of news production and the
extent to which news can be said to be 'manufactured'. In other words, he argues that far
from being spontaneous reactions to random events, news is selected, shaped and struc-
tured according to a range of ideological conventions, institutional practices and assump-
tions about the audience, as well as the more obvious practical considerations.
Golding argues that there are many requirements and regulations governing broadcast
news (as distinct from news in the more partisan press) and outlines in detail the sequen-
tial processes of planning, gathering, selecting and presenting news for television broad-
cast. He goes on to highlight what he sees as the missing dimensions of television news
(social process and power) which result in the promotion of a particular 'world view'.
Finally, the extent to which this world view can be considered a coherent ideology is dis-
cussed. The ideological nature of broadcast news cannot, according to Golding, be put
down to a deliberate intent to deceive on the part of those who work in news organisa-
tions, but must be attributed largely to the occupational routines and practices of journal-
ists, and he concludes that reporters and editors play a vital role in consensus formation
which they perpetuate by means of a structure of professionally defined news values. In
doing this, the news media reproduce the very definitions of a situation which favour those
in power and legitimate existing structures, reinforce scepticism towards those who dis-
sent or deviate in some way from the perceived consensus, and portray a view of a world
where change is unnecessary and undesirable.
W h a t then are the r o u t i n e practices w h i c h define news production? O u r r e -

search was conducted i n the newsrooms o f the m a i n television stations i n three
highly contrasted societies: N i g e r i a , Sweden a n d Ireland. Broadly, o u r research
f o u n d p r o d u c t i o n falling r o u g h l y i n t o a cycle o f four sequences: p l a n n i n g , gath-
e r i n g , selection, and presentation. We can describe each o f these briefly.
(a) Planning
C e n t r a l a m o n g journalistic beliefs is the idea o f news as r a n d o m a n d u n -
predictable events t r a c k e d d o w n by the skills o f journalistic anticipation
a n d c i r c u m s p e c t i o n . I n fact m u c h t i m e is spent i n t h e n e w s r o o m r e d u c i n g t h e
uncertainty o f t h e task by p l o t t i n g events i n advance a n d d e t e r m i n i n g
w h i c h are t o become news. L o n g - t e r m p l a n n i n g considers general themes a n d
The Missing Dimensions 251
policies t o be i n c l u d e d i n news coverage a n d o f t e n its r e l a t i o n s h i p t o other

broadcasting. M o r e i m p o r t a n t , because closer t o a n d m o r e a d e t e r m i n a n t o f
d a i l y news p r o d u c t i o n , is s h o r t - t e r m p l a n n i n g . T w o mechanisms achieve t h i s :
the d i a r y a n d the e d i t o r i a l conference.
T h e d i a r y is a key d o c u m e n t i n any news o f f i c e . I t records predictable
events t h a t automatically m e r i t coverage by t h e i r unquestionable public
i m p o r t a n c e . I t is also a register o f less significant events v y i n g f o r i n c l u s i o n i n
the ' a u t o m a t i c ' category. I n a sense p r o d u c t i o n o f the d i a r y is news p r o d u c t i o n
i n advance, except t h a t i t is based o n the mere k n o w l e d g e that events w i l l
occur n o t i n observation o f t h e m u n f o l d i n g . T h e d i a r y is the i m p l i c i t script of
news.
T h e d i a r y is w r i t t e n f r o m the press releases a n d i n v i t a t i o n s w h i c h f l o w i n t o
the n e w s r o o m , a n d f r o m the past r e c o r d o f r o u t i n e coverage. I t is a newspa-
per practice m u c h scorned f o r the 'soft' nature o f the news i t p r o m o t e s , a n d
because i t stifles i n i t i a t i v e , inventiveness a n d journalistic enterprise.
O n the other h a n d there's something about the special nature o f broadcast-
i n g , its m o n o p o l y s i t u a t i o n a n d quasi-official status, that makes the r e c o r d i n g
o f such events a matter o f duty. Television news becomes a broadcast ' j o u r n a l -
ism o f r e c o r d ' . M a n y N i g e r i a n journalists t o o k p r i d e i n the diary as evidence o f
the professionalism w i t h w h i c h their w o r k was c o n d u c t e d , a n d t o o k i t as a sign
o f the i m p r o v e d status o f the o c c u p a t i o n that they were i n v i t e d t o such events.
H o w e v e r , m a n y were sceptical o f its value, a n d voiced the c o n v e n t i o n a l dislike
o f d i a r y stories as d u l l , repetitive, a n d u n d e m a n d i n g . T h i s distaste f o r diary
stories is universal, suggesting that their persistence is due t o organisational
imperatives m o r e p o w e r f u l t h a n the taste o r choice o f journalists. These
imperatives are the u n c h a n g i n g d e f i n i t i o n s o f n e w s w o r t h y events and the need
f o r p r e - p l a n n i n g i n an essentially cumbersome o p e r a t i o n .
T h e d a i l y r o u t i n e o f p l a n n i n g is c o n d u c t e d at e d i t o r i a l conferences: gather-
ings o f variable f o r m a l i t y w h i c h r i t u a l l y celebrate the l i m i t e d discretion
i n v o l v e d i n news selection. E d i t o r i a l conferences signify o n the one h a n d the
degree t o w h i c h news is arranged a n d selected a p r i o r i , w h i l e o n the o t h e r
h a n d t h e i r repetitiveness f r o m day t o day a n d l i m i t e d o u t c o m e p o i n t u p the
u n c h a n g i n g nature o f these a p r i o r i choices.
(b) Gathering
I f news is a b o u t the u n p r e d i c t a b l e , its p r o d u c t i o n is about p r e d i c t i o n . B o t h the
d i a r y a n d the e d i t o r i a l conference are a i m e d at p l o t t i n g the f l o w o f events i n
the w o r l d a n d m a r k i n g t h e m f o r m a n u f a c t u r e i n t o 'stories'.
A m o n g the m o s t c o m m o n o f sentiments i n the newspaper w o r l d is the
' p r i d e i n b e i n g a r e p o r t e r ' , a p r i d e o f t e n advanced i n deliberate reaction t o the
l o w l y status o f the news-gatherer by the side o f the l e a d e r - w r i t e r o r b y - l i n e d
c o r r e s p o n d e n t . T h e sentiment lives o n i n broadcasting, b u t is stunted by the
l i m i t e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r active f o o t - i n - t h e - d o o r sleuth j o u r n a l i s m o f f e r e d by
252 Producers and Production
the m e d i u m . First, broadcast j o u r n a l i s m actually produces far fewer stories

per day t h a n newspaper j o u r n a l i s m ; there is just n o t t h e space f o r a large v o l -
u m e o f reportage. Secondly, t h e d e m a n d f o r f i l m o r tape accessories t o a story
puts a p r e m i u m o n s w i f t , i n d i v i d u a l r e p o r t i n g , a n d at its most cumbersome
involves a f u l l team o f r e p o r t e r , cameraman, s o u n d - m a n , l i g h t i n g m a n a n d
associated e q u i p m e n t w h i c h cannot possibly be as m o b i l e o r f l e x i b l e as o n e
m a n a n d a n o t e p a d . T h i r d , broadcast j o u r n a l i s m is i n h e r e n t l y passive because
o f t h e l a b o u r a n d resources r e q u i r e d f o r processing, as opposed t o g a t h e r i n g
news. O n l y a m i n o r i t y o f stories can be covered b y newsroom-based reporters
o r correspondents.
N e w s g a t h e r i n g , t h e n , taps some o f the core elements o f j o u r n a l i s m ' s occu-
p a t i o n a l i d e o l o g y : t h e j o u r n a l i s t as news h o u n d , t h e o u t w a r d o r i e n t a t i o n o f
j o u r n a l i s m as a n active c o l l e c t o r o f i n f o r m a t i o n , t h e independence o f j o u r -
nalist f r o m source. I n practice broadcast j o u r n a l i s m is r e l a t i v e l y l i m i t e d i n t h e
g a t h e r i n g i t can d o , a n d t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f television news is i n large p a r t
a b o u t t h e passive processing o f news t h e n e w s r o o m c a n n o t a v o i d . G a t h e r i n g
is possible i n p r o p o r t i o n t o resources available, b u t t h e t h r e s h o l d is v e r y h i g h
so t h a t news g a t h e r i n g remains t h e i c i n g o n t h e cake. Even i n highly
e q u i p p e d a n d f i n a n c e d news organizations there is e n o r m o u s reliance o n t h e
news g a t h e r i n g o f agencies a n d o n a f e w d e f i n e d i n s t i t u t i o n a l sources, m o s t
notably government.
(c) Selection
T h e s i f t i n g a n d m o u l d i n g o f m a t e r i a l c o m i n g i n t o t h e n e w s r o o m is the process
o f c o n v e r t i n g observed events i n t o stories. T h e skills i n v o l v e d are largely
those o f ' s u b - e d i t i n g ' ; t h a t is e d i t i n g , b u t w i t h less p o w e r o f discretion t h a n a
newspaper e d i t o r . I n practice these skills range f r o m t h e c o r r e c t i o n o f style
a n d g r a m m a r t o c o n f o r m w i t h standard practice, t o complete responsibility
for the final product.
First a m o n g e l i g i b l e stories f o r selection are those p r o d u c e d b y r e p o r t e r s
and correspondents w o r k i n g f o r t h e n e w s r o o m . T h e fact t h a t these are
n o r m a l l y p r o d u c e d i n response t o a desk request adds t o t h e l i k e l i h o o d t h a t
t h e y w i l l be used.
T r a d i t i o n a l l y reporters a n d sub-editors are i n permanent conflict. T o t h e
reporter t h e sub is an unfeeling butcher hacking the finest prose f o r u n w o r t h y
ends. T o the sub the reporter is c a l l o w and undisciplined, unaware o f the overall
needs o f t h e p r o g r a m m e . L i k e many mythologies created i n t h e newspaper
w o r l d this image carried over i n t o broadcasting b u t is m u c h m u t e d . T h e o p p o r -
tunities f o r c o n f l i c t are few; there is little chance for extensive w r i t i n g o n w h i c h
t o w i e l d the axe, most stories prepared are used, and many other restraints apart
f r o m the sub-editor are apparent t o the reporter, i n c l u d i n g technical ones.
T h e second source o f m a t e r i a l f o r selection is t h e news agencies. These are
a p r i m e e x a m p l e o f a supply w h i c h creates a n d shapes its o w n d e m a n d . T h e r e
are t h r e e s i g n i f i c a n t aspects o f t h e use o f t h e w i r e agencies i n news c o m p i l a -

t i o n . F i r s t , despite reservations a b o u t t h e s u i t a b i l i t y o f t h e i r m a t e r i a l , t h e
agencies are essential sources o f f o r e i g n news. I n d e e d , t h e y are q u i t e l i t e r a l l y
irreplaceable. T h u s t h e m o s t fervent o p p o n e n t o f agency style o r a p p r o a c h has
the choice o f agency f o r e i g n news o r n o f o r e i g n news. T h e cost o f f o r e i g n
c o r r e s p o n d e n t s is i n f i n i t e l y greater t h a n agency subscriptions. For less w e l l - o f f
o r g a n i z a t i o n s s u p p o r t o f f o r e i g n correspondents is b e y o n d t h e i r budgets. For
t h e m t h e r e g i o n a l i z e d services o f t h e agencies, o f t e n at s c a l e d - d o w n subscrip-
t i o n rates, are t h e o n l y feasible source o f f o r e i g n news.
T h e second aspect o f agency use is the global u n i f o r m i t y o f news d e f i n i t i o n s
their use imposes o n newsrooms. Selections can o n l y be made f r o m the material
available, a n d clear guidance is given as t o the i m p o r t a n c e a n d relative signifi-
cance o f news items. ' N i g h t l e a d s ' , m i d - d a y summaries, 'splashes', 'flashes' are
p r o v i d e d as cues f o r copy- a n d sub-editors. I n remoter stories f o r w h i c h the
n e w s r o o m cannot supply its o w n expertise agency i n t e r p r e t a t i o n is n o t lacking.
T h i s leads t o t h e t h i r d aspect o f agency significance. A l t h o u g h n e w s r o o m s
clearly have a n a u t o n o m y , t o a greater o r lesser extent, i n t h e i r choice a n d
t r e a t m e n t o f f o r e i g n stories, these choices t e n d t o be i n f l u e n c e d b y t h e sheer
authority o f t h e agencies. O n e agency m a y be despised for providing
Hollywood gossip a n d baseball scores, b u t the subscription continues.
A n o t h e r is d e r i d e d f o r its l i n g e r i n g B r i t i s h i m p e r i a l u n d e r t o n e s , b u t again i t
r e m a i n s . A g e n c y coverage alerts t h e n e w s r o o m s t o w o r l d news events, a n d i t
is a r o u n d this k n o w l e d g e t h a t n e w s r o o m s b u i l d t h e i r o w n coverage. So even
those n e w s r o o m s able t o send o u t teams t o f o r e i g n stories w i l l d e p e n d o n
agency selection f o r n o t i c e o f w h i c h stories t o consider. T h e agencies are thus
an early w a r n i n g service f o r n e w s r o o m s whose actions are d e t e r m i n e d b y t h e
observations i n agency w i r e s .
(d) Presentation
S i m p l y stated, news g a t h e r i n g is m o s t concerned w i t h news sources, news p r o -
cessing w i t h t h e audience. T h i s is an o v e r s i m p l i f i c a t i o n , b u t t h e presentation
of news is, o f a l l t h e p r o d u c t i o n processes, t h e m o s t hedged a r o u n d w i t h trade
l o r e a b o u t w h a t audiences w i l l a n d w i l l n o t accept, c o m p r e h e n d o r enjoy.
C o n c e r n a b o u t audiences involves social values. B u t day t o day p r o d u c t i o n
has n o t i m e t o consider social values a n d relies o n news values t o guide selec-
t i o n a n d p r e s e n t a t i o n . Presentation is t h e s k i l l o f t u r n i n g t a k e n - f o r - g r a n t e d
news values i n t o rules o f p r o d u c t i o n . I n assessing audience response j o u r n a l -
ists have t o r e l y o n accepted d e f i n i t i o n s o f news, w h a t makes a g o o d o r a n o t
so g o o d story. J o u r n a l i s t i c n o t i o n s o f w h a t is a n d is n o t news have been f o r g e d
i n t h e w o r k s h o p s o f a c o m m e r c i a l press serving h i s t o r i c a l l y p a r t i c u l a r needs
a n d interests. I t is i n this process t h a t news values are created.
N e w s values are used i n t w o ways. T h e y are c r i t e r i a o f selection f r o m mate-
r i a l available t o t h e n e w s r o o m o f those items w o r t h y o f i n c l u s i o n i n t h e f i n a l
p r o d u c t . Second, they are guidelines f o r the presentation o f items suggesting

w h a t t o emphasise, w h a t t o o m i t , a n d w h e r e t o give p r i o r i t y i n the prepara-
t i o n o f the items f o r presentation t o the audience. N e w s values are thus w o r k -
i n g rules, c o m p r i s i n g a corpus o f o c c u p a t i o n a l l o r e w h i c h i m p l i c i t l y a n d o f t e n
expressly explains a n d guides n e w s r o o m s practice. N e w s values derive f r o m
unstated o r i m p l i c i t assumptions or judgements about three things:
(a) T h e audience. Is this i m p o r t a n t t o the audience o r w i l l i t h o l d t h e i r
attention? Is i t o f k n o w n interest, w i l l i t be u n d e r s t o o d , enjoyed, registered,
perceived as relevant?
(b) Accessibility - in two senses, prominence and ease o f capture.
P r o m i n e n c e : t o w h a t extent is the event k n o w n t o the news o r g a n i z a t i o n , h o w
o b v i o u s is i t , has i t made itself apparent? Ease o f capture: h o w available t o
journalists is the event, is i t physically accessible, manageable technically, i n a
f o r m amenable t o j o u r n a l i s m , is i t ready-prepared f o r easy coverage, w i l l i t
r e q u i r e great resources t o obtain?
(c) F i t . Is the i t e m consonant w i t h the pragmatics o f p r o d u c t i o n r o u t i n e s , is
i t c o m m e n s u r a t e w i t h technical a n d o r g a n i z a t i o n a l possibilities, is i t h o m o l o -
gous w i t h the exigencies a n d constraints i n p r o g r a m m e m a k i n g a n d the l i m i t a -
t i o n s o f the m e d i u m ? Does i t make sense i n terms o f w h a t is already k n o w n
about the subject?
I n o t h e r w o r d s , news values themselves derive f r o m the t w o p r i m e d e t e r m i -
nants o f n e w s - m a k i n g , perceptions o f the audience a n d the availability o f
m a t e r i a l . H i s t o r i c a l l y news values come t o i m b u e the necessities o f j o u r n a l i s m
w i t h the lustre o f g o o d practice. T h e y represent a classic case o f m a k i n g a
v i r t u e o f necessity.
T h e r e is n o need here t o describe at length the m a j o r values used t o evalu-
ate a n d present news. T h e most obvious are d r a m a (news stories are, after a l l ,
stories as w e l l as news); visual attractiveness; i m p o r t a n c e (begging the large
q u e s t i o n o f significance); size (of its k i n d ) ; p r o x i m i t y ( b o t h c u l t u r a l a n d
g e o g r a p h i c a l ) ; b r e v i t y [ . . . ] ; 'negativity (news is about i n t e r r u p t i o n s i n the
s m o o t h f l o w o f social process, a h i s t o r i c a l l y d e r i v e d d e f i n i t i o n ) ; a n d recency.
N e w s is about elites, a n d about personalities.
T h i s list may n o t exhaust all news values b u t i t includes the m a i n ones.
T h e i r obviousness can be i l l u s t r a t e d by c o m p i l i n g a list o f a n t o n y m s . I t is h a r d
t o imagine broadcast journalists anywhere seeking news w h i c h dealt w i t h
small events, the l o n g t e r m , d u l l , distant, visually b o r i n g , u n i m p o r t a n t people,
and so o n . Yet m a n y o f these labels describe events a n d processes w h i c h may
w e l l have significance f o r news audiences, b u t w h i c h are n o t news. T h e a p p l i -
c a t i o n o f news values is p a r t o f the process by w h i c h this l a b e l l i n g occurs.
These f o u r sequential processes i n television news p r o d u c t i o n each have
characteristics w i t h i m p o r t a n t consequences f o r the final p r o d u c t . I n s u m , the
p r o d u c t i o n o f television news is passive, r o u t i n e , l i m i t e d a n d selective. T h i s is
n o t a c r i t i c i s m o f journalists b u t an inevitable consequence o f the w o r k i n g
r o u t i n e s a n d o c c u p a t i o n a l lore w h i c h shape t h e i r professional lives. I w a n t
b r i e f l y t o t u r n t o some o f the consequences o f these patterns f o r t h e c o n t e n t

o f t e l e v i s i o n news.
Television news: the missing dimensions

O u r research i n c l u d e d a d e t a i l e d statistical analysis o f t e l e v i s i o n news i n t h e
t h r e e c o u n t r i e s . R a t h e r t h a n struggle here t h r o u g h t h e q u a g m i r e o f statistics
p r o d u c e d , I w a n t t o h i g h l i g h t o n e o r t w o areas. I w a n t t o suggest t h a t t e l e v i -
s i o n n e w s lacks t w o c r u c i a l d i m e n s i o n s as an account o f t h e w o r l d a r o u n d
us. These are p o w e r a n d process. By m a k i n g social p o w e r a n d social process
i n v i s i b l e , t e l e v i s i o n news creates a p a r t i c u l a r v i e w o f t h e w o r l d w h i c h is
i n c o m p l e t e , n o t b y design o r i n t e n t , b u t b y its v e r y n a t u r e .
P o w e r is i n v i s i b l e i n t h r e e w a y s . First geograpically, t h e p i c t u r e t e l e v i s i o n
n e w s gives us o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s reflects t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f agency
and organization correspondents rather than world power structures.
R o u g h l y 6 0 p e r c e n t o f these c o r r e s p o n d e n t s are i n Western E u r o p e a n d
N o r t h A m e r i c a . F o r m a n y E u r o p e a n audiences, L a t i n A m e r i c a is v i r t u a l l y
i n v i s i b l e , w h i l e A f r i c a a n d Asia emerge as occasional l o c a t i o n s o f unrest,
war, disaster, o r as e x o t i c locales f o r inspection b y Western leaders.
Especially f o r audiences i n the T h i r d W o r l d t h e i r f e l l o w s i n three c o n t i n e n t s
are i n v i s i b l e , a n d c o m m u n a l i t y o f interests c a n n o t emerge. T h u s i t is n o t t h e
effect o f r i c h a n d p o w e r f u l n a t i o n s o n t h e T h i r d W o r l d w h i c h is seen, b u t
t h e i r attractiveness as m o d e l s a n d benevolence as a i d givers a n d d i p l o m a t i c
mediators.
W h i l e f o r e i g n news is g e o g r a p h i c a l l y d i s t o r t e d i n this systematic w a y , i t is
s t i l l o n l y a p a r t o f news b u l l e t i n s . T h e m o r e o b v i o u s g e o g r a p h i c a l i m b a l a n c e
is t h e heavy c o n c e n t r a t i o n o n d o m e s t i c affairs a n d events. H o m e news r e p -
resented f r o m 3 0 p e r c e n t o f t h e stories o n R T E (this excludes N o r t h e r n
I r e l a n d stories w h i c h a c c o u n t e d f o r a n o t h e r 3 6 percent) t o over 5 0 p e r c e n t
o n R a p p o r t i n S w e d e n . T h e I r i s h c o n c e r n w i t h Ulster o f course influences
t h e figures t h e r e , w h i l e i n N i g e r i a t h e r e l a t i v e s i m p l i c i t y o f d e a l i n g w i t h f o r -
eign news contrasts w i t h t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s o f l o c a l news g a t h e r i n g , p a r t i c u l a r l y
i n t e l e v i s i o n , w h e r e f o r e i g n news is t w o - t h i r d s o f the t o t a l . B u t g e n e r a l l y t h e
w o r l d n e w s is f i r s t a n d f o r e m o s t a d o m e s t i c affair.
T h e second w a y i n w h i c h p o w e r is evacuated is i n t h e s i m p l i f i c a t i o n o f
t h e d r a m a t i s personae o f news. T h e f u r t h e r away, b o t h g e o g r a p h i c a l l y a n d
c u l t u r a l l y , t h e m o r e a c o u n t r y ' s affairs are l i k e l y t o be p o r t r a y e d i n t h e
a c t i v i t i e s o f o n e o r t w o senior p o l i t i c a l figures, u n t i l i n r e m o t e r c o u n t r i e s
o n l y t h e h e a d o f state is v i s i b l e . N e w s is a b o u t the actions o f i n d i v i d u a l s , n o t
corporate entities, thus i n d i v i d u a l a u t h o r i t y rather than the exertion o f
e n t r e n c h e d p o w e r is seen t o be t h e m o v e r o f events. J o u r n a l i s m , a n d espe-
c i a l l y t e l e v i s i o n n e w s , is t h e last refuge o f t h e great m a n t h e o r y o f h i s t o r y .
Yet faces change, p o w e r - h o l d e r s are r e p l a c e d , a n d such changes take p r i d e
o f place i n t h e c i r c u m s p e c t i o n o f news. T h e c o n t i n u i n g a n d consistent
p o w e r o f t h e p o s i t i o n is masked b y emphasising t h e r e c u r r e n t changes o f

o f f i c e - h o l d e r a n d t h e i r significance.
T h i r d l y , p o w e r disappears i n the process o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n the news
creates, the agenda o f issues a n d arenas t o w h i c h a t t e n t i o n is d i r e c t e d . I n par-
ticular p o l i t i c s is separated f r o m p o w e r . Politics is seen i n the p u b l i c display o f
f o r m a l i t y , gesture a n d speech b y m a j o r p o l i t i c a l actors. I t is d e f i n e d by refer-
ence t o the state a n d central i n s t i t u t i o n s o f p o l i t i c a l n e g o t i a t i o n . T h u s p o w e r
is r e d u c e d t o areas o f negotiable c o m p r o m i s e , a n d p o l i t i c s t o a r e c u r r e n t series
o f decisions, debates a n d personalities. I t is r e m o v e d f r o m the i n s t i t u t i o n s o f
p r o d u c t i o n ; thus news bears witness t o the i n s t i t u t i o n a l separation o f e c o n o m -
ics a n d p o l i t i c s , a p r e c o n d i t i o n f o r the evacuation o f p o w e r f r o m its account
o f the w o r l d .
Social process is t h e o t h e r d i m e n s i o n largely absent f r o m news. N e w s is
a b o u t the present, o r the i m m e d i a t e past. I t is an account o f today's events. I n
the w o r d s o f O r t e g a y Gassett, t h e j o u r n a l i s t 'reduces t h e present t o t h e
m o m e n t a r y , a n d the m o m e n t a r y t o the sensational'. T h e w o r l d o f broadcast
news is a display o f single events, m a k i n g h i s t o r y i n d e e d 'one d a m n t h i n g after
a n o t h e r ' . Yet i n this w h i r l o f i n n u m e r a b l e events the l i n g e r i n g i m p r e s s i o n is o f
stasis. Events are interchangeable, a succession rather t h a n an u n f o l d i n g . W h a t
is p r o v i d e d is a t o p p i n g u p o f the k n o w n range o f events i n the w o r l d w i t h
m o r e o f the same. A reassuring sameness assimilates each succession o f events
t o ready-made patterns i n a timeless mosaic.
T h i s f r a g m e n t a t i o n o f social process, evacuating history, has been described
as 'a k i n d o f consecration t o collective amnesia'. I n a real sense reason disap-
pears as actors f l i t across the j o u r n a l i s t i c stage, p e r f o r m a n d h u r r i e d l y disap-
pear. T h u s i n d u s t r i a l relations appear n o t as a n e v o l v i n g c o n f l i c t o f interest
b u t as a sporadic e r u p t i o n o f inexplicable anger a n d r e v o l t . S i m i l a r l y the p o l i t -
ical affairs o f f o r e i g n lands appear as spasmodic convulsions o f a m o r e o r less
v i o l e n t t u r n , w h i l e i n t e r n a t i o n a l relations can sometimes appear t o be n o
m o r e t h a n the occasional urge f o r t r a v e l a n d conversation i n d u l g e d i n by the
d i p l o m a t i c jet-set. S i m p l i f i c a t i o n s t o be sure, b u t n o m o r e so t h a n i n the p r o d -
uct they describe.
These a r e , o f course, b r o a d generalizations. B u t I believe they are a
fair s u m m a t i o n o f t h e statistical analyses o f news broadcasting which
have been p r o d u c e d b y n u m e r o u s researchers i n t h e last f e w years. They
are n o m o r e a c r i t i c i s m o f t e l e v i s i o n j o u r n a l i s t s t h a n t h e l i m i t a t i o n s o f
p r o d u c t i o n n o t e d earlier. T h e y are a c o m m e n t a r y o n t h e i n t r i n s i c char-
acteristics o f t h e c u l t u r a l artefact w e have c o m e t o accept as t e l e v i s i o n
news.
Bias, objectivity, and ideology

T h e n o t i o n o f bias is o f t e n contrasted w i t h objectivity, a n d f o r clarity's sake
t w o distinctions s h o u l d be made. First, i m p a r t i a l i t y a n d objectivity are distinct.
I m p a r t i a l i t y i m p l i e s a disinterested approach t o news, l a c k i n g i n m o t i v a t i o n t o

shape o r select m a t e r i a l according t o a particular v i e w o r o p i n i o n . Objectivity,
h o w e v e r d e f i n e d , is clearly a broader d e m a n d t h a n this. A journalist m a y w e l l
be i m p a r t i a l t o w a r d s t h e material o n w h i c h he w o r k s , yet fail t o achieve objec-
t i v i t y - a c o m p l e t e a n d unrefracted capture o f t h e w o r l d - due t o the i n h e r e n t
l i m i t a t i o n s i n news g a t h e r i n g a n d processing. Second, the bias o f an i n d i v i d u a l
r e p o r t e r dealing w i t h a single event m a y be reduced o r even e l i m i n a t e d by, f o r
e x a m p l e , t h e deliberate a p p l i c a t i o n o f self-discipline a n d professional standards
o f r e p o r t o r i a l fairness a n d accuracy, o r by t h e use o f several reporters o f
k n o w n a n d d i f f e r i n g views. T h i s f o r m o f bias must be distinguished f r o m bias
i n h e r e n t i n t h e practice o f j o u r n a l i s m per se. T h e f o r m e r is conscious o r at least
detectable i n i n d i v i d u a l reports, the latter is accumulative a n d results f r o m
news c o l l e c t i o n a n d p r o d u c t i o n as a t o t a l process. I n other w o r d s w e s h o u l d
distinguish bias as the deliberate a i m o f j o u r n a l i s m , w h i c h is rare, f r o m bias as
the inevitable b u t u n i n t e n d e d consequence o f o r g a n i z a t i o n .
T h e r e are, t h e n , three possible views o f journalistic o b j e c t i v i t y a n d i m p a r -
tiality. First, t h e r e is t h e professional v i e w t h a t i t is possible t o be b o t h , based
i n t h e idea t h a t o b j e c t i v i t y a n d i m p a r t i a l i t y are attitudes o f m i n d . Second is
the v i e w t h a t o b j e c t i v i t y m a y w e l l be a nebulous a n d unattainable g o a l , b u t
t h a t i m p a r t i a l i t y is still desirable a n d possible.
T h e t h i r d view, t h a t neither objectivity n o r i m p a r t i a l i t y are i n any serious
sense possible i n j o u r n a l i s m , comes f r o m a change o f analytical perspective,
f r o m t h e s h o r t - t e r m a n d deliberate p r o d u c t i o n o f news stories t o the l o n g - t e r m
a n d r o u t i n e , unreflective practices o f j o u r n a l i s m as I have analyzed t h e m i n this
paper. O b j e c t i v i t y a n d i m p a r t i a l i t y r e m a i n the aims o f most day t o day j o u r n a l -
i s m . B u t w e s h o u l d understand these terms as labels a p p l i e d b y journalists t o
the rules w h i c h g o v e r n their w o r k i n g routines. O b j e c t i v i t y is achieved by sub-
s c r i b i n g t o a n d observing these sets o f rules, w h i c h are themselves the object o f
o u r analysis. W e have seen h o w these rules, b o t h the e x p l i c i t regulations o f
o r g a n i z a t i o n a l charters a n d n e w s r o o m manuals, a n d the i m p l i c i t u n d e r s t a n d -
ings o f news values, are d e r i v e d f r o m the currents o f supply and d e m a n d w h i c h
eddy r o u n d t h e n e w s r o o m . T h e assumed needs a n d interests o f audiences o n
the o n e h a n d , a n d t h e t r u n c a t e d supply o f i n f o r m a t i o n i n t o the n e w s r o o m o n
the other, b o t h exert pressures t o w h i c h the organization o f news p r o d u c t i o n
responds. W h a t are t h e consequences o f these pressures?
W h e n w e c o m e t o assess news as a coherent v i e w o f the w o r l d , t h a t is t o
step u p f r o m news values t o social values, w e enter an altogether m o r e c o m -
p l e x a n d t a n g l e d a r g u m e n t . N e w s is i d e o l o g y t o t h e e x t e n t t h a t i t p r o v i d e s an
i n t e g r a t e d p i c t u r e o f reality. B u t an i d e o l o g y is m o r e t h a n t h i s ; i t is also t h e
w o r l d v i e w o f p a r t i c u l a r social g r o u p s , a n d especially o f social classes. T h e
c l a i m t h a t news is i d e o l o g y i m p l i e s t h a t i t p r o v i d e s a w o r l d v i e w b o t h consis-
t e n t i n itself, a n d s u p p o r t i v e o f the interests o f p o w e r f u l social g r o u p i n g s . T h i s
can c o m e a b o u t i n t w o ways.
First, news is s t r u c t u r e d b y t h e exigencies o f organized p r o d u c t i o n w h i c h
are t h e m a i n concern o f this study. These a l l o w o n l y a p a r t i a l v i e w o f t h e

r e p o r t e d w o r l d w h i c h m a y o r m a y n o t coincide w i t h a r u l i n g ideology. T h e
h i s t o r i c a l process b y w h i c h this coincidence occurs is m o r e t h a n accidental,
and is r o o t e d i n t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f news as a service t o elite groups. T h u s
most o f t h e basic goals a n d values w h i c h s u r r o u n d j o u r n a l i s m refer t o t h e
needs a n d interests o f these groups. Second, i n a t t e m p t i n g t o reach wide-
spread, a n o n y m o u s audiences, news draws o n the most b r o a d l y h e l d c o m m o n
social values a n d assumptions, i n other w o r d s t h e p r e v a i l i n g consensus, i n
establishing c o m m o n g r o u n d f o r c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h its audiences. I n the
case o f broadcast j o u r n a l i s m t h e c o m p l e x relationship w i t h the state exagger-
ates this need t o c l i n g t o t h e central a n d least challenged social values w h i c h
p r o v i d e i m p l i c i t d e f i n i t i o n s o f actions a n d events as acceptable o r unaccept-
able, usual o r u n u s u a l , legitimate o r i l l e g i t i m a t e .
I have suggested t h a t there are t w o k e y elements t o t h e w o r l d o f b r o a d -
cast n e w s : t h e i n v i s i b i l i t y o f social process, a n d t h e i n v i s i b i l i t y o f p o w e r i n
society. W i t h these t w o missing d i m e n s i o n s - social process o r h i s t o r y , a n d
power - news i n d e e d p r o v i d e s a w o r l d v i e w . T h e q u e s t i o n remains t o
w h a t e x t e n t this is a c o h e r e n t ideology. Analyses w h i c h see news as necessar-
i l y a p r o d u c t o f p o w e r f u l g r o u p s i n society, designed t o p r o v i d e a v i e w o f
t h e w o r l d c o n s o n a n t w i t h t h e interests o f those g r o u p s , s i m p l i f y t h e situa-
t i o n t o o f a r t o be h e l p f u l . T h e o c c u p a t i o n a l r o u t i n e s a n d beliefs o f j o u r n a l -
ists d o n o t a l l o w a s i m p l e c o n d u i t b e t w e e n t h e r u l i n g ideas o f t h e p o w e r f u l
and t h e i r d i s t r i b u t i o n v i a t h e air-waves. Yet t h e absence o f p o w e r a n d
process clearly precludes t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f views w h i c h m i g h t q u e s t i o n
the p r e v a i l i n g d i s t r i b u t i o n a n d c o n t r o l . A w o r l d w h i c h appears f u n d a m e n -
t a l l y u n c h a n g i n g , subject t o t h e genius o r caprice o f m y r i a d p o w e r f u l i n d i -
v i d u a l s , is n o t a w o r l d w h i c h appears susceptible t o r a d i c a l change o r
challenge.
T h e r e are t h r e e ways, t h e n , i n w h i c h broadcast news is i d e o l o g i c a l . First i t
focuses o u r a t t e n t i o n o n those i n s t i t u t i o n s a n d events i n w h i c h social c o n -
f l i c t is m a n a g e d a n d r e s o l v e d . I t is precisely t h e arenas o f consensus f o r m a -
t i o n w h i c h p r o v i d e b o t h access a n d a p p r o p r i a t e m a t e r i a l f o r m a k i n g t h e
news. Second, broadcast news, i n s t u d i o u s l y f o l l o w i n g s t a t u t o r y demands t o
eschew p a r t i a l i t y o r c o n t r o v e r s y , a n d professional demands f o r o b j e c t i v i t y
and n e u t r a l i t y , is l e f t t o d r a w o n t h e value a n d beliefs o f t h e broadest social
consensus. I t is this process w h i c h Stuart H a l l describes as ' t h e steady a n d
u n e x a m i n e d p l a y o f attitudes w h i c h , v i a t h e m e d i a t i n g s t r u c t u r e o f p r o f e s -
s i o n a l l y d e f i n e d news values, inclines a l l t h e m e d i a t o w a r d t h e status q u o '
( H a l l , 1 9 7 0 : 1 0 5 6 ) . T h e p r e v a i l i n g beliefs i n any society w i l l r a r e l y be those
which question e x i s t i n g social o r g a n i z a t i o n o r values. News will itself
merely reinforce scepticism about such d i v e r g e n t , dissident, o r d e v i a n t
beliefs. T h i r d l y , as w e have seen, broadcast news is, f o r h i s t o r i c a l a n d
o r g a n i z a t i o n a l reasons, i n h e r e n t l y incapable of providing a portrayal of
social change o r o f d i s p l a y i n g t h e o p e r a t i o n o f p o w e r i n a n d b e t w e e n
societies. I t t h u s p o r t r a y s a w o r l d w h i c h is u n c h a n g i n g a n d unchangeable.
T h e k e y elements o f any r u l i n g i d e o l o g y are the u n d e s i r a b i l i t y o f change,

and its impossibility; a l l is f o r t h e best a n d change would do more
h a r m t h a n g o o d , even i f i t w e r e possible. Broadcast news substantiates t h i s
p h i l o s o p h y because o f t h e i n t e r p l a y o f t h e t h r e e processes w e have just
described.
Conclusion: news and the containment of social change

L e g i t i m a t i o n is t h e process b y w h i c h a social o r d e r is made t o appear
i n e v i t a b l e a n d just. T h e extent t o w h i c h any social o r d e r appears unjust w i l l
d e p e n d o n the s t r u c t u r a l l o c a t i o n a n d experiences o f those w h o , objectively,
m i g h t seem m o s t l i k e l y t o w i s h t o challenge t h a t social order. I c a n n o t , i n this
paper, r e v i e w the v a r i o u s approaches w h i c h have been made t o this p r o b l e m
by sociologists a n d historians. M o s t such attempts are c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e
p r o d u c t i o n o f a value system w h i c h is able t o a c c o m m o d a t e the existence o f
i n e q u a l i t i e s , either by m a s k i n g t h e i r extent o r by j u s t i f y i n g the social processes
w h i c h generate t h e m .
I n this paper I have suggested t h a t one o f the sources o f such a value system
m a y be broadcast news. For large n u m b e r s o f people television news i n p a r t i c -
ular has become a d o m i n a n t source o f explanations a n d i ma g e ry b y w h i c h
t h e y m a k e sense o f t h e i r o w n lives a n d the society a r o u n d t h e m . I have sug-
gested t h a t t e l e v i s i o n news p r o v i d e s a p i c t u r e o f the w o r l d w h i c h renders r a d i -
cal social changes i n v i s i b l e , undesirable, a n d unnecessary. I n the complex
i n t e r p l a y o f m e d i a t e d a n d s i t u a t i o n a l c u l t u r e the crucial c o n t r i b u t i o n o f televi-
s i o n news is t o c o n t a i n social change by f a i l i n g t o p r o v i d e the values a n d s y m -
bols w h i c h w o u l d p r o v o k e o r sustain i t .
Reference
H a l l , S. 1970: A w o r l d at one w i t h itself. New Society, 18 June, 1056-8.
Questions
1 At the beginning of this extract, Golding outlines some of the tensions between
sociologists' and journalists' perspectives of news. How would you summarise
these differing approaches and objectives?
2 Analyse a news bulletin on radio or television. What are the news values underly-
ing the reporting and how might the treatment of the same story vary as a result
of different news values on other stations/channels or programmes? Which
stories conform to the stages of planning, gathering, selection and presentation
to which Golding refers?
3 How do the news values underpinning news content reflect the concerns and
preoccupations of the media industry, and indeed the society of which it is a
part?
Further Reading
Bell, A. 1991: The language of news media. O x f o r d : Basil Blackwell.
Cohen, S. and Young, J. (eds.) 1973: The manufacture of news: deviance, social prob-
lems and the mass media. London: Constable.
Golding, P. and Elliott, P. 1979: Making the news. London: Longman.
H a l l , S., Critcher, C , Jefferson, X , Clarke, J. and Roberts, B. 1978: Policing the crisis:
mugging the state of law and order. London: Macmillan.
Halloran, J., Murdock, G. and Elliott, P. 1970: Demonstrations and communication: a
case study. Harmondsworth: Penguin.
Hartley, J. 1982: Understanding news. London: Methuen.
Negrine, R. 1994: Politics and the mass media in Britain, 2nd edn. London: Routledge.
Philo, G. (ed.) 1995: The Glasgow media group reader, vols. I and I I . London: Routledge.
Schlesinger, P. 1987: Putting reality together. London: Methuen.
Tunstall, J. 1971: Journalists at work. London: Constable.
25
The Problems of Making Political Television:
A Practitioner's Perspective
Roger Bolton
From R Golding, G. Murdock and R Schlesinger (eds.), Communicating politics (Leicester University
Press 1986)
This extract further illustrates the point made in the previous reading that news and
media output is ideological, not by virtue of an overt intent to deceive or manipulate, but
because those who work in the media are socialised into its ethics and processes and
meet the routine demands of the job in ways which uphold the procedures and conven-
tions of media institutions and the economy which supports them. In both extracts, the
different - and in many ways complementary - approaches of social scientists and jour-
nalists are highlighted and Bolton, who is a former editor of BBC's Panorama, concurs
with Golding's view that TV news and current affairs reflect and reproduce a consensual
view which frequently renders invisible those who hold genuinely original or radical
viewpoints; as Bolton puts it, the debate is often 'deprived of the richness of the unortho-
dox'. He also alludes to the news values which he and his colleagues almost unwittingly
adhere to and which, in his view, lead to an over-dramatised, simplified and largely
superficial view of events.
Throughout this reading Bolton draws our attention to the pressures on reporters to
make news and current affairs programmes which entertain as well as inform within the
almost overwhelming constraints - technical, structural and financial - which face them.
And although he concentrates on the ways in which those who work in the media can be
manipulated by politicians and civil servants, which, he argues, limits informed debate and
reduces accountability, he also states that broadcasters and journalists must take their
The Problems of Making Political Television 261
share of the blame. Finally, he concludes that it is incumbent upon media academics and
practitioners to work together for a greater understanding of the processes and structures
which underlie the production of broadcast news and documentary.
Political television is g e t t i n g better, as are m e d i a studies o f broadcasting. T h a t

p o i n t m u s t be m a d e first as any study o f the p r o b l e m s o f p o l i t i c a l p r o g r a m m e -
m a k i n g w i l l m a k e t h e w h o l e enterprise seem impossible. T h e p r o b l e m s range
f r o m t h e i n t e r n a l a n d e x t e r n a l constraints a j o u r n a l i s t faces t o t h e p r o b l e m s o f
his o w n l i m i t e d experience a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g , t h e technical demands o f his
m e d i u m , t h e l i m i t e d a t t e n t i o n span o f his audience a n d their d i f f e r e n t levels
o f k n o w l e d g e a n d intelligence.
T h e n there are t h e m a n i f o l d temptations along t h e way: money, a m b i t i o n ,
self-publicity. Occasionally there is a test o f courage a n d , w i t h o u t g l a m o r i z i n g
the business o r m i s t a k i n g careless rashness for bravery, there are m o m e n t s w h e n
the i n d i v i d u a l is tested i n a w a y that rarely happens i n other parts o f television.
H o w e v e r , despite a l l t h e problems it's getting better a l l the t i m e a n d there is
t o n i g h t ' s p r o g r a m m e t o get o n the air. Broadcasters are eternal optimists, always
believing t h a t yesterday's disaster w i l l be w i p e d o u t by today's success.
The internal constraints

M o s t p r a c t i t i o n e r s are aware o f the l i m i t a t i o n s o f the m e d i u m a n d the i n t e r n a l
constraints faced b y broadcasters a n d i n p a r t i c u l a r b y makers o f p o l i t i c a l tele-
v i s i o n p r o g r a m m e s . Television is a 'mass' m e d i u m , its audience has a w i d e
range o f intelligence a n d k n o w l e d g e . Despite t h e w i d e s p r e a d belief that most
o f t h e viewers f o r serious c u r r e n t affairs p r o g r a m m e s must be o f m o r e t h a n
average i n c o m e a n d e d u c a t i o n , audience research studies s h o w that t h e m a j o r -
ity o f t h e audience f o r t h e BBC's flagship c u r r e n t affairs programme
Panorama comes f r o m t h e l o w e r reaches o f t h e class s t r u c t u r e . Broadcasters
c a n n o t assume t o o m u c h b u t i f they assume ignorance i t severely l i m i t s w h a t
t h e y can get across i n w h a t is a very l i m i t e d p e r i o d , t h e o r d i n a r y a t t e n t i o n
span. T h e eternal c o m p r o m i s e begins, a n d i t is c o m p o u n d e d b y t h e need t o
keep a f r e q u e n t l y t i r e d audience attentive. N o b o d y has t o w a t c h , a n d m o s t
p e o p l e w i s h t o be e n t e r t a i n e d as w e l l as i n f o r m e d . I plead g u i l t y t o f o r g e t t i n g
t h a t o n m a n y occasions.
As o n e c a n n o t re-read a television paragraph t h e p r o g r a m m e - m a k e r must
signpost w i t h p a r t i c u l a r care, s u m m a r i z i n g at f r e q u e n t intervals. I t is h a r d t o
a v o i d s i m p l i f y i n g a n d there are sirens t o be h e a r d c a l l i n g t h e p r o d u c e r away
f r o m the difficult and the complex.
'Television can't cope w i t h ideas, i t ' s f o r s t o r y - t e l l i n g , f o r facts n o t issues.' I
have h e a r d this siren song f r o m t h e m o u t h s o f most distinguished broadcast-
i n g figures. I t has t o be a d m i t t e d t h a t t h e a r g u m e n t has some force. F o r every
Civilisation a n d Ascent of Man there are m a n y failures, b u t those t w o series
stand as beacons a n d surely d e m a n d o f all practitioners o f p o l i t i c a l j o u r n a l i s m

an answer t o t h e q u e s t i o n , W h y hasn't there been a series about p o l i t i c a l ideas
o f equal d i s t i n c t i o n ? The Sea of Faith provides a f u r t h e r e x a m p l e , presented
by D o n C u p i t t , D e a n o f E m m a n u e l College, C a m b r i d g e , a leading t h e o l o g i a n
w h o some believe can n o longer be considered a C h r i s t i a n . I t h a d its d i f f i c u l t
m o m e n t s , b u t i t d e m o n s t r a t e d that television a n d c o m p l e x ideas need n o t be
i n c o m p a t i b l e , a n d can be w a t c h e d w i t h e n j o y m e n t by significant n u m b e r s .
A n o t h e r siren voice sings, 'You've got t o have a v i l l a i n , it's got t o be us against
t h e m . ' Investigative a n d consumer journalists are p a r t i c u l a r l y p r o n e t o t h e
o v e r w h e l m i n g c o m p u l s i o n t o nail a v i l l a i n i n t h e last frame. N a r r o w c h a u v i n -
ism is o f t e n present; i f i n d o u b t blame t h e Frogs. O t h e r voices: 'Forget t h e
issues, i t ' s t h e personalities t h a t matter.' ' M a k e t h e facts f i t t h e story t h e p u b -
lic w a n t t o hear.' ' O h G o d that's b o r i n g . '
'Yield not to temptation'

I n some ways television can encourage a superficial approach t o p o l i t i c a l tele-
v i s i o n . A 'scandal' is m o r e attractive t h a n a c o m p l e x a n d d i f f i c u l t a r g u m e n t .
For e x a m p l e , i t is m u c h easier t o make a m o v i n g short f i l m about t h e closure
o f a h o s p i t a l (usually a t t r i b u t e d t o 'grey u n f e e l i n g bureaucrats') w i t h u n d e r -
standably angry a n d e m o t i o n a l parents a n d m o v i n g pictures o f c h i l d patients,
t h a n t o e x p l a i n t h e c o n f l i c t o f p r i o r i t i e s i n a d e c l i n i n g economy. T h i s is n o t t o
argue t h a t such f i l m s are b a d , s i m p l y that they are n o t sufficient. T h e situa-
t i o n s they p o r t r a y must be placed i n c o n t e x t .
A p r o g r a m m e w h i c h is o n t h e side o f the s u f f e r i n g a n d w h i c h focuses t h e
public's anger o n a target is o f t e n t h o u g h t successful. I t has b r o u g h t an ' e v i l '
out into the open and the 'guilty' persons have been identified. This
'accusatory' f o r m o f television gives the viewer a n d t h e makers a g l o w o f sat-
isfaction b u t I fear i t is o f t e n close t o t h e satisfaction given by u n s c r u p u l o u s
p o l i t i c i a n s t o a b e w i l d e r e d p u b l i c . T h e need t o blame rather t h a n t o u n d e r -
stand is shared a m o n g politicians a n d broadcasters. I t leads t o a quieter m i n d ,
a n d a m o r e s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d f i l m , i f o n l y the prosecution's case is heard - a n d
the defence doesn't get a w o r d i n edgeways.
I d o n o t mean t o suggest that investigative p r o g r a m m e s that c h a m p i o n c o n -
sumer r i g h t s , l i k e B B C I's Watchdog o r Radio 4's Checkpoint, d o a disservice:
far f r o m i t . T h e y d o a genuinely g o o d j o b o n behalf o f t h e p u b l i c , f o r they
deal w i t h areas w h e r e t h e t r u t h a n d the facts can o f t e n be established. T h i s
p r o d u c t is dangerous, that m a n did d e f r a u d his company, this u n e m p l o y e d
person was cheated b y a l o a n shark. N o r d o I argue t h a t broadcasters s h o u l d
be a f r a i d t o p u t conclusions at t h e end o f their p r o g r a m m e s . A l l I w i s h t o d o is
t o p o i n t o u t t h e tendency o f the m e d i u m t o push one i n t o b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e
p r o g r a m m e - m a k i n g . O n e s h o u l d n o t g o w i t h t h e t i d e unless t h e necessary
t h o u g h t , research a n d o p e n - m i n d e d c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f alternative arguments
has been c a r r i e d o u t . I n a d d i t i o n , this 'black a n d w h i t e ' a p p r o a c h usually
d r a w s o n e away f r o m t h e m a j o r issues t o the m o r e d r a m a t i c a n d visible ones.

T h i s does d e m o c r a c y a disservice, makes sensible p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g
m o r e d i f f i c u l t a n d plays i n t o t h e hands o f those w h o w i s h t o see us f r o l i c o n
t h e surface w h i l e t h e y carry o n unobserved i n the depths.
C o n s i d e r . Y o u are a y o u n g p r o g r a m m e - m a k e r . Y o u are faced w i t h t h e
choice between making a film about Dr. Armand Hammer, friend o f
L e n i n , Brezhnev, A m e r i c a n presidents, t h e Chinese, Prince Charles, p a t r o n
o f t h e arts, o i l t y c o o n , etc., etc., w i t h a PR C o m p a n y p u s h i n g g l a m o r o u s
m a t e r i a l , free j e t f l i g h t s a r o u n d t h e w o r l d a n d an ' e x c l u s i v e ' i n t e r v i e w ,
o r t r y i n g t o e x p l a i n t h e c o m i n g crisis i n t h e f u n d i n g o f pensions. O n e w a y
lies pleasure, t h e applause o f audience a n d e d i t o r s , a n d g o o d r a t i n g s . A n d
t h e o t h e r ? I s o m e t i m e s t h i n k M e p h i s t o p h e l e s sits i n t h e c u t t i n g r o o m s . I t is
t o t h e c r e d i t o f m a n y p r o g r a m m e - m a k e r s t h a t they d o resist t h e t e m p t a t i o n .
An expensive business
T h e economics o f t h e m e d i u m are a further, obvious constraint, as is w h a t I
o f t e n regard as an obsession w i t h o v e r m a n n i n g a n d productivity. People are
expensive, cameras d o n ' t charge o v e r t i m e o r eat, so there is an understandable
tendency t o h o l d d o w n numbers o f those elements o f p r o d u c t i o n u p o n w h i c h
one cannot charge capital depreciation.
T h e B B C is p a r t i c u l a r l y b o t h e r e d about this, especially at licence fee t i m e .
Some newspapers seem t o positively enjoy t a u n t i n g the C o r p o r a t i o n over the
numbers o f people i t employs, as i f a number, say 3 0 , 0 0 0 , were a g o o d o r b a d
t h i n g i n itself. A t Party Conference t i m e there are always articles about B B C
o v e r m a n n i n g . H o w e v e r , they o f t e n fail t o relate the numbers t o t h e range o f
broadcasting t h e B B C does o n the External Services, f o u r national r a d i o net-
w o r k s , t w o n a t i o n a l television n e t w o r k s , regional television and local r a d i o . T h e
same person cannot service Breakfast Time and Newsnight a n d sleep as w e l l .
N o r d o [the articles] take i n t o account the c o m p l e x technical facilities r e q u i r e d .
A television p r o d u c e r has t o take m o r e than a t y p e w r i t e r t o get his p r o g r a m m e
o n the air; i n effect he has t o take his w h o l e p r i n t i n g press.
So there is considerable pressure t o restrict the n u m b e r o f p r o d u c t i o n staff,
a n d t h e expansion o f daily p r o g r a m m i n g makes i t even m o r e d i f f i c u l t f o r
d e p a r t m e n t a l heads t o husband their h u m a n resources and give broadcast j o u r -
nalists t h e t i m e t o d o o r i g i n a l research. O n e can e n d u p simply reprocessing
someone else's 'facts'. Increasingly t o o the c o m p l e x technical requirements o f
television mean that m o r e and m o r e t i m e has t o be spent o n mastering the 'tele-
vision t y p e w r i t e r ' , using t h e c o m p l e x graphics, a n d so o n , rather than o n the
subject material itself. I n such circumstances i t is n o t necessarily the best j o u r n a l -
ists w h o rise t o the t o p . Sadly this p r o b l e m is o f t e n c o m p o u n d e d b y L u d d i t e
p o l i t i c a l journalists w h o sometimes refuse t o learn i n i t i a l p r o d u c t i o n techniques,
t h o u g h , t o be fair, there is little t r a i n i n g t o help t h e m d o so. I t is usually sink o r
s w i m i n television, even today. T h e late entry f r o m Fleet Street, o r elsewhere, is
rarely able t o catch u p o n the techniques required. H i s p o l i t i c a l k n o w l e d g e ,

insights a n d enthusiasms may then g o t o waste.
The mote in the eye

T h e r e is a f u r t h e r potential internal constraint o n broadcasters a n d indeed a l l
journalists, t h e d i f f i c u l t y o f r e p o r t i n g the affairs o f our o w n w o r k p l a c e and o f
a c k n o w l e d g i n g the pressures u p o n us. O n e has t o acknowledge that the j o u r n a l -
istic i n t e g r i t y o f an organization does sometimes come i n t o conflict w i t h w h a t is
perceived as its i n s t i t u t i o n a l interest. O r p u t another way, d o media organ-
izations r e p o r t themselves as freely as they r e p o r t other groups? I have m y
doubts. O r p u t a t h i r d way, does the B B C i n the licence fee application p e r i o d
act w i t h greater caution t h a n at other times? T h e answer is yes. Such damage
can be l i m i t e d b y a m o r e honest approach t o the audience, a c k n o w l e d g i n g the
c o n f l i c t . A n d , t o be fair, many ' d i f f i c u l t ' programmes are transmitted a n d some
o n l y t e m p o r a r i l y postponed. O n e ought n o t t o be surprised: we w o u l d be angels
o r possibly masochists i f w e gladly scored w h a t i n the business is k n o w n as ' o w n
goals', a n d n o one is objective about themselves o r their o w n organization.
I have t o a d m i t that I felt betrayed by m y B B C N e w s colleagues w h e n they
published a factual statement about m y involvement i n a particular controversy.
T h e statement was accurate b u t necessarily brief and therefore the context was
n o t supplied. 'But y o u d o n ' t understand, you're giving a misleading impression.'
I f o u n d myself m o u t h i n g the w o r d s m y 'victims' must have used about investiga-
tive programmes I've made. It's a salutary experience. W h e n w e k n o w some-
t h i n g about a subject w e become aware o f h o w superficial the r e p o r t i n g o f this
is. Hence o u r anger. N o n e the less, the news report had been accurate.
I n t h e case o f t h e broadcasting institutions such sensitivity is o f t e n height-
ened b y a mistrust o f the fairness o f t h e r e p o r t i n g o f certain newspapers w h o
are t h o u g h t t o be opposed t o the Broadcasting d u o p o l y a n d the licence fee a n d
t o have a financial interest i n its dismemberment. C a n i t be coincidence that
the Rupert M u r d o c h - o w n e d Times published so many leaders critical o f t h e
B B C d u r i n g t h e 1985 licence fee campaign? T h i s tends t o make management
defensive a n d w a r y o f public debate. Still t h e B B C management has a decent
r e c o r d o f g o i n g o n t o t h e air t o be 'clobbered' over an issue, a l t h o u g h t h e p r o -
ducers o f r e v i e w programmes like B B C 2's Did you see ...? a n d B B C r a d i o 4's
Feedback must be aware o f t h e l i m i t s o f their critical independence. I admire
the w a y they e x p l o r e t h e c l i f f edges. T h e r e is another p r o b l e m h i n d e r i n g o p e n
discussion. Far t o o m a n y o f us m a k i n g programmes are b o t h t o o p r o u d a n d
t o o scared t o a d m i t mistakes. O u r apparent arrogance irritates t h e p u b l i c b u t
w e fear an admission w i l l be e x p l o i t e d by o u r enemies, a n d the press.
[...]
The outside world

R e p o r t i n g is o f t e n n o t t h e p r o b l e m , i t is analysis that poses t h e d i f f i c u l t y . T h e
facts can o f t e n be established, t h e causes m a y be matters o f o p i n i o n . B u t
s i m p l y t o state t h e facts, ' t w o people w e r e shot i n N o r t h e r n I r e l a n d t o d a y ' ,

i s n ' t e n o u g h . W h y w e r e they shot, w h y is anyone shot i n N o r t h e r n Ireland?
T h e q u e s t i o n ' w h y ? ' is arguably the most i m p o r t a n t one.
So have t h e o p i n i o n s , t h e various analyses, been given a i r time? I t is here
t h a t w e m u s t a c k n o w l e d g e t h a t the range o f voices, o f o p i n i o n s , is t o o n a r r o w .
T h e desire, sometimes encouraged b y the m a i n p o l i t i c a l parties, t o ensure t h a t
discussions are representative o f percentages a n d p o w e r groups means t h a t the
r a d i c a l , m i n o r i t y , o r n e w o p i n i o n is less w e l l represented. T h e debate is there-
fore often t o o narrow, d e p r i v e d o f t h e richness o f the unorthodox.
Conservative maverick Enoch P o w e l l o n t h e nuclear deterrent o r o n t h e
Russians is s e l d o m h e a r d . T h e distinguished h i s t o r i a n a n d anti-nuclear p o l e m i -
cist E. R T h o m p s o n struggles i n relative silence u n t i l t h e C a m p a i g n f o r
N u c l e a r D i s a r m a m e n t flourishes. T o o o f t e n ideas w a i t u p o n p o l i t i c a l b a c k i n g
before r e a c h i n g the airways.
T h e B B C does keep a list o f appearances b y M P s i n its j o u r n a l i s t i c p r o -
grammes a n d i t does t r y t o keep a balance between t h e m . I t is perhaps
i n e v i t a b l e t h a t news a n d c u r r e n t affairs p r o g r a m m e s t e n d t o feature represen-
tatives o f g r o u p s t h a t decide w h e t h e r ideas w i l l be p u t i n t o effect, rather t h a n
those w i t h s i m p l y fresh o r i n t e r e s t i n g ideas. T h e d i f f i c u l t y o f access can be
e x p l a i n e d b y a lack o f i n t e l l e c t u a l c u r i o s i t y by producers as w e l l as b y e x t e r n a l
pressures, b u t the B B C C o m m u n i t y P r o g r a m m e U n i t a n d C h a n n e l 4 are ensur-
i n g t h a t m a n y m o r e voices are h e a r d .
Facts? - what facts?

L e t us t u r n t o t h e ' m i s s i n g ' facts t h e n . T h e laws o f l i b e l , ' D - N o t i c e s ' a n d t h e
O f f i c i a l Secrets A c t keep some matters f r o m t h e p u b l i c , a n d a n expensively
lost l i b e l case is a p o w e r f u l incentive t o a d o p t a m u c h m o r e cautious a p p r o a c h
i n g i v i n g legal advice. I n A p r i l 1 9 8 5 t h e B B C settled a l i b e l case b r o u g h t
against o n e o f its p r o g r a m m e s , That's Life, b y a D r . Gee. T h e BBC's costs
w e r e r e p o r t e d t o be over £ 1 m i l l i o n . I t gave m a n y pause f o r t h o u g h t , a n d i t
w o u l d n o t be s u r p r i s i n g i f some journalists decided t o take a break from
' i n v e s t i g a t i o n s ' i n the consumer area leaving m a n y stories u n t o u c h e d .
A f u r t h e r p r o b l e m is o u r sources o f i n f o r m a t i o n . T h e y are l i m i t e d , a n d g o v -
e r n m e n t a n d m o s t i n s t i t u t i o n a l bodies, f r o m t h e trade u n i o n s t o W h i t e h a l l ,
w a n t t o keep i t t h a t way. I n f o r m a t i o n is t o be released o n their terms. J.
D o w n i n g w r i t e s elsewhere ... about g o v e r n m e n t secrecy a n d the m e d i a , a n d
the l e g i s l a t i o n i n o p e r a t i o n . H o w e v e r , ministers break some o f these Acts c o n -
t i n u a l l y w i t h 'leaks' a n d w i t h i m p u n i t y . T h e price o f the 'leak' f o r journalists is
o f t e n t h e i n a b i l i t y t o check i t against t h e facts. T h e r e w a r d f o r p o l i t i c i a n s is
either setting t h e agenda a n d d i c t a t i n g t h e terms o f t h e a r g u m e n t , o r testing
an idea before p u b l i c l y b a c k i n g i t ; o r , o f course, the c o w a r d l y dissociation o f a
C a b i n e t m e m b e r f r o m his C a b i n e t w i t h o u t t h e inconvenience o f leaving i t , a
t e c h n i q u e p u s h e d t o its l i m i t s a n d b e y o n d i n t h e T h a t c h e r Cabinet i n early
1986. So journalists are w e l l advised t o treat all sources o f i n f o r m a t i o n w i t h

suspicion. I h o p e w e are as energetic i n discovering i n f o r m a t i o n as w e are i n
receiving i t .
T h o s e w h o give us i n f o r m a t i o n are increasingly aware o f t h e mechanics o f
broadcasting a n d are therefore i n a m u c h i m p r o v e d p o s i t i o n t o m a n i p u l a t e i t .
A n d o f course W h i t e h a l l is f u l l o f people w h o are p a i d t o release i n f o r m a t i o n
o n l y i n t h e interests o f governments. Even p r i m e ministers' press secretaries
('sources close t o t h e Prime M i n i s t e r ' ) have been k n o w n t o tell t e r m i n o l o g i c a l
inexactitudes. H a r o l d W i l s o n 'let i t be k n o w n ' h o w he h a d 'read the R i o t A c t '
to t h e Parliamentary L a b o u r Party o n m a n y occasions. O n o n e famous day he
was r e p o r t e d as t h r e a t e n i n g t o take t h e i r ' d o g licences' away, t h a t is, w i t h d r a w
the w h i p . These accounts w e r e o f t e n read w i t h amazement by M P s w h o w e r e
present a n d r e m e m b e r e d things very d i f f e r e n t l y .
H a r o l d W i l s o n was also e x t r e m e l y w e l l i n f o r m e d about newspaper dead-
lines a n d f r e q u e n t l y c a p t u r e d headlines w i t h a last-minute story. N o w a d a y s
m o s t p o l i t i c i a n s play t h a t game. G e t y o u r r e t a l i a t i o n i n first, said t h e late B i l l
Shankley, M a n a g e r o f L i v e r p o o l Football C l u b . M o s t inhabitants o f g o v e r n -
ments d o n ' t need t o be t o l d t h a t .
T h e r e are various o t h e r tricks w h i c h can be used i n the PR offensive. R i n g
up a television p r o g r a m m e a n d o f f e r an 'exclusive' i n t e r v i e w . T h e p r o d u c e r s
rarely say n o i f they t h i n k they w i l l beat a r i v a l . G o o n c u r r e n t affairs p r o -
grammes like Weekend World o r The World This Weekend o n Sunday as
M o n d a y m o r n i n g ' s newspaper headlines are t h e easiest ones t o capture. Issue
a v e r y l o n g a n d c o m p l i c a t e d W h i t e Paper t o journalists o n l y o n t h e day o f
p u b l i c a t i o n , a n d h o l d a press conference close t o t h e news deadline. T h e j o u r -
nalists w i l l n o t have t i m e t o absorb i t a l l , they w i l l have t o accept the s u m m a r y
given b y t h e p o l i t i c i a n s a n d a day o r so later w h e n t h e d i f f i c u l t questions are
b e g i n n i n g t o be f o r m e d i n t h e broadcaster's m i n d , w h o cares? T h e headlines
have been w o n , t h e terms o f the argument established i n favour o f t h e p o l i t i -
cian c o n c e r n e d .
If a d i f f i c u l t television discussion is p r o p o s e d - refuse t o take p a r t , say y o u
w e r e m i s l e d about t h e nature o f the p r o g r a m m e , a n d i f i t goes ahead say i t is
o b v i o u s l y biased. I f y o u are a Cabinet minister refuse t o participate i n a dis-
cussion w i t h anyone less senior t h a n yourself. I t l i m i t s t h e f i e l d . T h e other
t r i c k i n this area is t o d e m a n d a separate i n t e r v i e w . Programme makers can be
so desperate t o get t h e minister that they agree. I have b u c k l e d t o such pres-
sures, I ' m a f r a i d .
A n o t h e r technique is t o d o o n l y a ' l i v e ' i n t e r v i e w o n t h e news. T h a t w a y
y o u can't be e d i t e d a n d i n t h e t w o o r three minutes available i t is u n l i k e l y that
the questioner w i l l be able t o p u t y o u o n the spot. D u r i n g the Falklands War,
television was sometimes t a k i n g the M i n i s t r y o f Defence pressman I a n
M a c D o n a l d ' s statements ' l i v e ' , thus f r u s t r a t i n g any a t t e m p t t o p u t t h e remarks
i n t o c o n t e x t . T h e dangers o f such ' l i v e ' i n t e r v i e w s are w e l l u n d e r s t o o d b y t h e
b r o a d c a s t i n g a u t h o r i t i e s w h o have t r i e d t o ensure that they d o n o t recur.
A significant b l o w t o i n f o r m e d p o l i t i c a l discussion a n d debate was struck b y

the emergence o f M r . (later Sir G o r d o n ) Reece a n d t h e Saatchi Brothers at
Conservative Central Office. W h i l e they were amateurs compared with
R o n a l d Reagan's entourage, they signalled a c o n c e n t r a t i o n o n image rather
t h a n c o n t e n t . T h e y w e r e c o n c e r n e d w i t h w i n n i n g elections n o t arguments.
Attention was s w i t c h e d f r o m t h e q u a l i t y press i n Fleet Street t o t h e
mass c i r c u l a t i o n newspapers. K n i g h t h o o d s a n d ennoblements followed. In
broadcasting, J i m m y Young o n Radio 2 was f a v o u r e d rather more than
Panorama, chat shows rather t h a n R o b i n Day. M r . Young f r e q u e n t l y asked
d i f f i c u l t questions a n d occasionally Sir R o b i n o r Sir Alastair was a l l o w e d i n
b u t , this aside, t h e o v e r a l l result was a gentler r i d e i n m o r e relaxed s u r r o u n d -
ings f o r a larger audience. E m i n e n t l y sensible i f y o u are M r s . Thatcher,
e x t r e m e l y f r u s t r a t i n g i f y o u are a p o l i t i c a l j o u r n a l i s t . A n d ' t o u g h ' i n t e r v i e w s
are g e t t i n g t o u g h e r - f o r t h e i n t e r v i e w e r . For example, M r s . T h a t c h e r has
i n v e n t e d her o w n w a y o f dealing w i t h questions. D o n ' t take a b r e a t h , o r h a l t ,
at t h e e n d o f sentences. T h i s means t h a t t h e i n t e r v i e w e r either can't get his
q u e s t i o n i n o r seems t o be r u d e l y i n t e r r u p t i n g i f he is. I f the p r o g r a m m e is l i v e
the t i m e soon runs o u t , a n d a c c o u n t a b i l i t y is evaded.
What politics does television cover?

So t h e p r o b l e m s o f m a k i n g p o l i t i c a l television are considerable. W h a t sort o f
p o l i t i c a l television d o w e make? H o w successful has news management,
i m a g e - m a k i n g a n d pressure g r o u p s ' l o b b y i n g been? O f course, those w h o are
e m p l o y e d i n m a k i n g p o l i t i c a l television have a vested interest i n p r o c l a i m i n g
its success. Perhaps i t is successful o n l y i n t h e short t e r m , a n d i n t h e margins.
T h e p e n d u l u m swings a n d governments are ejected f r o m office as the signs o f
t h e i r f a i l u r e become apparent, o r t h r o u g h simple b o r e d o m o n the voters' p a r t .
E v e n t u a l l y t h e t r u t h may c o m e o u t b u t a l o t o f damage can be done i n the
s h o r t t e r m , a l o t o f decisions taken a n d a l o t o f t i m e a n d energy spent o n iso-
l a t i n g t h e PR a n d pressures, t i m e a n d energy w h i c h o u g h t t o have been spent
addressing t h e issues a n d i n f o r m i n g the p u b l i c . Yesterday is, w e l l , yesterday,
say the PR m e n . Today's headlines are w h a t matters.
I t a l l acts as a sort o f camouflage t o hide t h e real p o l i t i c a l debate w h i c h
s h o u l d be t a k i n g place. H a r o l d W i l s o n is r e p o r t e d as saying that t h e L a b o u r
Party was rather l i k e a stage-coach. T h e i m p o r t a n t t h i n g was t o keep i t g o i n g .
I f y o u d i d t h a t t h e n t h e passengers inside w o u l d t a l k t o each other a n d leave
the d r i v e r t o get o n w i t h i t . H o w e v e r , i f the stage-coach stopped at the cross-
roads t h e n t h e passengers w o u l d get o u t , argue about w h i c h d i r e c t i o n t o g o
a n d never get back i n again. I w o u l d suggest that w h i l e i t is the p o l i t i c i a n s ' j o b
t o d r i v e the coach, i t is the j o u r n a l i s t s ' responsibility t o ensure that the passen-
gers have seen the signpost.
A l l o f this leads t o t w o tiers o f p o l i t i c a l debate, t h e p u b l i c a n d t h e p r i v a t e .
T h e p u b l i c debate usually starts w h e n t h e decision has been t a k e n ; sometimes
i t m a y never h a p p e n at a l l . O n t h e surface statements are made, images creat-

e d , poses s t r u c k , insults exchanged. U n d e r n e a t h t h e reality is o f t e n t h e o p p o -
site. O n e o f m y m a i n frustrations as a p o l i t i c a l journalist a n d e d i t o r has been
m y f r e q u e n t f a i l u r e t o h e l p the p u b l i c get i n t o t h e real debate w h i l e i t is g o i n g
o n , w h i l e i t is u n d e c i d e d i n Cabinet, p a r t y a n d Parliament.
A t t h e t i m e o f w r i t i n g there is a real debate t o be h a d about t h e f o r t h c o m -
i n g defence crises w h e r e once m o r e o u r c o m m i t m e n t s exceed o u r capacities. I t
is also clear t h a t u n e m p l o y m e n t is u n l i k e l y t o g o d o w n significantly i n t h e
l o n g t e r m , l e t alone t h e short t e r m , b u t w h e r e is t h e debate about h o w society
s h o u l d adjust t o t h a t fact? T h e Conservative a n d L a b o u r Parties, f o r d i f f e r i n g
reasons, f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t t o accept this p u b l i c l y , a l t h o u g h they must k n o w i t t o
be t r u e . T h e real p r o b l e m s o f m a n a g i n g economic decline cannot be addressed
w i t h o u t a c k n o w l e d g i n g this decline, b u t this is h a r d l y t h e best p r e s c r i p t i o n f o r
re-election. A n y w a y i t has t o be a d m i t t e d that m u c h o f t h e p u b l i c is just n o t
interested. Does this suggest that the media p r o v i d e a p l a t f o r m f o r t h e s o u n d
a n d the fury, w h i l e elsewhere 'real p o l i t i c s ' goes on?
T h a t w o u l d be u n f a i r t o m a n y parts o f t h e m e d i a . I t w o u l d be w r o n g t o
lump t h e Financial Times in with t h e Sun, o r Newsnight with TV-am.
Somewhere i n t h e m e d i a most o f t h e i m p o r t a n t issues are dealt w i t h at o n e
t i m e o r another. T h e p r o b l e m is one o f p r i o r i t y , n o t presence. G e t t i n g t h e
i m p o r t a n t issues t o t h e f o r e f r o n t o f the debate, ahead o f t h e p e r i p h e r a l a n d
transient, is the p r o b l e m .
Political television s h o u l d be about t h e w a y countries are g o v e r n e d , o r
c o u l d be g o v e r n e d , their p o l i t i c a l systems a n d the i m p o r t a n t decisions w h i c h
are b e i n g t a k e n , o r w h i c h need t o be taken. M a n y argue that p o l i t i c a l cover-
age is t o o m u c h about personalities rather t h a n p o l i t i c s . O t h e r s argue t h a t
television's p o l i t i c a l coverage is t o o Westminster- o r W h i t e h a l l - d o m i n a t e d , n o t
e n o u g h o f the ' r e a l ' w o r l d a n d people's o r d i n a r y experience. I believe p o l i t i c a l
television s h o u l d be, a n d is, about a l l these things. I t is t h e p r o p o r t i o n s w e
s h o u l d argue about a n d w h i c h are w r o n g .
O u r domestic p o l i t i c a l coverage is obviously hampered b y the fact that none
o f us is objective about o u r o w n country. We must t r y t o become m o r e so b u t
w e must first acknowledge the subjective impulses. As I have m e n t i o n e d earlier,
the B B C acknowledges a bias - towards parliamentary democracy, a bias w h i c h I
w e l c o m e . B u t w e must acknowledge, i f w e are t o begin f r o m that standpoint,
that voices outside that f o r m o f democracy must be heard.
H o w e v e r , some people believe that broadcast j o u r n a l i s m has taken a k n o c k
t o its collective confidence because i t is n o w being said that there is n o such
t h i n g as objectivity. T h e t r a i n e d observer is n o w being t o l d that a l l his judge-
ments are subjective, a n d he is still r e c o v e r i n g f r o m t h e shock. T h e G l a s g o w
U n i v e r s i t y M e d i a G r o u p has perhaps h a d the greatest influence here a l t h o u g h
its o w n subjectivity a n d lack o f broadcasting experience has l i m i t e d its effects
u p o n many practitioners.
[...]
What can the broadcaster do?

Faced w i t h these p r o b l e m s o f i n t e r n a l a n d e x t e r n a l restraint a n d w i t h t h e
inadequacy o f m u c h t h a t w e d o , broadcast journalists s h o u l d be asking t h e m -
selves some v e r y h a r d questions. H o w m u c h better can w e d o , even given
these problems?
We broadcasters s h o u l d blame ourselves as w e l l as t h e p o l i t i c i a n s f o r t h e
state o f p o l i t i c a l broadcasting. T h e i r responsibility is t o manage change n o t
ensure a g o o d debate a n d o n e s h o u l d accept that there are m a n y issues w h e r e
i t w o u l d be p o l i t i c a l l y irresponsible t o be f r a n k i n p u b l i c , a l t h o u g h g o v e r n -
ments f r e q u e n t l y d o use t h e cover o f ' t h e n a t i o n a l interest' s i m p l y t o conceal
mistakes a n d cover embarrassment. A r m s l i m i t a t i o n s talks a n d discussions
o v e r Z i m b a b w e o r I r e l a n d are examples w h e r e p o l i t i c a l d i s c r e t i o n is v i t a l i n
o r d e r t o achieve t h e e n d result. H o w e v e r , i f w e recognize t h e need f o r such
d i s c r e t i o n b y p o l i t i c a n s , y e t also recognize the need f o r t h e p u b l i c t o be p r o p -
e r l y i n f o r m e d a b o u t these issues, w h i l e they are c u r r e n t , t h e n I believe i t m u s t
f a l l t o journalists t o place these items o n t h e p u b l i c agenda.
A f o r m e r D i r e c t o r - G e n e r a l o f t h e B B C disagreed. I n his v i e w i t was t h e d u t y
o f Parliament, as a n elected body, t o decide t h e agenda. I t was n o t a n issue, i n
his v i e w , i f there was n o real debate about i t i n t h e C o m m o n s . T h u s t h e u n i f i -
c a t i o n o f I r e l a n d was n o t a n issue because t h e f r o n t benches o f b o t h m a j o r
parties h a d agreed t h a t i t was n o t , despite t h e views o f a very large m i n o r i t y
r e c o r d e d i n p u b l i c o p i n i o n p o l l s , n o t t o m e n t i o n m a n y people i n I r e l a n d ,
n o r t h and south.
I disagree w i t h h i m . Broadcasters have n o r i g h t t o place t h e issues they
r e g a r d as i m p o r t a n t before e v e r y t h i n g else b u t they d o have a d u t y t o p u t
t h e m o n t h e list. T h i s d u t y derives f r o m the k n o w l e d g e they have o f t h e real
p o l i t i c a l debate t h a t goes o n outside t h e C h a m b e r o r t h e s t u d i o , a n d t h e facts
they u n e a r t h i n t h e i r r e p o r t s . T h e broadcasters' responsibility t o the audience
is t o speak t h e t r u t h as they see i t , t o be m o r e o p e n about their procedures
and l i m i t a t i o n s , t o be m o r e aware o f t h e i r o w n subjectivity. T h e broadcaster is
p r i v i l e g e d w i t h i n f o r m a t i o n a n d he must share i t .
I n t h e l i g h t o f a l l these f o r m i d a b l e p r o b l e m s a n d duties, h o w q u a l i f i e d are
television's p r o d u c e r s t o p r o d u c e p o l i t i c a l journalism? W e l l , they are m o s t l y
w h i t e , middle-class a n d r e l a t i v e l y y o u n g , a n d they are almost as l i k e l y t o be
female as male. A large n u m b e r w i l l have gone t o O x b r i d g e , they w i l l be
i n s t i n c t i v e l y suspicious o f a u t h o r i t y , l i b e r a l o n social issues, u n c e r t a i n o n eco-
n o m i c ones. T h e y w i l l be i n d e p e n d e n t , a m b i t i o u s a n d i n t e l l i g e n t . T h e y w i l l
p r o b a b l y have arts o r p o l i t i c s degrees. T h e y are n o t representative, b u t they
are o f t e n h i g h l y s k i l l e d , a n d t h e vast m a j o r i t y t r y n o t t o w i e l d p r i v a t e p r e j u -
dices a n d d o strive f o r t h e t r u t h . A n d o f course they are n o t alone. T h e y have
e d i t o r s above t h e m ( w h o w i l l p r o b a b l y be 3 5 - 4 5 , almost exclusively male)
who are w e l l advanced o n t h e r o a d t o c y n i c i s m ! A n d they w o r k w i t h presen-
ters a n d r e p o r t e r s w h o are o f t e n h i g h l y q u a l i f i e d a n d rather older.
W h a t they d o require is far m o r e t i m e t o t h i n k a n d far m o r e t r a i n i n g . I n m y

v i e w y o u n g producers s h o u l d be shipped t o Party Conferences a n d made t o
listen t o every debate, a n d g o t o evening meetings. Such attendance is a n
essential p a r t o f p o l i t i c a l education regardless o f w h a t the Sun o r the Mail o r
the Daily Telegraph w i l l say. Producers s h o u l d f r e q u e n t l y attend the H o u s e o f
Commons a n d also get o u t o f L o n d o n . A b o v e a l l , television management
s h o u l d arrange that the best authorities i n d i f f e r e n t fields s h o u l d be b r o u g h t
to t h e m , a w i d e variety o f p o l i t i c a l t h o u g h t and analysis placed before t h e m .
I n s h o r t , w e must ensure that a c o n t i n u i n g p o l i t i c a l education is b u i l t i n t o a
p r o d u c e r ' s career, t o supplement his practical experience. Those p o l i t i c a l spe-
cialists i n broadcasting must also share their k n o w l e d g e , n o t just w i t h their
audience, b u t also w i t h their colleagues.
I t is a tragedy t h a t P h i l i p E l l i o t t is n o longer here t o make his always p e r t i -
nent c o n t r i b u t i o n . I f o u n d his w r i t i n g f u l l o f sympathy, u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d
g o o d sense, even w h e n i t h u r t . H e eschewed t h e easy gibe a n d t h e easy
answer a n d he was never deflected f r o m the central questions. H e u n d e r l i n e d
o u r l i m i t a t i o n s w i t h o u t self-righteousness. H e k n e w that broadcasters a n d
m e d i a academics have a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y t o educate each other, as w e l l as t o
educate themselves. A n d i t is here that m e d i a academics can play a p a r t .
T h e y m u s t reach the parts o f the BBC they haven't reached so far, the daily
a n d w e e k l y p r a c t i t i o n e r s , as w e l l as managers l i k e myself. T h e y w i l l meet
some p r e j u d i c e a n d a n t a g o n i s m w i t h i n the C o r p o r a t i o n a n d they w i l l have t o
make sacrifices! T h e y must w r i t e i n simple, d i r e c t English. T h e y must
acknowledge t h e i r lack o f practical k n o w l e d g e a n d a t t e m p t t o r e m e d y i t .
T h e y m u s t l o o k f o r the c o c k - u p rather t h a n the conspiracy. Perhaps the result
o f this d i a l o g u e w i l l be a t e m p o r a r y loss o f confidence by b o t h parties i n o l d
certainties, b u t i t is a n essential p r e l u d e t o o u r being able t o discharge our
j o i n t duty, t o pursue the t r u t h m o r e r i g o r o u s l y a n d t o i n f o r m o u r democracy
m o r e fully.
Questions
1 What are the predominant news values' which current affairs programmes
such as Panorama and World in Action adhere to? How and in what ways do
they differ from the underlying values in TV and radio news broadcasts?
2 If, as both Golding (in the previous reading) and Bolton suggest, news is pro-
duced by, and aimed at, a political and cultural elite, what are the implications
for those who are not part of that elite, or who are in some way marginalised
from the mainstream? Who might those groups include?
3 Bolton refers to Margaret Thatcher's urge to starve terrorists of the 'oxygen of
publicity'. What are the cases for and against imposing a broadcasting ban on
interviews with opponents of the government, including terrorist organisations?
Keepers of the Castle 271
Further reading
Barnouw, E. 1992: Documentary: a history of the non-fiction film, 2nd revised edn.
O x f o r d : O x f o r d University Press.
Elliott, P. 1972: Media organisations and occupations: an overview. I n Curran, J.,
Gurevitch, M . and Woollacott, J. (eds.), Mass communication and society, London:
Gallagher, M . 1982: Negotiation of control i n media organizations and occupations.
In Gurevitch, M . , Bennett, T., Curran, J. and Woollacott, J., Culture, society and the
media, London: Routledge.
Hillyard, P. and Percy-Smith, J. 1988: The coercive state: the decline of democracy in
Britain. London: Fontana.
Horrie, C. and Clarke, S. 1994: Fuzzy monsters: fear and loathing at the BBC.
London: Heinemann.
Lorenz, A. L . and Vivian, J. 1996: News reporting and writing, Massachusetts: Allyn &
Bacon.
Philo, G . (ed.) 1995: The Glasgow media group reader, vols I and I I . London:
Routledge.
Schlesinger, P., Murdock, G. and Elliott, P. 1983: Televising terrorism: political violence
in popular culture. London: Comedia.
Tracey, M . 1977: The production of political television. London: Routledge &c Kegan
Paul.
Tunstall, J. 1993: The television producers. London: Routledge.
Winston, B. 1996: Framing the real. London: BFI.
26
Keepers of the Castle: Producers, Programmers and
Music Selection Stephen Barnard
From On the radio: music radio in Britain (Open University Press 1989)
This extract continues the emphasis on media producers and the constraints associated
with particular contexts of production which is the dominant theme running throughout this
section. Radio is a modern medium which has, by comparison with television and film for
example, received relatively little analytical attention. It has been described as the
'Cinderella' of Media Studies. In what follows, Barnard provides a detailed account of the
production contexts associated with popular music radio in Britain, in particular BBC
Radio 1. In the initial stages of the extract, Barnard usefully summarises the idea of the pro-
ducer as a gatekeeper, someone who makes key decisions and selections concerning the
fate and the form of potential media output or content, in accordance with their role and
position within a professionalised occupational culture and hierarchy. He provides a brief
historical account of the development and key changes within BBC music policy in the post-
war period and then focuses on questions concerning the playlist - a weekly list of records
which have guaranteed regular airtime - and its function for Radio 1 in the 1980s. At the
heart of his discussion are a number of issues concerning the relationships between the
music industry, the charts and radio airtime given to particular types and formats of popular
music.
It is important to approach Barnard's study with a view of its own history. It was pub-
lished first in 1989 and based very much on research undertaken in the 1980s. Since then
a number of significant changes have overtaken the empirical detail of the research, per-
haps most notably changes in the compilation and organisation of the weekly music charts
and some major and much reported changes of personnel and policy at 1 FM, as it now
prefers to call itself, as well as key changes across the radio sector in the United Kingdom
as a whole. However, the style and focus of the analysis provide a useful basis from which
to think about questions concerning the formats of the radio 'soundscapes' - musical and
otherwise - of the late 1990s. Barnard usefully summarizes some of these issues in the
postscript which he wrote especially for this volume.
I don't mind when people say we play wallpaper music. A lot c f people spend a
lot of time and money choosing the right wallpaper for their homes.
Bob Snyder, former Programme Controller, Radio Trent 1
... I have t o u c h e d u p o n the general principles g u i d i n g the use a n d selection o f

p o p u l a r music by r a d i o stations i n B r i t a i n : the tendency t o concentrate o n the
most musically familiar, the unwillingness t o deviate f r o m a selection o f records
based o n chart placings o r potential chart placings, the isolation o f n o n - m a i n -
stream music t o peripheral programmes outside the peak-time hours, the prefer-
ence s h o w n f o r commercially p r o d u c e d records over live o r specially recorded
music d u r i n g those peak hours. These tendencies need t o be examined m o r e
closely i n the c o n t e x t o f the decisions taken by those w h o , t o use sociological
t e r m i n o l o g y , are the 'gatekeepers' o f r a d i o : the p r o g r a m m e controllers and p r o -
g r a m m e producers w h o oversee n o t o n l y w h a t is played o n the r a d i o b u t the
e n v i r o n m e n t i n w h i c h i t is heard, the frequency o f its playing and its p o s i t i o n i n g
w i t h i n programmes. They, far m o r e than presenters, are the source o f p o w e r i n
music r a d i o , but the i n t e n t i o n here ... is n o t simply t o equate their apparent c o n -
t r o l o f r a d i o o u t p u t w i t h a necessarily major influence over the fate o f r e c o r d -
industry p r o d u c t , n o r is i t t o p i n 'responsibility' o n t h e m f o r the blandness and
predictability o f so m u c h music p r o g r a m m i n g . Rather, i t is t o explore h o w gate-
keepers b o t h represent and p a t r o l the t w i n ideologies o f consensus and c o n -
sumer sovereignty, a n d t o assess the end result - a pattern o f p r o g r a m m i n g a n d
a style o f presentation w h i c h , d u r i n g the daytime hours at least, uses p o p u l a r
music as a barrier against tension, conflict and d i s r u p t i o n .
First o f a l l , w e must c l a r i f y w h a t 'gatekeeping' entails. Gatekeepers, o f
course, c a n be f o u n d i n all m e d i a , a n d the source o f the concept (and t h e
t e r m ) is D a v i d M a n n i n g W h i t e ' s study o f e d i t o r i a l practices i n m i d - w e s t news-
papers, The 'Gatekeeper : 3
A Case Study in the Selection of News. 1
White
f o u n d t h a t editors chose w h i c h stories t o f o l l o w u p , w h i c h t o headline a n d
w h i c h t o relegate t o shorter items, according t o a n u m b e r o f d i f f e r e n t criteria:

the particular e d i t o r i a l line ( p o l i t i c a l a n d otherwise) o f the newspaper con-
cerned, w h e t h e r t h e story h a d a local angle, qualities o f ' h u m a n interest' a n d so
o n . M e d i a gatekeepers, i n W h i t e ' s analysis, determine n o t o n l y w h a t is mediated
by technological means b u t t h e manner, the nuances o f its c o m m u n i c a t i o n .
Later research w o r k has concentrated o n e x p l o r i n g the value systems a n d orga-
n i z a t i o n a l constraints under w h i c h gatekeepers w o r k , a n d h o w these are c o m -
m u n i c a t e d a n d r e i n f o r c e d d o w n a chain o f c o m m a n d . Certain researchers, f o r
e x a m p l e , have p a i d particular regard t o the inculcation o f notions o f profession-
alism f r o m seniors t o j u n i o r s (most obviously, editors t o reporters) a n d the
maintenance o f a n e d i t o r i a l line - an encapsulation o f a certain ideology - n o t
so m u c h t h r o u g h direct enforcement o r threats o f the sack as t h r o u g h encourag-
i n g a k i n d o f n o t i o n a l independence based o n self-censorship, the skill o f know-
ing w i t h o u t h a v i n g t o be t o l d w h i c h stories are acceptable a n d w h i c h are n o t . 3
T h i s is a l l relevant t o understanding t h e ' e d i t o r i a l ' practices o f music r a d i o ,

because p r o g r a m m e producers, t o o , are c o n t i n u a l l y called u p o n t o p u t their
o w n tastes a n d preferences b e h i n d t h e m i n favour o f a professional assessment
o f w h i c h music w i l l most f i t the e d i t o r i a l p r o f i l e o f their station. H o w e v e r , the
fact t h a t the r a d i o gatekeeper is dependent o n a commercial source - the r e c o r d
manufacturers - f o r m u c h o f his material complicates the issue, as he then
becomes a m e d i a t o r i n their m a r k e t i n g strategies as w e l l as an enactor o f his
o w n . T h e r a d i o gatekeeper may appear t o mediate between manufacturer a n d
consumer, i n t h e same w a y that r e c o r d reviewers i n newspapers d o , b u t his
responsibilities u l t i m a t e l y l i e elsewhere. Radio gatekeepers have a responsibility
t o the p u b l i c o n l y i n the vaguest sense: their p r i m a r y concern is t o serve the par-
ticular publics that the stations' managers o r owners have delineated.
Precisely w h o , t h e n , are the gatekeepers w h o make the decisions as t o w h i c h
music is p l a y e d o n B r i t i s h r a d i o , a n d h o w has their r o l e evolved? I n t h e case o f
R a d i o 1 a n d R a d i o 2 , t h e responsibility f o r music selection lies w i t h i n d i v i d u a l
p r o g r a m m e p r o d u c e r s , t h o u g h i n the f o r m e r case the p r o d u c e r draws o n a
playlist p r e d e t e r m i n e d by c o m m i t t e e ; w i t h i n independent local r a d i o ( I L R ) , t h e
responsibility generally lies w i t h a single person, usually t h e station's pro-
g r a m m e c o n t r o l l e r o r a specially a p p o i n t e d head o f music. Differences i n per-
sonnel levels m a i n l y reflect d i f f e r e n t economies o f scale, b u t they also reflect
d i f f e r e n t t r a d i t i o n s a n d p r i o r i t i e s . F o r o n e t h i n g , there is a s t r o n g bureaucratic
t r a d i t i o n w i t h i n t h e B B C w h i c h I L R stations, because o f the perpetual concen-
t r a t i o n o n c o m m e r c i a l returns a n d cost-effective, self-sufficient o p e r a t i o n , have
largely a v o i d e d e m u l a t i n g . A l s o , t h e c o m m e r c i a l i m p e r a t i v e i n I L R is t o m a i n -
t a i n a consistent musical i d e n t i t y t h r o u g h o u t the p r i m e - t i m e h o u r s ; the e m p h a -
sis is o n c o n t i n u i t y , f l o w , a consistent voice, t o encourage listeners t o stay
t u n e d . T h a t k i n d o f consistency can be threatened w h e n presenters either
i n d u l g e t h e i r o w n musical tastes o r play the same r e c o r d t o o o f t e n , so there is a
p a r t i c u l a r need i n I L R f o r music formats t o be b o t h p r e d e t e r m i n e d a n d p o l i c e d
by a n i n d i v i d u a l w h o has t h e complete day-to-day o u t p u t o f t h e station i n
m i n d . Radios 1 a n d 2 have tended t o be m u c h ' f r e e r ' i n c o m p a r i s o n , t h e k e y

difference being that, despite the sequential nature o f m u c h o f their o u t p u t ,
b o t h n e t w o r k s were r u n u n t i l late 1 9 8 7 ( w h e n p o l i c y changes, discussed later
i n this chapter, w e r e i n t r o d u c e d ) as collections o f connected b u t i n d i v i d u a l l y
executed p r o g r a m m e s . I n t r a d i t i o n a l B B C t h i n k i n g , separate p r o g r a m m e p r o -
d u c t i o n is a sign o f q u a l i t y and a t t e n t i o n t o detail, a m a r k o f professionalism;
as R a d i o 1 c o n t r o l l e r J o h n n y Beerling says, ' t h e most successful t h i n g y o u
c o u l d d o o n the surface o f i t is just play T o p Forty music all day w i t h disc jock-
eys like T o n y B l a c k b u r n a n d p u t the t h i n g o n a f o r m a t and just rotate i t . W e
d o n ' t d o that b y any means. I t h i n k w e t r y t o treat the audience i n t e l l i g e n t l y ' . 4
M o s t i m p o r t a n t o f a l l , Radios 1 and 2 , u n l i k e I L R stations, see themselves as

personality stations first a n d foremost, their success h i n g i n g o n the appeal o f
the disc jockeys. Producers act as stage managers t o t h e presenters a n d m a y
even choose records o n the basis o f w h e t h e r they are ' r i g h t ' f o r t h a t presenter's
p u b l i c image. I n local r a d i o , w i t h a f e w exceptions, presenters have a m u c h
m o r e l o w - k e y role a n d their personalities are generally (and quite deliberately)
subservient t o the image o f the station.
G i v e n a l l this, the music choices made by gatekeepers i n b o t h national a n d
local B B C a n d c o m m e r c i a l r a d i o nevertheless f o l l o w a remarkably similar pat-
t e r n , w h i c h s e l f - i m i t a t i o n a n d c o n t i n u a l aping o f competitors cannot alone
e x p l a i n . T h a t they share similar perceptions, a similar sense o f professionalism,
even a c o m m o n ideology, is obvious, a n d I have already c o m m e n t e d o n t h e
m o b i l i t y o f labour between t h e t w o systems a n d t h e degree t o w h i c h I L R
stations deliberately d r e w o n B B C experience i n fashioning their music policies.
Historically, musical gatekeeping i n British radio has been paternalistically
m o t i v a t e d , a n d the legacy o f this lives o n .
Producers and programming

. . . [ T ] h e gatekeeper r o l e e v o l v e d at t h e B B C w i t h p a r t i c u l a r reference t o p o p -
ular music, i n i t i a l l y t h r o u g h dance-band leaders w h o learnt t h e degree o f
acceptability o f certain songs o r types o f music by t r i a l a n d e r r o r , t h e n via t h e
B B C ' s t w o directors o f dance music, Jack Payne a n d H e n r y H a l l , w h o sought
t o lead b y e x a m p l e . A l t h o u g h d i r e c t l y responsible t o senior management f o r
the decisions they made, b o t h m e n were t o some extent t h e i r o w n masters,
i n t e r p r e t i n g a vague b r i e f t o p r o v i d e tasteful, acceptable dance music i n a
m a n n e r calculated n o t t o i n c u r the displeasure o f their employers - o p e r a t i n g
w h a t was i n effect a k i n d o f self-censorship, creating music that n o t o n l y
m a t c h e d t h e B B C p e r c e p t i o n o f p o p u l a r music as l i g h t , r e l a x i n g a n d 'domes-
t i c ' b u t h e l p e d i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e i t . B e g i n n i n g i n t h e w a r years, t h e gatekeeping
f u n c t i o n became m o r e diffuse, less o p e n t o i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , as
p o l i c y - m a k i n g came under t h e j u r i s d i c t i o n o f committees a n d producers
assumed a n almost clerical r o l e , c o n t i n u a l l y r e f e r r i n g back a n y songs o r
records t h o u g h t l i k e l y t o be c o n t e n t i o u s . O u t o f the ensuing bureaucracy g r e w
the t w o centres o f p o p u l a r music o u t p u t , t h e G r a m o p h o n e D e p a r t m e n t a n d

the P o p u l a r M u s i c D e p a r t m e n t , a n d a dual supply system t h a t o n l y o u t l i v e d its
usefulness once Radios 1 a n d 2 started a n d t h e need f o r p r o g r a m m e s w i t h a
consistent n e t w o r k i d e n t i t y was established. R a d i o 1 i n p a r t i c u l a r was n o t just
a d e p a r t u r e i n p r o g r a m m i n g terms b u t also i n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , as t h e p r o d u c -
er's p r i m e accountabilities s h i f t e d f r o m s u p p l y departments t o t h e n e t w o r k
itself, t h e r e b y f a c i l i t a t i n g t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f a R a d i o 1 'house style' i n pre-
s e n t a t i o n a n d a c o r p o r a t e p o l i c y o n music selection. T h a t p o l i c y has changed
i n ways b o t h subtle a n d o b v i o u s over t h e years, b u t a certain R a d i o 1 ' i d e o l o -
g y ' has been m a i n t a i n e d t h r o u g h o u t , t o w h i c h t h e attitudes a n d w o r k i n g prac-
tices o f its present-day gatekeepers - t h e n e t w o r k management team a n d ,
m o s t crucially, t h e p r o d u c e r s w h o r e p o r t t o t h e m - give clues.
As L i g h t P r o g r a m m e o f f s h o o t s , b o t h Radios 1 a n d 2 r e t a i n t h e vestiges o f
L i g h t P r o g r a m m e values. L i k e its p a r e n t n e t w o r k , R a d i o 1 categorizes p o p u l a r
music as either easy-listening b a c k g r o u n d music or as a c u l t u r a l l y v a l i d , quasi-
classical music r e q u i r i n g i s o l a t i o n t o t h e p e r i p h e r y o f t h e schedules, b o t h i n
deference t o its assumed s u p e r i o r i t y t o standard p o p fare a n d t o p r e v e n t i t dis-
r u p t i n g m a i n s t r e a m p r o g r a m m i n g . ( T h a t t h e R a d i o 1 version o f b a c k g r o u n d
music is d i f f e r e n t f r o m R a d i o 2's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f i t is s i m p l y a factor o f t h e
f o r m e r ' s dependence, f o r reasons w e shall e x a m i n e , o n t h e r e c o r d sales chart
as a source o f m a t e r i a l . ) T h e pervasiveness o f L i g h t P r o g r a m m e values - its
p o p u l i s m , its domestic ambience, its c o m m i t m e n t t o t h e e n t e r t a i n m e n t ethic -
can be a t t r i b u t e d t o t w o factors i n p a r t i c u l a r , b o t h t o d o w i t h the personnel
i n v o l v e d . First, there has been a c o n t i n u i t y at management level: R a d i o 1 has
been successively headed b y R o b i n Scott, Derek Chinnery and Johnny
B e e r l i n g , a l l o f t h e m L i g h t P r o g r a m m e t r a i n e d a n d the latter t w o w i t h t e c h n i -
cal b a c k g r o u n d s , h a v i n g come t o t h e B B C after service i n the a r m e d forces as
t e c h n i c a l o p e r a t o r s . O n e o f the m o s t t e l l i n g features o f B B C radio's p r e - 1 9 6 7
p o p u l a r music o u t p u t was t h a t i t was t r u s t e d t o those o n t h e technical rather
t h a n e d i t o r i a l side o f B B C o p e r a t i o n s , i n contrast t o t h e academic editorial
bias a m o n g p r o d u c e r s o n t h e T h i r d P r o g r a m m e . A T h i r d P r o g r a m m e p r o d u c -
er, because o f his ' c u l t u r a l ' responsibilities, was r e c r u i t e d o n t h e basis o f his
musical k n o w - h o w ; L i g h t P r o g r a m m e producers o n t h e o t h e r h a n d m i g h t w e l l
have been m u s i c a l l y literate (several d u r i n g t h e 1950s a n d 1960s w e r e ex-
musicians w i t h dance-bands), b u t they w e r e p r i m a r i l y r e c r u i t e d o n t h e basis o f
t h e i r t e c h n i c a l expertise, a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a b i l i t y and/or t h e i r experience i n
r a d i o overseas. B o t h t h e B r i t i s h Forces Broadcasting Service (BFBS) a n d t h e
r a d i o services o f t h e o l d C o m m o n w e a l t h were regarded as g o o d t r a i n i n g
g r o u n d s . W h i l e t h e c r i t e r i a f o r r e c r u i t i n g producers have changed i n t h e
t w e n t y years since t h e 1 9 6 7 u p h e a v a l , t h e i n t e r n a l management structure o f
the t w o n e t w o r k s remains m u c h as i t was i n t h e L i g h t P r o g r a m m e days, w i t h
the respective C o n t r o l l e r s p r e s i d i n g over a t w o - t i e r h i e r a r c h y o f executive
producers and programme producers.
T h e o t h e r key t o R a d i o l ' s maintenance o f essentially p o p u l i s t values lies i n
the general area o f p r o d u c e r professionalism - t h e w a y i n w h i c h p r o g r a m m e

p r o d u c e r s , w o r k i n g t o those i n executive p o s i t i o n s , absorb a n d replicate those
values i n t h e i r d a i l y d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g . A g o o d s t a r t i n g - p o i n t here is t o develop
the parallel made earlier between t h e selection o f records f o r broadcasting
a n d t h e selection o f news items f o r dissemination: t h e process o f selection i n
b o t h cases calls u p o n t h e p r o d u c e r / j o u r n a l i s t t o exercise j u d g e m e n t o n ques-
t i o n s o f p r i o r i t y , t o p i c a l i t y a n d audience interest. Professional j u d g e m e n t over-
rides personal taste o r personal p o l i t i c s : i n newspapers, f o r instance, news
value m a y be d e t e r m i n e d b y requirements f o r sensationalism, beating t h e
o p p o s i t i o n i n a c i r c u l a t i o n w a r , a certain p o l i t i c a l l i n e , an i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s m o r
p a r o c h i a l i s m i n o u t l o o k , t h e consumer o r i e n t a t i o n o f the readership. L i k e w i s e
i n music r a d i o , professional j u d g e m e n t o n t h e acceptability o f certain records
t o t h e audience overrides personal likes o r dislikes, a n d ' e n t e r t a i n m e n t v a l u e '
w i l l be s i m i l a r l y evaluated a c c o r d i n g t o questions o f h o w t h e records m a t c h
the t o n e a n d ambience o f t h e station. As J o h n D o w n i n g w r i t e s i n The Media
Machine, ' i n g r a i n i n g a d e f i n i t i o n o f professional excellence is the o n l y effec-
tive m e c h a n i s m f o r ensuring t h e spontaneous [his italics] p r o d u c t i o n o f
acceptable i t e m s ' ; 5
i n o t h e r w o r d s , t h e process o f selecting o r d i s c a r d i n g
items, p r i o r i t i z i n g some a n d u n d e r p l a y i n g others, becomes i n t e r n a l i z e d t o t h e
p o i n t t h a t n o reference back t o one's superiors is necessary - t h e house style,
the e d i t o r i a l p o l i c y , is absorbed a n d j u s t i f i e d by t h e i n d i v i d u a l o n professional
g r o u n d s . O n a practical level, t h e news journalist is c o n t i n u a l l y faced b y a
n u m b e r o f c o n t r o l mechanisms t h a t have some parallels i n r a d i o : r e c r u i t m e n t
itself, w h e r e b y p o t e n t i a l staff are j u d g e d b y their past w o r k a c c o r d i n g t o h o w
w e l l t h e y f i t i n w i t h t h e e d i t o r i a l posture o f t h e newspaper; s h o r t - t e r m c o n -
tracts, t h e insecurity engendered by w h i c h fosters a spirit o f acquiescence
rather t h a n challenge; s u b o r d i n a t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l style t o t h a t o f a house
style; a n d o f course t h e submission o f w o r k t o editors o r sub-editors.
I n television a n d r a d i o news there is the a d d i t i o n a l r e q u i r e m e n t , set d o w n i n
the B B C C h a r t e r a n d the IB A A c t , t o 'balance' every i t e m : the news r e p o r t e r o r
newsreader is, i n theory, a passive relater o f events, neutral i n his o p i n i o n s a n d
i m p a r t i a l i n his coverage. T h a t the n o t i o n o f ' n e u t r a l i t y ' is disingenuous p r o b -
ably needs l i t t l e elaboration here, as there is plenty o f e m p i r i c a l evidence t o
suggest t h a t i m p a r t i a l i t y becomes synonymous w i t h an insidious partiality for
the n o t i o n o f p o l i t i c a l ' m o d e r a t i o n ' , but i t is i m p o r t a n t t o r e c o r d that j o u r n a l -
istic professionalism w i t h i n t h e B B C , I T N a n d I R N is equated w i t h an a d -
herence t o t h e n e u t r a l i t y ethic. A n d as i n j o u r n a l i s m , so i n other e d i t o r i a l
broadcasting matters: n o w h e r e does the concept o f professional n e u t r a l i t y - o f
acting as w h a t S i m o n F r i t h calls an 'honest b r o k e r ' between the r e c o r d i n d u s t r y
a n d t h e r a d i o audience 6
die harder t h a n i n the c o r r i d o r s o f Radio l ' s E g t o n
H o u s e . R a d i o 1 depends so heavily o n t h e sales chart - and invests a consider-
able sum i n its c o m p i l a t i o n - because the chart is itself supposedly a n e u t r a l ,
dispassionate, accurate r e c o r d o f c u r r e n t l y p o p u l a r preferences.
Picking the playlist

BBC r a d i o p r o d u c e r s are c o - o r d i n a t o r s a n d a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , t a k i n g respons-
i b i l i t y f o r b u d g e t i n g , f o r m e d i a t i n g between presenters a n d m a n a g e m e n t , f o r
c o m p i l i n g P e r f o r m i n g R i g h t Society (PRS) a n d P h o n o g r a p h i c Performance L t d
(PPL) l o g g i n g sheets, f o r ensuring t h a t t h e p r o g r a m m e meets t h e r e q u i r e d
technical standards, a n d f o r t h e a u d i t i o n i n g a n d h i r i n g o f bands f o r s t u d i o
sessions. M o s t o f a l l , h o w e v e r , producers have a degree o f e d i t o r i a l c o n t r o l
over o u t p u t t h a t the B B C tends t o p u b l i c l y u n d e r p l a y :
It's BBC policy generally that i f you employ a freelance [a presenter] whose
interest is i n exploiting his o w n talent, he is not and shouldn't need to be con-
cerned w i t h BBC policies. I n the case of someone like M i k e Read who rolls on
day after day, he knows the content is going to be largely Top 40 and he's very
happy t o leave i t t o a producer to choose the running order or to listen to the
hundred or so singles released during a week. The job of sifting and sorting,
deciding what is good entertainment value for our market, is something the pro-
ducers do. Someone has to take the responsibility. 7
T h e key phrases here are ' r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ' a n d ' d e c i d i n g w h a t is g o o d e n t e r t a i n -

m e n t value f o r o u r m a r k e t ' (sic): professionalism a n d t h e sustainment o f t h e
B B C ' s i d e o l o g y o f p u b l i c service ( w h i c h , since t h e w a r , has meant serving u p
w h a t t h e p u b l i c is assumed t o w a n t , n o t w h a t R e i t h a n d his colleagues once
d e e m e d i t t o be i n n e e d o f ) g o h a n d i n h a n d . Yet i n seeking t o define w h a t
constitutes ' g o o d e n t e r t a i n m e n t value' i n p o p u l a r music, B B C producers t e n d
t o absolve themselves o f responsibility b y t a k i n g t h e T o p F o r t y chart as t h e i r
f r a m e o f reference: the t h i n k i n g is t h a t the chart is a r e f l e c t i o n o f w h a t people
are b u y i n g , t h e r e f o r e o f w h a t is most c u r r e n t l y p o p u l a r , therefore i t is t h e
f u n c t i o n o f a r a d i o station w i t h a b r i e f t o be p o p u l a r a n d p r o v i d e a n u p - t o -
date, pop-based service t o take heed o f w h a t t h e chart indicates. Just as a
news r e p o r t e r claims t o d o n o m o r e t h a n r e p o r t facts, so a music r a d i o p r o -
ducer claims t o d o n o m o r e t h a n reflect p u b l i c taste.
M a n y w r i t e r s have p o i n t e d u p t h e c i r c u l a r i t y o f this a r g u m e n t , t h a t a
r e c o r d is o n l y l i k e l y t o reach t h e sales c h a r t after i t is h e a r d o n R a d i o 1 ;
f r e q u e n t l y , t h e s t a t i o n is o n l y p l a y i n g those records t h a t its o w n p r o d u c e r s
have preselected as p o t e n t i a l c h a r t h i t s , so the T o p F o r t y is t o a great e x t e n t
s e l f - f u l f i l l i n g . R a d i o l ' s o w n spokespeople c o n t i n u a l l y c o n t r a d i c t themselves
w h e n e x p l a i n i n g the importance o f a Top-Forty-based music p o l i c y . T h i s is
C h i n n e r y again:
We're a popular service. W h y do people listen? They want to hear their

favourite music and that is represented by the charts, the one yardstick you have
of the popularity of the material.... Those listeners who don't buy records don't
know what they want to listen to until they hear i t ; the fact that enough people
buy a record t o put i t into the chart, that makes i t even more important that
Radio 1 plays i t . By playing it you are increasing its familiarity and hopefully its
popularity, and people w i l l grow to recognise i t . 8
W h a t this amounts t o is a belief i n consumer sovereignty - a d o c t r i n e that o f

course has its o w n pitfalls, as consumers can o n l y make preferences as t o one
p r o d u c t over another o n the basis n o t o n l y o f w h a t is available b u t w h a t is p r o -
m o t e d as being available. T h e choice o f w h a t t o p r o m o t e rests w i t h t h e p r o d u c -
ers a n d the Radio 1 playlist is a weekly expression o f their gatekeeping role.
Playlisting has a curious h i s t o r y at Radio 1 . I t was o r i g i n a l l y i n t r o d u c e d i n
1 9 7 3 , i n a n t i c i p a t i o n o f the l a u n c h o f I L R , w h e n i t became clear that p r o d u c -
ers w e r e b e i n g too selective i n w h a t they played f r o m the Top F o r t y chart, t o
the p o i n t t h a t certain chart discs were being heard t o o i n f r e q u e n t l y d u r i n g t h e
peak d a y t i m e h o u r s . T h e playlist was b r o u g h t i n as a means o f encouraging a
u n i f o r m station i d e n t i t y a n d o f ensuring that 'people w h o s w i t c h e d o n at r a n -
d o m k n e w exactly w h a t sort o f music they were g o i n g t o hear, that is some o f
the t o p t e n hits o f the day at some t i m e w i t h i n t h e c o m i n g h o u r ' . T h e playlist
9
was l i m i t e d t o f i f t y records, three o f w h i c h w o u l d be p l a y e d i n any h a l f - h o u r ,

the r e m a i n i n g discs b e i n g the p r o d u c e r ' s o w n choices o f either n e w releases o r
oldies; t h e list was a r r i v e d at i n ' d e m o c r a t i c ' fashion, w i t h producers r e c o m -
m e n d i n g p a r t i c u l a r n e w releases a n d stating their case i n o p e n discussion at a
w e e k l y playlist m e e t i n g headed b y executive p r o d u c e r D o r e e n Davies. 10
It
gave R a d i o 1 a m o r e cohesive s o u n d w h i l e f o r m a l i z i n g t h e station's depen-
dence o n t h e T o p Forty, a n d w h a t was remarkable about t h e decision t o d r o p
the list i n 1 9 7 9 was t h a t i t h a d actually become unnecessary; producers were
a u t o m a t i c a l l y m a k i n g their choices f r o m the stance o f an unstated yet assimi-
lated c o r p o r a t e policy, t h o u g h a n u m b e r o f guidelines r e m a i n e d , i n c l u d i n g t h e
a m o u n t o f times that t h e N u m b e r 1 r e c o r d c o u l d be played i n a w e e k
( t w e n t y ) . A l t h o u g h p o r t r a y e d i n t h e press as a m o v e that w o u l d give p r o d u c -
ers a n d presenters greater f r e e d o m o f choice, i t made o n l y a m a r g i n a l d i f f e r -
ence - as b o t h C h i n n e r y a n d his successor, J o h n n y Beerling, later a d m i t t e d -
t o w h a t was p l a y e d . I r o n i c a l l y , Beerling's decision t o r e i n t r o d u c e t h e playlist
d u r i n g 1 9 8 6 was actually t o encourage a greater diversity i n Radio 1 music
rather t h a n restrict i t f u r t h e r , t h e feeling being that Radio l ' s s o u n d h a d once
again become t o o n a r r o w f o r a n a t i o n a l , w e l l - p a t r o n i z e d station. Whereas i n
1973 t h e playlist h a d been i n t r o d u c e d t o ensure that t h e biggest selling
records w e r e r e g u l a r l y p l a y e d , the n e w playlist system was m o u n t e d t o p r e -
v e n t t h e overplaying o f t h e biggest selling records. T h e playlist came back
after an i n f o r m a l series o f meetings, designed t o give an o p p o r t u n i t y f o r
evening s h o w presenters a n d producers t o suggest records f o r d a y t i m e play b y
m a r g i n a l l y m o r e l e f t - f i e l d artists a n d groups, failed t o achieve t h e desired
result. 11
A f o r m a l system at least ensured that a r e c o r d r e c o m m e n d e d i n this
w a y w o u l d receive a n u m b e r o f set plays rather t h a n a n y t h i n g f r o m o n e t o
t w e n t y plays w i l l y - n i l l y .
R a d i o l ' s new, revised version o f t h e playlist consisted i n i t i a l l y o f a ' f r o n t
page' o f f i f t y records guaranteed at least a dozen plays per w e e k , c o m p r i s i n g
i n t h e m a i n t h e T o p F o r t y ' c l i m b e r s ' a n d n o n - m o v e r s , a f e w singles ' b u b b l i n g
u n d e r ' t h e chart a n d l i k e l y t o enter i t i n t i m e , a n d selected n e w releases. I n
late 1 9 8 7 , f o l l o w i n g the a p p o i n t m e n t o f Roger L e w i s t o t h e n e w post o f H e a d

o f M u s i c , this was m o d i f i e d t o an 'A' list o f f o r t y p r i o r i t y records ( g r o u p e d i n
fives a n d r o t a t e d i n 3 0 - m i n u t e blocks) a n d a ' B ' list o f t w e n t y records p l a y e d
w i t h less f r e q u e n c y . 12
I n t h e U n i t e d States, w h e r e p l a y l i s t broadcasting was
first i n t r o d u c e d , playlists are t r a d i t i o n a l l y very n a r r o w , even at d e m o g r a p h i -
cally d e f i n e d 'specialist' stations ( c o u n t r y music o r L a t i n music stations in
u r b a n areas, f o r e x a m p l e ) , because o f t h e i n t e n s i t y o f t h e c o m p e t i t i o n : t h e
t h e o r y is t h a t listeners w i l l a u t o m a t i c a l l y s w i t c h stations once they hear a
r e c o r d t h e y d i s l i k e , a n d t h a t n a r r o w i n g d o w n t h e list o f records t o be p l a y e d
t o a p p a r e n t p o p u l a r favourites (i.e. those t h a t are c u r r e n t l y selling w e l l ) l i m i t s
this l i k e l i h o o d . B y c o m p a r i s o n , t h e R a d i o 1 playlist is bigger a n d broader,
p a r t l y because t h e s w i t c h - o v e r factor is n o t so i m p o r t a n t - listener l o y a l t y t o
r a d i o stations is c o n t i n u a l l y h i g h l i g h t e d i n b o t h B B C a n d I B A research - a n d
p a r t l y because people listen f o r longer, o f t e n t u n i n g i n t o c o m p l e t e pro-
grammes at a stretch. B u t t h e broadness is t o some extent illusory, as i t does
n o t necessarily e x t e n d t o any great Catholicism i n music selection; at its w o r s t ,
a p l a y l i s t o f t h e size o p e r a t e d b y R a d i o 1 m a y s i m p l y result i n m u c h m o r e of
the same m i x t u r e . E v e r y t h i n g depends, inevitably, o n t h e i n p u t o f the p r o d u c -
ers w h o c o m p i l e t h e playlist ( a n d i t is c o m p i l e d ' f a i r l y d e m o c r a t i c a l l y ' , i n
Beerling's w o r d s , b y a c o m m i t t e e o f p r o d u c e r s ) , a n d o n e o f the early p r o b -
lems f a c i n g Beerling's m u c h - p u b l i c i z e d u p d a t i n g o f the s t a t i o n i n 1 9 8 5 - 6 was
t h a t t h e process o f i n c u l c a t i n g R a d i o 1 values i n t o t h e practices a n d t h i n k i n g
o f its p r o d u c e r s h a d been almost t o o successful: after years o f relative safety in
music choices, p r o d u c e r s w e r e d i s i n c l i n e d t o change. Beerling t a c k l e d t h e
p r o b l e m at its r o o t , dispensing w i t h some o f t h e m o r e established producers
a n d t a k i n g o n a n u m b e r o f n e w c o m e r s , all o n a freelance basis rather t h a n as
p e r m a n e n t members o f staff:
N o w they're not all staff producers who play i t safe, we have a number of con-
tract producers w h o are on a similar contract to the deejays, i f slightly longer
term. So they do tend to be a bit more adventurous and a bit more freewheeling
w i t h their programmes. 13
T o date, these n e w p r o d u c e r s have c o m e f r o m b o t h I L R a n d , w i t h s p l e n d i d

i r o n y , R a d i o 2 : at t h e t i m e o f Beerling's a p p o i n t m e n t , t h e average age o f
R a d i o l ' s p r o d u c e r s was actually o l d e r t h a n t h a t o f R a d i o 2's p r o d u c t i o n
t e a m , w h i l e t h e latter's reshaping i n t o a t r a d i t i o n a l m i d d l e - o f - t h e - r o a d net-
w o r k d u r i n g 1 9 8 6 l e f t several o f its p r o d u c e r s seeking m o r e c h a l l e n g i n g w o r k
elsewhere. I n 1 9 8 7 B e e r l i n g t o o k the still m o r e radical step (by R a d i o l ' s stan-
dards) o f reshaping t h e management structure o f the n e t w o r k a n d m o v i n g
producers f r o m c o n t r o l o f individual programmes t o responsibility f o r c o m -
plete p r o g r a m m e sequences, w h i c h w e r e designated as weekday m o r n i n g s ,
w e e k d a y a f t e r n o o n s , evenings a n d weekends.
T u r n i n g t o a n analysis o f the playlist itself, t h e first a n d most o b v i o u s p o i n t
is t h a t R a d i o l ' s use o f t h e T o p Forty, whatever t h e belief i n consumer
sovereignty, is selective: records are n o t given an equal n u m b e r o f plays, chart

p o s i t i o n s d o n o t a u t o m a t i c a l l y m e r i t a certain r a t i o o f airplay. N o t every T o p
F o r t y r e c o r d w i l l even f i g u r e i n the playlist, a n d the list o f b a n n e d records
includes those deemed salacious ( M a x Romeo's 'Wet D r e a m ' , Frankie Goes t o
H o l l y w o o d ' s ' R e l a x ' ) , p o l i t i c a l l y contentious (Paul M c C a r t n e y ' s ' G i v e I r e l a n d
Back t o the I r i s h ' ) o r offensive (the Sex Pistols' ' G o d Save the Q u e e n ' ) . These
are r e l a t i v e l y clear-cut cases, a n d there have been occasions w h e n R a d i o 1 has
been caught u p i n a p r e v a i l i n g m o r a l panic about certain issues, n o t a b l y i n
J u l y 1 9 8 6 , w h e n the Jesus a n d M a r y C h a i n (a g r o u p treated very g i n g e r l y b y
r a d i o p r o d u c e r s anyway, by v i r t u e o f t h e i r name) issued 'Some C a n d y T a l k i n g '
at a t i m e w h e n t a b l o i d headlines w e r e focusing o n the h e r o i n a d d i c t i o n a n d
arrest o n possession charges o f Boy George o f C u l t u r e C l u b . M i k e S m i t h , at
t h a t t i m e presenting the n e w release p r o g r a m m e Singled Out, t o o k the r e c o r d
o f f i n m i d - p l a y a n d a n n o u n c e d he w o u l d n o t play i t o n his breakfast t i m e
s h o w because o f supposed references i n the song t o cocaine (the ' c a n d y ' o f the
t i t l e ) . As i t h a p p e n e d , Smith's c o m m e n t s split o p i n i o n w i t h i n R a d i o l ' s p r o -
ducers a n d presenters, a n d J o h n n y Beerling t o o k the unusual step o f consult-
i n g J o h n Peel, one o f the g r o u p ' s early c h a m p i o n s , before f i n a l l y d e c i d i n g n o t
t o b a n the r e c o r d . T h e significance o f the episode, h o w e v e r , lay i n R a d i o l ' s
nervousness at t h e prospect o f p u b l i c censure i f i t was n o t at least seen t o have
considered the issue seriously; i t f o l l o w e d h a r d o n the heels o f a R a d i o 1
'social a c t i o n ' c a m p a i g n against d r u g a d d i c t i o n . (One s h o u l d n o t e , t o o , t h a t
suggesting the occasional r e c o r d f o r b a n n i n g is s o m e t h i n g o f a c o n v e n t i o n f o r
breakfast t i m e disc jockeys o n R a d i o 1 : Smith's predecessor, M i k e Read, was
b e h i n d the b a n o n ' R e l a x ' . )14
Such episodes are, nevertheless, o f o n l y p e r i p h e r a l i m p o r t a n c e t o R a d i o l ' s

o v e r a l l a i r p l a y p o l i c y a n d p a r t i c u l a r l y its t r e a t m e n t o f ' d i s r u p t i v e ' musical
styles o r fashions. R a d i o l ' s management is acutely aware that b a n n i n g a disc
can cause m o r e p r o b l e m s t h a n i t solves, i n that a record's very n o t o r i e t y can
encourage sales; a n d o f course there have been examples o f records o n h i g h l y
d u b i o u s themes ( L o u Reed's ' W a l k o n the W i l d Side', f o r e x a m p l e , w h i c h c o n -
t a i n e d references t o transvestitism a n d ' g i v i n g head') being deemed acceptable
s i m p l y because the playlist c o m m i t t e e made n o sense o f the lyrics. B o t h i n
c h o o s i n g records f r o m the T o p F o r t y a n d i n selecting f r o m each w e e k l y batch
o f n e w single releases, producers exercise j u d g e m e n t based o n t h e i r o w n per-
ceptions o f w h a t the audience w i l l f i n d acceptable. T h e r e are p o i n t s t o be
made a b o u t this selection process, b o t h o f w h i c h reflect d i r e c t l y o n the profes-
sional b a c k g r o u n d s a n d attitudes o f producers: t h e i r choices reflect a c o n t i n u -
i n g , nostalgic p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h the 1960s, a n d they w o r k (whatever f o r m a l
attempts B e e r l i n g m a y make t o change i t ) t o a n a r r o w d e f i n i t i o n o f w h a t c o n -
stitutes g o o d d a y t i m e R a d i o 1 music, n a r r o w b o t h musically a n d i n terms o f
its sources - the T o p Forty, the 3 - m i n u t e single, n e w releases by established
chart 'names'. T h e r e is n o t h i n g l a i d d o w n , n o w r i t t e n guidelines by w h i c h a
p r o d u c e r w i l l assess a disc's s u i t a b i l i t y f o r d a y t i m e play, a n d o n l y the m o s t
intensive, sustained m o n i t o r i n g o f t h e records p l a y e d a n d t h e frequency o f

p l a y i n g (a m o n i t o r i n g w h i c h w o u l d r e q u i r e pre-categorization o f records i n t o
m u s i c a l styles o r types - a dangerous k i n d o f p i g e o n - h o l i n g ) w o u l d p r o v i d e
concrete e m p i r i c a l evidence o f these tendencies. Rather, general observations
can be m a d e , a n d R a d i o l ' s a p p r o a c h t o t h e p u n k a n d n e w - w a v e music o f the
1 9 7 7 - 8 p e r i o d - a n i m p o r t a n t o n e i n p o p music history, i f n o t q u i t e t h e t u r n -
i n g - p o i n t t h a t some critics have c l a i m e d f o r i t - proves a n excellent case i n
point.
The case of punk

P u n k music was by n a t u r e deliberately d i s r u p t i v e , i n t h e sense t h a t i t sounded
noisy, c a l a m i t o u s a n d v i o l e n t (the t y p i c a l early sounds o f p u n k w e r e t h e buzz-
saw d r o n e o f guitars, t h e relentless r e w o r k i n g o f three c h o r d s ) , a n d i n its
ideology, w h i c h v a l u e d a m a t e u r i s m over professionalism, e m o t i o n a n d energy
o v e r technical p e r f e c t i o n , anarchy over o r d e r , a n d m a i n t a i n i n g closeness t o
'the street' i n t h e face o f t h e distancing, c o r r u p t i n g effects o f p o p s t a r d o m . I t
was n o t ' e n t e r t a i n i n g ' i n t h e c o n v e n t i o n a l R a d i o 1 sense: J o h n n y Beerling,
speaking i n 1 9 8 6 , e x p l a i n e d its relative exclusion f r o m t h e airwaves i n exactly
these t e r m s : ' I t w a s n ' t v e r y e n t e r t a i n i n g o n t h e r a d i o , i t was l i k e a l o t o f disco
m u s i c , just n o t v e r y e n t e r t a i n i n g because i t was so r e p e t i t i v e ' . P u n k b r o k e t h e
15
u n w r i t t e n R a d i o 1 (and I L R ) rules o f g o o d r e c o r d - m a k i n g , i n t h a t t h e music

itself was t o o raucous f o r d a y t i m e l i s t e n i n g , t o o d u b i o u s i n t h e c o n t e n t o f its
l y r i c s , a n d also t o o ' u n p r o f e s s i o n a l ' i n its p r o d u c t i o n t o stand alongside t h e
s t a n d a r d p o p fare o f t h e t i m e - A b b a , Electric L i g h t Orchestra, D r H o o k ,
Q u e e n . I n d e e d , t h e reason m o s t r e g u l a r l y p r o f f e r e d f o r t h e exclusion o f p u n k
records f r o m d a y t i m e R a d i o 1 was t h e i r p o o r 'technical q u a l i t y ' . (Even J o h n
Peel's espousal o f p u n k o n his late evening shows was c r i t i c i z e d i n t e r n a l l y
because he was h e l d b y some t o be w a s t i n g t h e station's l i m i t e d V H F f a c i l i t y
o n technically appalling record productions.)
P u n k posed a p a r t i c u l a r p r o b l e m t o R a d i o 1 because i t was subversive, a n d
n o t just i n t h e sense o f c a r r y i n g anarchic lyrics. I t subverted R a d i o l ' s o w n
criteria f o r playlist inclusion. W h i l e i t fitted uncomfortably into the daytime
shows o n musical g r o u n d s , i t nevertheless d e m a n d e d representation there i f
the d o c t r i n e o f consumer sovereignty was t o be respected: p u n k was, after a l l ,
essentially a 3 - m i n u t e singles f o r m a n d was w e l l represented i n t h e T o p F o r t y
c h a r t . I t was a p r o b l e m a t i c music, b u t i n a m u c h d i f f e r e n t sense t o t h a t o t h e r
p r o b l e m f o r m , progressive r o c k , i n t h e late 1960s, w h e n there w e r e ready-
m a d e technical reasons f o r t h a t music's separation f r o m d a y t i m e o u t p u t - t h e
l e n g t h o f t y p i c a l progressive tracks, its a v a i l a b i l i t y o n stereophonic albums
(and t h e r e f o r e best appreciated o n V H F , w h i c h was available t o R a d i o 1 o n l y
i n t h e evenings a n d at weekends). A d d i t i o n a l l y , there w e r e disc jockeys a v a i l -
able Q o h n Peel, B o b H a r r i s , A l a n Black, Pete D r u m m o n d ) ready a n d w i l l i n g t o
oversee t h e music's t r e a t m e n t . Progressive r o c k was manageable, i n addition
t o w h i c h i t h a d an intensely conservative streak, r e f l e c t i n g n o t p o l i t i c a l c o n -

cerns b u t religious d i l e t t a n t i s m , T o l k i e n - l i k e mystical quests, astrology, t h e
l u r e o f t h e East, a l l t h e trappings o f a middle-class p u r s u i t o f personal f u l f i l -
m e n t . Progressive r o c k h a d artistic pretensions, w h i l e one o f the c r i t i c a l poses
a d o p t e d b y p u n k supporters ( i n c l u d i n g Peel) was that p u n k musicians, by
r e t u r n i n g t o a deliberately p r i m i t i v i s t a p p r o a c h , were actively r e b e l l i n g against
the progressive, elitist values that R a d i o 1 i m p l i c i t l y endorsed.
H o w , t h e n , d i d R a d i o 1 come t o terms w i t h punk? C e r t a i n records c o u l d be
b a n n e d o u t r i g h t , o n t h e g r o u n d s o f offensiveness; t h e Sex Pistols' ' G o d Save
the Q u e e n ' was t h e obvious example, p a r t i c u l a r l y because its release was
deliberately t i m e d t o coincide w i t h B r i t i s h r o y a l t y ' s Silver Jubilee celebrations.
M o s t c o m m o n l y , records w i t h less contentious lyrics w e r e p l a y e d b u t dis-
tanced b y t h e presenter, w h o w o u l d preface p l a y i n g a p u n k disc w i t h jokes
a b o u t safety pins o r g o b b i n g o r - i n s o m e t h i n g o f a ' r e b e l ' R a d i o 1 t r a d i t i o n
started b y T o n y B l a c k b u r n w i t h his c o m m e n t s about Black Sabbath a n d heavy
m e t a l a n d c o n t i n u e d b y Johnnie Walker's remarks about t h e Bay C i t y Rollers
a n d D a v i d Cassidy - w o u l d priggishly announce that they h a d t o play t h e
records because they were p o p u l a r b u t that d i d n ' t mean they necessarily h a d
t o like i t . I n One Chord Wonders, Dave L a i n g contrasts p u n k w i t h disco
music, w h i c h was o f strictly m o r e c o m m e r c i a l i m p o r t a n c e d u r i n g t h e 1 9 7 7 - 8
p e r i o d , a n d as a general observation i t is certainly true that disco was m o r e
f a v o u r e d , b u t t h e process o f e x c l u d i n g p u n k by various means was n o t static. 16
By m i d - 1 9 7 7 i t was clear t h a t p u n k was n o t a passing craze b u t the catalyst f o r

i m p o r t a n t s t r u c t u r a l changes w i t h i n the r e c o r d i n d u s t r y itself, p r e c i p i t a t i n g
the g r o w t h o f i n d e p e n d e n t companies a n d r e c o r d i n g studios a n d encouraging
the p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f bands o n a c o u n t r y - w i d e basis. W i t h this a c k n o w l e d g e -
m e n t came a steady incorporation - hesitant, selective - o f p u n k i n t o t h e
R a d i o 1 playlist. T h e process by w h i c h ' p u n k ' as a style a n d a m o v e m e n t m e l -
l o w e d i n t o ' n e w w a v e ' , a m o r e malleable a n d less subversive f o r m w i t h w h i c h
the r e c o r d i n d u s t r y c o u l d operate, has been t o l d o n several occasions a n d is i n
some respects s i m p l y a p a r a d i g m o f a regular process i n r o c k music, b y w h i c h
increasingly p r e d o m i n a n t , t h r e a t e n i n g styles (like r o c k ' n ' r o l l itself i n t h e
U n i t e d States i n t h e m i d - 1 9 5 0 s ) become t a m e d by r e c o r d c o m p a n y e x p l o i t -
a t i o n . T h e m e d i a play t h e i r o w n crucial role i n this, b o t h by r e s p o n d i n g t o
r e c o r d companies' o w n tendencies i n this d i r e c t i o n ( f o r example, Top of the
Pops w o u l d n o t agree t o have the Sex Pistols i n the s t u d i o f o r fear o f a r e p -
e t i t i o n o f t h e events o f t h e i r n o t o r i o u s appearance w i t h B i l l G r u n d y o n t h e
I T V p r o g r a m m e Today, b u t V i r g i n ' s p r o v i s i o n o f a v i d e o f i l m enabled t h e p r o -
g r a m m e t o feature 'Pretty Vacant'), and by a m o r e general i n c o r p o r a t i o n , such
as b y n a t i o n a l newspapers r u n n i n g stories o n ' m y s o n , the p u n k ' , r e n d e r i n g
t h r e a t e n i n g 'extremes' harmless b y stressing the ordinariness o f p u n k s o r t h e i r
love o f animals. D i c k Hebdige's Subculture: The Meaning of Style shows h o w
this h a p p e n e d i n t h e case o f p u n k , t h o u g h o n e o f the omissions o f t h a t b o o k is
any account o f t h e r o l e t h a t r a d i o played i n t h e i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f p u n k i n t o
the m a i n s t r e a m , arguably a considerably greater r o l e t h a n that p l a y e d either

by the n a t i o n a l press o r b y t e l e v i s i o n . 17
H e b d i g e ' s a r g u m e n t echoes that o f R a y m o n d W i l l i a m s i n his essay T h e

G r o w t h a n d Role o f t h e Mass M e d i a ' , w h i c h p o i n t e d o u t h o w media select
a n d t r a n s f o r m p a r t i c u l a r facets o f working-class c u l t u r e a n d o f f e r t h e m back
t o w o r k i n g - c l a s s audiences i n n e u t r a l i z e d f o r m . 18
H e b d i g e shows h o w , i n t h e
case o f p u n k , t h e process t o o k a c o m m o d i t y f o r m (subcultural signs c o n v e r t e d
i n t o mass-produced objects) a n d an i d e o l o g i c a l f o r m , b y w h i c h deviant behav-
i o u r is labelled a n d r e d e f i n e d , t r a n s f o r m i n g difference i n t o sameness a n d t h e
dangerous i n t o a c o m i c spectacle. T o this o n e can a d d a t h i r d f o r m , that o f
r e l e g a t i o n t o a quasi-artistic, quasi-elitist periphery, t y p i f i e d as J o h n Peel t e r r i -
t o r y , b y w h i c h p u n k is d e f i n e d as a ' m e a n i n g f u l ' c u l t , w i t h its o w n claims t o
cultish 'relevance' b u t i r r e l e v a n t t o t h e mass audience. O n e can see these three
f o r m s i n a c t i o n at key p o i n t s i n p o p music h i s t o r y : the presentation o f teenage
music as a c o m i c spectacle ( t y p i f i e d by t h e Ob Boy! p r o g r a m m e o n I T V ) i n
the late 1950s, t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f difference i n t o sameness ( f o r e x a m p l e ,
the emergence o f Elvis Presley clones, especially C l i f f R i c h a r d , w h o were
revealed i n t h e press as h o m e - l o v i n g boys w h o sent their M u m s f l o w e r s every
Mother's D a y ) , then t h e i n v e n t i o n o f a c u l t u r a l category (progressive
r o c k ) t o w a r d s t h e e n d o f t h e 1960s. T h e spread o f all-day music r a d i o since
t h a t t i m e s i m p l y accelerated these processes: p u n k ' s t r u e heyday was very
s h o r t - l i v e d , n o t so m u c h because o f i n d u s t r y e x p l o i t a t i o n (and t h e willingness
o f certain p u n k g r o u p s t o s u b m i t t o i t ) b u t because o f the intensity o f (usually
d i s t o r t a t i v e ) m e d i a coverage. Punk became ' n e w w a v e ' as J o h n n y R o t t e n o f
the Sex Pistols' c o m i c sense became n o t i c e d by t h e press a n d p u n k fashions
spread t o t h e d e p a r t m e n t stores, a n d t h e very fact o f its assimilation b y o t h e r
m e d i a - p a r t i c u l a r l y television - made a similar assimilation o f i t b y R a d i o 1
n o t o n l y inevitable b u t necessary i f t h e n e t w o r k was t o m a i n t a i n a degree o f
c r e d i b i l i t y w i t h a y o u n g listenership.
C r e d i b i l i t y is an i m p o r t a n t concept here, as perhaps t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t

legacy o f p u n k was attitudinal: i t u n d e r m i n e d p o p music's love affair w i t h
t e c h n o l o g y f o r its o w n sake b y presenting a n e w set o f values, re-establishing
r o c k ' n ' r o l l v i r t u e s a n d r e t u r n i n g p o p t o its (albeit r o m a n t i c i z e d ) r o o t s as a
subversive, rebel music w i t h teen appeal a n d racial/class c o n n o t a t i o n s . I t read-
justed t h e c r i t i c a l perspective o n p o p t o a p r o f o u n d degree: t h e p o s t - p u n k
consensus a u t o m a t i c a l l y f a v o u r e d t h e i n d e p e n d e n t over t h e m a i n s t r e a m , t h e
small label over t h e m a j o r company, t h e 'new, y o u n g ' b a n d over t h e ageing
dinosaur, t h e p r i m i t i v e over t h e c u l t u r e d , d o - i t - y o u r s e l f over passive accep-
tance. S i m i l a r l y , acceptance o r rejection o f t h e p u n k ethos ( i f n o t o f p u n k
music itself) became a yardstick b y w h i c h t h e c r e d i b i l i t y o f R a d i o l ' s disc
jockeys a n d p r o d u c e r s was j u d g e d , i f o n l y b y t h e music press. 1 9 7 7 i n p a r t i c u -
lar was a v i t a l year f o r t h e n e t w o r k , w h e n its disc jockeys began either p i n n i n g
t h e i r c r e d i b i l i t y t o t h e mast b y p i c k i n g t h e latest i n d e p e n d e n t releases as
Records o f the Week o r setting themselves against p u n k altogether. I t was t h e
year i n w h i c h several o f t h e older presenters t o o k t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o m o v e

f r o m R a d i o 1 ( i n c l u d i n g N o e l E d m o n d s , T o n y B l a c k b u r n , a n d Rosko) a n d
some o f the others, n o t a b l y S i m o n Bates a n d A n d y Peebles, declared t h e i r n e w
f a i t h . T h i s d i d n o t mean any o v e r n i g h t change i n R a d i o l ' s musical i d e n t i t y
and c e r t a i n l y n o sudden a c c o m m o d a t i o n o f Peel-proselytized records, b u t i n a
small y e t significant way, p u n k h a d the i n d i r e c t effect o f refocusing R a d i o l ' s
a t t e n t i o n o n t h e music. T h e p o s t - p u n k p e r i o d saw a subtle change i n t h e disc
jockey stereotype, f r o m t h e egotistical supermarket opener o f t r a d i t i o n t o f i g -
ures, perhaps equally self-obsessed, w h o made a v i r t u e o f their interests i n t h e
music as music. Post-1977 Radio 1 personnel p r i d e d themselves o n their
awareness; they w o r e their hipness o n their sleeves. W h a t u n d e r m i n e d t h e i r
sense o f awareness - t h e eagerness w i t h w h i c h they sought t o persuade t h e i r
listeners t h a t they w e r e themselves part o f the scene - was that t h e i r use o f the
music, t h e i r c h a m p i o n i n g o f p o s t - p u n k p o p , was u l t i m a t e l y as u n t h i n k i n g a n d
as u n c r i t i c a l i n its o w n w a y as Tony Blackburn's a u t o m a t i c c h a m p i o n i n g o f
Tamla M o t o w n o u t p u t h a d been i n t h e early 1970s. Perhaps m o r e i m p o r t a n t -
ly, t h e enthusiasm o f presenters such as S i m o n Bates a n d Peter P o w e l l f o r
i n d e p e n d e n t label releases was n o t necessarily m a t c h e d b y their p r o d u c e r s ,
w h o s e sense o f conservatism was i n f o r m e d b o t h b y a m o r e t r a d i t i o n a l v i e w o f
p o p a n d b y t h e r e q u i r e m e n t o f t h e n e t w o r k , as d e f i n e d by the management
t e a m , t o deliberately centre o n mainstream tastes at times o f peak l i s t e n i n g .
R a d i o 1 l i v e d far m o r e c o m f o r t a b l y w i t h t h e a f t e r m a t h o f p u n k - the t r a n s i -
t i o n f r o m p u n k t o ' n e w w a v e ' m e n t i o n e d earlier - t h a n w i t h p u n k itself. T h e r e
was a certain i r o n y i n this, as one o f the characteristics o f p o s t - p u n k p o p was a
far greater, far m o r e vocal a n d visible p o l i t i c i z a t i o n o f the music t h a n p u n k h a d
witnessed. T h i s extended t o chart music; the p o l e m i c a l records o f m i x e d black
and w h i t e groups l i k e t h e Specials A K A ( T o o M u c h T o o Y o u n g ' , 'Ghost
T o w n ' ) , Selecter ( T o o m u c h Pressure'), the Beat ('Stand D o w n M a r g a r e t ' ) a n d
U B 4 0 ( ' O n e i n Ten') were a i m e d quite deliberately at the musical mainstream
represented b y Radio 1 a n d t h e T o p Forty, t o spread the a n t i - u n e m p l o y m e n t ,
anti-racist, anti-Thatcher message t o as w i d e an audience as possible. A s J i m
B r o w n , d r u m m e r w i t h U B 4 0 , p u t i t , 'a dance b a n d is a package w i t h w h i c h t o
sell y o u r p o l i t i c s ' : 19
i f p u n k was openly c o n f r o n t a t i o n a l , p o s t - p u n k music ( o f
the 1978 t o 1 9 8 1 p e r i o d at least) was m o r e insidiously challenging, o f f e r i n g
subtle, usually non-specific b u t o f t e n barbed p o l i t i c a l c o m m e n t c l o t h e d i n
i n n o c u o u s pop-ska colours. T h a t Radio l ' s playlist compilers rarely saw f i t t o
actively exclude such records s h o w e d the success o f t h e strategy, t h o u g h this
was arguably o n e o f the f e w times i n British p o p h i s t o r y w h e n non-broadcast-
i n g factors h a d t h e most direct bearing o n sales a n d o p i n i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e
music press ( w h i c h universally endorsed t h e 2 Tone stance) a n d t h e crucial
i m p a c t that t h e groups h a d o n audiences o n several intensive tours o f B r i t i s h
pop venues. Post-punk music d i d n o t appear t o d i s r u p t standard R a d i o 1
n o t i o n s o f p o p as listenable dance music, i t even carried musical c o n n o t a t i o n s
o f those 1960s p o p styles ( M o t o w n , soul, ska, beat music) so beloved o f t h e
pirates; b u t i t f o l l o w e d w h a t Elvis Costello once defined as 'the golden rule o f

subversive p o p ... d o n ' t say i t ' s subversive'. T h e other distinctive feature o f
p o s t - p u n k music was its source o n independent labels: R a d i o 1 f o u n d itself
d e a l i n g w i t h a succession o f m o s t l y completely n e w companies, some (like 2
T o n e , w h o s e roster i n c l u d e d t h e Specials a n d Selecter) r u n b y musicians t h e m -
selves, w h o actively sought airplay (as earlier album-based independents like
V i r g i n a n d Charisma h a d generally n o t done) o n d a y t i m e r a d i o . T h a t a large
a m o u n t o f the o u t p u t o f i n d e p e n d e n t labels very q u i c k l y became characterized
by r a d i o ( I L R as w e l l as R a d i o 1) as ' i n d i e music' was arguably o n e o f the f a i l -
ures o f the p o s t - p u n k years, typical o f a standard process b y w h i c h any music
w h i c h does n o t f i t t h e criteria f o r n o n - d i s r u p t i v e daytime fare becomes c o n -
f i n e d t o t h e elitist margins o f the airwaves. A t least i n p a r t because o f Radio 1
p o l i c y o n seeing d a y t i m e a n d evening audiences as diametrically d i f f e r e n t ,
' i n d i e music' became invested w i t h p o s t - 1 9 6 7 progressive values, a negation o f
w h a t p u n k i n i t i a l l y represented.
Postscript (written as an update for this book, December 1996)

N o r a d i o s t a t i o n exists i n i s o l a t i o n , a n d t h e challenge f o r R a d i o 1 i n t h e
1 9 9 0 s has been t o c o u n t e r t h e t h r e a t t o its status a r i s i n g f r o m d e r e g u l a t i o n
o f t h e a i r w a v e s . O v e r s e e n b y a n e w R a d i o A u t h o r i t y w i t h far less p o w e r a n d
influence than the o l d I B A , deregulation has m a d e possible n o t o n l y a
proliferation o f n e w radio operators at n a t i o n a l , local a n d regional
levels b u t also t h e s a n c t i o n i n g o f p r o g r a m m e s p o n s o r s h i p ; the splitting o f
f r e q u e n c i e s t o a l l o w e x i s t i n g o p e r a t o r s t o r u n separate services o n A M a n d
F M ; a n d t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f I L R t h r o u g h merger a n d t a k e o v e r f r o m a
c o l l e c t i o n o f l o c a l l y c o n t r o l l e d stations t o a s t r i n g o f r e g i o n a l n e t w o r k s i n
all but name.
I n t h e years since t h e above extract was w r i t t e n , R a d i o 1 has changed sig-
n i f i c a n t l y i n i m a g e , style, s o u n d a n d ethos. T h e m a i n catalyst f o r that change
has been the advent o f a n a t i o n a l r i v a l i n V i r g i n , t h o u g h the a r r i v a l o f services
w i t h n o d i r e c t c o m p e t i t i v e c o n t e n t - Talk R a d i o o r Classic F M , f o r e x a m p l e -
also gave listeners n e w choices a n d h e l p e d encourage a n e w v o l a t i l i t y i n r a d i o
l i s t e n i n g . E x t e r n a l pressures, t o o , p r o m p t e d crucial changes i n B B C a d m i n i s -
t r a t i o n , i n c l u d i n g the opening up o f programme-making t o independent p r o -
ducers a n d a comprehensive r e s t r u c t u r i n g t h a t c u l m i n a t e d i n the a p p o i n t m e n t
o f R a d i o 1 c o n t r o l l e r M a t t h e w Bannister as overall head o f B B C r a d i o a n d
T r e v o r D a n n as head o f t h e p o p music o u t p u t o f B B C r a d i o and television.
The changes at R a d i o 1 s h o u l d therefore be seen as p a r t o f a c o r p o r a t e
response t o a n e w a n d e v o l v i n g broadcasting e n v i r o n m e n t i n w h i c h n o t h i n g -
least o f a l l f u n d i n g via the licence fee - is guaranteed.
Some k i n d o f shake-up at R a d i o 1 was t o be expected after Johnny
Beerling's r e t i r e m e n t , b u t its scope a n d scale w e r e s u r p r i s i n g l y far-reaching.
A s s u m i n g t h a t V i r g i n ' s ' a d u l t c o n t e m p o r a r y ' music p r o g r a m m i n g w o u l d r o b
the station o f a large n u m b e r o f o l d e r (25 years plus) listeners, R a d i o l ' s n e w

management team t o o k t h e strategic decision t o r e - p o s i t i o n t h e station
t o w a r d s a target audience m u c h younger i n age a n d n u m e r i c a l l y smaller t h a n
its established m u l t i - a g e listenership. Beerling h a d l o n g w r e s t l e d w i t h t h e
c o n u n d r u m t h a t , because R a d i o l ' s core listeners were p o p fans w h o stayed
w i t h t h e s t a t i o n as they g r e w older, its music p o l i c y was t o o a l l - e m b r a c i n g t o
be cohesive. Bannister's s o l u t i o n was t o alter R a d i o l ' s r e m i t as a p o p music
station w i t h cross-generation appeal: t h e station w o u l d be r e i n v e n t e d as a ser-
vice a i m e d squarely at u n d e r 25s, w i t h the inevitable d r o p i n listeners seen as
a necessary, acceptable a n d even w e l c o m e price t o pay i n r e t u r n f o r a sharper
image a n d enhanced l o y a l t y f r o m the listeners w h o r e m a i n e d . R a d i o 1 effec-
t i v e l y conceded g r o u n d t o V i r g i n even before t h e t w o stations h a d h a d a
chance t o p r o p e r l y compete f o r listeners.
T h e strategy d i c t a t e d a radical o v e r h a u l o f the music p l a y e d b y R a d i o 1 ,
a n d o f t h e presenters w h o represented its p u b l i c face a n d voice. G a t e k e e p i n g
processes w e r e r e v i e w e d , w i t h playlisting based o n a m o r e selective use o f t h e
T o p 4 0 a n d t h e i n d i v i d u a l preferences o f producers a n d presenters - o r rather,
t h e i r ' p r o f e s s i o n a l ' skill i n selecting m a t e r i a l ( f r o m albums as w e l l as singles)
l i k e l y t o keep a y o u n g a n d aware audience listening. R a d i o l ' s n e w music
p o l i c y f o u n d v i r t u a l l y n o r o o m f o r a n y t h i n g p r o d u c e d before t h e m i d - 1 9 8 0 s ;
actively e x c l u d e d w e r e records b y such artists as Status Q u o ( w h o t o o k
the m a t t e r t o l i t i g a t i o n ) , Paul M c C a r t n e y , a n d Robson a n d Jerome, a n d even,
d u r i n g the C h r i s t m a s season, p o p records o f t r a d i t i o n a l seasonal appeal.
T h e o t h e r k e y w e a p o n i n R a d i o l ' s makeover was t h e fast a n d loose, i n -
your-face presentation o f C h r i s Evans, r e c r u i t e d f r o m C h a n n e l 4's ' T h e B i g
Breakfast'. Established presenters were eased o u t - Dave Lee Travis resigned
o n air, w h i l e Steve W r i g h t departed a n d eventually re-appeared o n R a d i o 2 .
J o h n Peel (a l o n e s u r v i v o r f r o m R a d i o l ' s launch i n 1 9 6 7 ) was s h i f t e d f r o m
w e e k d a y evenings t o weekends, a n d a clever advertising campaign p o r t r a y e d
the y o u n g i n h e r i t o r s o f Peel's m a n t l e - M a r k R a d c l i f f e , Steve L a m a c q , Jo
W i l e y - as t h e l i f e b l o o d a n d conscience o f t h e s t a t i o n . C o o l , h i p a n d street-
wise, R a d i o 1 a t t e m p t e d t o re-locate itself at the c u t t i n g edge o f c o n t e m p o r a r y
music, f o r example b y w h o l e h e a r t e d l y espousing ' B r i t p o p ' o f Oasis, B l u r , Pulp
a n d others i n 1 9 9 5 - 9 6 ( i n c l u d i n g a week d e v o t e d t o B r i t i s h p o p music a n d
exclusive live coverage o f Oasis' r e c o r d - b r e a k i n g K n e b w o r t h concert).
A t t h e t i m e o f w r i t i n g , the process o f p o l i c y o v e r h a u l at Radio 1 is far f r o m
c o m p l e t e - the p r o j e c t e d a p p o i n t m e n t o f a head o f music p o l i c y at t h e station
w i l l r e f i n e its d i r e c t i o n still further. But f o r some t h e n e w R a d i o 1 has an a r r o -
gance every b i t as g a l l i n g as that w h i c h once dictated airplay choices accord-
ing t o chart positions a n d dubious n o t i o n s o f ' a c c e p t a b i l i t y ' t o mass
audiences. I t depends, s t i l l , o n p r o g r a m m e - m a k e r s m a k i n g music choices i n
line w i t h t h e self-image o f presenters a n d the 'professional' assessment of p r o -
ducers as t o w h a t its target listeners w i l l f i n d acceptable, w h i l e J o h n Peel f o r
one has expressed unease at f o u n d i n g a music p o l i c y o n basically ageist lines.
Perhaps t h e real test o f R a d i o l ' s n e w - f o u n d hipness w i l l come w h e n t h e sta-

t i o n is faced, as i t once was b y p u n k , by a n e w style o r m o v e m e n t w h i c h i n
a t t i t u d e as w e l l as s o u n d opposes t h e easy assumptions o f those w h o c o n t r o l
the station's o u t p u t .
O n e f i n a l , general p o i n t s h o u l d be made. R a d i o l ' s m a k e o v e r offers a
p r i m e e x a m p l e o f o n e o f t h e r e c u r r i n g features o f r a d i o b r o a d c a s t i n g i n
B r i t a i n - w h a t I w o u l d d e f i n e as an engineered complementarity between
services. T h i s goes back a l o n g way. W h e n t h e B B C was t h e sole p r o v i d e r o f
r a d i o services, t h e concept o f c o m p l e m e n t a r y p r o g r a m m i n g i n f o r m e d its
w h o l e s t r u c t u r e - f o r e x a m p l e , t h e s p l i t t i n g u p o f B B C services i n 1 9 4 5 i n t o
t h r e e d i s t i n c t n e t w o r k s f o r three d i s t i n c t audiences, t h e L i g h t P r o g r a m m e ,
T h i r d P r o g r a m m e a n d H o m e Service, a n d t h e changes o f 1 9 6 7 t h a t saw a
r e n a m i n g o f these n e t w o r k s as Radios 2 , 3 a n d 4 respectively a n d t h e i n t r o -
d u c t i o n o f R a d i o 1 itself. Even t h e Conservative G o v e r n m e n t o f 1 9 7 0 - 7 4
was c a r e f u l t o i n t r o d u c e c o m m e r c i a l r a d i o o n a l o c a l basis a n d t h e r e f o r e
c o m p l e m e n t a r y t o t h e B B C ' s n a t i o n a l services. C o m p l e m e n t a r i t y dies hardest
w i t h i n l o c a l r a d i o : w h e n I L R stations w e r e o b l i g e d b y t h e o l d I B A t o split
t h e i r A M a n d F M frequencies, m o s t seized i t as an o p p o r t u n i t y t o p r o v i d e
c o m p l e m e n t a r y services - a pop-based service o n F M a n d a ' g o l d ' s t a t i o n
( p l a y i n g '60s a n d '70s hits) a i m e d at o l d e r listeners o n A M . S i m i l a r l y , B B C
l o c a l stations n o l o n g e r c o m p e t e d i r e c t l y w i t h I L R c o u n t e r p a r t s : m o s t have
s w i t c h e d t o a l l - t a l k f o r m a t s i n t h e 1990s, f r e e i n g I L R s t o concentrate o n
m u s i c p r o g r a m m i n g . R a d i o 1 n o w offers p r o g r a m m i n g t h a t c o m p l e m e n t s
not o n l y t h e B B C ' s o t h e r services - n o t a b l y R a d i o 2 , w h o s e considerable
p o l i c y upheavals have been i n f o r m e d by t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t e x - R a d i o 1
listeners w o u l d t u r n t o i t i n droves - b u t also those p r o v i d e d b y c o m m e r c i a l
o p e r a t o r s , especially at a n a t i o n a l l e v e l .
T h e d e r e g u l a t o r y era has not seen a rash o f c o m p e t i t i v e services: i t has
g i v e n us a p l u r a l i t y o f services t h a t d o v e t a i l i n a haphazard way, i n k e e p i n g
w i t h t h e R a d i o A u t h o r i t y ' s p o l i c y o f a w a r d i n g franchises a c c o r d i n g t o b o t h
f i n a n c i a l v i a b i l i t y a n d the distinctiveness o f the p r o j e c t e d p r o g r a m m i n g . W h i l e
this reflects an i d e o l o g i c a l c o m m i t m e n t t o e x p a n d i n g consumer choice, i t also
reflects e c o n o m i c realities: radio's slice o f the a d v e r t i s i n g cake is t o o small a n d
the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f frequencies t o o l i m i t e d t o s u p p o r t a r a d i o i n d u s t r y based o n
c o m p e t i t i o n f o r t h e same mass m a r k e t . I t is still t o o early t o p r e d i c t t h e sur-
v i v a l o f those stations whose c o m m u n i t i e s o f taste o r interest d o n o t c o m -
m a n d great a d v e r t i s i n g i n c o m e : t h e m a n y p r o g r a m m i n g swings experienced
by Jazz F M , f o r e x a m p l e , f r o m d i e h a r d , specialist-appeal jazz t h r o u g h t o jazz-
influenced sounds (jazz-funk, acid-jazz, R & B ) designed t o attract a broader
l i s t e n e r s h i p , u n d e r l i n e h o w d i f f i c u l t i t is t o m a i n t a i n a station's o r i g i n a l r e m i t
i n t h e face o f f a l l i n g p r o f i t s . T h e real w i n n e r s o f the d e r e g u l a t o r y era have n o t
been t h e n e w operators at a l l b u t t h e e x i s t i n g I L R o w n e r s , w h o have been
a l l o w e d t o e x p a n d , m e r g e , take over t h e i r neighbours i n m a n y cases a n d r e -
m o u l d t h e i r p r o g r a m m i n g almost at w i l l .
Notes
1. Quoted i n an interview by the author published as Trent: Bridging the Gap',
Gongster, University of Nottingham Students Union (8 March 1977).
2. D . M . White, T h e "Gatekeeper": A Case Study i n the Selection o f News',
Journalism Quarterly, 27 (1950), pp. 283-90.
3. For a brief critical discussion of the gatekeeper concept, see Margaret Gallagher,
'Negotiations of Control i n Media Organizations and Occupations', i n Culture,
Society and the Media (London, Methuen, 1982). For an application of the con-
cept to American radio, see T h e Gatekeepers of Radio', in R. Serge Denisoff, Solid
Gold: The Popular Record Industry (New Brunswick, Transaction, 1975).
4. Johnny Beerling, from an unpublished interview w i t h the author, 17 November
1986.
5. John Downing, The Media Machine (London, Pluto Press, 1980), p. 175.
6. Simon Frith, The Sociology of Rock (London, Constable, 1978), p. 9 1 .
7. Derek Chinnery, f r o m an unpublished interview w i t h the author, 24 January 1985.
8. Chinnery interview.
9. Chinnery interview.
10. For a fuller account of the playlisting procedure as i t existed at Radio 1 at this
time, see Simon Frith, 'Playing Records', in Simon Frith and Charlie Gillett, eds.,
Rock File 3 (St Albans, Granada, 1975), pp. 38^43.
11. For the background t o the relaunch of the playlist, see Colin Shearman, 'Why
Radio 1 Has Changed Its Tunes', Guardian, 5 May 1986.
12. See N i c k Higham, 'Plugging the Radio 1 Disc Promo Gap', Broadcast, 9 October
1987.
13. Beerling interview.
14. For an account of the Jesus and Mary Chain 'ban', see M a r k Cooper, 'The
Blasphemy of Stardom', Guardian, 21 July 1986. See also M i k e Smith's riposte on
the letters page of the Guardian, 29 July 1986.
15. Beerling interview.
16. Dave Laing, One-Chord Wonders: Power and Meaning in Punk-Rock ( M i l t o n
Keynes, Open University Press, 1985).
17. Dick Hebdige, Subculture: The Meaning of Style (London, Methuen, 1979).
18. Raymond Williams, 'The Growth and Role of the Mass Media', in Carl Gardner,
ed., Media, Politics and Culture (London, Macmillan, 1971).
19. Quoted in M a r k Williams, 'Signing O f f , in Ashley Brown, ed., The History of
Rock (London, Orbis, 1984), p. 2215.
Questions
1 Summarise what you take to be the central point made by Barnard in this
extract.
2 Research and outline some of the key changes which have taken place since the
original extract was published - i.e. since 1989/90. In a later part of his discus-
sion, Barnard indicates that what he calls 'the old homogeneity' between radio
and popular music had begun to break down in the 1980s. What has happened
to the charts, to musical forms and styles, to Radio 1, to independent local radio
(ILR) and to new national radio stations in recent years? Refer to the discussion
outlined in the postscript.
Priorities and Prejudice 289
3 Research either a local, regional or national music radio station in terms of its
particular music policy and relationship to the mainstream music charts. In
terms of musical selection, who is addressed, how and at what points in the
broadcast day? Does popular music radio have any function other than the pro-
motion of the music industry?
Further reading
Burnett, R. 1996: The global jukebox. London: Routledge.
Chambers, I . 1985: Urban rhythms: pop music and popular culture. London:
Macmillan.
Chapman, R. 1992: Selling the sixties. London: Routledge.
Crisell, A. 1994: Understanding radio, 2nd revised edn. London: Routledge.
Frith, S. 1988: Music for pleasure. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Frith, S. and Goodwin, A . (eds.) 1990: On record: rock, pop and the written word.
London: Routledge.
Lewis, P. and Booth, J. 1988: The invisible medium. London: Macmillan.
T h o r n t o n , S. 1995: Club cultures: music, media and subcultural capital. Cambridge:
Polity Press.
Wilby, P. and Conroy, A. 1994: The radio handbook. London: Routledge.
27
Priorities and Prejudice: 'Artist and Repertoire' and the
Acquisition of Artists
Keith Negus
From Producing pop: culture and conflict in the popular music industry (Edward Arnold 1994)
In this extract, Negus looks at the work of Artist & Repertoire (A & R) staff in their acquisi-
tion and signing of bands for record companies, both large and small. Once more, it is
demonstrated that a balance has to be found between financial priorities and encouraging
creativity - in this case, translating the business requirements of the record company into
a workable artistic policy.
Negus establishes that A & R can be a lucrative profession, but that its practices are
shaped by certain priorities and prejudices, inevitable in an industry dominated by middle-
class grammar school and college educated white men who favour the rock music tradition
which was predominant in the late 1960s and early 70s when they were students. Negus
highlights the conservative and rather insular nature of the music industry and states that
the well-established mainstream record companies have tended to recruit A & R staff with
similar professional experience, cultural values and musical tastes. However, it is not only
backgrounds and personal preferences which dictate the kinds of bands signed by A & R
men. The business of launching a new musician or band is costly, and although they are
clearly shrewd enough to cover every potential market (provided it will recoup enough
money to cover the initial outlay), the tendency is to play safe and sign acts which conform
to a tried-and-tested formula. Similarly, aspiring musicians may be tempted to shape what
they do to suit the demands of the recording industry. This tendency to discourage originali-
ty and encourage replication can be seen in the rise of the 'boy band' in Britain in the 1990s
- all-male pop groups principally aimed at attracting a very young female audience (contem-
porary examples being Take That, Let Loose, Boyzone and Upside Down). The rather
artificial construction of many of these pop groups, with the emphasis as much on the indi-
vidual group members' looks and appeal to teenage girls as on musical talent or song-writ-
ing ability, underlines Negus' point about the significance of marketing personnel in record
companies and his further arguments about the power and authority of managers.
A r t i s t a n d repertoire (A & R) staff are f o r m a l l y responsible for a c q u i r i n g artists,

a n d have usually been described as 'talent spotters' - c o n t i n u a l l y engaged i n
seeking n e w acts a n d material. H o w e v e r , this is o n l y a small part o f w h a t they
d o . M o s t o f their t i m e is devoted t o w o r k i n g w i t h acts w h o are already under
contract. A n A & R person can be i n v o l v e d i n every aspect o f an artist's rela-
t i o n s h i p w i t h a r e c o r d company: f r o m the initial negotiations a n d signing o f the
contract t h r o u g h t o the rehearsal, arrangement and r e c o r d i n g o f songs, t o liais-
i n g w i t h staff e m p l o y e d i n m a r k e t i n g , video p r o d u c t i o n and p r o m o t i o n .
I n the past A & R staff have o f t e n signed artists w i t h o u t reference t o t h e
o p i n i o n s o f other personnel w i t h i n their r e c o r d companies. H o w e v e r , as t h e
costs o f p r o d u c i n g and m a r k e t i n g popular music have increased, a n d as r e c o r d
companies have been r e - o r i e n t i n g themselves towards entertainment rather t h a n
just music, other divisions w i t h i n the corporations have begun exerting a greater
influence over the type o f artists w h i c h are acquired. T h i s [article] has been
w r i t t e n at a t i m e w h e n some o f these tensions - particularly between A & R a n d
m a r k e t i n g - are b e c o m i n g m o r e sharply defined. H o w e v e r , as A & R staff have,
historically, h a d the first say i n p r o p o s i n g the type o f artists and music acquired
by r e c o r d companies, this chapter is about the distinctive activities and beliefs
w h i c h guide the w o r k o f artist and repertoire departments.
Formal divisions and business affairs

A l l r e c o r d labels, regardless o f their size, i d e n t i t y a n d specific history, d i v i d e
t h e i r d e p a r t m e n t s o r staff i n t o t h e f o l l o w i n g occupations: artist a n d reper-
t o i r e ; m a r k e t i n g ; p u b l i c relations; p u b l i c i t y a n d press; r a d i o a n d television
p r o m o t i o n ; sales; business affairs/finance a n d legal; m a n u f a c t u r e a n d d i s t r i b u -
t i o n ; a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a n d secretarial. T h e organisation is c o o r d i n a t e d b y t h e
directors o f the company, w i t h the managing d i r e c t o r o r president responsible
f o r d a y - t o - d a y policies a n d practices.
T h e w o r k o f r e c o r d c o m p a n y d e p a r t m e n t s is c a r r i e d o u t w i t h i n the general
business p l a n o f the company. ... T h e business affairs d i v i s i o n ( i n c o r p o r a t i n g
b o t h a c c o u n t i n g a n d legal staff) is i n v o l v e d i n setting parameters t o t h e deals

t h a t c a n be o f f e r e d t o p r o s p e c t i v e acts, a n d t h e c o m p a n y l a w y e r w i l l o f t e n
n e g o t i a t e t h e details o f a c o n t r a c t d i r e c t l y w i t h a n artist's lawyer. A s S i m o n
F r i t h has n o t e d , a l l decisions a b o u t w h o t o sign a n d r e c o r d 'are basically
financial a n d calculations have t o be precisely made' (1983, p 102).
H o w e v e r , t h i s does n o t s i m p l y m e a n t h a t t h e a c c o u n t i n g a n d business affairs
d e p a r t m e n t s ' o u t w e i g h a l l t h e creative divisions i n w i e l d i n g c o m p a n y p o w e r '
( D e n i s o f f , 1 9 8 6 , p 1 5 8 ) . C o m p a n y p o w e r is n o t s o m e t h i n g t h a t is e x e r t e d b y
an i d e n t i f i a b l e f a c t i o n , such as accountants o r lawyers. Record company
p o w e r arises o u t o f a n d is exercised t h r o u g h t h e i n t e r n a l a n d e x t e r n a l rela-
t i o n s h i p s w h i c h are stretched t h r o u g h o u t t h e p r o d u c t i o n , m e d i a t i o n a n d c o n -
s u m p t i o n o f p o p u l a r m u s i c . Senior executives establish general policies a n d
accountants a n d l a w y e r s advocate certain business strategies, b u t this does
not ' d e t e r m i n e ' w h o is signed o r w h a t is r e c o r d e d . I n d a y - t o - d a y practice i t
means t h a t staff are i n v o l v e d i n c o n s t a n t l y n e g o t i a t i n g these demands as they
translate t h e business r e q u i r e m e n t s o f t h e r e c o r d c o m p a n y i n t o a n artistic
policy.
The Artist and Repertoire department

Unless i t is a v e r y small c o m p a n y t h e A & R d e p a r t m e n t tends t o be d i v i d e d
h i e r a r c h i c a l l y a n d staff accorded such titles as A & R d i r e c t o r , senior A & R
manager, A & R manager a n d talent scout. These titles denote s e n i o r i t y a n d
experience, a n d t h e w o r k - l o a d is o f t e n d i v i d e d so that t h e m o r e senior staff
are responsible f o r t h e m o s t established artists. H o w e v e r , t h e roster o f artists
f o r w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l A & R staff are responsible is o f t e n b u i l t u p i n a n ad-hoc
way. T h e p e r s o n w h o ' f i n d s ' a n d has t h e i n i t i a l enthusiasm f o r an act w i l l t e n d
t o f o r m a r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e artist a n d i n i t i a t e t h e process o f n e g o t i a t i o n
for t h e m t o sign t o t h e r e c o r d company. O n c e the artist has been signed, this
p e r s o n w i l l be responsible f o r overseeing t h e d e v e l o p m e n t a n d 'career' o f t h a t
act f o r t h e A & R d e p a r t m e n t . T h e less experienced members o f staff w i l l usu-
ally d r a w o n t h e k n o w l e d g e a n d i n f o r m a l guidance o r be u n d e r t h e e x p l i c i t
s u p e r v i s i o n o f m o r e senior members o f staff.
Successful artist a n d r e p e r t o i r e staff are some o f the m o s t h i g h l y p a i d per-
sonnel i n t h e r e c o r d i n g industry. I n 1 9 9 0 , one A & R d i r e c t o r q u o t e d m e t h e
f o l l o w i n g figures as a n i n d i c a t i o n o f w h a t A & R staff w e r e e a r n i n g : t h e
'cheapest talent scout', a school o r college leaver w o u l d earn a b o u t £ 1 0 , 0 0 0
per a n n u m a n d a d d i t i o n a l l y be p r o v i d e d w i t h a car a n d have all t h e i r expenses
p a i d . A 'reasonably successful' A & R manager w h o h a d w o r k e d w i t h acts f o r
t w o t o three years w o u l d earn a p p r o x i m a t e l y £ 4 0 , 0 0 0 , a n d a senior A & R
manager w i t h over five years o f success c o u l d earn a b o u t £ 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 . T h e A &
R d i r e c t o r w o u l d , needless t o say, earn considerably m o r e .
I n a d d i t i o n t o these basic earnings, senior A & R staff receive cash bonuses
w h e n t h e r e c o r d i n g s o f t h e i r artists achieve h i g h chart p o s i t i o n s , a n d a
percentage o f the sales o f the recordings o f t h e i r artists - usually one per cent,
a l t h o u g h a small n u m b e r o f ' n a m e ' A & R directors are r e p u t e d t o receive
b e t w e e n t w o a n d three per cent. N o t o n l y d o these figures indicate the i m p o r -
tance placed o n A & R staff, a n d o n c o m m e r c i a l sales, they also act as an
i n c e n t i v e f o r staff t o achieve success i n an area i n w h i c h there is considerable
risk a n d uncertainty.
Investment, risk and uncertainty

R e c o r d c o m p a n y staff assess p o t e n t i a l acts w i t h a w o r k i n g k n o w l e d g e t h a t
a p p r o x i m a t e l y one i n eight o f the artists t h a t they sign a n d r e c o r d will
achieve the level o f success r e q u i r e d t o recoup t h e i r i n i t i a l i n v e s t m e n t a n d
start t o earn m o n e y f o r b o t h themselves a n d the company. T h e response o f
the r e c o r d i n g i n d u s t r y t o this e c o n o m i c risk a n d c o m m e r c i a l u n c e r t a i n t y has
o f t e n been e x p l a i n e d i n terms o f a strategy o f o v e r p r o d u c t i o n c o m b i n e d w i t h
d i f f e r e n t i a l p r o m o t i o n , i n w h i c h r e c o r d companies a t t e m p t t o cover every
p o t e n t i a l m a r k e t p o s s i b i l i t y ( H i r s c h , 1 9 7 2 ; F r i t h , 1 9 8 3 ) . A similar, b u t m o r e
c y n i c a l v e r s i o n o f this is the ' m u d - a g a i n s t - t h e - w a l P m o d e l i n w h i c h r e c o r d
companies rather aimlessly t h r o w o u t as m u c h p r o d u c t as possible i n the
h o p e t h a t some o f i t w i l l stick. A l t h o u g h r e c o r d companies have u n d o u b t e d l y
e m p l o y e d these techniques, they w e r e m o r e a p p r o p r i a t e at a t i m e w h e n the
u n i t costs o f p r o d u c i n g r e c o r d i n g s was l o w e r a n d the m a r k e t i n g i n v o l v e d less
sophisticated. T h r o u g h o u t the 1980s greater levels o f investment have been
r e q u i r e d t o r e c o r d , m a r k e t a n d p r o m o t e artists. A t the b e g i n n i n g o f the
1990s a m a j o r record company in Britain anticipated having to spend
b e t w e e n £ 2 5 0 , 0 0 0 - £ 3 3 0 , 0 0 0 over the first 1 2 - 1 8 m o n t h s o f an average deal
for a n e w act; r o u g h l y b r o k e n d o w n i n t o £ 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 f o r advances t o the
artists, £ 1 5 0 , 0 0 0 f o r r e c o r d i n g costs a n d £ 8 0 , 0 0 0 f o r basic p r o m o t i o n a l
expenses.
I n a d d i t i o n t o the e c o n o m i c risk i n v o l v e d , a r e c o r d c o m p a n y must decide
w h e t h e r t h e y have e n o u g h staff w i t h the relevant experience t o accommodate
a p o t e n t i a l act. M o s t r e c o r d labels have clearly d e f i n e d the n u m b e r o f acts
t h a t they can accommodate at any one t i m e . T h e acquisition o f a n e w act w i l l
i n e v i t a b l y r e q u i r e the re-arrangement o f rosters a n d re-assessment o f the c o n -
tracts o f e x i s t i n g artists. I t is easier f o r a r e c o r d c o m p a n y t o assess the eco-
n o m i c a n d personal investment necessary i f an act has already d e m o n s t r a t e d
its p o t e n t i a l i n some way.
H e n c e , t h e established r e c o r d labels have become r e l u c t a n t t o seek ' r a w '
t a l e n t i n d i n g y dance halls, s m o k y pubs o r amongst the c o n t i n u o u s stream o f
unsolicited recordings (demonstration tapes - 'demos') that they daily
receive. T h e m a j o r r e c o r d companies have been increasingly l o o k i n g f o r acts
w h i c h have already u n d e r t a k e n a significant process o f d e v e l o p m e n t , or w h o
are able t o p r o v i d e a clear i n d i c a t i o n o f t h e i r c o m m e r c i a l p o t e n t i a l . As a
result o f this an early 'discovery a n d d e v e l o p m e n t ' r o l e has been d e v o l v e d t o
p u b l i s h e r s , p r o d u c t i o n companies, managers a n d s m a l l r e c o r d companies;

and these d i f f e r e n t parties actively mediate t h e boundaries b e t w e e n corp-
o r a t i o n s a n d a s p i r i n g artists.
The unrecorded musicians

Very l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n has been p a i d t o t h e vast n u m b e r o f amateur a n d semi-
professional bands, p e r f o r m e r s a n d singers m a k i n g music i n B r i t a i n . Research
by Finnegan i n M i l t o n Keynes ( 1 9 8 9 ) a n d C o h e n i n L i v e r p o o l ( 1 9 9 1 ) suggest-
ed t h a t there was a p p r o x i m a t e l y o n e b a n d f o r every t h o u s a n d members o f the
p o p u l a t i o n i n t h e cities they s t u d i e d . B u t such estimates o n l y i n c l u d e those
who are s p o r a d i c a l l y visible at a l o c a l level, a n d d o n o t take account o f
n u m e r o u s singers a n d musicians w h o are creating music alone o r w i t h others
i n the h o m e using cheap i n s t r u m e n t s a n d p o r t a b l e r e c o r d i n g e q u i p m e n t .
A c c o u n t s o f these ' h i d d e n musicians' have t e n d e d t o concentrate o n the
pragmatics o f c o m p o s i n g , rehearsing a n d p e r f o r m i n g a n d t h e degree o f per-
sonal investment i n v o l v e d ; emphasizing t h e w a y music m a k i n g p r o v i d e s
o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r i n d i v i d u a l a n d social expression a n d l e a r n i n g experiences
(Bennett, 1 9 8 0 ; B a y t o n , 1 9 8 9 ; Finnegan, 1 9 8 9 ; Fornas, 1 9 8 9 ) . W h i l s t m a n y
o f these musicians are p l a y i n g p u r e l y f o r t h e i n t r i n s i c satisfaction d e r i v e d
f r o m t h e experience, a vast n u m b e r are c o m p o s i n g , rehearsing, r e c o r d i n g a n d
p e r f o r m i n g i n t h e h o p e t h a t they w i l l secure a r e c o r d i n g contract. Yet, C o h e n
( 1 9 9 1 ) , i n h e r study o f r o c k bands i n L i v e r p o o l , is t h e o n l y w r i t e r w h o has
d e v o t e d d e t a i l e d a t t e n t i o n t o t h e w a y i n w h i c h ' u n k n o w n ' musicians are
a t t e m p t i n g t o shape w h a t they d o t o suit the demands o f the r e c o r d i n g i n d u s -
try, a n d the w a y i n w h i c h the logic o f ' m a k i n g i t ' i n f o r m s local music m a k i n g .
T h e experiences o f these p o t e n t i a l stars o f t o m o r r o w goes largely u n r e c o r d -
ed, unless t h e y are successful - i n w h i c h case their story is retrospectively
a c c o m m o d a t e d t o t h e ascending tale o f struggles, discovery a n d success f o u n d
i n p o p u l a r biographies. These narratives, as S i m o n F r i t h once observed, are
the ' d o m i n a n t source o f p o p i n f o r m a t i o n ' , a n d p r o v i d e a n e n d u r i n g source o f
i n s p i r a t i o n t o tens o f thousands o f aspiring r e c o r d i n g artists, sustaining t h e m
i n t h e belief t h a t at some p o i n t i n t h e near f u t u r e they w i l l be recognised by,
and t h e n signed t o a m a j o r r e c o r d company. Such r e c o g n i t i o n is rarely as d r a -
m a t i c as m a n y biographies i m p l y a n d various interested parties may become
i n v o l v e d w i t h a n u n k n o w n act p r i o r t o t h e signing o f a r e c o r d i n g contract.
O f t e n a l o c a l manager is t h e first person t o begin acting o n behalf o f an
u n k n o w n artist.
Managers
F r o m L a r r y Parnes w h o w o r k e d w i t h T o m m y Steele a n d Billy F u r y i n t h e
1950s, t o T o m W a t k i n s w h o managed Bros, a n d M a u r i c e Starr w h o w o r k e d i n
shaping N e w K i d s O n T h e B l o c k i n t h e 1980s, managers have o f t e n been p o r -
t r a y e d as 'starmakers a n d svengalis' - m o u l d i n g a n d m a n i p u l a t i n g t h e music

and image o f t h e i r artists (Rogan, 1988). H o w e v e r , the m a j o r i t y o f managers
t e n d t o operate as representatives a n d advisers, g u i d i n g rather t h a n m a n i p u l a t -
i n g artists. T h e manager plans the overall career strategy o f an act, d e f i n i n g
objectives a n d setting standards. She, but m o r e frequently he, attempts t o m o t i -
vate b o t h t h e artist and the r e c o r d company, and intervenes t o resolve any dis-
putes. R e c o r d companies have a number o f artists o n their books a n d the
manager w o r k s b e h i n d t h e scenes, spending considerable t i m e ensuring that
staff i n the r e c o r d c o m p a n y are w o r k i n g f o r an act, a n d i r o n i n g o u t any p o t e n -
tial p r o b l e m s . T h e manager is, i n t h e w o r d s o f S i m o n N a p i e r - B e l l w h o m a n -
aged M a r c B o l a n , W h a m ! a n d Japan, ' t h e balance i n the m i d d l e ' w h o sways
b o t h artist a n d r e c o r d c o m p a n y t o see the other's p o i n t o f v i e w (Rogan, 1 9 8 8 )
A n u n s i g n e d act w h o are a t t e m p t i n g t o o b t a i n a r e c o r d i n g c o n t r a c t may o r
m a y n o t have a manager. B u t most acts w i l l usually f i n d i t necessary, o r be
r e q u i r e d b y r e c o r d companies, t o f i n d management soon after signing. Artists
w i t h o u t a r e c o r d i n g c o n t r a c t w i l l o f t e n sign a management agreement w h i c h
contains a clause s t i p u l a t i n g t h a t the manager must o b t a i n a deal w i t h i n a
specified t i m e p e r i o d o r t h e agreement is t e r m i n a t e d . As t h e manager usually
receives between 15 t o 25 per cent o f the artist's earnings, this p r o v i d e s an
incentive - i f the artist does n o t o b t a i n a r e c o r d i n g contract t h e n t h e manager
is n o t g o i n g t o make any money.
An experienced manager w h o can d r a w o n a n e t w o r k o f contacts can
u n d o u b t e d l y assist an act t o o b t a i n a contract. B u t , equally, there have been
instances w h e r e a r e c o r d c o m p a n y have t u r n e d d o w n a p o t e n t i a l signing
because t h e manager was considered t o be an unreliable o r u n t r u s t w o r t h y
o p e r a t o r w i t h w h o m senior staff d i d n o t w i s h t o d o business. M a n y unsigned
acts w h o a p p r o a c h r e c o r d companies have a manager w h o is o f t e n l i t t l e m o r e
t h a n an enthusiastic, h u s t l i n g f r i e n d . I n such a case the manager is o f t e n learn-
i n g h o w the i n d u s t r y operates at the same t i m e as the artists. O n e partner i n a
management c o m p a n y w h o h a d achieved c o m m e r c i a l success w i t h a n u m b e r
o f artists c o u l d l o o k back a n d w i t h a smile reflect o n some ' h o r r e n d o u s mis-
takes' t h a t he h a d made o n the way. O t h e r s , however, may n o t recover f r o m a
lack o f k n o w l e d g e o r errors o f j u d g m e n t . . . .
The deal: recording contracts

A l t h o u g h r e c o r d i n g contracts became m o r e c o m p l i c a t e d a n d h i g h l y specific
t h r o u g h o u t t h e 1980s as m a j o r r e c o r d companies increasingly dealt with
artists t h r o u g h t h e m e d i a t i o n o f t h i r d parties, there is a basic character t o t h e
artist-company relationship embodied i n a recording contract, u p o n w h i c h
p a r t i c u l a r v a r i a t i o n s are inscribed.
A r e c o r d c o m p a n y agrees t o advance an artist a specified a m o u n t o f m o n e y
and t o pay certain r o y a l t y percentage ' p o i n t s ' o n t h e sales o f t h a t artist's
recordings once t h e advanced s u m (and a l l expenses i n v o l v e d i n p r o d u c i n g
t h a t artist's m a t e r i a l ) have been r e c o u p e d by the c o m p a n y o u t o f the artist's

earnings. I n m a n y respects the c o m p a n y are advancing an artist a tax free l o a n
w h i c h m u s t be p a i d back i f they are successful. For this the artist m u s t deliver
to the r e c o r d c o m p a n y a specified a m o u n t o f r e c o r d e d m a t e r i a l , usually
a l b u m s , d u r i n g the p e r i o d o f the contract. T h e c o n t r a c t w i l l usually cover a
p e r i o d o f 5 t o 7 years, b u t w i l l c o n t a i n an ' o p t i o n ' clause every 1 2 - 1 8 months
(or per a l b u m , w h i c h e v e r is l o n g e r ) . T h i s gives the r e c o r d c o m p a n y the r i g h t
t o r e t a i n o r release an artist f r o m a contract. I f the c o m p a n y decides t o r e t a i n
an artist they w i l l usually be r e q u i r e d t o pay a f u r t h e r advance.
A n e w l y signed act w i l l p r o b a b l y receive a r o y a l t y o f between 1 0 - 1 4 points,
a n d m o s t contracts are s t r u c t u r e d i n such a w a y that the advances a n d percent-
age r o y a l t y p o i n t s payable t o the artist increase each year; the i m p l i c a t i o n
b e i n g t h a t the r e c o r d c o m p a n y must have achieved a degree o f success t o make
i t c o m m e r c i a l l y viable t o retain an artist a n d pay o u t f u r t h e r advances. I n p r i n -
ciple this is t o safeguard the artist against a company w h i c h m i g h t sign a n d
r e t a i n t h e m o n an exclusive contract w i t h o u t investing i n t h e m . T h e c o m p a n y
are placed i n a p o s i t i o n w h e r e they are financially c o m m i t t e d t o an act, so they
either w o r k t o establish that artist a n d generate a r e t u r n o n investment, o r they
save t h e i r m o n e y a n d free the artist f r o m the contract t o go elsewhere.
T h e days i n w h i c h naive acts signed e x p l o i t a t i v e contracts have been w e l l
documented (Garfield, 1986; Rogan, 1988) a n d are by n o means over.
H o w e v e r , t h e y have become less w i d e s p r e a d as the music i n d u s t r y has c o n -
sciously a t t e m p t e d t o cultivate a m o r e professional image. I t has become stan-
d a r d practice f o r contracts t o stipulate that the artists m u s t have received
professional legal advice before signing. As was the case w i t h small jazz a n d
r h y t h m a n d blues labels earlier this c e n t u r y some o f the most e x p l o i t a t i v e c o n -
tracts are o f f e r e d by s m a l l , i n e x p e r i e n c e d , o r just i n c o m p e t e n t companies
i n v o l v e d i n s i g n i n g p o o r l y advised acts (Gray, 1 9 8 8 ) . Artists are n o w accredit-
ed w i t h b e i n g m o r e c o m m e r c i a l l y m i n d e d a n d aware o f w h a t the c o n t r a c t u a l
r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h a r e c o r d c o m p a n y entails. Artists are also s u r r o u n d e d by
business advisers, lawyers a n d accountants w h o may engage i n some quite
sophisticated s i g n i n g strategies. T h e y may a t t e m p t t o play the r e c o r d c o m p a -
nies o f f against each o t h e r by i n i t i a t i n g the r o u t i n e practice o f ' b i d d i n g w a r s ' .
I n a d d i t i o n t h e y m a y a t t e m p t t o w i t h h o l d signing a p u b l i s h i n g ( s o n g w r i t i n g )
c o n t r a c t u n t i l the artist has secured a r e c o r d deal.
W h i l s t a r e c o r d i n g c o n t r a c t pays royalties o n the discs a n d tapes s o l d (to
p u t i t s i m p l y ) , a p u b l i s h i n g c o n t r a c t pays a m u c h higher r o y a l t y rate (on less
average i n c o m e per song) o n the rights o f the m a t e r i a l c o m p o s e d by the song-
w r i t e r ( w h i c h is o f t e n collectively a band). A separate r o y a l t y is collected
every t i m e a p a r t i c u l a r song is p e r f o r m e d o r broadcast i n p u b l i c . As a song
w i l l n o t usually be p l a y e d u n t i l an artist/songwriter has a r e c o r d i n g released,
an artist w i t h a r e c o r d i n g c o n t r a c t is i n a p o s i t i o n t o attract large advances
a n d h i g h e r r o y a l t y rates f r o m the m a j o r publishers.
T h e c o n t r a c t between r e c o r d companies a n d artists is, t h e r e f o r e , one w i t h
legal o b l i g a t i o n s o n b o t h sides, i n w h i c h a balance o f p o w e r is n e g o t i a t e d

b e t w e e n artists, w h o are dependent u p o n r e c o r d companies t o reach p o t e n t i a l
audiences, a n d r e c o r d companies w h o are dependent u p o n artists f o r images
a n d musical m a t e r i a l .
Publishers and production companies

A n u m b e r o f management companies simultaneously operate as p r o d u c t i o n
companies, s i g n i n g artists a n d f i n a n c i n g the d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e i r music t o a
p o i n t w h e r e i t is i n a f o r m suitable f o r p u b l i c c o n s u m p t i o n ( L a m b e r t , 1 9 8 0 ) .
T h i s can t h e n be released t h r o u g h a ' p r o d u c t i o n a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n ' deal w i t h a
r e c o r d label. M a n y managers have taken this step because they c o u l d n o t get
an artist signed p u r e l y o n the basis o f presenting ' d e m o ' recordings. T h e p r o -
d u c t i o n c o m p a n y is therefore f o r m e d t o develop the artist a stage f u r t h e r .
T h i s m a y be t a k e n a step f u r t h e r again, a n d the c o m p a n y may develop i n t o a
h y b r i d m a n a g e m e n t / p r o d u c t i o n / r e c o r d label, p u b l i s h i n g t h e m a t e r i a l t h e m -
selves a n d o p e r a t i n g t h r o u g h various licensing, p r o d u c t i o n a n d m a r k e t i n g
arrangements w i t h larger companies.
U n t i l t h e 1960s the w o r k o f music publishers i n v o l v e d s i g n i n g s o n g w r i t e r s
a n d t h e n p l a c i n g t h e i r songs w i t h singers w h o w o u l d use t h e m f o r c o m -
m e r c i a l r e c o r d i n g s o r p u b l i c p e r f o r m a n c e s . T h e publisher w o u l d t h e n receive
an i n c o m e f r o m sales o f t h e r e c o r d i n g s a n d sheet music, a n d revenue f r o m
performance rights.
T h e emergence o f r o c k music changed t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p o f publishers t o
p o p u l a r music p r o d u c t i o n . I n the T i n Pan A l l e y t r a d i t i o n there was a clear cut
d i s t i n c t i o n between w r i t e r s a n d publishers o n o n e side, a n d p e r f o r m e r s a n d
r e c o r d companies o n t h e other. T h e success o f artists such as T h e Beatles a n d
Bob D y l a n a n d t h e emergence o f the r o c k aesthetic w h i c h placed great
emphasis o n i n d i v i d u a l expression resulted i n p e r f o r m e r s increasingly w r i t i n g
t h e i r o w n songs. A considerable b o d y o f m a t e r i a l n o w p u b l i s h e d is s i m u l -
taneously c o m p o s e d a n d r e c o r d e d b y artists a n d bands, rather t h a n t h e w o r k
o f an i n d e p e n d e n t s o n g w r i t e r .
I n the past i t was standard practice f o r songwriters t o enter i n t o agreements
w i t h ' p u b l i s h i n g houses' based o n a 50/50 split. Every r o y a l t y earned w o u l d be
d i v i d e d equally between the publisher a n d songwriter. I n r e t u r n , the publisher
was p e r f o r m i n g an entrepreneurial role i n placing songs w i t h d i f f e r e n t singers
a n d f u r t h e r i n g that w r i t e r ' s career. H o w e v e r , as m o r e a n d m o r e p e r f o r m e r s
began w r i t i n g a n d r e c o r d i n g their o w n material the publishers were able t o
' p u b l i s h ' a song w i t h o u t h a v i n g t o place i t w i t h a singer o r invest m u c h energy
i n g e t t i n g i t c o m m e r c i a l l y recorded and p e r f o r m e d . M u s i c publishers reached a
p o i n t w h e r e they c o u l d derive a substantial i n c o m e f r o m p u b l i s h i n g pre-
r e c o r d e d m a t e r i a l a n d h a d t o d o very little w o r k , merely a d m i n i s t e r i n g music
t h r o u g h agencies c o l l e c t i n g c o p y r i g h t revenue.
As artists a n d t h e i r managers realised t h a t publishers w e r e d o i n g less f o r
t h e i r m o n e y , t h e y either began f o r m i n g t h e i r o w n p u b l i s h i n g companies a n d

thus r e t a i n e d t h e r i g h t s t o t h e m a t e r i a l a n d t h e b u l k o f i n c o m e o r artists
began d e m a n d i n g t h a t publishers reduce t h e i r c u t . I t became common
p r a c t i c e f o r acts, p a r t i c u l a r l y i f they w e r e i n a s t r o n g b a r g a i n i n g p o s i t i o n
with recordings released a n d being purchased, t o request publishing
agreements split 8 5 / 1 5 i n t h e artist's f a v o u r . A s publishers operating
costs a n d overheads can sometimes be as m u c h as 12 per cent, this l e f t a v e r y
s m a l l m a r g i n o n w h i c h the p u b l i s h e r c o u l d m a k e a p r o f i t . H e n c e i t f a v o u r e d
b o t h t h e successful acts w h o c o u l d generate a guaranteed r e t u r n o n invest-
m e n t t h a t w o u l d cover these costs a n d t h e large c o r p o r a t i o n s w h o c o u l d
a f f o r d t o acquire t h e m .
O n e o f the ways i n w h i c h a small c o m p a n y can w o r k alongside a n d c o m -
pete w i t h a large c o m p a n y is t o gamble w i t h artists at an earlier stage o f t h e i r
d e v e l o p m e n t : get t h e m u n d e r c o n t r a c t w h e n they have n o t clearly d e m o n -
strated t h e i r c o m m e r c i a l p o t e n t i a l a n d w h e n they w i l l settle f o r a modest
advance a n d l o w e r r o y a l t y rates i n r e t u r n f o r the w o r k t h a t the m i n o r c o m p a -
n y is g o i n g t o d o o n t h e i r behalf. T h i s is w h a t smaller publishers, p r o d u c t i o n
companies a n d r e c o r d labels increasingly a t t e m p t e d t o d o d u r i n g the 1980s.
T h e m i n o r c o m p a n y can t h e n be a t h i r d p a r t y t a k i n g a n active interest i n a n
act's progress, a n d i n t e r v e n i n g between the artist a n d the m a j o r c o r p o r a t i o n ;
establishing c o n t a c t , presenting the act, m a k i n g a deal a n d e a r n i n g a cut, a n d
perhaps establishing a r e p u t a t i o n i n the process.
[...]
Artist and repertoire and information networks

T h e artist a n d r e p e r t o i r e d e p a r t m e n t is t h e r e p o s i t o r y o f k n o w l e d g e about
past, present a n d f u t u r e musical trends a n d stylistic developments. Staff i n the
A & R d e p a r t m e n t constantly m o n i t o r changes a m o n g established artists, t h e
n e w acts t h a t are b e i n g a c q u i r e d b y o t h e r companies, a n d a t t e m p t t o f o l l o w
d e v e l o p m e n t s a m o n g s t various audiences a n d subcultures. I n o r d e r t o deal
w i t h t h e fast-changing musical styles a n d fashions w h i c h are a p a r t i c u l a r l y
i m p o r t a n t characteristic o f p o p u l a r music i n B r i t a i n , A & R staff r e g u l a r l y
utilise a c o n t a c t n e t w o r k c o v e r i n g a range o f p r o d u c t i o n companies, m i n o r
r e c o r d labels, publishers, managers a n d lawyers. A c o m p l e x w e b o f i n f o r -
m a t i o n n e t w o r k s is e m p l o y e d so t h a t w h a t is h a p p e n i n g across t h e c o u n t r y
can be c o m m u n i c a t e d t o a n d assessed by the c o r p o r a t i o n .
A & R d e p a r t m e n t s i n the U n i t e d States operate i n a similar way. T h e m a i n
d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n B r i t a i n a n d the USA i n this respect is one o f geography. As
a senior A & R manager w h o was based i n A m e r i c a , b u t w h o h a d p r e v i o u s l y
w o r k e d in L o n d o n explained:
In England you can sit behind your desk and do bugger all i f you know a few
people. If there's a hot act out there, within t w o to three weeks you've got to be
an idiot if you don't know about i t . It's such a small community. Glasgow's an
hour's plane ride. Dublin's an hour's plane ride. Whereas here, it's a case of
finding the real talent, out there in the great divide between New York and Los
Angeles.
Despite this difference the basic m e t h o d o f a c q u i r i n g i n f o r m a t i o n t h r o u g h

n e t w o r k s o f contacts, rather t h a n u n s o l i c i t e d approaches o r r a n d o m searching
i n clubs, is very similar.
W i t h i n these n e t w o r k s there is a regular exchange o f i n f o r m a t i o n , c o m m u -
nicated b y telephone a n d i n person. T h e A & R staff ask these various t h i r d
parties w h a t they are d o i n g : w h o are they signing, r e c o r d i n g a n d developing?
W h a t trends have they i d e n t i f i e d o r heard about? I n t u r n these smaller set-ups
present w h a t they are d o i n g t o A & R staff. T h e y m i g h t enthusiastically ' t a l k -
up 5
certain artists. T h e y m a y i n f o r m a l l y play recordings t o staff at a m a j o r
c o m p a n y i n o r d e r t o gain feedback o r i n an e f f o r t t o generate interest i n a
p a r t i c u l a r act. T h e y w i l l p r o b e t h e large c o m p a n y f o r i n f o r m a t i o n about t h e
type o f acts a n d m a t e r i a l b e i n g sought. M i n o r labels c o n t i n u a l l y a t t e m p t t o
f i n d o u t w h i c h staff a n d artists are j o i n i n g o r leaving a major company, a n d
generally glean any gossip that w i l l enable t h e m t o assess the s i t u a t i o n w i t h i n
the m a j o r c o r p o r a t i o n s .
These smaller companies also have t h e i r o w n n e t w o r k s o f regional contacts.
These m i g h t i n c l u d e DJs a n d mixers w h o are responsive t o trends o n t h e
dance f l o o r a n d adept at i d e n t i f y i n g i m p o r t s t h a t m i g h t be w o r t h a c q u i r i n g .
S t u d i o producers a n d engineers w o r k i n g w i t h unsigned artists m i g h t pass o n
i n f o r m a t i o n , as w i l l people i n rehearsal r o o m s a n d local clubs, magazines,
fanzines a n d r e g i o n a l r a d i o stations.
People at all p o i n t s i n this ever-changing w e b are constantly c u l t i v a t i n g n e w
contacts a n d c o n s o l i d a t i n g existing relationships, a n d i t is w i t h i n these net-
w o r k s t h a t interest i n a p a r t i c u l a r act o r r e c o r d i n g is usually i n i t i a t e d . Rarely
do staff f r o m m a j o r r e c o r d companies approach p o t e n t i a l artists ' c o l d ' . For
the s t u d i o - q u a l i t y tape they are about t o hear, t h e v i d e o they are about t o
v i e w o r t h e showcase p e r f o r m a n c e they are about t o witness, the A & R staff _
have usually been p r e p a r e d w i t h p r i o r k n o w l e d g e w h i c h has been disseminat-
ed a n d a c q u i r e d t h r o u g h these n e t w o r k s .
Talent scouts
R e c o r d companies also r e c r u i t y o u n g staff w h o are receptive t o i m m e d i a t e
changes a n d e m e r g i n g trends amongst various y o u t h groups o r w i t h i n specific
musical genres. T h i s is a practice w h i c h can be traced back t o the reorganisa-
t i o n o f the music business i n t h e 1950s w h e n the i n d u s t r y began t o restructure
i n o r d e r t o deal w i t h younger consumers i n a less a r b i t r a r y manner ( G i l l e t t ,
1 9 8 3 ) . I n t h e late 1960s r e c o r d companies e m p l o y e d house hippies t o estab-
lish contact w i t h t h e counter c u l t u r e a n d u n d e r g r o u n d musical c o m m u n i t y
( D i i e l l o , 1 9 8 3 ) . I n the 1970s p u n k fanzine w r i t e r s were enticed i n t o r e c o r d
companies, a n d disc jockeys were r e c r u i t e d f r o m n i g h t clubs d u r i n g the dance
music b o o m o f the 1980s.
T h e y o u n g p e r s o n n e l e m p l o y e d b y r e c o r d companies o f t e n have a dual r o l e

o f b r i n g i n g m a t e r i a l i n t o the c o m p a n y a n d p r o m o t i n g t h e c o m p a n y ' s r e c o r d -
ings i n clubs o r amongst p a r t i c u l a r audiences. T h e e m p l o y m e n t o f these staff
can enhance a c o m p a n y ' s image b y presenting a ' h i p ' a n d k n o w l e d g e a b l e face
t o prospective artists, a n d i f w o r k i n g p a r t - t i m e as a disc jockey o r j o u r n a l i s t
these staff m a y b r i n g a f u r t h e r n e t w o r k o f contacts w i t h i n t h e o r b i t o f t h e
c o m p a n y . I n t h e course o f t h e i r w o r k talent scouts become acquainted w i t h
the j u n i o r A & R staff at o t h e r companies a n d hence they are able t o p r o v i d e
useful i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t w h a t is g o i n g o n elsewhere.
Talent scouts spend t h e i r t i m e v i s i t i n g t w o o r three gigs o r clubs per n i g h t ,
and c o n t i n u a l l y l i s t e n i n g t o ' d e m o ' tapes. T h e y t e n d t o have v e r y l i t t l e respon-
sibility within A & R departments, a l t h o u g h they m a y occasionally be
i n v o l v e d i n b r i n g i n g an artist t o a r e c o r d c o m p a n y a n d m i g h t l o o k after m i n o r
aspects o f t h a t artist's career. Talent scouts are p r i m a r i l y e m p l o y e d t o keep t h e
c o m p a n y i n t o u c h w i t h musical changes a n d u p t o date w i t h developments
a m o n g s t o t h e r companies. Despite t h e i r j o b t i t l e they t e n d t o b r i n g i n f o r m a -
t i o n t o t h e c o m p a n y rather t h a n ' t a l e n t ' ; this they w i l l d o i f they manage t o
stay at t h e c o m p a n y l o n g e n o u g h t o become an A & R manager.
[...]
British A b R culture and the rock tradition

I n a n account o f r e c o r d c o m p a n y A & R departments based o n research c o n -
d u c t e d i n t h e m i d d l e o f t h e 1970s, S i m o n F r i t h ( 1 9 7 6 ) described h o w staff
w e r e d r a w n f r o m a variety o f b a c k g r o u n d s , i n c l u d i n g music w r i t e r s , disc jock-
eys, musicians, p r o m o t e r s a n d sales staff. Between 1 9 8 9 a n d 1 9 9 2 , w h e n m y
o w n research was c a r r i e d o u t , A & R staff w e r e still d r a w n f r o m similar back-
g r o u n d s . H o w e v e r , t h e range o f occupations that A & R staff are r e c r u i t e d
f r o m belies t h e characteristics a n d c u l t u r a l values t h a t they share i n c o m m o n .
T h e m a j o r i t y o f staff i n v o l v e d i n a c q u i r i n g artists f o r m a j o r r e c o r d companies
are w h i t e , male a n d have entered t h e i n d u s t r y f r o m w h a t m i g h t loosely be
called t h e college-rock t r a d i t i o n . T h e d i r e c t o r o f a small management c o m p a -
n y t h a t represented r o c k , p o p a n d dance acts was o n e o f a f e w people t o
r e m a r k o n this bias:
You can get a third division rock act a serious amount of money. If you're deal-
ing w i t h black dance, and I use the racial thing significantly, then quite often
you're hard pushed to get any kind of treatment of the same order.... I n the
record companies individuals come from the rock tradition. Hardly ever do they
come strictly from a soul, r'n'b, dance tradition. Very, very rarely. You know,
they've been social sees at college. What do social sees at college deal with? They
deal w i t h bands, and they get used to that, and they come through the system
and they go on. Or, they come out of bands themselves. Quite a lot of the staff
in record companies were i n bands. Very rarely i n anything but a rock band.
N o w and again producers, but generally they're producing white acts, w h o , by
and large, w i l l be in the rock tradition. And there is a belief, a kind of belief that
is really hard to break down.
These c o m m e n t s about the b a c k g r o u n d o f staff w e r e echoed i n an i n d u s t r y

trade magazine p r o f i l e w h i c h appeared f o l l o w i n g the a p p o i n t m e n t o f Paul
C o n r o y t o President o f T h e Chrysalis G r o u p i n 1989:
Getting back to Conroy's roots in the business and some clues as to why he is so
universally liked, he is one of a long line of college social sees of similar age
(Conroy is just 40) w h o now man the middle and upper echelons of the UK
music industry. For those unfamiliar w i t h the British education system, social
secretaries are a breed of students most prevalent in the Sixties and Seventies
heyday of the live college circuit who devoted more time to booking bands than
to their studies. Chrysalis founders Chris Wright and Terry Ellis, as well as
Conroy's W E A boss Rob Dickins, got hooked on the music business in just such
that way. (Dalton, 1989, p. 10)
D u r i n g the 1960s there was an expansion i n B r i t i s h higher e d u c a t i o n , a n d a

change i n the c o m p o s i t i o n o f the audience f o r c o m m e r c i a l p o p u l a r music.
Whereas the music o f the r o c k ' n ' r o l l era h a d been associated w i t h w o r k i n g
class teenagers, d u r i n g the 1960s various elements o f p o p w e r e ' a p p r o p r i a t e d '
a n d re-christened ' r o c k ' by a recently enfranchised g r a m m a r school student
a n d ' h i p ' m i d d l e class audience (Chambers, 1 9 8 5 ) . Rock was n o t o n l y a
source o f pleasure f o r these consumers, b u t i t was i m b u e d w i t h l i b e r t a r i a n a n d
artistic allusions as the emergent m i d d l e class audience (and artists) d r e w o n
an aesthetic v o c a b u l a r y i n h e r i t e d f r o m an a p p r e c i a t i o n o f E u r o p e a n h i g h c u l -
t u r e . T h e 'increased l e g i t i m a t i o n o f r o c k music' d u r i n g the 1960s d i r e c t l y
a c c o m p a n i e d a s h i f t i n the social class b a c k g r o u n d o f the audiences a n d per-
f o r m e r s (Vulliamy, 1 9 7 7 ) .
T h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between r o c k a n d the n e w l y educated m i d d l e class f r e -
q u e n t l y f o u n d expression i n events associated w i t h the student c o u n t e r - c u l -
t u r e , i n w h i c h music was o f t e n central. O n e consequence o f this was t h a t a
n u m b e r o f educated, m i d d l e class, m i l d l y b o h e m i a n y o u n g people were
attracted i n t o a n d actively r e c r u i t e d by the music industry. I n a business w h i c h
has a h i g h t u r n o v e r o f staff, reputations are established b u t are easily lost;
executive careers f o l l o w artists i n t o obscurity. H i s t o r i c a l l y , those w h o entered
the B r i t i s h r e c o r d i n g i n d u s t r y d u r i n g the late 1960s a n d early 1970s, a n d w h o
h a d r e m a i n e d , w e r e i n higher corporate management, r u n n i n g an A & R
d e p a r t m e n t o r m a n a g i n g a label by the 1990s. T h r o u g h o u t this p e r i o d a 25
year t r a d i t i o n h a d been established d u r i n g w h i c h staff were r e c r u i t e d i n t o A
& R departments f r o m similar backgrounds o r w i t h similar w o r k i n g e x p e r i -
ences, musical tastes a n d preferences.
[...]
In touch with the street, man

I n 1 9 9 0 , Dave Massey, w h o was w o r k i n g f o r Chrysalis M u s i c , c o m p a r e d get-
t i n g i n t o A 8c R t o ' j o i n i n g the masons, d i f f i c u l t f o r everyone, nearly i m p o s s i -
ble f o r w o m e n ' . I n the course o f the research f o r this b o o k I spoke t o one
w o m a n w h o h a d w o r k e d i n artist a n d r e p e r t o i r e i n B r i t a i n . A t t h e t i m e o f o u r
m e e t i n g she was w o r k i n g i n t h e U n i t e d States. Reflecting o n t h e lack o f
w o m e n i n A & R she said:
Fll tell you why I think there are not many women i n it. Because, number one,
it's a very chauvinistic industry, i t really is. Number t w o , the A 8c R lifestyle
does not suit the majority of women at all. The fact of going out every night to
clubs, being up all night i n sleazy, dodgy clubs or whatever.
A l t h o u g h a n u m b e r o f y o u n g e r staff w h o h a d entered the r e c o r d i n g i n d u s t r y

d u r i n g t h e 1980s, a n d w h o were m a i n l y i n v o l v e d i n dance, p o p a n d soul
music, h a d begun t o question the usefulness o f seeking artists i n pubs a n d
clubs, A & R departments still t e n d t o be d o m i n a t e d b y staff d r a w n f r o m r o c k
c u l t u r e w i t h its emphasis o n p e r f o r m i n g live i n f r o n t o f an audience i n a ' n a t u r -
a l ' setting. I n a d d i t i o n , a n d cliched as i t m i g h t s o u n d , a n u m b e r o f people i n
r e c o r d companies espouse a belief o f 'being i n t o u c h w i t h the street' a n d ' t h e
k i d s ' . These terms were used quite seriously b y a n u m b e r o f artist a n d reper-
t o i r e staff a n d senior executives w h o described their w o r k t o me. A s this female
A & R manager herself r e p l i e d w h e n I asked w h e t h e r this type o f approach,
a n d t h e lifestyle i t i m p l i e d , was still necessary: ' O h I t h i n k so. You have t o be
o u t there, i n t o u c h w i t h t h e street. It's all about those kids o u t there.'
T h i s emphasis o n t h e street - n o matter h o w r o m a n t i c i s e d , a n d w h e t h e r i t
really is w h e r e m o s t artists are f o u n d - f u r t h e r reinforces t h e male c u l t u r e o f
artist a n d r e p e r t o i r e . Because most o f 'the k i d s ' , o u t there, o n t h e street a n d i n
the sleazy clubs are male. As A n g e l a M c R o b b i e has p o i n t e d o u t , w i t h its nega-
t i v e m o r a l c o n n o t a t i o n s f o r w o m e n a n d t h e very real threat o f violence 'street
v i s i b i l i t y ... b o t h p r o c l a i m s t h e p u b l i c i z a t i o n o f the g r o u p a n d at t h e same t i m e
ensures its male d o m i n a n c e ... t h e street remains i n some ways t a b o o f o r
w o m e n ' ( 1 9 8 0 , p 4 7 ) . H e n c e , this a p p r o a c h militates against f i n d i n g artists
w h o m i g h t be ' i n t h e h o m e ' a n d is p a r t o f a w o r k i n g practice w h i c h operates
t o exclude w o m e n f r o m this area o f the r e c o r d i n g industry.
I n discussing w h a t she enjoyed a b o u t her w o r k t h e A & R manager q u o t e d
above emphasised a m o r e personal a p p r o a c h t o t h e j o b t h a n t h e male A & R
staff I spoke t o . H e r w o r k i n v o l v e d :
dealing w i t h people, and their lives as well; their personal problems, their fuck
ups, their mental whatever, their little quirks. A n d my A & R forte is under-
standing those people and respecting that and trying to w o r k w i t h that and
being supportive to them. Supporting their musicality, and believing i n them,
and being there to hold their hands when i t gets rough. That's what I ' m about.
They'll bring me i n when there's problems w i t h artists. I ' m good at understand-
ing them ... I do think that record companies would save themselves a bloody
fortune i f they had an in-house psychiatrist.
M a n y A & R m e n have been i n bands themselves a n d give t h e i m p r e s s i o n o f

l i v i n g o u t t h e r o c k lifestyle b y p r o x y , t h r o u g h t h e artists they are w o r k i n g
w i t h . T h e y t e n d t o stress t h e ' b u z z ' a n d excitement f r o m the music a n d are
o f t e n m o s t a n i m a t e d w h e n discussing the possibility o f f i n d i n g the ' n e x t - b i g -

t h i n g ' . A l t h o u g h just as i n v o l v e d i n ' n u r t u r i n g ' artists, this was usually dis-
cussed i n terms o f t h e pragmatics o f s o n g w r i t i n g , studio p r o d u c t i o n a n d
a r r a n g i n g . I n contrast this female A & R manager emphasised the s u p p o r t i v e ,
c a r i n g a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g side o f the w o r k , a n d the w a y i n w h i c h this aspect
was actively u t i l i s e d by the c o m p a n y w h o ' b r o u g h t her i n ' i f there was a p r o b -
l e m w i t h artists. A t t h e same t i m e she was just as i n v o l v e d i n c r i t i c i s i n g her
act's songs, n e g o t i a t i n g w i t h producers a n d overseeing studio p r o d u c t i o n .
Priorities and prejudice

D u r i n g a decisive phase i n the f o r m a t i o n o f the m o d e r n p o p u l a r music i n d u s -
try, the d o m i n a n t practices w i t h i n the artist a n d repertoire departments o f the
m a j o r r e c o r d companies i n B r i t a i n have been established b y staff d r a w n f r o m
backgrounds w i t h i n t h e r o c k t r a d i t i o n . These staff have been p r e d o m i n a n t l y
w h i t e , male a n d college educated. U n l i k e t h e U n i t e d States, w h e r e record
companies have e m p l o y e d specialist, p r e d o m i n a n t l y black, staff t o acquire a n d
p r o m o t e artists i n t h e areas o f rap, dance, soul a n d r h y t h m a n d blues, there
has been a conspicuous absence o f black people i n the major labels i n B r i t a i n .
O n e o f the f e w notable exceptions t o this has been Island Records w h e r e t h e
distinctive character o f the c o m p a n y has developed under the influence o f its
f o u n d e r C h r i s B l a c k w e l l a n d t h r o u g h a steady t r a d i t i o n o f w o r k i n g w i t h
artists f r o m the Caribbean. I n most o f the r e c o r d labels i n B r i t a i n there is o n l y
the occasional black messenger, talent scout o r accountant; t h e vast m a j o r i t y
o f staff are w h i t e .
H o w e v e r , i t is n o t s i m p l y that there have been h a r d l y any w o m e n o r black
people i n key d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g positions; i t is that there have been f e w people
f r o m a p o p u l a r music t r a d i t i o n other t h a n r o c k . T h i s has resulted i n a taken-
f o r - g r a n t e d w a y o f w o r k i n g i n w h i c h staff v i e w artists that can be a c c o m m o -
dated t o t h e naturalistic organic conventions o f t h e r o c k t r a d i t i o n as l o n g
t e r m career acts, a n d p o p , soul a n d dance acts as short t e r m , fashion depen-
dent artists. These are v i e w e d as artists w h o m i g h t attain l o n g e v i t y o r p r o d u c e
a career, b u t by chance o r accident, rather t h a n t h r o u g h strategic p l a n n i n g . As
Ian H o a r e ( 1 9 7 5 ) once p o i n t e d o u t , the naturalistic ideology o f r o c k has t e n d -
ed t o p r o m o t e a very s i m p l i f i e d and restrictive attitude w h i c h regards m u c h
soul as a 'cheapened' a n d ' d i l u t e d ' version o f m o r e authentic f o r m s o f music.
T h e r e has been an u n c r i t i c a l and selective acceptance o f the e n d u r i n g d o m i -
nance o f the r o c k t r a d i t i o n over other musical styles, a n d t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f
the taste preferences, aesthetic values a n d p r e f e r r e d w o r k i n g practices o f this
loosely aligned d o m i n a n t g r o u p have set the p r i o r i t i e s for the acquisition a n d
f u t u r e d e v e l o p m e n t policies o f the major r e c o r d companies.
T h i s has been r e p r o d u c e d a n d m a i n t a i n e d by existing staff a n d t h r o u g h
r e c r u i t m e n t policies. Staff t e n d t o be selected t o f i t i n t o t h e existing A & R
c u l t u r e , w h e r e there is peer g r o u p pressure t o c o n f o r m , w h i c h is r e i n f o r c e d by
constant c o n t a c t w i t h o t h e r A & R staff at gigs, i n studios a n d at music busi-

ness events. T h e r e is also the risk o f f a i l i n g a n d m a k i n g a mistake, w h i c h
results i n a tendency t o sign acts w h i c h can be easily a c c o m m o d a t e d t o exist-
i n g c o n v e n t i o n s a n d routes w h i c h have p r o v e d successful i n the past.
W i l l t h e n a t u r a l i s t i c r o c k aesthetic break d o w n t h r o u g h o u t the 1990s? A t
t h e b e g i n n i n g o f the decade some c o m m e n t a t o r s w e r e c l a i m i n g t h a t dance
m u s i c h a d ' b r o k e n the m o u l d ' a n d t h a t the emphasis o n the live r o c k act was
d i m i n i s h i n g . H o w e v e r , n o t m a n y B r i t i s h dance acts w e r e established b e y o n d
a f e w records. Soul I I Soul w e r e one o f the rare exceptions, w h i c h b o t h excit-
ed a n d c o n f u s e d v a r i o u s r e c o r d i n g i n d u s t r y personnel d e p e n d i n g o n t h e i r
m u s i c a l taste a n d t h e i r assumptions about w h i c h types o f artists c o u l d
achieve w i d e s p r e a d success w i t h albums. I t is clear t h a t considerable invest-
m e n t is s t i l l b e i n g p o u r e d i n t o c o n v e n t i o n a l r o c k bands i n an a t t e m p t t o
emulate the w o r l d w i d e c o m m e r c i a l success o f U 2 , Simple Minds, Dire
Straits, R E M a n d Guns'n'Roses - a n d there has been, conspicuously, no
British e q u i v a l e n t t o M a d o n n a , Prince or M i c h a e l Jackson. As C y n t h i a
C h e r r y f r o m the E t e r n a l r e c o r d label, p a r t o f Warner M u s i c , r e m a r k e d i n
1 9 9 1 : ' I f i n d t h a t f o r black music, a l o t o f companies s t i l l d o n ' t u n d e r s t a n d
it. T h e record companies are still n o t b e h i n d dance i n the w a y they are
b e h i n d the b i g live act. I f they gave dance acts the push t h a t r o c k acts get, it
c o u l d r e a l l y break t h r o u g h . '
References
Bayton, M . 1989: How women become rock musicians. Ph.D. Thesis, Warwick
University.
Bennett, H . 1980: On becoming a rock musician. University of Massachusetts Press.
Chambers, I . 1985: Urban rhythms. Macmillan.
Cohen, S. 1991: Rock culture in Liverpool: popular music in the making. Clarendon
Press.
Dalton, D . 1989: The marketing miracle worker. Europe Etc, Music Week Publication
(September 1989), 10.
Denisoff, R. 1975: Solid gold: the popular record industry. Transaction Books.
Denisoff, R. 1986: Tarnished gold: the record industry revisited. Transaction Books.
Dilello, R. 1983: The longest cocktail party. Pierian Press.
Finnegan, R. 1989: The hidden musicians: music making in an English town.
Cambridge University Press.
Fornás, J. 1989: Papers on pop and youth culture. Working paper 1, Centre for Mass
Communication Research, University of Stockholm.
Frith, S. 1976: The A 8c R M e n . In Gillet, C. and Frith, S. (eds.), Rock file 4. Panther.
Frith, S. 1983: Sound effects: youth, leisure and the politics of rock'n'roll. Constable.
Garfield, S. 1986: Expensive habits: the dark side of the music industry. Faber & Faber.
Gillett, C. 1983: The sound of the city. Souvenir Press.
Gray, H . 1988: Producing jazz. Temple University Press.
Hirsch, P. 1972: Processing fads and fashions: an organizational set analysis of cultural
industry systems. American Journal of Sociology 77(4), 639-59.
Hoare, I . 1975: Introduction. In Hoare, I . , Anderson, C , Cummings, T. and Frith, S.,
The soul book. Methuen.
Lambert, D . 1980: Producing hit records. Schirmer/Macmillan.

McRobbie, A. 1980: Settling accounts w i t h subcultures: a feminist critique. Screen
Education 34, 37-49.
Rogan, J. 1988: Starmakers and Svengalis. Futura.
Vulliamy, G. 1977: Music and the mass culture debate. I n Shepherd, J., Virden, P.,
Vulliamy, G . and Wishart, T. (eds.), Whose music? A sociology of musical languages.
Latimer New Directions.
Questions
1 What are the main responsibilities of Artist & Repertoire staff, according to this
extract? What is their relation to other departments within a record company,
e.g. the marketing department and the distribution team? How do their roles
change according to whether they work for large or small record companies?
2 According to Negus, what are the limitations of the 'gatekeeping' model when
applied to those who work in the music industry?
3 As far as Negus is concerned, A & R men will frequently seek to replicate suc-
cess with similar formulae, and groups may be 'artificially' created and market-
ed to this end (the Monkees being one of the first bands contrived to imitate and
cash in on the success of another - the Beatles - in the 1960s). Yet music fans
- particularly young fans - will often show strong allegiance to a band because
of their perceived uniqueness and originality, their 'authenticity', and strongly
reject or ridicule bands which may fall into the same musical style. In your opin-
ion, to what extent are fans expressing real choice in following a particular
group and to what extent are they manipulated by the marketing departments of
the major record labels?
Further reading
Cohen, S. 1 9 9 1 : Rock culture i n Liverpool: popular music i n the making. O x f o r d :
Clarendon Press.
Finnegan, R. 1989: The hidden musicians: music making in an English town.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Frith, S. 1983: Sound effects: youth, leisure and the politics of rock V roll. London:
Constable.
Frith, S. and Goodwin, A . (eds.) 1990: On record, rock, pop and the written word.
London: Routledge.
Hesmondhalgh, D . 1996: Rethinking popular music after rock and soul. I n Curran, J.,
Morley, D . and Walkerdine, V , Cultural studies and communications. London:
Lewis, L . (ed.) 1992: The adoring audience: fan culture and popular media. London:
Routledge.
L u l l , J. (ed.) 1991: Popular music and communication, 2nd edn. London: Sage.
Street, J. 1992: Shock waves: the authoritative response to popular music. I n Strinati,
D . and Wagg, S., Come on down? Popular media culture in post war Britain.
London: Routledge.
28
How Are Television Soaps Produced?
Richard Kilborn
From Television soaps (Batsford 1992)
Many media researchers have written about soap opera in recent years, but by and large
the focus has been on the reception rather than the production of soaps. In this extract,
taken from a study which looks at both processes, Kilborn extends the focus of interest to
a number of production issues, including technical concerns, financial restrictions and the
roles of scriptwriters and actors, and demonstrates, like previous writers included in this
section, that producers are not entirely independent or autonomous but are subject to a
range of institutional constraints and influences. He also notes that the viewers of soaps
are equally active participants in the production process, often negotiating or producing
meanings other than those intended by the writers, directors and producers.
For Kilborn, many soaps in Britain and America play a vital role in the overall programme
schedules and policy decisions of the institutions which broadcast them, being shown at
peak times and delivering large audiences to advertisers and TV executives. The BBC is
not exempt from such commercial' pressures, and soaps - or continuous drama serials as
they prefer to call them - play an important role in enabling the BBC to justify the continua-
tion and cost of the annual licence fee. The great appeal of producing soaps, then, as
opposed to, for example, one-off period costume dramas, is the relatively low investment
costs coupled with high returns in terms of audience figures and, in the case of the com-
mercial channels, advertising revenue.
The main problem for the producers of soap, however, lies in the task of maintaining
high production standards (the days of wobbly sets and fluffed lines are long gone in
British soaps) in the face ofrigoroustime schedules and strict deadlines - a problem made
all the more acute as many soaps contemplate increasing the number of episodes to four
or even five per week. The necessity to adhere to strict deadlines has resulted in producers
of soap adopting an industrial mode of production, with all the connotations of routine, dis-
cipline and hierarchy which that implies. Nowhere is that more evident than in scriptwrit-
ing and direction, which, according to Kilborn, rank fairly low in the production hierarchy.
Usually employed in large numbers and on fixed-term contracts, no writer or director has
real autonomy or influence because, in the interests of historical continuity and consisten-
cy from episode to episode, a text cannot be stamped with any individual writer's distinc-
tive character or a particular director's creative flair, and scripts must preserve the illusion
of originating from an unauthored source.
Finally, Kilborn addresses the role of actors in TV soaps, discussing the pros and cons of
appearing in a long-running regular TV series. He notes that the 'killing off' of a pop-
ular soap character can elicit storms of protest from viewers, underlining his earlier com-
ments about audiences being active producers of meaning, and he concludes that the
unpredictability of audience tastes means that there is no such thing as a guaranteed suc-
cess, even in the overwhelmingly popular and competitive world of soap.
I n this chapter w e shall be e x p l o r i n g a number o f issues relating t o t h e m a k i n g

o f television soaps, p r i n c i p a l l y the contexts i n w h i c h the p r o d u c t i o n takes place
a n d t h e m a i n processes i n v o l v e d i n the p u t t i n g together o f a T V d r a m a serial.
Restrictions o f space mean that w e w i l l o n l y be able t o cover t h e broader
aspects o f p r o d u c t i o n , a l t h o u g h , where a p p r o p r i a t e , readers w i l l be directed t o
accounts w h i c h give a far m o r e detailed description o f h o w i n d i v i d u a l soap
operas reach o u r screens.
A f u r t h e r objective o f the chapter w i l l be t o correct certain popular, b u t mis-
taken, notions o f h o w soaps are actually produced. This is n o t t o suggest that
many viewers are o f the belief that soap actors and actresses are m a k i n g i t u p as
they g o along, b u t there is a distinct danger - particularly given the style o f
r e p o r t i n g i n some o f the t a b l o i d journals - that some phases o r aspects o f p r o -
d u c t i o n w i l l be given a m u c h higher p r o f i l e t h a n others. T h e constant stream o f
t a b l o i d stories about the lives a n d loves o f leading players i n soaps may, f o r
instance, give a very exaggerated impression o f their importance w i t h i n the larg-
er p r o d u c t i o n cycle a n d obscure the role o f others i n the p r o d u c t i o n hierarchy.
A m o r e accurate idea o f h o w soaps are made is p r o v i d e d b y the occasional
behind-the-scenes television documentaries a n d the chapters i n those ' o f f i c i a l
c o m p a n i o n ' volumes w h i c h address p r o d u c t i o n issues. H e r e again the picture
that readers o r viewers get may w e l l be somewhat partial, since the w o r k s i n
question are generally conceived as part o f a p r o m o t i o n a l drive t o sustain inter-
est i n the soap i n question, so any major problems w h i c h have been encountered
i n , say, financing the serial, t e n d n o t t o be given particular prominence.
Who produces what?

A somewhat d i f f e r e n t approach t o the issue o f p r o d u c t i o n is t o start b y asking
questions about w h a t is actually being p r o d u c e d . T h e common-sense response
t o such an enquiry is that the c o m b i n e d evidence o f tens o f thousands o f T V
soap episodes a l l emanating f r o m the same source should leave one i n little
d o u b t as t o w h o is p r o d u c i n g w h a t . A d o p t i n g o n l y a slightly different perspec-
tive, however, i t is just as feasible t o conclude that the audience itself is crucially
i n v o l v e d i n the business o f p r o d u c t i o n . Viewers are n o t so m u c h passive r e c i p i -
ents o f w h a t television offers, b u t rather are active participants i n t h e p r o d u c -
t i o n process - i n the sense that they d o n o t simply read o f f the meanings
i m p l a n t e d there b y a producer-author b u t produce their o w n meanings
t h r o u g h a m o r e active process, w h i c h can be t h o u g h t o f as o n e o f n e g o t i a t i o n . 1
T h e c l a i m that meanings are generated p r i n c i p a l l y i n t h e m i n d s o f viewers o r

readers is o n e w h i c h can be a p p l i e d t o a w i d e variety o f b o t h literary a n d visual
texts, b u t i t seems especially applicable i n the case o f soap opera.... fs]oaps
How Are Television Soaps Produced? 307
encourage a very active f o r m o f response f o r audiences. I t is o u t o f this

constant exchange o f views a n d speculation that the 'meanings' o f soap opera
are p r o d u c e d . As Taylor a n d M u l l a n observe i n their discussion o f audience
v i e w i n g habits, largely based o n a study o f soaps: ' i t seems that television drama
has o n l y p r o p e r l y o c c u r r e d , been t h o r o u g h l y realised, w h e n the plots a n d the
m o r a l messages they c o n t a i n have been discussed a n d i n t e r p r e t e d a n d re-drama-
tised i n the c o m p a n y o f friends o r mere acquaintances' ( 1 9 8 7 , p . 2 0 6 ) .
As w e l l as asking questions a b o u t how meanings are p r o d u c e d , o n e can also
l e g i t i m a t e l y begin t o ask questions about what is being p r o d u c e d i n soap
o p e r a . A g a i n t h e o b v i o u s response is t o observe that t h e evidence, say i n t h e
f o r m o f 3 0 years o f Coronation Street, is p l a i n l y there f o r all t o see. A n alter-
native v i e w , h o w e v e r , is t o say that i t is n o t a regular supply o f television
e n t e r t a i n m e n t t h a t is being p r o d u c e d , b u t a large a n d l o y a l c o n t i n g e n t o f
v i e w e r s . A s o n e c r i t i c o f the soap genre p u t i t most succinctly: ' O n e does n o t
have t o be a cynic t o h o l d t h e v i e w that television t r a n s f o r m s viewers i n t o
u n i t s o f e c o n o m i c exchange' ( A l l e n , 1 9 8 5 , p . 4 5 ) . Since o n e o f the highest p r i -
orities o f c o m m e r c i a l television has been t o deliver viewers i n t o t h e hands o f
advertisers ( T V a d v e r t i s i n g rates are measured i n terms o f w h a t i t costs t o
'reach' a t h o u s a n d viewers), i t is n o t d i f f i c u l t t o see w h y such reliable
a u d i e n c e - p r o d u c i n g p r o g r a m m e s as soaps s h o u l d always have featured p r o m -
i n e n t l y i n c o m m e r c i a l schedules. 2
W h i l s t i t m a y be a p p r o p r i a t e t o t a l k o f audiences being p r o d u c e d f o r adver-

tisers w i t h i n a television system largely financed o u t o f advertising, h o w is o n e
t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e economics o f soap opera p r o d u c t i o n w i t h i n t h e n o n - c o m -
m e r c i a l sphere? A s w e have already h a d occasion t o c o m m e n t , over t h e years
the B B C has h a d s o m e t h i n g less t h a n a t h o r o u g h - g o i n g c o m m i t m e n t t o soap
o p e r a p r o d u c t i o n , b e l i e v i n g t h a t p a n d e r i n g t o o m u c h t o p o p u l a r taste m i g h t
u n d e r m i n e its o t h e r i m p o r t a n t a i m o f p r o v i d i n g a measure o f c u l t u r a l e n l i g h t -
e n m e n t . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d the c o r p o r a t i o n has at times t u r n e d t o t h e c o n t i n -
uous d r a m a serial ( p r e f e r r e d B B C t e r m i n o l o g y ) w h e n i t felt i t needed t o
c o m p e t e w i t h I T V f o r t h e television audience. M a n y observers, f o r instance,
have seen the a r r i v a l o f EastEnders i n the m i d - 1 9 8 0 s as d i r e c t l y r e s u l t i n g f r o m
the B B C ' s u r g e n t need t o p r o d u c e a b i g ratings success at a t i m e w h e n the cor-
p o r a t i o n was b e i n g made t o feel t h a t i t was vulnerable t o various f o r m s o f
attack ( B u c k i n g h a m , 1 9 8 7 , p p . 1 1 7 - 1 8 ) .
T h e h i g h ratings o b t a i n e d b y EastEnders have t h e r e f o r e , i n t h e o p i n i o n o f
m a n y observers, p r o v e d a valuable asset i n t h e c o r p o r a t i o n ' s c o n t i n u i n g quest
t o o b t a i n adequate levels o f f u n d i n g t h r o u g h t h e government-supervised
licence fee system. T h e p r o g r a m m e has also p r o v e d t o have e c o n o m i c p o t e n -
t i a l i n its o w n r i g h t . I t has sold w e l l a b r o a d ... a n d has also p r o v i d e d t h e B B C
w i t h m a n y o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r c o m m e r c i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n . T h i s can take t h e f o r m
o f d i r e c t s p i n - o f f s f r o m t h e p r o g r a m m e itself (home-videos, books based o n
t h e lives o f earlier generations o f 'East Enders') o r can be o n e o f various types
o f m e r c h a n d i s i n g (sales o f T-shirts, mugs a n d other desirable c o m m o d i t i e s ) .
Taking the lid off TV soap production

Various factors have t o be taken i n t o account w h e n t a l k i n g about the p r o d u c -
t i o n o f T V soaps. O n e m a j o r consideration is that they are made f o r t h e most
p a r t b y o r f o r large broadcasting i n s t i t u t i o n s o r companies a n d w i l l , f o r this
reason, be subject t o a w h o l e series o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l constraints a n d influences.
These range f r o m w h a t funds are i n i t i a l l y made available t o start a p r o j e c t , t o
w h a t niche i t is envisaged t h e p r o g r a m m e w i l l occupy i n a p a r t i c u l a r b r o a d -
casting schedule, o r w h a t p r o d u c t i o n resources - i n t h e f o r m o f s t u d i o a n d
technical facilities - can be allocated o n a fairly l o n g - t e r m basis. A l l this means
that w h i l s t at a n y o n e t i m e creative m i n d s are s p a w n i n g m a n y n e w ideas o r
scenarios f o r n e w soaps, o n l y a small p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e m stand a chance o f
ever g e t t i n g b e y o n d the ' i n i t i a l o u t l i n e ' stage. As t o w h o determines w h a t p r o -
grammes actually g o i n t o p r o d u c t i o n , this decision usually lies w i t h a small
g r o u p o f i n d i v i d u a l s at t h e head o f some o r g a n i z a t i o n a l hierarchy, w h e t h e r
this be t h e management staff o f Procter a n d G a m b l e P r o d u c t i o n s I n c . o r t o p
executives at the B B C .
W h i l s t i t is n o t always possible t o account f o r a l l t h e forces - i n s t i t u t i o n a l
and o t h e r w i s e - w h i c h have affected t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f a p a r t i c u l a r soap
o p e r a , o n e c a n n o t underestimate t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f budgetary matters. T h e
glossiness o f t h e A m e r i c a n soaps, especially supersoaps like Dallas and
Dynasty, has m u c h t o d o w i t h the generous budgets w h i c h are made available
( t h o u g h t h e p h e n o m e n a l i n t e r n a t i o n a l success o f these p r o d u c t s m o r e t h a n
justifies t h e h i g h p r o d u c t i o n costs). O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , w h e r e p r o d u c t i o n
teams are w o r k i n g w i t h i n m u c h t i g h t e r budgets, modes o f p r o d u c t i o n w i l l
have t o be e m p l o y e d w h i c h w i l l balance t h e d e m a n d f o r a q u a l i t y p r o d u c t
w i t h t h e f i n a n c i a l l i m i t a t i o n s under w h i c h they are o p e r a t i n g . I n E u r o p e , f o r
instance, w e are n o w seeing a g r o w i n g n u m b e r o f examples o f soap operas
made b y m u c h smaller p r o d u c t i o n teams o n relatively l o w budgets. 3
T h o u g h budgets have an i m p o r t a n t d e t e r m i n i n g influence o n t h e sort o f

soaps t h a t are p r o d u c e d , there are also other factors w h i c h have t o be t a k e n
i n t o account. D e v e l o p m e n t s i n t h e structures o f broadcasting can i n t h e m -
selves o f t e n lead t o changes i n techniques o r modes o f p r o d u c t i o n . I n B r i t a i n ,
for instance, w e have witnessed over the last f e w years a significant increase i n
the n u m b e r o f small o r m e d i u m - s i z e d television companies, as d e m a n d f o r
o u t - o f - h o u s e p r o g r a m m e m a k i n g has g r o w n ( p a r t l y as a result o f the a r r i v a l o f
C h a n n e l 4 a n d p a r t l y as a consequence o f g o v e r n m e n t encouragement o f t h e
i n d e p e n d e n t p r o d u c t i o n sector). These companies have n o t o n l y been respon-
sible f o r various types o f n e w - l o o k p r o g r a m m i n g , they have also o n occasions
devised certain i n n o v a t o r y p r o d u c t i o n techniques. T h e c o m p a n y w h i c h makes
the C h a n n e l 4 soap Brookside, Phil R e d m o n d ' s Liverpool-based Mersey
Television, is a g o o d example o f t h e successful i n t r o d u c t i o n o f n e w - a n d
R e d m o n d w o u l d argue m o r e effective - procedures f o r p u t t i n g together a t r i -
w e e k l y serial.
I n the case o f Brookside this has i n v o l v e d a c q u i r i n g a n u m b e r o f houses o n a

s m a l l p r i v a t e estate a n d f i t t i n g t h e m o u t i n such a w a y t h a t they c o u l d f o r m a
p e r m a n e n t set. T h i s has n o t o n l y b r o u g h t benefits i n t h e shape o f r e d u c e d
costs, i t also has enabled r e c o r d i n g t o take place i n a s i t u a t i o n far r e m o v e d
f r o m t h e ' a r t i f i c i a l i t y ' o f the large studio-based television factories; t h e c l a i m
b e i n g t h a t o n e is better able t o capture a live atmosphere i n this w a y a n d thus
convey a greater sense o f realism.
Cost advantages of soaps

T h e examples c i t e d above give some i n d i c a t i o n o f the d i f f e r e n t modes w h i c h
can be e m p l o y e d i n the p r o d u c t i o n o f T V drama serials. A t one end o f the scale
there are the A m e r i c a n supersoaps w h i c h are f o r the most p a r t n o t o n l y r e c o r d -
ed o n f i l m b u t use m a n y o f the techniques w e associate w i t h H o l l y w o o d - s t y l e
f i l m m a k i n g . A t t h e other e n d o f t h e scale w e have relatively modest, small-
scale p r o d u c t i o n s w h e r e t h e emphasis is o n cost efficiency a n d quite a short
p r o d u c t i o n cycle. I n t h e f o l l o w i n g section w e shall confine ourselves m a i n l y t o
l o o k i n g at w h a t goes i n t o t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f the m o r e t r a d i t i o n a l type o f b i - o r
t r i - w e e k l y soap, such as EastEnders o r Coronation Street, since these are t h e
p r o g r a m m e s w i t h w h i c h readers w i l l p r o b a b l y be most familiar.
F r o m t h e p o i n t o f v i e w o f broadcasters, soaps always have t h e advantage o f
b e i n g m u c h less costly t h a n o t h e r f o r m s o f T V d r a m a , especially i f t h e very
large audiences w h i c h a soap can usually be r e l i e d o n t o generate are i n c l u d e d
i n t h e calculations. T h e reasons f o r soaps' relative cost-effectiveness are n o t
d i f f i c u l t t o f a t h o m . W h e r e a s i n t h e case o f series d r a m a each n e w self-con-
t a i n e d episode w i l l n o r m a l l y r e q u i r e substantial investment i n n e w sets o r cos-
tumes, soaps - w i t h t h e i r restricted n u m b e r o f r e c u r r i n g settings a n d t h e i r
t r a d i t i o n a l emphasis o n t h e everyday w o r l d o f domestic i n t e r i o r s - make far
fewer m a t e r i a l demands. Soaps are i n this respect e x t r e m e l y e c o n o m i c a l , even
t h o u g h there has been s o m e t h i n g o f a tendency i n recent years t o i n c l u d e a
larger n u m b e r o f scenes shot o n l o c a t i o n w h i c h can i n some circumstances
cause a substantial increase t o the o v e r a l l cost.
T h e i n i t i a l s t a r t - u p costs f o r a p r o g r a m m e can o f course i n v o l v e substantial
i n v e s t m e n t , so w i t h a l l n e w soap projects m u c h t i m e a n d t h o u g h t is d e v o t e d
t o ' p r o d u c t d e v e l o p m e n t ' . W i t h A m e r i c a n soaps this w i l l o f t e n entail t h e p r e -
testing o f t h e p r o d u c t o n selected groups o f viewers a n d t h e n i n t r o d u c i n g
w h a t e v e r changes are t h o u g h t necessary i n t h e l i g h t o f subsequent c o m m e n t s .
I n a d d i t i o n , w i t h a l l n e w ventures i n t o soap opera t h e m o s t careful considera-
t i o n is g i v e n t o h o w the n e w p r o d u c t can be made s u f f i c i e n t l y distinctive a n d
attractive t o c o m p e t e w i t h long-established programmes o n r i v a l channels,
w h i l e r e t a i n i n g m a n y o r a l l o f those features w h i c h audiences expect t o f i n d i n
s t a n d a r d soap e n t e r t a i n m e n t .
O n c e a n e w soap has been successfully l a u n c h e d , h o w e v e r , t h e benefits
f r o m the broadcasters' p o i n t o f v i e w may w e l l be i n c r e m e n t a l . I n other w o r d s ,
the longer a p a r t i c u l a r soap r u n s , t h e m o r e economical i t can appear t o be. I n

contrast t o o t h e r types o f p r o g r a m m e p r o d u c t i o n , an established soap opera is
an i t e m w h i c h can be easily a n d regularly accounted f o r . I n these cost-con-
scious times the k n o w l e d g e t h a t expensive e q u i p m e n t a n d s t u d i o resources are
b e i n g u t i l i z e d o n this regular a n d intensive basis can represent a p o w e r f u l eco-
n o m i c a r g u m e n t t o those w h o decide w h a t p r o g r a m m e s are p r o d u c e d . A n
a d d i t i o n a l factor w h i c h helps keep d o w n t h e cost o f soap opera p r o d u c t i o n is
that t h e salaries p a i d can be l o w e r than f o r other types o f television p r o d u c -
t i o n . A c t o r s a p p e a r i n g i n t r a d i t i o n a l soaps, even t h o u g h they m a y become
h o u s e h o l d names, are o n l y p a i d a f r a c t i o n o f t h e a m o u n t w h i c h t h e p r i m a
donnas o f the supersoaps d e m a n d a n d receive. O t h e r members o f the p r o d u c -
t i o n t e a m , d i r e c t o r s , producers a n d w r i t e r s , have also been k n o w n t o voice
t h e i r dissatisfaction o n occasions t h a t t h e level o f r e m u n e r a t i o n they receive
does n o t always reflect the range o f skills they are called o n t o deploy.
O n e s h o u l d perhaps hasten t o a d d , however, that c o m p l a i n t s about soaps
b e i n g under-resourced are heard less f r e q u e n t l y nowadays t h a n they once
w e r e . Yet there was a t i m e n o t so l o n g ago w h e n soaps w e r e v i e w e d as b e i n g
v i r t u a l l y b e y o n d t h e pale i n terms o f p r o d u c t i o n standards. Soaps became
almost s y n o n y m o u s w i t h t h e type o f p r o g r a m m e w h i c h h a d been t h r o w n
together o n a shoe-string budget a n d w h i c h s h o w e d u p all manner o f deficien-
cies, w h e t h e r o f a c t i n g , s c r i p t i n g o r technical management. I n t h e early years
o f television serials, f o r instance, parts o f t h e flimsy s t u d i o sets always
appeared t o be o n t h e verge o f collapsing a n d t h e w h o l e soap opera ' w o r l d '
seemed t o be characterized b y a distinct lack o f solidity. G i v e n t h e c o n d i t i o n s
u n d e r w h i c h soaps were p r o d u c e d a n d t h e absence o f m a n y o f t h e technical
aids n o w available, i t is small w o n d e r that a certain lack o f p o l i s h s h o w e d
t h r o u g h . W h a t is far m o r e regrettable is that t h e m y t h about soaps' generally
s h o d d y p r o d u c t i o n standards s h o u l d have persisted f o r so l o n g a n d t h a t this
label s h o u l d have been a p p l i e d so i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y . O n occasions o n e feels
4
t h a t i t has been used b y critics as a general tactic f o r d e v a l u i n g o r r i d i c u l i n g

w h a t they see as a h i g h l y d u b i o u s a n d addictive f o r m o f e n t e r t a i n m e n t .
Producing the goods

T h e m a j o r p r o b l e m , o r rather challenge, that a l l makers o f T V serial d r a m a
face is t h e task o f m a i n t a i n i n g a h i g h level o f p r o d u c t i v i t y i n t h e face o f a
deadline pressure t h a t is greater t h a n w i t h most o t h e r f o r m s o f broadcast
d r a m a . T h e necessary o u t p u t can o n l y be achieved by a d o p t i n g a b r o a d l y
i n d u s t r i a l m o d e o f p r o d u c t i o n . T h e p r o d u c t i o n process is accordingly b r o k e n
d o w n i n t o a c h a i n o f separate operations, a n d i n d i v i d u a l s o r groups are given
responsibility f o r c a r r y i n g o u t specific tasks. I n this w a y t h e m a k i n g o f T V
soaps can be l i k e n e d t o other m a n u f a c t u r i n g processes w h e r e each phase o f
p r o d u c t i o n is r o u t i n i z e d t o t h e greatest possible degree.
A considerable n u m b e r o f skills is being m o b i l i z e d i n t h e course o f m a k i n g a
soap o p e r a , b u t t h e success o f t h e o p e r a t i o n depends o n h o w w e l l a l l these

skills are c o o r d i n a t e d . I n o t h e r w o r d s , t h o u g h certain i n d i v i d u a l s m a y be
m o r e conspicuous t h a n others, every successful soap remains essentially a
team e f f o r t . Responsibility f o r ensuring that a l l cogs i n t h e p r o d u c t i o n
m a c h i n e f u n c t i o n satisfactorily lies w i t h t h e p r o d u c e r . O n e person w i t h expe-
rience o f p r o d u c i n g soaps once l i k e n e d t h e w o r k t o t h a t o f a q u a n t i t y survey-
or, i n t h a t the p r o d u c e r ' s m a i n task is t h a t o f t r a n s l a t i n g , w i t h a set n u m b e r o f
resources, t h e b l u e p r i n t w h i c h t h e p r o g r a m m e ' s architects have p r e p a r e d i n t o
a series o f f i n i s h e d u n i t s : the r e c o r d e d episodes ( R e d m o n d , 1 9 8 5 , p . 3 9 ) .
T h e precise p o w e r s o f the p r o d u c e r w i l l d i f f e r a c c o r d i n g t o h o w the p a r t i c -
ular c o m p a n y is o r g a n i z e d a n d h o w t h e chain o f c o m m a n d operates. I n t h e
U n i t e d States, the m o r e o n e peers i n t o the l a b y r i n t h i n e structure o f companies
w h i c h c o n t r o l soap opera p r o d u c t i o n , t h e m o r e l i m i t e d t h e r o l e o f t h e i n d i -
v i d u a l p r o d u c e r seems t o be. I n B r i t a i n producers o f T V d r a m a serials appear
t o have m o r e o f a say i n the w a y things are organized a n d managed, b u t even
so t h e i r p o w e r s are u l t i m a t e l y constrained b y those w h o have superior p o s i -
t i o n s i n t h e h i e r a r c h y : t h e directors o f p r o g r a m m e s f o r t h e c o m p a n y o r t h e
T V d r a m a section chiefs.
T h e first t h a t a television audience sees o r hears a b o u t a n e w soap tends t o
be i n press items o r i n various f o r m s o f p u b l i c i t y p u t o u t b y t h e channel itself
just p r i o r t o t h e l a u n c h o f t h e n e w p r o g r a m m e . As readers w i l l p r o b a b l y be
a w a r e , h o w e v e r , this f i n a l p r e - l a u n c h phase is preceded b y a l o n g gestation
p e r i o d , o f t e n several years i n d u r a t i o n , d u r i n g w h i c h a team o f w o r k e r s w i l l
have been busily engaged i n t h e m a n y types o f p l a n n i n g a n d p r e p a r a t i o n
w h i c h this t y p e o f p r o d u c t i o n demands.
Scriptwriting
As m i g h t have been a n t i c i p a t e d , given t h e huge p o p u l a r i t y o f soaps, television
companies are c o n s t a n t l y b e i n g a p p r o a c h e d - by b o t h established s c r i p t w r i t e r s
a n d b y non-professionals - w i t h n e w ideas f o r soaps. O n l y a small n u m b e r o f
these ideas o r o u t l i n e s is considered viable h o w e v e r , a n d even those w h i c h are
a c q u i r e d w i t h a v i e w t o f u r t h e r d e v e l o p m e n t w i l l i n all p r o b a b i l i t y have been
first o f f e r e d t o several o t h e r p o t e n t i a l buyers. Phil R e d m o n d , f o r instance,
tells the s t o r y o f h o w i n 1973 he first came u p w i t h the idea f o r a d r a m a serial
t o be c e n t r e d o n t h e lives o f residents o n a n e w h o u s i n g estate. H e d u l y
s u b m i t t e d this o u t l i n e t o t h e five m a j o r I T V companies a n d t h e B B C , a l l o f
w h o m j u d g e d there t o be n o mileage i n t h e idea. I t was n o t u n t i l C h a n n e l 4
was set u p i n 1 9 8 1 t h a t R e d m o n d f o u n d an o r g a n i z a t i o n w i l l i n g t o s u p p o r t
the project.
I n the course o f the i n i t i a l gestation p e r i o d o f a n e w soap, a n u m b e r o f p i l o t
scripts w i l l have been p r o d u c e d , o f t e n b y just o n e o r t w o w r i t e r s . W h e n t h e
p r o g r a m m e moves i n t o f u l l p r o d u c t i o n , h o w e v e r , i t is standard practice f o r a
t e a m o f w r i t e r s t o be e m p l o y e d , i n o r d e r t o be able t o cope w i t h t h e demands
t h a t c o n t i n u o u s serial p r o d u c t i o n makes. T h i s is i n contrast t o t h e early days

o f r a d i o soaps w h e r e i n m a n y cases just o n e w r i t e r h a n d l e d t h e script r e q u i r e -
ments f o r a d a i l y f i f t e e n - m i n u t e show. S c r i p t w r i t e r s , like a l l other w o r k e r s
i n v o l v e d i n t h e p r o d u c t i o n process, occupy a set p o s i t i o n i n t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l
hierarchy. O n e c r i t i c w i t h personal experience o f p r o d u c i n g scripts f o r soaps,
p r o v i d e s t h e f o l l o w i n g sobering assessment o f s c r i p t w r i t e r s ' relative i m p o r -
tance: T h e w r i t e r ... comes b e l o w t h e script e d i t o r o r t h e c o n t i n u i t y depart-
m e n t , w h o answer t o t h e associate producer, w h o is j u n i o r t o t h e p r o d u c e r ,
whose boss is t h e executive producer, w h o is e m p l o y e d b y t h e p r o d u c t i o n
c o m p a n y , w h i c h is o w n e d o r c o n t r o l l e d o r f u n d e d b y t h e n e t w o r k o r sponsor'
(Buckman, 1984, p. 94).
W i t h i n t h e ranks o f t h e w r i t e r s themselves there is also a hierarchy. T h e r e
are those w h o are m a i n l y responsible f o r d e t e r m i n i n g t h e general d i r e c t i o n
w h i c h present o r f u t u r e story-lines w i l l take, a n d those whose p r i n c i p a l f u n c -
t i o n i t is t o translate these b r o a d outlines i n t o scripts f o r i n d i v i d u a l episodes.
As always, there w i l l be certain c o m p a n y - d e t e r m i n e d variations as t o h o w d i f -
ferent s c r i p t w r i t i n g tasks are d i v i d e d u p between those concerned, b u t i n m o s t
p r o d u c t i o n teams there is a d i s t i n c t i o n between those w h o m w e m i g h t call t h e
strategic planners w i t h t h e longer v i e w a n d those whose j o b i t is t o flesh o u t
these basic o u t l i n e s .
T o illustrate h o w the logistics o f s c r i p t w r i t i n g are h a n d l e d i n a specific case,
one m i g h t cite t h e example o f t h e l o n g e s t - r u n n i n g soap i n existence: The
Guiding Light. I n c o m m o n w i t h most o f t h e A m e r i c a n d a y t i m e soaps The
Guiding Light is broadcast five times a week a n d has s i x t y - m i n u t e episodes.
T h e r e are three 'head w r i t e r s ' attached t o t h e p r o g r a m m e whose task i t is t o
c o m e u p w i t h w h a t is k n o w n as t h e ' l o n g s t o r y ' . T h e story-lines a n d p l o t
developments covered b y t h e ' l o n g s t o r y ' are sufficient t o carry t h e p r o -
g r a m m e t h r o u g h t h e n e x t six m o n t h s . T h e head w r i t e r s also have t o supply a
'story calendar' w h i c h i n the w o r d s o f one o f the show's producers 'gives us a
week-by-week l i s t i n g o f e m o t i o n a l a n d physical events, so t h a t w e k n o w
w h e r e w e are b y story - n o t necessarily b y i n d i v i d u a l character, b u t b y story -
each w e e k ' (Barrett, 1 9 8 5 , p . 3 7 ) . T h e next stage i n t h e o p e r a t i o n is t o pass
o n t h e ' l o n g s t o r y ' t o ' b r e a k d o w n w r i t e r s ' w h o carve u p t h e narrative i n such
a w a y as w i l l c o n v e n i e n t l y f i t i n t o a five-day sequence o f episodes. O n e partic-
ular c o n c e r n is t o p r o d u c e an o u t l i n e w h i c h w i l l accommodate a l l t h e c o m -
m e r c i a l breaks (seven per h o u r ! ) a n d end o n a tense o r i n t r i g u i n g c l i f f - h a n g i n g
note t o ensure t h a t the audience returns f o r m o r e o n t h e f o l l o w i n g M o n d a y .
O n c e agreement has been reached o n these b r e a k d o w n s ( w h i c h is usually
achieved i n c o l l a b o r a t i o n w i t h t h e show's producers), t h e outlines are sent t o
the dialogue w r i t e r s , w h o have between a week a n d ten days t o p r o d u c e t h e i r
c o m p l e t e d scripts. The Guiding Light carries a team o f five such w r i t e r s a n d as
the p r o d u c t i o n staff readily a d m i t , t h e task o f t u r n i n g o u t this a m o u n t o f d i a -
logue o n such a regular basis can o f t e n lead t o p r e m a t u r e b u r n - o u t . W i t h so
m a n y w r i t e r s w o r k i n g o n t h e scripts o f d i f f e r e n t episodes, there are also
i n e v i t a b l y certain p r o b l e m s w i t h c o n t i n u i t y . I n o r d e r t h e r e f o r e t o ensure that

characters c o n t i n u e t o use t h e same sort o f language t h r o u g h o u t a n d t o a v o i d
any n a r r a t i v e inconsistency, a story e d i t o r is e m p l o y e d t o p i c k u p a l l such laps-
es. D e p e n d i n g o n t h e n a t u r e o f the changes t o be m a d e , o n e o r m o r e o f t h e
head w r i t e r s m a y again be consulted at this stage a n d t h e p r o d u c e r w i l l also
have t o give his/her seal o f a p p r o v a l .
V i e w e d i n this l i g h t , w o r k i n g as a dialogue s c r i p t w r i t e r o n o n e o f the m o r e
p o p u l a r soaps is a heavily constrained activity. Story contours are clearly
m a r k e d a n d m u c h o f the landscape detail a l o n g the r o u t e has already been p e n -
c i l l e d i n . T o some observers this m i g h t be - indeed has been - regarded as
s o m e t h i n g o f a betrayal o f w h a t some c l a i m t o be t h e w r i t e r ' s prerogative,
n a m e l y t o be a n i n s p i r e d begetter o f texts. As far as s c r i p t i n g soap opera is c o n -
cerned, h o w e v e r , i t is i m p o r t a n t that each member o f t h e s c r i p t w r i t i n g team
resists any t e m p t a t i o n t o m a r k the t e x t w i t h the stamp o f their o w n i n d i v i d u a l i -
ty. T h i s n o t o n l y preserves a sense o f c o n t i n u i t y , b u t also maintains the i l l u s i o n
t h a t the w h o l e soap narrative is emanating f r o m an u n a u t h o r e d source.
Directing soaps
W h a t t h e above description o f s c r i p t w r i t i n g f o r soaps makes clear is that t h e
m a k i n g o f a television serial demands a particular discipline f r o m a l l those
i n v o l v e d i n the p r o d u c t i o n process. T h i s is n o less true o f the director, w h o , like
s c r i p t w r i t e r s , is usually e m p l o y e d o n a f i x e d - t e r m contract basis w h e n w o r k i n g
on a T V soap. I n other f o r m s o f ' m o v i n g image' p r o d u c t i o n , especially i n
c e r t a i n types o f f i l m - m a k i n g , t h e d i r e c t o r ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n w i l l be measured i n
p a r t b y t h e degree t o w h i c h t h e f i n i s h e d p r o d u c t bears t h e m a r k s o f t h a t i n d i -
v i d u a l ' s creative flair. T h e p r i m a r y r e q u i r e m e n t o f a T V soap d i r e c t o r o n t h e
o t h e r h a n d is t h a t such i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c aspirations are constantly k e p t i n check.
I t is m o r e a q u e s t i o n o f d i s c o v e r i n g a n d t h e n f a l l i n g i n l i n e w i t h t h e presenta-
t i o n a l style a n d t o n e w h i c h has been developed i n the course o f t h e p r o -
g r a m m e ' s s h o r t o r l o n g history. As o n e c r i t i c p u t i t : 'Consistency o f t o n e is
a l l - i m p o r t a n t , even i f the t o n e has t o be l o w ' ( B u c k m a n , 1984, p . 1 4 1 ) .
T h e m a i n task o f the d i r e c t o r is t o translate the scripts - as p r o d u c e d i n t h e
m a n n e r o u t l i n e d above - i n t o the f o r m o f episodes ready f o r transmission. T h e
d i r e c t o r ' s r o l e is thus o n e w h i c h carries w i t h i t major responsibility a n d calls
for a range o f skills, n o t the least o f w h i c h is the ability t o extract the best per-
formance o u t o f b o t h actors a n d technical personnel i n situations where
rehearsal t i m e is always g o i n g t o be short. W h a t all directors have t o bear i n
m i n d is that t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e s t u d i o staff a n d the actors they are w o r k i n g
w i t h have h a d i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y a m u c h longer association w i t h t h e serial t h a n
they have h a d themselves. Tact, c h a r m , enthusiasm, a f u n d o f relevant e x p e r i -
ence o n w h i c h t o d r a w a n d above all a steady nerve w h e n disaster threatens are
all v i t a l prerequisites o f being a successful director o f soap opera.
W i t h m o s t b i - o r t r i - w e e k l y soaps t h e p r o d u c t i v i t y levels w h i c h have t o be
m a i n t a i n e d m e a n t h a t several directors have t o be e m p l o y e d simultaneously

a n d given responsibility f o r a set n u m b e r o f episodes. A t y p i c a l p r o d u c t i o n
schedule f o r a b i - w e e k l y soap w i l l be geared t o a three-week cycle, w i t h , say,
three directors i n harness, each at a d i f f e r e n t stage i n t h e cycle. T h e first t w o
weeks are taken u p w i t h f i n a l preparations: w o r k i n g t h r o u g h t h e script a n d
discussing w i t h set designers any special needs f o r the t i m e spent i n t h e s t u d i o .
As already n o t e d , recent years have also seen a larger n u m b e r o f scenes shot
o n l o c a t i o n , so o n e o r m o r e l o c a t i o n shoots w i l l have t o be i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o
the p l a n o f c a m p a i g n . T h e d i r e c t o r also has t o f i n d t i m e d u r i n g this f o r t n i g h t
t o prepare a camera script, w h i c h maps o u t i n some detail t h e shots a n d cam-
era moves w h i c h are best suited t o c a p t u r i n g that section o f the narrative. T h e
d i r e c t o r w i l l also m a r k o n t h e camera script w h a t movements, actions a n d ges-
tures are g o i n g t o be r e q u i r e d o f the players.
M o r e t h a n perhaps any other f o r m o f television d r a m a p r o d u c t i o n , t h e
d i r e c t i n g o f soaps necessitates various types o f c o m p r o m i s e , since there is s i m -
p l y n o t t h e t i m e t o i n d u l g e i n lengthy e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n w i t h w h a t shots w o r k
best o r t o test w h e t h e r a change i n t h e l i g h t i n g set-up w o u l d b r i n g slightly bet-
ter results. T h e consequence o f this is that most directors t e n d t o fall back o n
t r i e d a n d tested f o r m u l a e , rather t h a n risk a c o m p l i c a t e d shot sequence w h i c h
m i g h t a d d s o m e t h i n g t o t h e dramatic i m p a c t o f the scene, b u t o n l y at t h e cost
o f i n v o l v i n g everybody i n a m a d scramble t o complete t h e rest o f the episode
in the time allotted.
Rehearse and record

T h e t h i r d w e e k o f the p r o d u c t i o n cycle is given over t o rehearsing a n d r e c o r d -
i n g . As m u c h as o n e w h o l e day i n this week can be set aside f o r t h e outside
l o c a t i o n scenes. T h e r e are then n o r m a l l y t w o f u l l days o f rehearsals. These
f r e q u e n t l y take place i n specially h i r e d rehearsal r o o m s , w h e r e tape m a r k i n g s
o n t h e f l o o r indicate t h e p o s i t i o n o f certain items t o be f o u n d o n t h e s t u d i o
set. T h i s preparative phase is quite i m p o r t a n t , because i n the t i g h t l y organized
space o f the s t u d i o i t is just as i m p e r a t i v e that actors remember t h e i r positions
as i t is they r e m e m b e r their lines. These final rehearsals also give t h e d i r e c t o r
the o p p o r t u n i t y t o make f u r t h e r adjustments t o t h e camera script, since w h a t
sometimes appears feasible w h e n p l o t t i n g things i n t h e m i n d ' s eye can o f t e n
p r o v e t o be u n w o r k a b l e w h e n enacted i n f r o n t o f a camera. I t is also w o r t h
m e n t i o n i n g that actors themselves may have suggestions t o make at this stage.
I t can be t h e case that certain lines are d i f f i c u l t t o deliver, o r the actor m a y
p i c k u p o n some narrative o r character inconsistency w h i c h n o o n e else h a d
s p o t t e d before t h a t m o m e n t .
T h e latter p a r t o f this week - usually at least t w o f u l l days - is given over t o
the r e c o r d i n g o f the rehearsed episodes. Before t h e f i n a l m o v e i n t o t h e s t u d i o ,
there n o r m a l l y w i l l be a so-called technical r u n - t h r o u g h , again i n t h e rehearsal
r o o m , this t i m e , however, w i t h key members o f the s t u d i o personnel present.
T h e p u r p o s e o f this r u n - t h r o u g h is t o check that t h e rehearsed episodes are

viable f r o m t h e technical p o i n t o f v i e w a n d t h a t each episode does n o t s i g n i f i -
cantly exceed o r u n d e r c u t the prescribed l e n g t h .
As already suggested, the success o f any soap opera depends o n the most
careful p l a n n i n g a n d o n t h e w e l l - c o o r d i n a t e d efforts o f a large n u m b e r o f p r o -
d u c t i o n w o r k e r s . T h e i m p o r t a n c e o f t e a m w o r k is at n o t i m e m o r e apparent
t h a n d u r i n g s t u d i o days w h e n a w i d e range o f professional skills (acting, tech-
nical a n d p r o d u c t i o n ) are being deployed. I t is v i t a l therefore that o n studio
days a g o o d w o r k i n g atmosphere is created i n order t o achieve m a x i m u m e f f i -
ciency. T h i s calls f o r considerable managerial as w e l l as d i p l o m a t i c skills o n t h e
p a r t o f b o t h d i r e c t o r a n d producer, especially as i t involves b r i n g i n g together
w h a t o n e c r i t i c has described as ' t w o d i f f e r e n t w o r k cultures i n television p r o -
d u c t i o n ' ( H o b s o n , 1 9 8 2 , p . 7 7 ) : the technical staff w h o are f o r t h e most p a r t
s t u d i o - b o u n d a n d t h e p e r f o r m e r s w h o d i v i d e their t i m e between rehearsals,
l o c a t i o n w o r k a n d s t u d i o r e c o r d i n g sessions.
Regularly h a v i n g t o set u p a s t u d i o t o r e c o r d t h e r e q u i r e d n u m b e r o f soap
episodes is n o t o n l y logistically d e m a n d i n g , i t is also quite t i m e - c o n s u m i n g .
T h i s p a r t l y explains w h y some o f the m o r e recent soaps have a c q u i r e d o r h a d
b u i l t f o r t h e m a p e r m a n e n t set. I n a c o n v e n t i o n a l T V s t u d i o , dressing a n d
l i g h t i n g t h e r e q u i r e d sets w i l l sometimes take as m u c h as h a l f a day, w h i c h
means i n t u r n s less s t u d i o t i m e f o r p e r f o r m e r s a n d crew.
W o r k i n g practices i n t h e studio vary slightly f r o m soap t o soap, depending
o n h o w t i g h t t h e schedule is, b u t most T V serial p r o d u c t i o n s nowadays a d o p t
the 'rehearse a n d r e c o r d ' procedure. T h i s simply means that, after some p r e -
l i m i n a r y camera tests, each scene i n an episode is rehearsed before being
r e c o r d e d o n v i d e o tape. I t is w o r t h n o t i n g , however, that w i t h this approach
the scenes are n o t usually r e c o r d e d i n the o r d e r they w i l l eventually occur i n
the t r a n s m i t t e d episode. T h e reason is the fairly obvious o n e that i t is m o r e
efficient t o shoot all t h e scenes scripted f o r each set o n e after the other rather
t h a n constantly h a v i n g t o s w i t c h between d i f f e r e n t parts o f the studio.
O n c e t h e s t u d i o recordings have been made, the p r o d u c t i o n enters t h e f i n a l
e d i t i n g phase. T h o u g h e v e r y t h i n g possible w i l l have been done t o get t h e t i m -
i n g o f i n d i v i d u a l episodes r i g h t at t h e rehearse/record stage, a certain a m o u n t
o f fine t u n i n g can be d o n e b y means o f careful e d i t i n g . A n episode w h i c h m a r -
g i n a l l y o v e r - r u n s its a l l o t t e d t i m e c a n , f o r instance, be t r i m m e d t o size w i t h
comparative ease. M o r e d i f f i c u l t p r o b l e m s arise, h o w e v e r , i f t h e episode
u n d e r - r u n s , f o r i t is n o w t o o late t o take any type o f r e m e d i a l a c t i o n .
Acting in soaps
F r o m t h e television public's p o i n t o f view, the most conspicuous participants i n
the w h o l e p r o d u c t i o n process are the actors. Because they are so conspicuous -
they are l i t e r a l l y so o f t e n i n t h e p u b l i c eye - they are especially subject t o t h e
k i n d o f sensationalist exposure they frequently get i n the p o p u l a r press.
O n e result is t h a t t h e d i s t i n c t i o n between t h e i r personal i d e n t i t y as a n

actor o r actress a n d t h a t o f t h e character they are p l a y i n g tends t o become
progressively m o r e b l u r r e d . O n e m i g h t have p r e d i c t e d t h a t - as a result o f
this b l u r r i n g - some actors m i g h t w e l l develop d i s t i n c t l y schizoid t r a i t s . A s
far as o n e can j u d g e , h o w e v e r , most actors seem t o cope s u r p r i s i n g l y w e l l
w i t h t h e pressures t h a t a p p e a r i n g i n a l o n g - r u n n i n g soap imposes. A n y possi-
ble disadvantages (about w h i c h m o r e i n a m o m e n t ) t e n d t o be o u t w e i g h e d b y
the n o t inconsiderable benefits t h a t b e i n g a soap actor can b r i n g . For o n e
t h i n g , a c t i n g is a v e r y u n c e r t a i n profession w h e r e at a n y o n e t i m e more
actors are o u t o f w o r k t h a n are g a i n f u l l y e m p l o y e d , so g e t t i n g a p a r t o n even
a h a l f - w a y successful soap can mean relative j o b security. M o s t soap actors
are also able t o gain a d d i t i o n a l i n c o m e f r o m various f o r m s o f p r o m o t i o n a l
activity, m a d e possible b y t h e i r enhanced status as soap o p e r a personalities.
T h e r e are o f course those w h o w i l l w i s h t o e x p l o i t t h e i r 'soap star' status as a
w a y o f l a u n c h i n g o u t i n t o another b r a n c h o f s h o w business e n t i r e l y (this has
recently been a favoured option with several teenage stars w h o have
a p p e a r e d i n A u s t r a l i a n soaps).
T h e k u d o s t h a t regularly appearing i n a T V soap brings s h o u l d n o t be
a l l o w e d t o obscure some o f t h e less w e l l - p u b l i c i z e d , a n d possibly m o r e p r o b -
lematical aspects o f soap acting. M o s t p e r f o r m e r s are, f o r instance, h i r e d
i n i t i a l l y o n short (often 13-week) contracts, w h i c h d o n o t exactly represent
secure e m p l o y m e n t c o n d i t i o n s . A l o n g - t e r m i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r
soap can, b y contrast, b r i n g problems o f a d i f f e r e n t k i n d i n that the actor c o n -
cerned becomes so i d e n t i f i e d w i t h their f i c t i o n a l character that he o r she gets
v i r t u a l l y straitjacketed w i t h i n that r o l e . I t is f o r this reason that some actors
decide i t is i n t h e i r best interests t o sever their connections w i t h t h e serial i n
question i n o r d e r t o be able t o e x t e n d their repertoire o f acting roles. I t is
sometimes possible f o r soap actors, especially those w i t h m i n o r roles, t o take
o n o t h e r f o r m s o f T V o r f i l m w o r k w h i l s t still being contracted t o a p a r t i c u l a r
soap. T h e pressures o f p r o d u c t i o n , however, are such that this type o f m o o n -
l i g h t i n g is n o t all t h a t frequent.
A n actor's desire t o ' m o v e o n ' w i l l mean that their character has t o be w r i t -
ten o u t o f t h e script, t h o u g h occasionally i t w i l l be decided s i m p l y t o use
another actor i n t h e vacated r o l e . Being w r i t t e n o u t o f a script does n o t
always h a p p e n at an actor's request, however. As w e have seen, i t is t h e head
w r i t e r s o r p r o d u c t i o n chiefs w h o determine i n w h a t w a y t h e p l o t a n d t h e
various story-lines w i l l develop. I f i t is decided t h a t t h e f u t u r e course o f
the soap n a r r a t i v e makes certain roles r e d u n d a n t , those characters w i l l be d u l y
j e t t i s o n e d , using o n e o f t h e t i m e - h o n o u r e d devices w h i c h w r i t e r s have fash-
i o n e d f o r this purpose: r o a d accident; c o n t r a c t i n g a t e r m i n a l illness; emigra-
t i o n ; m u r d e r o r madness. O n other occasions i t w i l l have been t h e i n d i v i d u a l
actor w h o - f o r a variety o f reasons - w i l l have i n c u r r e d the displeasure o f t h e
p r o d u c t i o n chiefs a n d w i l l be subsequently w r i t t e n o u t o f t h e script. A l m o s t
i n v a r i a b l y t h e ' k i l l i n g o f f o f a character w i l l lead t o c o m p l a i n t s f r o m viewers.
I f i t is a c e n t r a l character w h o is b e i n g f o r c e d t o d e p a r t , there can be a v e r i t a -

ble s t o r m o f protest. O n e o f t h e b e s t - k n o w n a n d m o s t h i g h l y p u b l i c i z e d
departures o f a character i n B r i t i s h soaps was t h a t o f M e g M o r t i m e r o f
Crossroads. M e g , p l a y e d by actress N o e l l e G o r d o n , h a d been the central char-
acter i n this l o n g - r u n n i n g serial f r o m 1 9 6 4 u n t i l 1 9 8 1 a n d f o r m a n y viewers i t
was b e y o n d belief t h a t she s h o u l d be a b a n d o n e d i n this way. F o r t h e p r o -
g r a m m e planners o n t h e o t h e r h a n d t h e f u t u r e f o r m a t o f t h e p r o g r a m m e
c o u n t e d f o r m o r e t h a n the audience's l o n g - s t a n d i n g attachment t o a character,
a n d i n spite o f a l o n g campaign t o have t h e character 'saved', t h e planners
e v e n t u a l l y h a d t h e i r way.
M e g ' s d e p a r t u r e - l i k e m o s t t h i n g s i n soaps - was n o t i r r e v o c a b l e , as she
m a d e a b r i e f r e t u r n visit t o t h e p r o g r a m m e t w o years later, b u t i t does p o i n t
u p a general feature o f a l l T V d r a m a serials. T h i s is t h a t n o o n e character
( a n d t h e r e f o r e actor) is absolutely indispensable f o r t h e s u r v i v a l o f any soap
(even t h o u g h some readers m i g h t consider t h a t Dallas w i t h o u t J R is p r a c t i -
c a l l y i n c o n c e i v a b l e ) . T h i s has p a r t l y t o d o w i t h o n e o f the d i s t i n c t i v e design
features o f soaps, t h a t - g i v e n t h e constant i n t e r w e a v i n g o f story-lines - a u d i -
ence interest is d i s t r i b u t e d amongst q u i t e a large n u m b e r o f characters. T h e
o t h e r reason is t h a t characters i n t r a d i t i o n a l T V soaps are n o t , as w i t h c e r t a i n
o t h e r f o r m s o f d r a m a , created w i t h t h e physical o r t e m p e r a m e n t a l attributes
o f a p a r t i c u l a r actor i n m i n d . Characters are d e v e l o p e d a c c o r d i n g t o s t r i c t l y
d r a m a t i c c r i t e r i a . T h i s is n o t t o say t h a t actors - especially those i n a l o n g -
r u n n i n g serial - w i l l n o t i n the course o f t i m e t o some e x t e n t make the char-
acter t h e i r o w n b y i n f l e c t i n g h i m o r h e r w i t h some o f t h e i r o w n personal
idiosyncracies.
Concluding remarks
T h e r e is clearly m u c h m o r e t h a t goes i n t o the m a k i n g o f a T V soap opera t h a n
i t has been possible t o i n c l u d e i n t h e above sections. T h e r e are, f o r instance,
elaborate p r o m o t i o n a l campaigns t h a t precede t h e l a u n c h o f a n y n e w soap
a n d the c o n t i n u i n g efforts t o m a i n t a i n a h i g h p r o f i l e f o r the p r o g r a m m e i n the
eyes o f t h e v i e w i n g p u b l i c . Television companies - especially i n v i e w o f t h e
v e r y c o m p e t i t i v e e n v i r o n m e n t i n w h i c h they f i n d themselves t o d a y - w i l l be
continually o n the look out f o r new programme material. Developing a pro-
g r a m m e f r o m scratch can be a very t i m e - c o n s u m i n g business a n d t h e success
o f the p r o d u c t is b y n o means guaranteed. T h e h i s t o r y o f soap opera is there-
f o r e f u l l o f cases w h e r e successful manifestations o f t h e genre have been
c o p i e d o r c l o n e d , i n an a t t e m p t t o secure f u r t h e r mileage f r o m a w i n n i n g
f o r m u l a . Predictably e n o u g h - given t h e fortunes t h a t can be made f r o m a
successful soap o p e r a i n the U n i t e d States - some o f the best k n o w n examples
o f c l o n i n g occur w i t h the A m e r i c a n supersoaps.
As t e l e v i s i o n executives a n d producers c o n t i n u e t o seek n e w ideas, they w i l l
be c o n s t a n t l y c o n s i d e r i n g h o w the standard ingredients o f soap opera can be
freshly b l e n d e d i n t o a n e w p r o g r a m m e m i x . Assessing w h a t is l i k e l y t o go
d o w n w e l l w i t h the c u r r e n t generation o f viewers is never an easy task, since
audience tastes are n o t o r i o u s l y d i f f i c u l t t o p r e d i c t (even w i t h such a p o p u l a r
genre as soaps).
Notes
1. For more on this idea of the 'active reader' see i n particular the w o r k of Roland
Barthes, especially his essay T h e Death of the A u t h o r ' in Image-Music-Text
(1977), pp. 142-8.
2. One has only to look at the daytime schedules of American television to see the
extent to which soap operas are indeed commodifying the television audience.
< ,
3. I n 1984 Swiss German-language television (DRS) in Zurich started broadcasting a

weekly T V drama serial Motel (was it inspired by Crossorads?) which was put
together by a small production team working within the constraints of a very
tight budget and operating w i t h late production deadlines (Bichsel, 1984, pp.
13-15).
4. One of of the favourite targets for this sort of attack was the now-defunct British
soap Crossroads. For years Crossroads was a frequent butt of popular jibes about
all manner of supposed shortcomings, to the point where it was sometimes felt
that if a stand-up comedian could not raise a laugh by any other means, then
cracking a joke at Crossroads' expense might.
References
Allen, Robert C. 1985: Speaking of soap operas. Chapel H i l l , N.C., and London: The
University of N o r t h Carolina Press.
Barrett, Ellen 1985: Daytime soap in America. In European Broadcasting Union Review
(Programmes, Administration, Law) 36(6) (November), 37-8.
Bichsel, Hannes 1984: Motel - a low-budget series. European Broadcasting Union Review
(Programmes, Administration, Law) 35(6) (November), 13-15.
Buckingham, David 1987: Public secrets: EastEnders and its audience, London: BFI
Publishing.
Buckman, Peter 1984: All for love, London: Seeker & Warburg.
Hobson, Dorothy 1982: Crossroads: the drama of a soap opera. London: Methuen.
Redmond, Phil 1985: Brookside - a socially realistic twice-weekly drama. European
Broadcasting Union Review (Programmes, Administration, Law) 36(6) (November),
39-42.
Taylor, Laurie and Mullan, Bob 1987: Uninvited guests. London: Hodder & Stoughton.
Questions
1 Not ail soaps have enjoyed the long-standing success of Coronation Street,
EastEnders and Brookside, and some of the casualties you may remember are
Eldorado, Empire Road and Castles (all on BBC1). Based on your understanding
of the production routines outlined above, how would you explain the success of
some soaps and the failure of others? Choose a soap new to British television
and assess its chances of success.
Film Production in the Information Age 319
2 Given Kilborn's assessment that soaps are increasingly being produced in an

industrial 'assembly-line' context, with all the constraints and conformity which
that implies, do you feel that soaps are becoming 'safer' and more predictable or
do you think that there is still evidence of experimentation? What story-lines
(recent or otherwise) from contemporary soaps would you regard as genuinely
innovative or risk-taking? Is there evidence that the more successful a soap is,
the more formulaic it becomes?
3 Are there any discernible differences in production values and routines between
British, American and Australian soaps? What bearing might these production
issues have on the narrative structure, characterisation and ideologies of different
soaps?
4 Soap operas are not confined to TV, and Britain's most enduring soap is The
Archers on Radio 4. Based on your understanding of the production issues out-
lined in the extract, think of a scenario for a new radio soap.
Further reading
Allen, R. 1994: To he continued... soap opera around the world. London: Routledge.
Ang, I . 1985: Watching Dallas: soap opera and the melodramatic imagination. London:
Methuen.
Buckingham, David 1987: Public Secrets: EastEnders and its audience. London: BFI
Publishing.
Dyer, R., Geraghty, C , Jordan, M . , Lovell, T., Patterson, R. and Stewart, J. 1981:
Coronation Street, BFI Monograph no. 13. London: BFI.
Fiske, J. 1987: Television culture. London: Routledge.
Geraghty, C. 1991 Women and soap opera. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Hobson, D . 1989: Soap operas at work. I n Seiter, E., Borcher, H . , Kreutzner, G. and
Warth, E - M . (eds.), Remote control: television audiences and cultural power.
London: Routledge.
Horrie, C. and Clarke, S. 1994: Soft soap, flywheels and the poisoned chalice. I n
Fuzzy monsters: fear and loathing at the BBC. London: Heinemann.
29
Film Production in the Information Age
Janet Wasko
From Hollywood in the information age (Polity Press 1994)
Film production has many facets and the book from which this extract has been chosen is
about the American movie industry and the production and distribution of films in the
Information age'. As particularly illustrative of the dramatic changes which new technolo-
gies have allowed in film-making, we have chosen an extract on special effects in
Hollywood movies.
Special effects have been used since the earliest days of cinema (perhaps most
famously in King Kong in 1933), but it is the computer-generated images of the last
15 years which have radically extended the techniques that film-makers can employ. In
fact, the pace of development is astounding and this decade has seen many ground-
breaking innovations, from the 'morphing' sequences in Terminator 2 (1991) to the com-
puter-generated dinosaurs in Jurassic Park (1993). Other recent landmarks in film
production have been the images of Brandon Lee generated by computer after the actor's
death during the filming of The Crow in 1993 which were used to complete the film, and
the first entirely computer-animated feature film, Toy Story, released in 1996.
Wasko emphasises that, like all forms of technical transformation, film production is
grounded in economics and labour, and the downside of new developments such as these
is that they are costly and they threaten jobs. When actors can literally be brought back
from the dead, and when films can be made entirely using computer-generated charac-
ters, or when old films can be given a new lease of life through 'colourisation' techniques,
what are the prospects for the budding actors of tomorrow? She also poses questions
about the career prospects of many others in the film industry, including musicians, sound
technicians and editors, all of whom face competition from technology. Furthermore,
despite the success of some relatively low-budget, technically unsophisticated films,
Hollywood's appetite for big-budget, high-tech movies seems to remain unsatiated, and
the view among some film producers in the 1990s is that they have to make movies
with ever more breath-taking special effects, in order to gain the audience's attention
(and win the coveted industry awards) in an increasingly competitive marketplace.
However, special effects do not necessarily guarantee the success of a film and there
have been some notable failures in recent years (e.g. Kevin Reynolds' 1995 blockbuster
Waterworld, starring Kevin Costner, where stunning effects were not sufficient to bring
critical acclaim).
Special effects
Perhaps t h e most obvious use o f n e w technology, at least f o r the audience, is i n
the area o f special effects. W i t h their bag o f technological tricks, special effects
experts n o w can create n e w w o r l d s , alien creatures a n d previously dangerous o r
impossible actions o n f i l m . O n e visual effects supervisor has n o t e d that ' n o w
v i r t u a l l y a n y t h i n g can be done visually. I f y o u can describe i t , y o u can d o i t . ' 1
T h e a i m o f special effects has been t o create t h i n g s t h a t d o n o t a c t u a l l y

exist. Some o f t h e techniques used b y t h e earliest f i l m m a k e r s , such as d o u -
ble exposures a n d m i n i a t u r i z e d m o d e l s , are s t i l l e m p l o y e d . King Kong (origi-
n a l l y released i n 1 9 3 3 ) represented a l a n d m a r k i n special effects a n d
i n c o r p o r a t e d m a n y o f t h e same techniques used b y t o d a y ' s special effects
teams: m o d e l s , m a t t e p a i n t i n g s f o r f o r e g r o u n d a n d b a c k g r o u n d s , rear p r o -
j e c t i o n s , m i n i a t u r e o r e n l a r g e d p r o p s a n d m i n i a t u r i z e d sets, c o m b i n e d w i t h
live action.
H o w e v e r , t h e use o f c o m p u t e r s , robotics a n d d i g i t a l technologies over t h e
last 2 0 years has a d d e d t o t h e sophistication o f t h e effects process, a n d also

enhanced t h e f i l m m a k e r ' s a b i l i t y t o create nearly a n y t h i n g imaginable o n f i l m .
T h e r e is a w i d e v a r i e t y o f o p t i c a l o r special effects, w h i c h are constantly
c h a n g i n g as every f i l m has its o w n set o f u n i q u e r e q u i r e m e n t s w h i c h inspire
effects masters t o create n e w techniques. O n l y a f e w o f these techniques can
be discussed here.
First, t h e use o f c o m p u t e r i z e d cameras has made s t o p - m o t i o n techniques
s m o o t h e r a n d m o r e believable, w h i l e image c o m p o s i t i n g has become m o r e
complex. 2
E x a m p l e s i n c l u d e e v e r y t h i n g f r o m t h e f l y i n g sequences i n E.T. t o
undersea shots i n The Hunt for Red October a n d aerial c o m b a t footage i n
Flight of the Intruder. A m o r e o b v i o u s recent e x a m p l e , h o w e v e r , is Who
Framed Roger Rabbit?, i n w h i c h c o m p u t e r - d r i v e n camera m e t h o d s w e r e used
extensively t o a l l o w cartoons t o interact w i t h live actors.
M e a n w h i l e , c o m p u t e r s have been used n o t o n l y t o assist i n m a n i p u l a t i n g
images, b u t t o create n e w ones. C o m p u t e r Generated I m a g i n g ( C G I ) has
reached a n e w level o f s o p h i s t i c a t i o n , as characters, objects a n d settings can be
created a n d t h e n c o m p o s i t e d w i t h real images (or l i v e - a c t i o n ) . T h e spectacular
results w e r e a p p a r e n t i n t h e t o p - g r o s s i n g f i l m f o r 1 9 9 1 , Terminator 2, which
p e r f e c t e d techniques called ' m o r p h i n g ' (short f o r m e t a m o r p h o s i s ) t o m e l d
f i l m a n d c o m p u t e r - g e n e r a t e d images t h r o u g h d i g i t a l c o m p o s i t i n g , a n d ' m a k -
i n g s t i c k y ' t o g r a f t t h e characteristics o f o n e image o n t o another. 3
W i t h t h e 1 9 9 3 f i l m , Jurassic Park, n e w heights i n special effects w e r e

reached w i t h t h e c r e a t i o n o f c o m p u t e r i z e d images o f ancient creatures. I n
a d d i t i o n t o full-size m o d e l s , t h e f i l m includes about six a n d a h a l f m i n u t e s o f
d i g i t i z e d dinosaur footage, w h i c h r e q u i r e d 18 m o n t h s o f w o r k b y 5 0 people
using $15 m i l l i o n w o r t h o f equipment. 4
O t h e r types o f effect can be achieved t h r o u g h d i g i t a l image processing,

i n c l u d i n g m a n i p u l a t i o n o f c o l o r , contrast, s a t u r a t i o n , sharpness a n d shape o f
images. C e r t a i n elements o f images can be r e m o v e d , m a k i n g i t possible t o
r e p a i r d a m a g e d f i l m , o r e l i m i n a t e u n w a n t e d parts o f scenes. Examples are
t h e f l y i n g sequences i n Hook, w h i c h u t i l i z e d heavy cable guides w h i c h c o u l d
be e l e c t r o n i c a l l y ' p a i n t e d ' o u t o f each shot. O n e p r e d i c t i o n is t h a t s t u n t peo-
5
ple w i l l be unnecessary w h e n ' r e a l ' actors are (seemingly) able t o a c c o m p l i s h

these d i f f i c u l t feats. 6
A n o t h e r p o s s i b i l i t y is t o create situations that seem real, b u t are actually

c o m p u t e r enhanced. Rearranging scenes f r o m famous f i l m s o r newsreels is n o t
o n l y a possibility, b u t a reality, as i l l u s t r a t e d i n f i l m s such as Zelig and Dead
Men Don't Wear Plaid, as w e l l as t h e 1 9 9 1 C o c a - C o l a c o m m e r c i a l , f e a t u r i n g
images o f H u m p h r e y Bogart a n d L o u i s A r m s t r o n g i n t h e same scene w i t h
E l t o n J o h n a n d o t h e r c o n t e m p o r a r y players. Some have p r e d i c t e d t h a t these
m a n i p u l a t i o n s w i l l become games o f t h e f u t u r e . A p h o t o a c c o m p a n y i n g a
Discover article features C l a r k Gable a n d C h e r i n Casablanca, stating t h a t ' i n
2 0 0 1 w e ' l l be t o y i n g w i t h o l d movies o n personal c o m p u t e r s , c h a n g i n g actors
a n d s t o r y lines t o f i t o u r o w n cinematic taste.' 7
For some f i l m s , t h e n u m b e r o f effects can be staggering. For e x a m p l e , the

u n d e r w a t e r setting a n d alien creatures i n The Abyss generated 2 9 0 effects
shots c o v e r i n g 2 1 minutes o f f i l m , w h i l e o n e shot i n Back to the Future II
r e q u i r e d c o m p o s i t i n g nearly 100 effect elements. 8
Yet, some o f these techniques a n d technologies actually save t i m e , as effects

can be done quicker a n d i n v o l v e fewer people. O n e software p r o g r a m ,
Q u i c k t i m e , uses d i g i t a l a n d v i d e o compression t o p r o d u c e an inexpensive ver-
sion o f an effects sequence o r e d i t . 9
C o m p u t e r i z e d h u m a n images also have been integrated i n t o f i l m s , f o r

e x a m p l e , t h e v i l l a i n i n RoboCop 2 , t h e skeleton images i n Total Recall, and
various images i n The Lawnmower Man. T h e possibility o f synthetic actors
has attracted t h e a t t e n t i o n o f m a n y f i l m m a k e r s . George Lucas p r e d i c t e d i n t h e
late eighties t h a t ' m o r e advanced t e c h n o l o g y w i l l be able t o replace actors
w i t h "fresher faces" o r alter d i a l o g a n d change t h e m o v e m e n t o f t h e actor's
lips t o m a t c h . ' W h i l e these possibilities may raise serious ethical questions, t h e
p r o b l e m may n o t be an i m m e d i a t e o n e f o r t h e acting profession. O n e o f t h e
drawbacks o f computer-generated images has been t h e h i g h costs i n v o l v e d .
A n d , even t h o u g h t h e price was f a l l i n g r a p i d l y a n d progress was b e i n g made
at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e nineties, i t was still impossible f o r synthetic actors t o
be m i s t a k e n f o r humans. I n other w o r d s , m o r p h e d cyborgs may be o n e t h i n g ,
b u t m o s t experts agree that a f u l l y computer-generated, ' n o r m a l ' h u m a n is
somewhere i n t h e f u t u r e . 10
T h e special effects b o o m has l e d t o t h e creation o f a f e w n e w companies.

A n e x a m p l e is Apogee P r o d u c t i o n s , w h i c h was f o r m e d i n 1 9 7 7 b y a g r o u p l e d
by J o h n D y k s t r a , w h o h a d w o r k e d o n the special effects f o r Star Wars. Its first
p r o j e c t was t h e television series, Battlestar Galáctica, but it went o n to pro-
duce 'spectacular images, models, mechanized p r o p s , and/or o p t i c a l c o m p o s -
ites f o r over 5 0 feature f i l m s a n d television p r o g r a m s . ' 11
Apogee also serves t h e v a r i e d interests o f the e n t e r t a i n m e n t business,

designing a n d m a n u f a c t u r i n g a w i d e array o f special effects devices a n d theme
p a r k a t t r a c t i o n s , as w e l l as p r o d u c i n g commercials, feature f i l m s a n d t e l e v i -
sion movies.
However, one company seems t o d o m i n a t e t h e special effects scene.
I n d u s t r i a l L i g h t a n d M a g i c ( I L M ) , f o r m e d b y George Lucas w h i l e p r o d u c i n g
Star Wars, claims t o d o m o r e business i n t h e special effects f i e l d t h a n its five
major competitors combined. 12
T h e c o m p a n y has w o r k e d o n six o f the t o p t e n
b o x o f f i c e hits i n h i s t o r y a n d has created some o f the most spectacular effects
i n t h e industry, i n c l u d i n g those i n Jurassic Park, Terminator 2, The Abyss, Back
to the Future(s) a n d Star Trek(s). I L M must be d o i n g w e l l : they r e p o r t e d l y
spent $3.5 m i l l i o n o n n e w e q u i p m e n t f o r w o r k o n Terminator 2 a n d used $ 1 5
m i l l i o n w o r t h o f e q u i p m e n t f o r Jurassic Park, as n o t e d p r e v i o u s l y . 13
Sound
S o u n d editors also are assisted t h r o u g h the use o f c o m p u t e r i z e d storage o f
s o u n d effects, as w e l l as the m a n i p u l a t i o n o f sound via computers. N e w
developments i n s o u n d r e p r o d u c t i o n have been i n t r o d u c e d d u r i n g the last t w o

decades, i n particular D o l b y A u d i o Recording a n d various digital s o u n d systems.
I n t h e late eighties, 7 0 m m p r i n t s o f Dick Tracy were d i s t r i b u t e d w i t h a six-
t r a c k system called C i n e m a D i g i t a l S o u n d . T h e c o m p a n y responsible f o r t h e
n e w system is p a r t i a l l y o w n e d b y Eastman K o d a k a n d promises digital s o u n d
f o r 3 5 m m p r i n t s (thus suitable f o r screening i n most theaters) i n the n e x t t e n
years. 14
M u s i c c o m p o s i t i o n a n d p e r f o r m a n c e also has been i n f l u e n c e d b y c o m p u t e r -

i z a t i o n . Just as s c r i p t w r i t e r s are able t o e m p l o y c o m p u t e r s t o assist i n t h e i r
w o r k , music composers are also using software t o a i d i n t h e c o m p o s i t i o n o f
screen scores. I n a d d i t i o n , there is t h e possibility o f the electronic o r i g i n a t i o n
o f music, v i a sophisticated synthesizers.
Other production/post-production activities

Animation renaissance
C o m p u t e r s have been i n t e g r a t e d i n t o a n i m a t i o n w o r k , m a k i n g i t possible t o
c o m p l e t e d r a w i n g s m o r e e f f i c i e n t l y a n d clean u p a n i m a t e d frames, b u t also t o
create scenes f r o m n e w perspectives based o n o r i g i n a l d r a w i n g s .
Because o f these technical developments a n d m a r k e t i n g factors, there has
been a renaissance i n a n i m a t i o n . 15
A g o o d deal o f a n i m a t e d p r o g r a m m i n g is
c o m p l e t e d b y l o w e r - p a i d w o r k e r s i n E u r o p e a n d Southeast Asian countries.
N o t o n l y can a n i m a t e d features be accomplished m o r e quickly, e f f i c i e n t l y
a n d cheaply, t h e f i l m s t e n d t o be p o p u l a r w i t h a w i d e range o f audiences,
m a k i n g t h e m p a r t i c u l a r l y suited f o r i n t e r n a t i o n a l markets. A s a recent New
York Times article c o n c l u d e d , ' L i k e so m u c h else i n H o l l y w o o d , t h e r e n e w e d
interest i n a n i m a t e d f i l m s after decades o f general neglect stems largely f r o m a
h u n g e r t o d u p l i c a t e some very impressive b o x o f f i c e n u m b e r s . ' 16
F r o m 1 9 8 6 t h r o u g h 1 9 9 0 , i t was estimated that a n i m a t e d f i l m s grossed

m o r e t h a n $ 4 0 0 m i l l i o n domestically. 17
Some o f the really successful a n i m a t e d
f i l m s (and t h e i r b o x o f f i c e revenues) t h a t have w h e t H o l l y w o o d appetites have
i n c l u d e d : Who Framed Roger Rabbit? ( $ 1 5 4 m i l l i o n ) , The Little Mermaid ($84
m i l l i o n ) , Oliver and Company ( $ 5 2 m i l l i o n ) a n d An American Tail ( $ 4 7 m i l -
l i o n ) . M e a n w h i l e , Beauty and the Beast set a r e c o r d b y selling m o r e t h a n 14
m i l l i o n videocassettes, w h i l e Aladdin p r o v i d e d even m o r e treasures f o r t h e
D i s n e y c o m p a n y . T h e goal is t o attract y o u n g a n d o l d audiences over a n d over
again t h r o u g h p e r p e t u a l re-releases a n d v i d e o d i s t r i b u t i o n , a n d t o capitalize
o n m e r c h a n d i s i n g possibilities. I n o t h e r w o r d s , o t h e r companies are t r y i n g t o
emulate t h e Disney m o d e l .
Color me richer
W h i l e special effects a n d o t h e r n e w processes have received l i t t l e b u t r a p t u r e d
awe from t h e p o p u l a r press a n d H o l l y w o o d fans, another process has
attracted n o t h i n g b u t controversy. A c o m p u t e r software system developed i n

the eighties can d i f f e r e n t i a t e between shades o f gray i n black a n d w h i t e
images, m a k i n g i t possible t o select a p p r o p r i a t e colors a n d thus colorize p r e v i -
ously black a n d w h i t e f i l m s . 18
W h i l e t h e technique apparently h a d been avail-
able f o r a f e w years, i t w a s n ' t u n t i l t h e mid-eighties that a c o m p a n y called
C o l o r Systems Technology was able t o f i n d anyone interested i n t h e process.
Even t h o u g h films have been altered i n numerous ways f o r television since
the fifties, c o l o r i z a t i o n immediately d r e w the w r a t h o f H o l l y w o o d ' s creative
c o m m u n i t y , legislators, a n d critics. T h e debate became especially heated after
1986, w h e n Ted Turner purchased the libraries o f M G M , R K O and pre-1950s
Warner Brothers films a n d television programs. Turner immediately arranged
f o r 1 0 0 films ( i n c l u d i n g Casablanca, Father of the Bride and The Maltese Falcon)
t o be c o l o r i z e d b y C o l o r Systems Technology. T h e H a l Roach Studios also start-
ed c o l o r i z i n g films i n t h e public d o m a i n ( i n c l u d i n g It's a Wonderful Life a n d
Topper) at its (partially-owned) Toronto-based company, C o l o r i z a t i o n I n c . 19
For t h e m o s t p a r t , t h e H o l l y w o o d c o m m u n i t y was o u t r a g e d . T h e strongest

c o m p l a i n t s came f r o m d i r e c t o r s , w h o w a n t e d t o d r a w a strict line between a r t
a n d c o m m e r c e . Fred Z i n n e m a n c r i e d that i t was 'a c u l t u r a l c r i m e o f t h e first
order.' 20
M a r t i n Scorsese called c o l o r i z a t i o n a 'desecration,' e x p l a i n i n g that
'Casablanca is art. You d o n ' t mess a r o u n d w i t h i t . ' 21
I n a d d i t i o n t o directors
(and t h e D i r e c t o r s G u i l d o f A m e r i c a ) a n d f i l m stars, other groups opposed t o
the process i n c l u d e d t h e A m e r i c a n F i l m I n s t i t u t e , t h e W r i t e r s G u i l d o f
A m e r i c a West, a n d t h e A m e r i c a n Society o f Cinematographers. D u r i n g con-
gressional hearings o n t h e issue, t h e A F I stressed t h e c u l t u r a l r o l e o f f i l m ,
w h i l e t h e ' m o r a l r i g h t s ' o f artists - the r i g h t t o a p p r o v e any changes made i n
c o m p l e t e d f i l m s - eventually became the issue. 22
T h o s e w h o c o l o r i z e , however, saw t h e issue d i f f e r e n t l y . A f i l m can be

changed f r o m black a n d w h i t e t o c o l o r f o r as l i t t l e as $ 1 , 5 0 0 a m i n u t e ,
a l t h o u g h $ 2 , 0 0 0 - 3 , 0 0 0 is p r o b a b l y m o r e c o m m o n . 23
A c o l o r i z e d f i l m can t h e n
be s o l d t o syndicated television a n d cable channels a n d released o n videocas¬
settes f o r a t i d y p r o f i t . C o l o r Systems is said t o have attracted contracts w o r t h
more than $20 m i l l i o n around 1985. 24
As one colorizer e x p l a i n e d , 'We're t a l k -
i n g a b o u t m a k i n g t h e m viable i n today's television a n d cassette m a r k e t . ' 25
A n d , i n d e e d , t h e m a r k e t d i d seem t o r e s p o n d : It's a Wonderful Life sold a

t o t a l o f a r o u n d 1 0 , 0 0 0 copies i n t h e o r i g i n a l black a n d w h i t e version i n
1 9 8 5 - 6 , b u t between 5 5 , 0 0 0 a n d 7 5 , 0 0 0 copies h a d been sold o f t h e c o l -
o r i z e d version b y N o v e m b e r 1 9 8 6 . 26
As T e d Turner f i n a l l y c o n c l u d e d , ' T h e
vast m a j o r i t y o f people really d o n ' t give a h o o t w h e t h e r y o u colorize movies
o r n o t . It's a h a n d f u l o f elitists i n H o l l y w o o d that d o n ' t l i k e i t . '
W h i l e t h e head o f the Directors G u i l d claimed that classic f i l m s were
'bastardized b y people i n t e n t o n squeezing the last possible penny o u t o f m a r -
k e t i n g those pictures,' others p o i n t e d o u t that H o l l y w o o d f i l m companies were
m a k i n g t h e deals. 27
Turner n o t o n l y insisted o n his r i g h t t o d o a n y t h i n g he
wanted with t h e f i l m s he o w n e d , he also stressed t h e business side o f
f i l m m a k i n g t h a t t h e directors w a n t e d t o i g n o r e : ' M o v i e s were made t o be p r o f -

itable. T h e y w e r e n o t made as a r t , they were made t o make money, a n d a n y
m o v i e m a k e r w h o d i d make movies f o r art's sake is o u t o f business. A n y t h i n g
t h a t c o u l d m a k e m o r e m o n e y has always been considered t o be O K . ' 2 8
C r u d e , perhaps, b u t u l t i m a t e l y o w n e r s h i p r i g h t s a n d business sensibilities

r u l e d . Casablanca a p p e a r e d i n its c o l o r i z e d f o r m i n N o v e m b e r 1 9 8 9 , a n d
a r o u n d t h e same t i m e , Citizen Kane was o n its w a y t o t h e c o m p u t e r i z e d
paintbrush.
Reflections on the production process and new technologies

Labor issues
T h e q u e s t i o n o f n e w t e c h n o l o g i c a l d e v e l o p m e n t u l t i m a t e l y involves a w i d e
range o f questions c o n c e r n i n g t h e f u t u r e o f f i l m w o r k e r s .
M a n y o f t h e developments discussed i n this chapter have t h e p o t e n t i a l f o r
e l i m i n a t i n g jobs i n the f i l m industry. W i l l w o r k e r s be replaced by n e w techno-
logical developments o r w i l l their jobs become easier a n d m o r e efficient? As
n o t e d previously, some e d i t i n g positions are threatened b y video e d i t i n g tech-
niques. I n a d d i t i o n , musicians also may be replaced by increased use o f synthe-
sized music a n d computers also m a y threaten t h e craft o f cinematographers.
A n d , i t is even possible t h a t c o m p u t e r i z e d actors o r robots may one day replace
real-life actors a n d actresses.
O t h e r p r o b l e m s relate t o t h e rivalries between w o r k e r s a n d u n i o n s over
j u r i s d i c t i o n a l p r o b l e m s . F i l m editors replaced b y v i d e o technicians have result-
e d i n skirmishes b e t w e e n t h e t w o technical u n i o n s i n t h e industry, t h e
N a t i o n a l A s s o c i a t i o n o f Broadcast Employees a n d Technicians (NABET),
w h i c h t y p i c a l l y o r g a n i z e d v i d e o technicians, a n d the I n t e r n a t i o n a l A l l i a n c e o f
T h e a t r i c a l a n d Stage Employees (IATSE), w h i c h generally o r g a n i z e d f i l m tech-
nicians. A n o t h e r e x a m p l e c i t e d b y M i c h a e l N i e l s e n is t h e c o n t r o v e r s y between
s o u n d technicians a n d f i l m editors using electronic e d i t i n g , w h i c h a l l o w s
s o u n d a n d p i c t u r e e d i t i n g simultaneously. 29
A n o t h e r question has t o d o w i t h education a n d reskilling. W h o s h o u l d be

responsible f o r t r a i n i n g f i l m w o r k e r s t o use the newest technologies? P r o d u c t i o n
companies, trade u n i o n s , e q u i p m e n t companies, universities, the g o v e r n m e n t ,
o r employees themselves? Nielsen cites an example o f a state-sponsored j o b
r e t r a i n i n g p r o g r a m t o prepare f i l m editors f o r electronic e d i t i n g techniques.
O t h e r issues p e r t a i n t o creative decisions, as t h e p o t e n t i a l f o r s h i f t i n g c o n -
t r o l o f a f i l m ' s creative elements is i n f l u e n c e d b y m a n y o f these n e w processes.
For e x a m p l e , w i t h electronic e d i t i n g systems, there is the p o t e n t i a l f o r less
i n f l u e n c e b y f i l m e d i t o r s , even o n t h e first c u t o f a f i l m .
W h i l e u n i o n s a n d g u i l d s s h o u l d be able t o p r o t e c t jobs a n d t h e c o n t r o l o f
the w o r k process, t h e l a b o r organizations i n t h e f i l m i n d u s t r y generally have
n o t represented a u n i t e d f r o n t against t e c h n o l o g i c a l change. As N i e l s e n c o n -
cludes, T h e n e t result o f this dissension a m o n g t h e craft u n i o n s i n v o l v e d i n
broadcasting a n d f i l m is t h a t t h e producers have c o n t i n u e d t o have t h e

u p p e r h a n d i n a l l negotiations. T h e u n i o n s seem t o o concerned w i t h t h e i r
i m m e d i a t e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l needs t o recognize f u l l y the p o t e n t i a l i m p a c t o f n e w
technologies.' 10
Independents/competition
W i t h t h e a d d i t i o n o f n e w technologies i n p r o d u c t i o n , the ability o f i n d e p e n -
dents t o p r o d u c e the slick, sophisticated l o o k o f the m a j o r p r o d u c t i o n c o m p a -
nies becomes m o r e d i f f i c u l t . T o compete, independents must locate the capital
needed t o use these n e w (and o f t e n expensive) techniques a n d e q u i p m e n t .
O t h e r w i s e , they are relegated t o m a k i n g l o w e r - b u d g e t f i l m s o r cheaper ver-
sions (or, perhaps, satires) o f the m o r e expensive, blockbuster f i l m s . 31
Yet t h e r h e t o r i c f r o m t h e H o l l y w o o d c r o w d is still that y o u d o n o t really

need the t e c h n o l o g y t o make a successful f i l m . W e are t o l d over a n d over t h a t
despite c o m p u t e r storyboards, shiny n e w e d i t i n g machines a n d elaborate spe-
cial effects, m o v i e m a k i n g still demands storytellers, a n d t h e i n d u s t r y is i n
need o f i m a g i n a t i o n a n d t a l e n t . 32
Technological genres
I t m i g h t be argued t h a t these technological developments also influence t h e
types o f f i l m p r o d u c e d b y H o l l y w o o d companies. Certainly, t h e n u m b e r o f
science f i c t i o n o r space epics have increased w i t h t h e e v o l u t i o n o f sophisticat-
ed special effects techniques. I n d e e d , seven o f the t o p t e n hits o f the eighties
w e r e 'effects' m o v i e s . 33
T h e b o x office successes o f action films i n c o r p o r a t i n g special effects a n d spec-

tacular stunts entice filmmakers t o n o t o n l y continue using such techniques, b u t
t o reach even f u r t h e r i n t o their special effects bag w i t h each f i l m . I t may even be
possible that m a n y audience members may reject films w i t h o u t such high-tech
adventures a n d action, f i n d i n g t h e m slow, uninteresting and even b o r i n g .
Notes
1. Kirk Honeycutt, 'Pushing the Envelope w i t h Visual Effects', Los Angeles Times, 19
March 1990, p. F l .
2. See '2001 Entertainment: Personal FX', Discover, November 1988; Richard
Wolkomir, ' H i g h Tech H o k u m is Changing the Way Movies Are Made', The
Smithsonian, October 1990; Richard Zoglin, 'Lights! Camera! Special Effects!',
Time, 16 June 1986, pp. 9 2 - 3 .
3. Similar computer graphic techniques were used by Industrial Light & Magic for the
film Willow. See Ron Magid, ' I L M Gets a Piece of the Action', American
Cinematographer, January 1992; 'Make Sticky, M o r p h ! ' , Time, 8 July 1991, p. 56.
Morphing also was used in The Abyss to create the undulating sea creature called the
Pseudopod. See 'Lights! Action! Disk Drives!', Newsweek, 22 July 1991, p. 54; Bob
Fisher, 'The Dawning of the Digital Age', American Cinematographer, April 1992,
pp. 71-2; Janet Maslin, 'Movie Wizards Tell Cyborgs' Secrets', New York Times, 21
February 1992; David Hutchinson, 'Digital Dawn', SFX, 3, pp. 48-58; 'Technology
in the Movie Industry: Special Report', Wall Street Journal, 16 September 1985.
4. See David A. Kaplan, 'Believe in Magic', Newsweek, 14 June 1993, pp. 6 0 - 1 .

5. Bob Fisher, T h e Dawning of the Digital Age'; see also Alfred D . Harrell,
AFI/Apple Alliance Bears Fruit', American Cinematographer, April 1992.
6. 'Lights! Action! Disk Drives!'.
7. '2001 Entertainment'.
8. Honeycutt, 'Pushing the Envelope'.
9. Harrell, 'AFI/Apple Alliance', p. 92.
10. One f i l m during the late eighties entitled Lookers dealt w i t h the idea of computer-
ized actors. Also see Kathleen K. Wiegner and Julie Schlax, 'But Can She Act?',
Forbes, 10 December 1990; Edith Myers, 'Behind the Scenes', Datamation, March
1982, pp. 3 6 - 4 2 ; Harrell, 'AFI/Apple Alliance', p. 92.
11. Mimeographed material from Apogee Productions.
12. Wolkomir, ' H i g h Tech H o k u m ' . Also, see Magid, ' I L M Gets a Piece of the Action'.
13. 'Lights! Action! Disk Drives!'; Kaplan, 'Believe'. See Thomas G. Smith, Industrial
Light and Magic: The Art of Special Effects (New York, Ballantine Books, 1986)
(excerpt i n 'Reel Illusions', Omni, June 1987, pp. 71-6). For more on Lucasfilm,
see Dale Pollock, Skywalking: The Life and Films of George Lucas (New York,
Harmony Books, 1983); Charles Champlin, George Lucas: The Creative Impulse
(New York, Harry N . Abrams, 1992).
14. Chris Willman, '"Dick Tracy" Brings in Arresting N e w Cinema Sound System', Los
Angeles Times, 30 May 1990. Also see Martha Groves, '"Star Wars" Scores Go
Digital at Lucas' Skywalker Ranch', Los Angeles Times, 24 March 1990, p. F10.
15. Several special sections of trade magazines have focused on the animation revival:
Variety, March 1992; The Hollywood Reporter, 26 January 1993, pp. S1-S76; Ray
Bennett, 'Animation Draws Winning Hand', Daily Variety, 5 February 1993. Also
see Aljean Harmetz, 'Video Alters Economics of Movie Animation', New York
Times, 1 May 1985; Charles Solomon, 'That Won't Be A l l , Folks, as Cartoons
Make a Comeback', Los Angeles Times, 25 March 1990, p. F l .
16. Larry Rohter, 'The Feature-Length Cartoon Returns', New York Times, 16 May
1991, p. c l 7 .
17. Solomon, 'That Won't Be A l l ' .
18. David Wilson, 'Colour Box: N e w Films for O l d ' , Sight and Sound, Summer 1985,
p. 147.
19. Susan Linfield, 'The Color of M o n e y ' , American Film, January/February 1987.
20. Wilson, 'Colour Box'.
2 1 . Linfield, 'The Color of M o n e y ' , p. 30.
22. See Jack Mathews, 'Colorization Debate Takes on a N e w Hue', Los Angeles Times,
16 March 1989; D o n Shannon, 'Panel Weighs " M o r a l Rights" of Film Alteration',
Los Angeles Times, 25 October 1989.
23 Robert S. Birchard, ' M y Hair Is Red, M y Eyes Are Blue', American
Cinematographer, October 1985, p. 76; Linfield, 'The Color of M o n e y ' , p. 30.
25. Birchard, ' M y Hair Is Red', pp. 75-7.
26. Linfield, 'The Color of M o n e y ' , p. 30.
28. Greg Dawson, 'Into the 90s: Ted Turner', American Film, January/February 1989,
p. 39.
29. See Nielsen, 'Labor's Stake'.
30. Nielsen, 'Labor's Stake', p. 83.
3 1 . Spaceballs is an example of a film which satirizes the sci-fi genre which is rich in
special effects, yet the film still had to incorporate some of the same special effects
techniques in the process.
32. This sentiment is repeated consistently i n discussions w i t h Hollywood 'insiders',
and is a common theme of those interviewed by Tom Brokaw for NBC's documen-
tary on 'The New H o l l y w o o d ' , aired in March 1990.
33. Wolkomir, ' H i g h Tech H o k u m ' , p. 124.
Questions
1 Think about the films that you have seen over the last 12 months which use
special effects. In which did you feel that the effects were detrimental to the film
(in the sense of being distracting or trying to compensate for a weak plot, for
example)?
2 Wasko suggests that some of the larger media conglomerates have the power
to squeeze out smaller independent film companies because of their ability to
use dramatic and spectacular effects, yet some notable successes of recent
years have included the relatively low-budget and technologically unsophisticat-
ed Four Weddings and a Funeral, Trainspotting and Secrets and Lies. How would
you account for these successes in an industry which, as Wasko points out, is
dominated by producers who feel the need to Yeach even further into their spe-
cial effects bag with each film'.
3 In view of current innovations in computer-based film technology, what future
developments do you expect to see in film and other media (e.g. television
advertising, where many film directors learn their craft)?
Further reading
Coe, B. 1981: The history of movie photography. New Jersey: Eastview Editions.
Hayward, P. and Wollen, T. 1993: Future visions: new technologies of the screen.
London: BFI.
Mealing, S. 1992: The art and science of computer animation. O x f o r d : Intelect.
Smith, T. G . 1991: Industrial light and magic: the art of special effects. London: Virgin.
Webster, C. 1996: Film: the place where art and technology meet. In Nelmes, J. (ed.),
An introduction to film studies. London: Routledge.
30
Video Diaries: What's Up Doc?
Peter Keighron
From Sight and Sound 3(10), 24-5 (October 1993)
'Real life' television shows have increased in number and popularity over the last decade
and the final two extracts in this section explore the range of programmes encompassed
Video Diaries: What's Up Doc? 329
by the term 'reality programming'. Most reality television relies on the audience's fascina-
tion with other people's lives and, in this reading, Keighron concentrates on those pro-
grammes which exploit a relatively new innovation in media technology and capitalise on
its widespread use and popularity, the video camcorder.
Fly-on-the-wall documentaries have been popular for more than 20 years and continue to
provide entertaining and relatively inexpensive TV (BBC 2's The Village is a recent example)
but although more 'natural' and often more revealing than traditional forms of documentary,
these stories of people's lives are subject to considerable professional intervention and are
'packaged' for television with, for example, a presenter/narrator, accompanying music, care-
ful editing and even a cliff-hanger on which to end every programme. Keighron's focus of
study, the BBC's Video Diaries series, takes the production process one stage further, blur-
ring the distinction between producers and consumers of television output, and giving ordi-
nary people the opportunity to make personal and often very intimate documentaries about
themselves or an aspect of their lives on a video camcorder.
Far from being seen as a weakness, the amateur quality of these programmes is viewed
by Keighron, and many others, as lending the series an integrity and authenticity which is
absent from more traditional documentaries. Although new video technology has, in the
past, been treated with hostility by some members of the broadcasting establishment, it
seems that, on the whole, mainstream television has now enthusiastically embraced the
camcorder aesthetic, to the extent that the video diary format has now been appropriated in
a number of other genres, including advertisements (e.g. for Radion, Pot Noodle and Ryvita),
travel programmes (like Channel 4's The Real Holiday Show) and light entertainment shows
(such as Beadle's Hot Shots on ITV). Indeed Keighron suggests that these programmes are
shaping and responding to the tastes of the audience who, he argues, are becoming
increasingly cynical about slick, highly edited programmes, and view series like Video
Diaries and Video Nation as raw, credible and offering a 'truth' which is absent elsewhere in
news and documentary.
V i d e o is i n t h e v a n g u a r d o f a technological r e v o l u t i o n i n television. B u t exactly

w h a t sort o f r e v o l u t i o n , a n d w h o ' s g o t t h e upper h a n d , is n o t clear. O p i n i o n s
are d i v i d e d : either p o w e r f l o w s f r o m t h e barrel o f a camcorder, a n d D i x o n s is
the people's a r m o u r y , o r o u r every m o v e is being surveyed a n d c o n t r o l l e d b y
the v i d e o p o l i c e i n league w i t h a cabal o f m e d i a m o g u l s .
I t w o u l d be easier just t o say t h a t t e c h n o l o g y is w i n n i n g . B u t t e c h n o l o g y is
o n l y ever created, d e v e l o p e d a n d d e p l o y e d w i t h i n p a r t i c u l a r social, p o l i t i c a l
a n d c u l t u r a l f r a m e w o r k s . T e c h n o l o g y enables certain f o r m s o f social, p o l i t i -
cal a n d c u l t u r a l m a n i p u l a t i o n b u t determines n o n e . A n d w h a t ' s i n t e r e s t i n g
a b o u t v i d e o t e c h n o l o g y is t h a t i t is e n a b l i n g r e v o l u t i o n a r y changes n o t just
w i t h i n t h e t e l e v i s i o n i n d u s t r y b u t outside i t , n o t just a m o n g professionals b u t
a m o n g amateurs.
V i d e o is e n a b l i n g us t o t h i n k a b o u t t h e w a y w e define these categories a n d
h o w b r o a d c a s t i n g divides its p r o d u c e r s f r o m its consumers. I n o t h e r w o r d s , i t
enables us t o t h i n k a b o u t television a n d democracy, t o reflect u p o n t h e fact
t h a t t e l e v i s i o n is a source o f (unelected) p o w e r f o r those w h o w o r k i n a n d

c o n t r o l t h e i n d u s t r y - researchers, directors, p r o g r a m m e - m a k e r s , p r o d u c e r s ,
schedulers, broadcasters. V i d e o is enabling us t o t h i n k again about w h o
s h o u l d have t h a t p o w e r , w h a t they are d o i n g w i t h i t , a n d w h y .
Such questions are b e i n g raised b y t h e w h o l e ' r e a l i t y t e l e v i s i o n ' genre, so
p o p u l a r i n t h e US a n d most successfully i m i t a t e d i n t h e U K i n B B C l ' s 999.
T h e y are also p e r t i n e n t t o ' p e o p l e ' shows such as You've Been Framed! and
Caught in the Act. B u t t h e political nature o f t h e question is most clearly
b r o u g h t i n t o focus b y Video Diaries, n o t least because o f the w a y t h e series is
a f f e c t i n g professional d o c u m e n t a r y - m a k e r s .
W h e n The Man Who Loves Gary Lineker w o n the Flaherty a w a r d at this
year's B A F T A s , i t was t h e clearest i n d i c a t i o n yet that Video Diaries had moved
o u t o f t h e g h e t t o o f worthiness i n w h i c h access p r o g r a m m i n g is i n v a r i a b l y
d u m p e d a n d was n o w residing i n t h e v i c i n i t y o f d o c u m e n t a r y p r o p e r . W h i l e
some professional f i l m - m a k e r s m a y v i e w this as a case o f 'there goes t h e
n e i g h b o u r h o o d ' , f o r m o s t i t poses an e x c i t i n g challenge.
' W i t h o u t any question at a l l I t h i n k Video Diaries is t h e most i m p o r t a n t
development i n television probably since the h a n d - h e l d camera itself,'
says d o c u m e n t a r y - m a k e r Roger Graef. 'At the c u t t i n g edge o f a l l factual
p r o g r a m m e - m a k i n g , ' says C h a n n e l 4's C o n t r o l l e r o f Factual Programmes Peter
Salmon. 'Absolutely b r i l l i a n t ... w h e n they w o r k they make people like m e
r e d u n d a n t , ' says documentarist M o l l y D i n e e n . A n d so o n . I f the gist o f all this
is t h a t w e c o u l d be l i v i n g t h r o u g h r e v o l u t i o n a r y times i n d o c u m e n t a r y - m a k i n g ,
the question is h o w , exactly, w i l l that r e v o l u t i o n be televised?
A l r e a d y professionals are a t t e m p t i n g t o integrate, some w o u l d say a p p r o -
p r i a t e , t h e V i d e o D i a r y f o r m a t i n d i f f e r e n t a n d c o n t r o v e r s i a l ways. I n t h e
recent series o f B B C 2 ' s 40 Minutes - the first u n d e r series e d i t o r Paul W a t s o n
- t w o o f t h e d o c u m e n t a r i e s use camcorders. Will They Ring Tomorrow/A
Change of Heart uses H i - 8 cameras t o f o l l o w f o u r heart patients w a i t i n g f o r
a t r a n s p l a n t , w h i l e s o m e w h a t m o r e controversially, Away the Lads integrates
v i d e o footage t a k e n b y some G e o r d i e 'lads' o n h o l i d a y i n B e n i d o r m w i t h
p r o f e s s i o n a l 1 6 m m footage.
' I t absolutely stank,' says Video Diaries e d i t o r Jeremy G i b s o n o f Away the
Lads. ' T h a t ' s w h a t gets i t a bad n a m e . ' G i b s o n was c a l l i n g f o u l o n t h e w a y t h e
p r o g r a m m e e x p l o i t e d t h e 'lads' by using t h e i r footage b u t n o t g i v i n g t h e m any
e d i t o r i a l c o n t r o l . T h e diarist's r i g h t t o e d i t o r i a l c o n t r o l is an essential p a r t o f
the Video Diaries project. But Watson denies any misuse o f the f o r m a t . T d o n ' t
t h i n k i t ' s been prescribed t h a t n o b o d y else s h o u l d use i t , ' he says. 'It's rather
l i k e s o m e b o d y i n v e n t i n g an engine a n d saying i t can't be used f o r a n y t h i n g
o t h e r t h a n a car.'
W h a t G i b s o n is d e f e n d i n g ( t h o u g h Watson w o u l d deny that is w h a t he is
a t t a c k i n g , since G i b s o n is t a l k i n g about an ethic whereas W a t s o n is t a l k i n g
a b o u t a p r o d u c t ) is integrity. 'There is a k i n d o f a p p r o p r i a t i o n g o i n g o n a n d
it's n o t just an a p p r o p r i a t i o n o f a t e c h n i q u e , i t ' s an a p p r o p r i a t i o n o f an
i n t e g r i t y , ' says Video Diaries series p r o d u c e r B o b L o n g . I n p a r t , t h a t i n t e g r i t y

is a n aesthetic. I n m u c h t h e same w a y as the shaky b l a c k - a n d - w h i t e images o f
cinéma vérité c l a i m e d t o be s o m e h o w closer t o reality t h a n H o l l y w o o d t e c h n i -
c o l o u r , so t h e v i d e o aesthetic can p r o m i s e the closest shave yet. T h e w o b b l e o f
t h e i m a g e , t h e l u r c h o f the autofocus, t h e b l e e d i n g reds a l l a d d u p t o a n e w
a u t h e n t i c i t y w h i c h , claims L o n g , is a very tangible quality. T t h i n k t h a t i n t e g r i -
t y comes t h r o u g h n o t just i n a k i n d o f discussion a m o n g m e d i a p e o p l e . I t h i n k
t h a t i t is f e l t i n w a t c h i n g a d i a r y b y t h e audience,' he explains. T h a t ' s o n e o f
the reasons w e ' r e l i k e d , people d o believe t h a t it's real, t h a t it's honest. I t h i n k
p e o p l e have a deep sense o f seeing honesty ... it's such a subtle t h i n g , just t h e
w a y someone l o o k s at the camera, the w a y t h e y ' r e t a l k i n g . '
T h e w h o l e ' w h a t y o u are a b o u t t o see is the w o r k o f an a m a t e u r ' aspect o f
t h e series is n o longer m e r e l y a negative a p o l o g y f o r p o o r technical quality,
b u t a p o s i t i v e advertisement f o r t h e i n t e g r i t y o f t h e amateur. A s viewers
b e c o m e increasingly televisually l i t e r a t e , ever m o r e aware o f the t r i c k s o f t h e
t r a d e a n d t h e c o n s t r u c t e d nature o f d o c u m e n t a r y o b j e c t i v i t y a n d balance, t h e
amateur retains t h e p o w e r t o c u t t h r o u g h t h e layers o f scepticism a n d c y n i -
cism w i t h w h i c h w e have learned t o p r o t e c t ourselves f r o m t h e professional
m e d i a , the great m a n i p u l a t o r .
B u t Video Diaries entails n o t so m u c h a replacement o f t h e professional b y
the amateur, as a changing relationship between those terms. I n some ways this
is t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y l e d . T h e far higher ratios made possible b y the economics o f
v i d e o (it is rare f o r documentary-makers t o exceed a r a t i o o f 3 0 : 1 w h e n using
f i l m , whereas a t y p i c a l Video Diary w i l l use a r a t i o o f at least 1 5 0 : 1 ) can
change the w h o l e nature o f p r o d u c t i o n , since m u c h o f the research a n d prepa-
r a t i o n can i n effect be done ' i n camera'. I n Video Diaries the diarist is at d i f f e r -
ent times, a n d o f t e n at the same t i m e , researcher, director, p r o d u c e r , camera
o p e r a t o r , s o u n d person a n d e d i t o r (not t o m e n t i o n subject) a n d the r o l e o f the
professional p r o d u c e r is i n the process n o t so m u c h r e m o v e d as renegotiated.
T h e real d r i v i n g force o f Video Diaries, t h o u g h , is n o t technology b u t c o n -
t r o l . T h e u l t i m a t e e d i t o r i a l c o n t r o l o f the diarist - the amateur - is, says B o b
L o n g , 'the o n l y t h i n g that's set i n stone.' But w h i l e diarists make the final edit-
i n g decisions, t h e Video Diaries professionals make the first a n d i n some ways
m o s t i m p o r t a n t ones. T h e y select (edit) t h e half dozen o r so diarists i n each
series f r o m t h e thousands o f applicants a n d choose t h e p o l i t i c a l a n d ethical
structure o f the series. So i f the professionals are still i n c o n t r o l at this stage, by
w h a t a u t h o r i t y , a n d o n the basis o f w h a t ideologies d o they w i e l d that power?
T h e t h e o r y a n d practice o f e d i t o r i a l c o n t r o l a n d the d i f f e r e n t ways i t can be
m e d i a t e d have d e v e l o p e d over t h e last 2 0 years at t h e BBC's C o m m u n i t y
P r o g r a m m e U n i t ( C P U ) . I n f l u e n c e d b y the t h e o r y a n d practice o f access t e l e v i -
s i o n i n t h e US i n t h e late '60s a n d a leftist r e a d i n g o f R e i t h i a n p u b l i c service
b r o a d c a s t i n g ideals, t h e C P U was set u p at the B B C i n the early '70s f o l l o w i n g
the success o f the first Open Door p r o g r a m m e s . As m u c h as any p o l i t i c s dares
speak its name at the B B C , the C P U is, t h e n , l i b e r a l a n d o f the l e f t .
These politics clearly shape n o t just the selection o f the diarists, b u t the
w h o l e p r o d u c t i o n process, a n d i n particular the e d i t i n g stage, d u r i n g w h i c h
G i b s o n , L o n g a n d t h e Video Diaries producers make n o pretence t o be disinter-
ested technical assistants. O n e o f their roles is t o dissuade the diarist f r o m w h a t
G i b s o n calls 'ethically w o r r y i n g ' tendencies. 'You're i n c o n t r o l o f y o u r o w n
d i a r y a n d i t ' s a great chance t o be able t o push yourself,' says G i b s o n . 'Your
ego, a n d y o u r a t t i t u d e a n d approach, can come across f r o m the rushes i n a very
o f f p u t t i n g w a y that an outsider w o u l d n ' t like. It's o u r j o b t o i d e n t i f y that a n d
t r y t o t u r n t h e diarist t o take a less egocentric approach t o s o m e t h i n g a n d less
p u s h i n g o f aspects o f their personality w h i c h are d i f f i c u l t o r c o n f r o n t a t i o n a l .
T h e other t h i n g is they may be very m u c h i n love w i t h a very c o n t r i v e d m a t e r i -
al, t e r r i b l y i n love w i t h some parts that w e k n o w are a t o t a l contrivance.'
As B o b L o n g explains: ' I t o f t e n happens that y o u say, " I believe that y o u felt
this at the t i m e b u t w h a t I ' m seeing I d o n ' t believe." It's n o t just a question o f
w e ' v e seen t h r o u g h i t a n d t h e gaff is b l o w n . T h e r e are times w h e n [the
diarists] d o mean w h a t t h e y ' r e saying b u t t h e w a y t h e y ' r e saying i t ... as a
v i e w e r y o u just sit there saying: I d o n ' t believe y o u . '
A g a i n i t comes back t o i n t e g r i t y , w h i c h , as G i b s o n a d m i t s , is 'very h a r d t o
d e f i n e ' . B u t definable o r n o t , i t can be tested i n at least t w o ways. First, b y t h e
diarists themselves ('All t h e diarists. I can say w i t h o u t e x c e p t i o n , ' says L o n g ,
'have been d e l i g h t e d w i t h t h e m i n the e n d , t h o u g h t h r o u g h the process very
o f t e n t h e y ' r e n o t ' ) . A n d second, o f course, b y t h e television viewer.
I f Video Diaries is asking essentially p o l i t i c a l questions, t h e p r o g r a m m e itself
is an essentially personal f o r m a t , almost b y d e f i n i t i o n . A n d t h e c r i t i c a l a n d
p o p u l a r acclaim recently accorded t o m o r e ' a u t h o r e d ' f o r m s o f d o c u m e n t a r y -
m a k i n g - M o l l y D i n e e n a n d N i c k B r o o m f i e l d being, i n d i f f e r e n t ways, t h e
most o b v i o u s examples - c o u l d be taken as another sign o f a response t o
p o l i t i c a l pressures w i t h i n d o c u m e n t a r y a n d c u r r e n t affairs.
C e r t a i n l y t h e intense s u b j e c t i v i t y o f Video Diaries has e l u d e d pressures t o
p r o v i d e ' b a l a n c e ' , either w i t h i n p a r t i c u l a r p r o g r a m m e s o r w i t h i n t h e series
as a w h o l e . J e r e m y G i b s o n says t h a t over t w o series o f Video Diaries and
one o f Teenage Diaries there has never been any pressure f r o m above.
T h e t h i r d series, i n c l u d i n g as i t does t h e d i a r y o f a m i n e r ' s w i f e a n d t h e
d i a r y o f a Spanish C i v i l W a r veteran I n t e r n a t i o n a l Brigadier, m a y test t h a t
immunity further.
T h e p o t e n t i a l f o r m o r e o v e r t l y p o l i t i c a l , perhaps m o r e collective, diaries
( w h i c h w o u l d n o t necessarily be less personal) is obvious. T h e recent LA
Stories ( p r o d u c e d b y an i n d e p e n d e n t A m e r i c a n p r o d u c t i o n c o m p a n y i n c o n -
j u n c t i o n w i t h Video Diaries), w h i c h c o m b i n e d nine diarists' accounts o f t h e
year f o l l o w i n g t h e Rodney K i n g r i o t s , s h o w e d one possible f u t u r e . T h e f o r t h -
c o m i n g Video Nation ( i n w h i c h some 6 0 people t h r o u g h o u t B r i t a i n w i l l c o l -
lectively p r o d u c e a v i d e o d i a r y o f the n a t i o n ) shows another.
G i b s o n sees t h e most p r o m i s i n g aspect o f Video Diaries as c o m i n g f r o m t h e
w a y i t can lead diarists o r w o u l d - b e diarists t o t h i n k b e y o n d t h e d i a r y f o r m .
T h e d i a r y f o r m a t w i l l g o o n because i t is a v e r y v a l i d w a y o f s t o r y - t e l l i n g /
says G i b s o n , ' b u t t h e n e x t d e v e l o p m e n t , a n d o n e w h i c h i n m y m i n d has been
r e m a r k a b l y s l o w i n c o m i n g f o r w a r d , w i l l be [people t h i n k i n g ] : " w e l l , w e have
these cameras, w e can use t h e m ourselves, w h y d o w e need t o make a diary?
Why can't I g o a n d m a k e a d o c u m e n t a r y about a n y t h i n g I w a n t ? ' "
I t is i n fact over a quarter o f a century since t h e n e w technology o f video
enabled us t o raise m a n y o f t h e issues o f access that are o n l y n o w c o m i n g t o the
f o r e (so m u c h f o r t h e w h i t e heat o f technology). O n e reason f o r this slowness is
the i n d u s t r y ' s fear o f the new. Television is, essentially, a very conservative m e d i -
u m . I t is a m e d i u m whose incessant c h u r n demands an u n b r o k e n i n p u t o f n e w
ideas, n e w p r o g r a m m e s , n e w people, b u t i t ' s precisely because those ( o l d )
broadcasters w h o c o n t r o l t h e m e d i u m are so dependent o n t h e n e w that they
distrust i t a n d fear the uncertainty a n d unpredictability i t entails.
Perhaps a n o t h e r reason is t h a t n e w t e c h n o l o g y i n broadcasting cuts b o t h
ways. W h i l e S-VHS a n d H i - 8 appear t o be o p e n i n g the d o o r s o f broadcasting
t o m o r e o f its p r e v i o u s passive consumers, n e w barriers o f e n t r y are b e i n g
raised b y t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s ' attempts t o establish H D T V as t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f
broadcast q u a l i t y f o r t h e f u t u r e .
T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t debates t o emerge a r o u n d Video Diaries a n d the f u t u r e
o f n e w t e c h n o l o g y i n television d o c u m e n t a r y are those w h i c h raise questions
a b o u t social p o w e r . W h o s h o u l d have access t o precious broadcasting time?
Who is t o be a l l o w e d t o d o c u m e n t t h e i r stories, t h e i r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e
w o r l d w e live i n t h r o u g h t h e m e d i u m o f television? W h o s h o u l d be t h e
m a n i p u l a t o r s ? O n e need o n l y consider t h e H D T V camera i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e
H i - 8 camcorder, o r Video Diaries i n r e l a t i o n t o You've Been Framed!, t o realise
t h a t , as R a y m o n d W i l l i a m s said, ' t h e m o m e n t o f a n y n e w t e c h n o l o g y is a
m o m e n t o f choice.'
Less than 10 things you didn't know about Video Diaries'

• 'Video Diaries' are cheap, b u t n o t that cheap. I f p r o d u c e d outside t h e B B C ,
it's estimated that they w o u l d cost an average o f between £ 6 0 , 0 0 0 a n d
£ 7 0 , 0 0 0 an h o u r , a r o u n d t w o - t h i r d s the cost of, say, a typical Channel 4 doc-
umentary.
• Diarists d o n o t get any fee f r o m the B B C .
• M o s t diaries are shot o n Panasonic M S S 4 (S-VHS) camcorders, w h i c h cost
£ 1 , 4 0 0 . A f e w are done o n the smaller H i - 8 f o r m a t . S-VHS a n d H i - 8 are n o t
yet u p t o t h e 'broadcast q u a l i t y ' o f Betacam SP, b u t broadcast news is increas-
ingly augmented by S-VHS a n d H i - 8 footage.
• T h e C o m m u n i t y Programme U n i t receives an average o f about eight applica-
tions a day f r o m w o u l d - b e diarists, far m o r e w h e n the series is being trans-
mitted.
• O n l y about 1 i n 5 0 applications gets b e y o n d the waste b i n o f the C o m m u n i t y
Programme Unit.
• Recording may take u p t o 12 m o n t h s and diarists sometimes have u p t o 4 0 0

hours ( w i t h an average o f a r o u n d 150 hours) o f material t o be w h i t t l e d d o w n
t o one h o u r at the end o f shooting.
• Diarists, o r the BBC, can w i t h d r a w f r o m the project at any t i m e . Diarists
have c o n t r o l over t h e final edit a n d all footage is j o i n t ' p r o p e r t y ' o f t h e
diarist and the B B C ; neither can use i t - for example re-edit i t or sell the p r o -
gramme t o other broadcasters - w i t h o u t the other's agreement.
Questions
1 Keighron describes television as a 'source of (unelected) power' but suggests
that the use of camcorder footage in TV programmes represents the nearest
that television has come to handing power to its consumers; indeed series like
Video Diaries and Video Nation are widely known as 'access' television. What
are the particular qualities of video as a medium which result in it being seen as
inherently 'democratic'?
2 Given the significance of the entertainment imperative highlighted by Roger
Bolton in an earlier extract (reading 25), how and to what extent is even reality
TV 'packaged' for a mainstream television audience? What effect might this
have on such programmes' claims to be authentic and democratic?
3 How do you think that reality TV might develop in the future? In your view
should it be regulated?
Further reading
Bondebjerg, I . 1996: Public discourse/private fascination: hybridisation i n 'true-life
story' genres. Media, Culture and Society 18.
British Film Institute 1994: Watching ourselves: real people on television. Conference
transcript. London: BFI.
Dovey, J. 1993: O l d dogs and new tricks: access television in the UK. In Dowmunt, T.
(ed.), Channels of resistance. London: BFI.
Dovey, J. 1996: The revelation of unguessed worlds. In Fractal dreams: new media in
social context. London: Lawrence ÔC Wishart.
Kilborn, R. 1994: H o w real can you get? Recent developments in Reality' television'.
European Journal of Communication. 9, 421-39.
Vale, J. 1993: Captured on videotape: camcorders and the personalisation of televi-
sion. In Corner, J. and Hawthorn, J. (eds.), Communication studies: an introductory
reader, 4th edn. London: Edward Arnold.
31
Riding with Ambulances: Television and Its Uses
Andrew Goodwin
From Sight and Sound 3(1), 26-8 (1993)
Continuing the theme of reality TV, Goodwin considers the place in the American television
schedules of two types of reality programming, both of which have their British counter-
parts: those whose content relies on viewers' home videos (for which Jeremy Beadle is
famous in this country following the precedent set by America's Funniest Home Videos)
and those which purport to offer the viewer a glimpse into the working lives of the police
and emergency services, either through the use of camcorders or surveillance cameras
(such as Police, Camera, Action! in the UK and Cops in the USA) or through dramatic
reconstructions of real events (e.g. Crimewatch UK, 999 and their American equivalents
America's Most Wanted and Rescue 911).
Reality programming is, of course, cheap television but it is also enormously popular
with audiences and frequently warrants prime-time scheduling. One of the reasons seems
to be that reality TV is undeniably voyeuristic, giving us an insight into the lives, crimes
and personal tragedies of other people. However, this rather morbid fascination is under-
scored by a message which is ultimately optimistic. Programmes like 999 rarely recon-
struct stories which don't have happy endings, and why have nightmares when viewers
of Crimewatch UK have helped to solve hundreds of crimes and given information leading
to countless arrests? Even Police, Camera, Action!, by placing the viewer in the position
of the police officers, reinforces the authority of the forces of law and order and the legiti-
macy of their actions. But despite being about heroism, and indeed despite the public ser-
vice role that many of these reality programmes purport to have (Goodwin tells of how a
child in the US knew to call 911 in an emergency after watching the programme and BBC
1's 999 has claimed to have improved this nation's emergency first-aid skills), Goodwin
states that these programmes undermine the professionalism of broadcast journalism. He
believes that in their quest to be entertaining as well as informative, many reporters and
producers have 'broken the rules' of traditional journalism and deliberately misled the
audience. Furthermore, he rejects the popular view that reality TV empowers the
audience: far from empowering us, he believes that it is turning us into spies and voyeurs.
Indeed, his tongue-in-cheek replies to the question 'what next?' have already been
borne out, in part, by the enforced resignation in January 1996 of ten police officers
in Sydney, Australia after surveillance footage of them accepting bribes, taking drugs
and having sex while on duty was shown repeatedly (and to huge audience ratings) on
mainstream TV.
One other frequent criticism which Goodwin does not address, but which is related to
the issue of empowerment, is that surveillance cameras and video camcorders have
reduced the need for 'real' people to be vigilant and police their own communities. So while
cameras may help to catch criminals after the event they can do nothing to prevent it from
happening or intervene to stop it. Two examples mentioned in earlier sections - the beat-
ing of Rodney King by the Los Angeles police and the abduction of toddler James Bulger
from a Liverpool shopping centre - are forceful testament to the powerlessness of the
video and those of us who rely on it.
Television i n A m e r i c a has r o u t i n e l y been disparaged a n d subjected t o m o r a l

panics a b o u t its effects a n d i m p a c t . W r i t t e n o f f as t h e ' b o o b t u b e ' , t h e 'Great
M o t h e r ' (the m e t a p h o r s are significantly gendered), as 'a vast w a s t e l a n d ' (by
N e w t o n M i n o w , Federal C o m m u n i c a t i o n s C o m m i s s i o n chief, i n 1 9 6 1 ) a n d ,
m o r e recently, as 'a toaster w i t h pictures' (by M a r k Fowler, R o n a l d Reagan's
F C C c h a i r m a n ) , television is rarely taken seriously b y c u l t u r a l c o m m e n t a t o r s .
B u t j u d g e d even b y these l o w e r e d expectations, t h e t a b l o i d television shows
a n d ' r e a l - l i f e ' p r o g r a m m i n g that first h i t o u r screens i n t h e m i d - 8 0 s represent
a n e w l o w , a c c o r d i n g t o t h e m e d i u m ' s critics.
I n t h e n e w f o r m a t s o f shows like Cops, America's Most Wanted a n d Rescue
911, ' f a c t u a l ' o u t p u t is subjected t o a l l t h e razzamatazz o f a p r i m e - t i m e game
show. M e a n w h i l e , amateur v i d e o is increasingly p r o m i n e n t ( C N N recruits
w o u l d - b e newsgatherers o r so-called ' C N N N e w s - h o u n d s ' , f r o m t h e v i d e o -
t a p e d beating o f Rodney K i n g t o t h e domestic pratfalls o f America's Funniest
Home Videos. T h i s m a t e r i a l is increasingly packaged like a c o m m e r c i a l o r an
M T V v i d e o c l i p , w i t h a l l n o t i o n s o f ' k e e p i n g f a i t h w i t h t h e v i e w e r ' (is i t 'fact'
o r ' f i c t i o n ' ? ) subsumed u n d e r t h e need t o generate excitement. D o c u m e n t a r y
and camcorder images are electronically m a n i p u l a t e d a n d spiced u p w i t h
music a n d d r a m a t i c and/or c o m i c voiceover. Reporters are c h r o m a k e y e d i n t o
d r a m a t i c reconstructions. A n d t a b l o i d news values increasingly cross over i n t o
television's factual o u t p u t , t h r o u g h sensationalised 'human-interest' shows
l i k e Hard Copy, A Current Affair a n d Inside Edition.
'Reality p r o g r a m m i n g ' is, o f course, one o f television's least expensive
f o r m s , a n d this has l e d some t o argue t h a t i t is, i n b o t h senses, its cheapest.
M a n y o f these criticisms are w e l l placed. B u t there is also m u c h m o r e g o i n g
o n i n t h e n e w ' r e a l i t y ' shows: a m o v e t o w a r d s a u t i l i t a r i a n v i e w o f t e l e v i s i o n ,
a n d a n u n d e r m i n i n g o f the i d e o l o g y o f n a t u r a l i s m .
Post-naturalism
U n t i l a f e w years ago, y o u m i g h t c o n f i d e n t l y have asserted t h a t t h e d o m i n a n t
i d e o l o g y i n television i n B r i t a i n a n d t h e US was n a t u r a l i s m - a c o m m i t m e n t t o
an i m p a r t i a l , objective p o r t r a y a l o f t h e w o r l d v i a the veracity o f t h e camera.
A n d as R i c h a r d C o l l i n s p o i n t s o u t i n an essay about t h e w o r k o f Roger
G r a e f ( i n his b o o k Television: Policy and Culture), the ideology o f the neutral
camera gells p e r f e c t l y w i t h t h e p h i l o s o p h y o f 'balance'. T h e radicals w h o c r i -
t i q u e d this v i e w d e m a n d e d an actively engaged television - t h e m e d i a as a
Riding with Ambulances 337
f o r m o f social advocacy. Instead, w h a t w e have ( i n the US at least) is a break

w i t h o b j e c t i v i t y t h a t p r o m o t e s a p o i n t o f view, b u t one w h i c h is p r o - t e l e v i s i o n ,
p r o - l a w a n d o r d e r a n d c o m m i t t e d t o a p o p u l i s t agenda o f technological deter-
m i n i s m t h a t sees the spread o f the camcorder as a sign o f a v i b r a n t , p a r t i c i p a -
t o r y democracy.
M a n y o f these shows began i n the late '80s. A n d yet the n e w post-naturalist
t e l e v i s i o n shows t h a t are n o w c o m i n g o u t i n the w a k e o f Cops, America's
Funniest Home Videos a n d America's Most Wanted also reveal a c o n t r a d i c t o r y
p o l i t i c a l i m p u l s e , i f o n l y because they take the challenge t o d o m i n a n t n o t i o n s
o f the camera-observer even f u r t h e r .
A f t e r the success o f three special episodes last season, J Witness Video started
its first r u n as a regular N B C series. L i k e Rescue 911 ( i m i t a t e d by the BBC as
9 9 9 ) , J Witness Video presents television a n d v i d e o as u n m i t i g a t e d blessings f o r
h u m a n k i n d . W r i t t e n o f f as 'snuff v i d e o ' by TV Guide, this n e w s h o w clearly
sees itself as the socially redeeming version o f America's Funniest Home Videos:
' M o s t o f us use o u r camcorders t o r e c o r d parties, vacations, the h a p p y times',
says host Patrick V a n H o r n . ' B u t v i d e o is also used f o r m u c h greater purposes.
T o help us see things i n ways w e never t h o u g h t possible. T o influence o u r
b e h a v i o u r , alter o u r o p i n i o n s a n d even change o u r lives. T o n i g h t , v i d e o that
has made a difference.' W h e n one o f these instances is the use o f a m i c r o - c a m
i n the h e l m e t o f a f o o t b a l l player t o give us a skull's-eye v i e w o f the game, t h a t
r h e t o r i c sounds c o m i c . A n d w h e n a camera is taken aboard a helicopter o n a
l a s t - m i n u t e search f o r a kidney-transplant patient o n vacation i n the desert, the
ambulance-chasing factor does b r i n g the snuff-video accusation t o the fore.
Rescue 911, o n the o t h e r h a n d , never chases ambulances, because i t rides
w i t h t h e m . W h e r e J Witness Video gives us live recordings o f real events, Rescue
911 engages i n h a r r o w i n g reconstructions o f real-life accidents a n d dramas fea-
t u r i n g m a n y o f the o r i g i n a l participants. T h e show's f o u r t h season opener is an
e x t e n d e d s i x t y - m i n u t e boast w h i c h begins unashamedly w i t h the slogan: '100
lives saved'. 'A television p r o g r a m m e ' s success can be measured i n m a n y d i f f e r -
ent ways - ratings, awards, reviews. For us, the i m p o r t a n t measure has been i n
lives', says host W i l l i a m Shatner. I n all his years as Star Trek's C a p t a i n James T.
K i r k , Shatner has h a r d l y u t t e r e d m o r e preposterous w o r d s . B u t i f y o u believe
t h a t p o p u l a r c u l t u r e cannot be u n d e r s t o o d unless y o u go b e y o n d cynicism,
t h e n i t is w o r t h c o n s i d e r i n g this statement n o t o n l y f r o m the p o i n t o f v i e w o f
N B C (as a lie) b u t also f r o m the perspective o f the audience (as a promise). W e
m i g h t n o t believe C a p t a i n K i r k (cynicism is necessary, albeit n o t sufficient), b u t
he has a p o i n t . W h a t is the c r i t i c , t r a i n e d i n the art o f analysing 'texts', t o d o
w h e n television moves so s w i f t l y f r o m r e f l e c t i o n t o action?
Tabloid television
W h e n television's appeal shifts so d r a m a t i c a l l y f r o m t r u t h t o use, i t places
itself c e n t r a l l y as t h e n e w a u t h o r i t y f i g u r e i n a f r i g h t e n e d , a t o m i s e d society. T
realised at t h a t p o i n t t h a t I was t a l k i n g t o a c h i l d a n d I realised t h a t he was

there b y himself. I k n e w t h a t he h a d n o t called his m o m at w o r k , he h a d n o t
called his g r a n d p a r e n t s . H e h a d i m m e d i a t e l y called 9 1 1 , a n d t h a t was c r u -
c i a l . ' T h e p o i n t b e i n g made here, b y a f i r e dispatcher d e a l i n g w i t h a 9 1 1 c a l l ,
is t h a t t h e y o u n g b o y called that n u m b e r because he h a d seen t h e t e l e v i s i o n
show. Rescue 911 is interested i n effects, n o t i n m y t h ; a l t h o u g h t h a t leaves
p l e n t y o f r o o m t o create t h e m y t h o f its o w n effects. Some o f w h i c h are t r u l y
bizarre: a w o m a n u n k n o w i n g l y suffering f r o m carbon-monoxide poisoning
generated b y a f a u l t y gas heater is taken t o h o s p i t a l b y her h u s b a n d . Rescue
911 comes o n t h e television i n t h e emergency r o o m , f e a t u r i n g a story about a
w o m a n w h o has exactly t h e same s y m p t o m s , as a consequence o f i n h a l i n g
fumes f r o m a gas heater i n t h e h o m e . T h e couple diagnose t h e p r o b l e m o n
the basis o f w h a t they have just seen, a n d rush h o m e t o rescue t h e i r c h i l d r e n
f r o m t h e b r i n k o f death.
'For m o s t o f us o u r homes seem so safe, w e c o u l d never imagine t h e m pos-
i n g a t h r e a t t o o u r lives', Shatner tells us. O f course, t h e media c r i t i c wants t o
take this as a m e t a p h o r . I n p a r a n o i d , p o s t - i m p e r i a l A m e r i c a , t h e f a m i l y has
retreated t o t h e h o m e , w h e r e i t nests c o m f o r t a b l y i n f r o n t o f the television set
... o n l y t o f i n d t h a t here, t o o , there are d a r k threats i n every n o o k a n d cranny.
W h e n t h e b i g bad w o r l d becomes a place w h e r e Americans fear t o t r e a d , t h e
h o m e , t o o , becomes a haven o f insecurity. I f Saddam doesn't gas y o u , y o u r
c o o k e r w i l l . B u t , as so o f t e n w i t h metaphors, w h a t does this explain? I f Rescue
911 is actually saving lives, a n d i f , as a t e x t , i t offers a l i f e - a f f i r m i n g promise
that television w i l l make t h e w o r l d a safer place, t h e n w h y reduce social use t o
an allegorical figure?
Rescue 911 is thus a benign version o f America's Most Wanted, the
s h o w that re-enacts crimes i n order t o set the general public o n t h e heels
o f real-life felons. Similarly, the CBS series Top Cops ( n o w i n its t h i r d
season) focuses n o t o n h u n t i n g d o w n bad guys (as i n Fox's Cops) b u t o n drama-
tising t h e personal stories o f i n d i v i d u a l police officers. W h e n an u n l i k e l y hero
by t h e name o f D i c k Tracy foils a suicide b i d by a y o u n g w o m a n w h o plans t o
t h r o w herself f r o m a bridge o n t o the freeway, the dramatisation looks like stan-
d a r d stuff. But w h e n the real c o p (yes, his name is D i c k Tracy) is r e u n i t e d years
later w i t h t h e w o m a n , w h o thanks h i m f o r saving her, the e m o t i o n a l p u l l is
undeniable. H o w can y o u n o t choke up as the y o u n g w o m a n comes o n all emo-
t i o n a l a n d D i c k stands there l o o k i n g all sheepish?
Each o f these p r o g r a m m e s (J Witness Video, Rescue 911, Top Cops) develops
the earlier m o d e l o f t a b l o i d television, circa 1 9 8 8 - 8 9 , by placing t h e v i e w e r
even m o r e f i r m l y o n t h e side o f , a n d o f t e n physically i n t h e p o s i t i o n o f , l a w -
e n f o r c e m e n t officers a n d fire a n d rescue w o r k e r s . T h e camera sits there w i t h
the 9 1 1 operators a n d witnesses their anguish as a c h i l d almost dies f r o m a
d r o w n i n g accident. I t takes us t h r o u g h t h e s h o o t i n g o f a cop f r o m t h e p o i n t o f
v i e w o f the police officer herself, r e c o n s t r u c t i n g the ghastly m o m e n t w h e n t h e
v i l l a i n t u r n s t h e g u n o n me - I m e a n , her.
O f course, f r o m the p o i n t o f v i e w o f the television industry, this is a b r i l -

l i a n t c o u p . Even as they garner respectable ratings shares f r o m the trashiest
a n d m o s t m a n i p u l a t i v e televisual f o r m s yet i n v e n t e d , the n e t w o r k s can also
lay c l a i m t o a sense o f social responsibility. These p r o g r a m m e s are a m o n g the
m o s t v i o l e n t o n television, a n d yet they are also television's answer t o the c r i t -
ics w h o c l a i m the m e d i u m exploits the lowest c o m m o n d e n o m i n a t o r f o r a n t i -
social ends.
B u t w h a t ' s i n i t f o r the audience? W i l l i a m Shatner's p r o m i s e (message: ' w e
care') m i g h t echo the e m p t y gestures o f President Bush i n some respects, b u t i t
also answers a need. T w o needs, actually. First, there is the c r a v i n g t o be
released f r o m the g u i l t y burdens o f v o y e u r i s m . L i k e the g o o d Samaritans w h o
stop t h e i r cars a n d p u l l o f f the freeway t o save the l i f e o f a y o u n g g i r l t r a p p e d
u n d e r her o v e r t u r n e d vehicle, w e w a n t t o be i n v o l v e d . Shows l i k e Rescue 911
a n d America's Most Wanted rescue us f r o m the epistemology o f the couch
p o t a t o ( n a t u r a l i s m ) . We d o n ' t w a n t t o sit there any longer, o g l i n g all those
w a r s a n d famines w i t h n o t h i n g t o be d o n e . Americans are constructed as a
people w h o adhere t o the a d m i r a b l e belief t h a t there are n o p r o b l e m s , o n l y
s o l u t i o n s . T r a d i t i o n a l news is d i s l i k e d precisely f o r its failure t o pay l i p service
t o that credo.
Second, there is the desire f o r w h a t USA Today calls the ' j o u r n a l i s m o f
h o p e ' . H e r e , at last, is broadcast j o u r n a l i s m w h i c h delivers solutions. I n b o t h
areas, the n e w i n f o t a i n m e n t offers a Utopian appeal: first, t o a sense o f c o m -
m u n i t y , a n d second, t o a p r a g m a t i s m w h i c h rejects the idea that the w o r l d is
hopelessly o u t o f c o n t r o l a n d w h i c h abhors television's usual i m p l i c a t i o n t h a t
n o t h i n g can be d o n e .
Is t h i s a n e w p o p u l i s t aesthetic p u r g i n g the bourgeois p r o f e s s i o n a l i s m of
n e t w o r k t e l e v i s i o n i n the n a m e o f a p o s t - m o d e r n videocracy? O r is i t s i m p l y
a n e w u r b a n i d i o c y , a n o t h e r t u r n o f the screw by the m o g u l s o f c o n s u m e r
surveillance? W h a t i s n ' t g o i n g t o w o r k here is a t r e n d y , p o p u l i s t c u l t u r a l -
studies take t h a t sees a l l t h i s i n t e r m s o f l i b e r a t o r y empowerment. I f v i d e o is
i n c r e a s i n g l y a device f o r s t i t c h i n g us i n t o a d i g i t a l Gesellschaft (only d i s c o n -
nect?) t h a t t h e t e l e v i s i o n set h a d been accused o f d i s m a n t l i n g , t h e n just l o o k
at t h e p a r t i c u l a r w a y so m u c h o f the n e w v i d e o tech addresses us - as spies
and competitors.
W h e n the F r a n k f u r t S c h o o l critics observed t h a t the c u l t u r e i n d u s t r i e s
t e n d i n c r e a s i n g l y t o i n v a d e o u r p r i v a t e lives i n the name o f c a p i t a l , they
w e r e accused o f pessimism. ' O n e c o u l d n o t a v o i d the suspicion t h a t " f r e e
t i m e " is t e n d i n g t o w a r d its o w n o p p o s i t e , a n d is b e c o m i n g a p a r o d y o f
i t s e l f , w r o t e T h e o d o r A d o r n o i n an essay w h i c h is a l m o s t a r e v i e w - b e f o r e -
t h e - f a c t o f America's Funniest Home Videos. B u t n o t even the m o s t c o m m i t -
t e d M a r x i s t p a r t y - p o o p e r c o u l d have i m a g i n e d a day w h e n p e o p l e would
sell images o f t h e i r c h i l d r e n b e i n g i n j u r e d i n o r d e r t o g a i n fame a n d riches
o n a s h o w w h e r e t h e t o p p r i z e is i n the o r d e r o f $ 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 . I f t h i s i s n ' t the
c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n o f everyday l i f e , i n w h i c h K o d a k a n d Sony are n o t s i m p l y
essential t o o u r evenings a n d weekends, b u t also n o w agents f o r t h e t r a n s -

f o r m a t i o n o f ' l e i s u r e ' t i m e i n t o a p o t e n t source o f freelance i n c o m e , t h e n
w h a t is?
I t is also d i f f i c u l t t o a v o i d t h e conclusion t h a t i n a p e r i o d o f recession a n d
r i s i n g c o n c e r n about c r i m e , t a b l o i d television has f o u n d a w a y t o give viewers
a sense o f real e m p o w e r m e n t (the camcorder shoots - i t is a w e a p o n ) w h i l e
d o i n g s o m e t h i n g concrete about c r i m e . I n o n e J Witness Video segment, a
retail-store camcorder captures images o f three burglars stealing t h e camera
itself, a n d this footage is r u n over a n d over, a d i g i t a l m a n t r a , as i f i t has some
special significance. W h i c h i t does. T h e videotape was s h o w n o n local T V
news i n Des M o i n e s , I o w a , w h i c h t h e n l e d t o arrests. T h e camera p r o t e c t e d
itself. M a y b e these magical p o w e r s w i l l p r o t e c t y o u , too? T h e v i d e o - t h i e f even
gave t h e m e d i u m t h e u l t i m a t e soundbite-as-endorsement: 'As soon as I saw
t h a t o n T V I k n e w I was g o i n g t o get caught'.
So i f t h e n e w shows are t o be w e l c o m e d t o t h e extent that they help
c h i p away at H i s Majesty O b j e c t i v i t y (this is a matter o f meaning), there
is n o d e n y i n g that their social uses c o n t a i n d i s t u r b i n g possibilities, a n d
actualities. A s n e t w o r k s a n d independents (the increasingly p o w e r f u l u n -
affiliated stations) parade their post-production techniques a n d their
v i d e o vigilantes w i t h n e w cost-effective reality shows, w h a t ' s next? America's
most h i l a r i o u s therapy notes? America's most i n c r i m i n a t i n g telephone records?
America's m o s t embarrassing trash-can contents? America's strangest X-ray
slides? Somewhere o u t there, a c h i l d is w a i t i n g t o capture parental substance
abuse o n h o m e videotape, w h i c h w i l l t h e n be handed over t o the authorities.
But w h o are the a u t h o r i t i e s today? Television, o r the police? Just w a t c h o u t ,
there's a c a m c o r d e r about.
What you feel is what you get

I f the n e w t a b l o i d a n d h o m e - v i d e o p r o g r a m m e s are a b o u t p o l i c i n g , t h e n there
is also t h e q u e s t i o n o f t h e i r interesting transgressions o f c o n v e n t i o n a l b r o a d -
cast practice. T h e n e w p r o g r a m m i n g u n d e r m i n e s broadcast journalism i n
three ways. First, t h r o u g h its advocacy, t h e fact t h a t i t takes a stand. Second,
t h r o u g h t h e e m o t i o n a l techniques o f re-enactment, d e p l o y m e n t o f music,
p o s t - p r o d u c t i o n v i d e o effects, etc. A n d t h i r d , via t h e anti-professionalism o f
its D I Y camcorder images.
N o n e o f these developments is unprecedented. T h e journalist-as-advocate has
explicitly pushed a point o f view o n television f o r decades, from
60 Minutes t o Crimewatch. T h e use o f dramatic techniques has shadowed
the debate about television drama-documentary since t h e '40s. A n d t h e
'amateurism' o f t h e w o b b l y vérité camera has been made famous b y
documentarians such as Roger Graef a n d Fred Wiseman. W h a t is n e w here is
the pervasiveness o f these techniques i n p r i m e t i m e , t h e extent t o w h i c h they
have begun t o leak i n t o m o r e t r a d i t i o n a l formats (the infamous A B C news
segment, aired i n August 1 9 8 9 , w h i c h recreated F B I footage o f alleged spy Felix

B l o c h ) , a n d t h e n e w zest w i t h w h i c h they are edited. T h e e x p l i c i t goal o f m a k -
i n g a n e m o t i o n a l appeal is also m u c h i n evidence i n n e w current-affairs shows
l i k e Inside Edition, Hard Copy a n d A Current Affair. Graef's naturalism was
i n t e n d e d as a t r u t h - t e l l i n g machine. Post-naturalism is all about w h a t y o u feel.
Fakery exposed
While there are earlier examples, such as G e r a l d o Rivera's primetime
d r u g - b u s t i n g s h o w American Vice, screened i n 1 9 8 6 , i t was d u r i n g t h e 1 9 8 8 - 8 9
television season that the most elaborate breaks with broad-
cast-journalism techniques came t o t h e f o r e . I t was d u r i n g that season also that
television began t o push at t h e boundaries o f acceptable journalistic practices,
w h e n t h e s h o r t - l i v e d N B C p r o g r a m m e Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow went
b e y o n d re-enactments t o c h r o m a k e y its reporters i n t o reconstructed scenarios.
T h i s is, i n fact, a perfect example o f a n electronic device w h i c h exposes a m o r e
established practice. T h e s u p e r i m p o s i t i o n o f c h r o m a k e y was a piece o f fakery
t h a t m e r e l y a m p l i f i e d t h e m o r e c o m m o n practice o f h a v i n g a r e p o r t e r i n , say,
Paris, stand i n f r o n t o f a n image o f the E i f f e l T o w e r .
I n a u t u m n 1 9 8 9 , a fascinating Times-Mirror p o l l revealed w i d e s p r e a d m i s -
t r u s t o f news c o n v e n t i o n s . A m e r i c a n s c o n f u s e d b y pseudo-news shows o n
T V ' screamed t h e San Francisco Chronicle. I n fact, this questionable c o n c l u -
s i o n w a s d r a w n f r o m e m p i r i c a l data suggesting t h a t v i e w e r s (quite c o r r e c t l y )
r e f u s e d t o believe t h a t ' n e w s ' a n d ' e n t e r t a i n m e n t ' p r o g r a m m e s are d i s t i n c t
entities. So w h e r e ' s t h e c o n f u s i o n ? O b v i o u s l y i n t h e heads o f m e d i a critics
a n d t h e c o n c e r n e d b u t h a r d l y disinterested professionals i n t h e industry, w h o
are u n a b l e t o c o m p r e h e n d t h e fact t h a t t h e p u b l i c n o l o n g e r buys t h e self-
serving rhetoric o f journalism.
T r a d i t i o n a l l y , j o u r n a l i s m likes t o t h i n k o f itself as a r a t i o n a l beast. Since i t
i s n ' t (dozens o f studies n o w adequately s h o w t h a t news is p a r t i a l , subjective
a n d shaped b y t h e social a n d e c o n o m i c forces w h i c h g o v e r n its very d e f i n i -
t i o n ) , t h e n t h e o v e r t i n t r o d u c t i o n o f advocacy, affect a n d m a n i p u l a t i o n m a y
be n o b a d t h i n g . C r i t i c s o f television's factual o u t p u t (as o p p o s e d t o i d e o -
logues w o r k i n g o n behalf o f Objective J o u r n a l i s m I n c . ) s h o u l d w e l c o m e t h e
d e v e l o p m e n t o f t e x t u a l strategies w h i c h u n d e r m i n e its c r e d i b i l i t y a n d l o o k
f o r w a r d t o t h e day w h e n i t i n t r o d u c e s canned laughter.
Questions
1 What is the attraction of reality programming for both producers and viewers?
2 Echoing Keighron's comments in the previous reading, Goodwin accuses the
reality programming on American television of being self-interested, establish-
ment-oriented and 'committed to a populist agenda of technological determin-
ism that sees the spread of the camcorder as a sign of a vibrant participatory
democracy'. Based on your reading of this extract and your knowledge of reality
TV (both the British version and the American shows which you might have
seen on satellite or cable) how would you assess this assertion?
3 Stressing the role of reality TV as entertainment Barry Irving, director of the
Police Foundation, was quoted in the Guardian (3 September 1990) as saying: 'a
show like Crimewatch ... has everything. It panders to the British taste for a
modicum of violence and nefarious activity, it's cheap to make, it promotes a
whizz-bang action view of the police and encourages viewer participation. And
over it all is a halo, because it is so evidently A Good Thing.' To what extent do
you think that items are chosen for reconstruction in programmes like
Crimewatch and 999 for their entertainment value, and where does this leave
the much-lauded public service benefit and journalistic integrity of such shows?
Further reading
See 'Further reading' section in reading 30, page 334.
Section 5
Global Media and New Media
In many ways Section 5 brings us full circle in that we return to, and develop, some of the
issues introduced in Section 1 and elsewhere. In readings 32 and 33 we set up a debate
between Michael Tracey and Herbert Schiller who take as their topic of discussion the
impacts and consequences of cultural and media imperialism. Although their approaches
and analyses are very different, they are both essentially concerned with the phenomenon
of globalisation or, more accurately perhaps, the Américanisation of cultures around the
world. Underpinning this theme are concerns which echo earlier extracts (e.g. by
Thompson and Murdock in Section 1), namely, the organisation of global media and
cultural systems and their position in, and impact on, the political, economic and social
world order.
In reading 34, David Morley recalls some of the issues raised by Meyrowitz in Section
1 and poses questions about the ways in which media define our social identities and rela-
tionships, and mediate our experiences, in the era of new technologies such as global
satellite TV channels and the Internet. David Lyon extends this focus, arguing that our rela-
tionships with media technologies not only play an important role in the construction of our
identities and our position in society but may actually be essential in allowing us to partici-
pate adequately in all areas of public and private life. As such, new media and communica-
tions technologies, according to Lyon, merely maintain and reproduce traditional power
structures and inequalities, with some groups invariably having better access to informa-
tion, greater control over the means of production and more consumption power and
leisure time than others. Howard Rheingold then endorses the view that far from tech-
nologies democratising societies, they simply increase and intensify existing inequalities,
and he draws on the ideas of some of the leading European philosophers and commenta-
tors of this century to illustrate his challenging forecast of the uses to which future media
and communication technologies will be put.
Many recent assessments of the contemporary media and cultural situation have used
the idea of postmodemity to characterise the current state of affairs. In reading 37,
Dominic Strinati defines and analyses postmodernism, and in doing so he reinforces the
importance of understanding global media and communications technologies in terms of
their impact on the dynamics and power structures of the world today. Just as earlier read-
ings have helped us to gain insight into the power bases and organisational structures of
'modem' societies, so Strinati enables us to comprehend the ever more central position of
media and communications systems in debates over the postmodern order.
Finally, we turn our attention to a consideration of Media Studies itself and its position
344 Global Media and New Media
and condition as an academic subject in the 1990s. Much criticised as a subject of study,
ironically often by those who work in the media, Ian Connell and Geoff Hurd in reading 38
and John Corner in reading 39 look at aspects of the origins and development of the sub-
ject area and consider some of the reasons why Media Studies has frequently been derid-
ed by journalists and politicians, in much the same way as Sociology was in the 1970s. In
their assessments they outline some of the problems and dilemmas which Media Studies
faces in its current phase, and also suggest some of the directions that it might take in the
future.
As you approach the end of this book, you might wish to consider your own views on
the study of the media in schools, colleges and universities; why you chose the course you
are currently undertaking; what you hope to gain from studying the mass media and what
the aims of media education in general, and Media Studies specifically, should be as we
approach a new millennium.
32
The Poisoned Chalice? International Television and the
Idea of Dominance
Michael Tracey
From Daedalus 114(4), 17-56 (Fall 1985)
In the first half of the twentieth century, media systems and institutions have played a vital
part in the consolidation and mediation of distinctive national cultures. The respective roles
and centrality of print, film and broadcast media in the construction of the 'imagined com-
munities' of the nation state have been a key focus for much mass media and mass com-
munication research. In the latter half of the century, however, writers and researchers
have also had to recognise and respond to the growing importance of the media as players
on the international, world-wide political and cultural stage. As a result, the significance of
growing international and global patterns of media technologies, media ownership, media
imagery and its consumption and reception has formed a key focus for debate and
research. At the heart of such debates are a number of issues concerning the conse-
quences of increasing global networks and systems, especially their impact upon the
power structures and the dynamics of the world order. A particular theme at stake here
has been associated with the idea of cultural or media imperialism. In brief, this implies
that modem world media systems have provided an important and strategic means where-
by dominant nations have attempted to extend and develop their economic, political and
cultural forms of control and power in the global arena.
In this extract, taken from a longer and more detailed article, Tracey sets out to chal-
lenge some of the methods and assumptions which have characterised the approaches of
some researchers in this area. He focuses on television and specifically on the international
flows and markets for television programmes. The original article was first published in
1985. That was before the break-up of the former Soviet Union, and before subsequent
developments in global satellite systems and their impacts upon local, regional, national
and global cultures and identities. As Tracey forecasts in his discussion, the expansion of
DBS (direct broadcasting by satellite) technologies of international television has been one
significant part of the emerging world communications map since the mid-1980s.
I n t h e last w e e k o f February 1 9 8 5 , 1 6 0 buyers f r o m f o r e i g n television stations

assembled i n t h e Shakespeare C e n t r e at S t r a t f o r d u p o n A v o n . T h e y were
a t t e n d i n g t h e B B C ' s 'Showcase,' o r g a n i z e d b y B B C Enterprises t o m a r k e t t h e
c o r p o r a t i o n ' s p r o g r a m s a b r o a d . T h e p o p u l a r purchases this year were a series
based o n t h e A g a t h a C h r i s t i e f i g u r e M i s s M a r p l e ; D a v i d A t t e n b o r o u g h ' s The
Living Planet; a drama based in Norway called Maelstrom; and the
Shakespeare cycle. A p o p u l a r c o m e d y p r o g r a m about t h e B r i t i s h c i v i l service,
Yes Minister, has been sold t o thirty-seven countries i n c l u d i n g Sri L a n k a , Saudi

A r a b i a , Yugoslavia, a n d L i b y a . Sales o f this p r o g r a m t o the Eastern bloc were
non-existent. East E u r o p e a n countries d i d , however, l i k e Alio Alio, a comedy
set i n N a z i - o c c u p i e d France. T h e G e r m a n buyers at S t r a t f o r d declined t o b u y
this o n t h e g r o u n d s t h a t ' i t w o u l d n o t travel w e l l , ' even t h o u g h they d i d b u y
the b r i l l i a n t , i f c u r i o u s , Fawlty Towers. As any f a n o f this k n o w s , o n e o f t h e
s h o w ' s k e y figures is t h e Spanish w a i t e r M a n u e l . T h e Spanish buyer was t o l d
t h a t , i n fact, M a n u e l was M e x i c a n , a n d he d u l y o b l i g e d b y b u y i n g t h e series.
L o o k e d at f r o m one angle, this gathering was n o m o r e t h a n a w a y f o r the
w o r l d ' s television channels t o b u y some rather g o o d p r o g r a m s very cheaply.
F r o m another p o i n t o f view, however, here begins the insidious influence o f
N o r t h A t l a n t i c c u l t u r e over t h e rest o f the w o r l d . A l o n g w i t h Basil F a w l t y a n d
M a n u e l , Sir H u m p h r e y a n d J i m H a c k e r o f t h e m i n i s t r y , the detective as dame
(in a t r a d i t i o n a l English sense, n o t that i m p o r t e d sense), the dramas o f a
N o r w e g i a n f j o r d , t h e B a r d a n d all his w o r k s , a n d the m a n y o t h e r p r o d u c t s o f
the B B C , f l o w values t h a t first enter a n d t h e n s l o w l y influence cultures t h a t
w o u l d be better o f f w i t h o u t t h e m .
W h a t can w e say about television as a process o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l c u l t u r a l d o m -
ination? W h a t can w e say about the idea o f dominance? W h a t can w e say
about w h y A m e r i c a n p r o g r a m s are so m u c h m o r e ' p o p u l a r ' t h a n those o f
o t h e r countries? W h a t specific influences can w e p i n p o i n t ? W h a t grasp d o w e
have o f t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l d i s t r i b u t i o n o f television
p r o g r a m s a n d t h e shaping o f i n d i v i d u a l lives a n d w h o l e cultures? W h a t can
w e say even about t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f television programs? T h e answer t o a l l
these questions is: n o t very m u c h .
L e t m e begin w i t h that very basic f i n a l question: w h a t d o w e k n o w about
the 'surface' structure o f the i n t e r n a t i o n a l d i s t r i b u t i o n o f television programs?
To answer t h a t , i t is necessary t o recapitulate t h e f i n d i n g s o f the research
o r g a n i z e d o n behalf o f U N E S C O b y Tapio Varis. T h i s study, w h i c h covered
1
some s i x t y - n i n e countries, was an update o f a similar survey c o m p l e t e d a

decade before. Varis f o u n d f e w overall changes since 1973 i n t h e p a t t e r n o f
p r o g r a m f l o w , b u t d i d indicate a t r e n d t o w a r d greater regional exchanges
a l o n g w i t h t h e c o n t i n u e d d o m i n a n c e o f a few e x p o r t i n g countries.
[...]
Varis's analysis is, w i t h o u t d o u b t , t h e best guide w e have t o t h e general dis-
t r i b u t i o n o f television a r o u n d t h e w o r l d . O v e r a l l , i m p o r t e d p r o g r a m s average
o n e - t h i r d o r m o r e o f t o t a l p r o g r a m m i n g . T h e U n i t e d States i m p o r t s l i t t l e -
o n l y a b o u t 2 percent o f its t o t a l television o u t p u t , m a i n l y f r o m G r e a t B r i t a i n ,
M e x i c o , a n d L a t i n A m e r i c a . I n Canada, t h e vast percentage o f t h e m a t e r i a l
i m p o r t e d is f r o m t h e U n i t e d States. I n L a t i n A m e r i c a , e n t e r t a i n m e n t d o m i -
n a t e d a l l t h e T V p r o g r a m m i n g s t u d i e d , a c c o u n t i n g f o r about 5 0 percent o f
t o t a l transmission t i m e . M o s t o f these e n t e r t a i n m e n t p r o g r a m s are i m p o r t e d :
75 p e r c e n t f r o m t h e U . S . ; 12 percent f r o m L a t i n A m e r i c a ; a small p e r c e n t
f r o m Europe.
The Poisoned Chalice? 347
In Western Europe, there are i m p o r t a n t differences among countries.

O v e r a l l , 3 0 percent o f television p r o g r a m m i n g is i m p o r t e d . F o r t y - f o u r percent
o f t h e m a t e r i a l is i m p o r t e d f r o m t h e U.S., w i t h U.S. p r o g r a m s a c c o u n t i n g f o r
10 percent o f t o t a l transmission t i m e i n E u r o p e ; sixteen percent is i m p o r t e d
f r o m t h e U n i t e d K i n g d o m ; 5 t o 10 percent f r o m G e r m a n y a n d France; 3 per-
cent f r o m Eastern E u r o p e a n d the Soviet U n i o n .
I n t h e USSR 14 percent o f e n t e r t a i n m e n t p r o g r a m s are i m p o r t e d . Eastern
E u r o p e i m p o r t e d p r o g r a m s f r o m t w e n t y - s i x countries, 43 percent f r o m o t h e r
Eastern E u r o p e a n c o u n t r i e s a n d 5 7 percent f r o m outside t h a t area. T w e n t y -
one percent came f r o m the Soviet U n i o n .
I n Asia a n d t h e Pacific, 3 6 percent o f all television p r o g r a m s are i m p o r t e d ,
b u t t h e v a r i a t i o n s a m o n g countries are e n o r m o u s , r a n g i n g f r o m 75 percent
f o r N e w Zealand's C h a n n e l 2 , t o 3 percent f o r a Calcutta s t a t i o n . T h e U.S.
a n d U . K . are t h e m a i n source o f p r o g r a m s ; f o l l o w e d by Japan, w i t h c h i l d r e n ' s
programs, documentaries, a n d movies; a n d India, H o n g K o n g , a n d Taiwan,
w i t h f i l m s . C h i n a produces almost a l l its o w n TV, t a k i n g just a l i t t l e e d u -
c a t i o n a l a n d news m a t e r i a l f r o m the U n i t e d K i n g d o m .
I n t h e A r a b c o u n t r i e s , 4 2 percent o f T V is i m p o r t e d : o n e - t h i r d comes f r o m
o t h e r A r a b states; 3 2 percent o f n o n - A r a b i c i m p o r t e d p r o g r a m s come f r o m
the U n i t e d States. I n E g y p t , 5 4 . 5 percent o f i m p o r t e d p r o g r a m s are f r o m t h e
U n i t e d States. O f t h e rest o f n o n - A r a b i c i m p o r t e d p r o g r a m s , France p r o v i d e s
13 p e r c e n t ; t h e U . K . , Japan, a n d G e r m a n y 5 t o 7 percent each; t h e USSR less
t h a n 3 p e r c e n t ; a n d o t h e r socialist countries a b o u t 1 percent. O f t h e A r a b
c o u n t r i e s , t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t source o f i m p o r t s is t h e U n i t e d A r a b Emirates
(10 percent o f i m p o r t e d p r o g r a m s ) , f o l l o w e d b y E g y p t (6 percent), Saudi
A r a b i a (4 p e r c e n t ) , a n d K u w a i t (4 percent).
I n A f r i c a , about 4 0 percent o f programs are i m p o r t e d , a l t h o u g h there are
quite w i d e differences a m o n g countries: Z i m b a b w e , f o r example, i m p o r t s about
6 1 percent o f its television. O f t h e i m p o r t e d material, 5 0 percent comes f r o m
the U.S., 25 percent f r o m Germany, a n d the rest f r o m Western Europe. I n South
A f r i c a , 3 0 percent o f programs are i m p o r t e d : 5 4 percent f r o m the U.S., 3 0 per-
cent f r o m t h e U . K . , 9 percent f r o m France, 5 percent f r o m A u s t r i a , a n d 3 per-
cent f r o m Canada. Seventy percent o f this p r o g r a m m i n g is entertainment.
A t a g l o b a l l e v e l , m o s t i m p o r t e d p r o g r a m s o r i g i n a t e i n t h e U.S. a n d , t o a
lesser e x t e n t , Western E u r o p e a n d Japan. T h e f l o w is m a i n l y o f p r o g r a m s o f a
r e c r e a t i o n a l k i n d - l i g h t e n t e r t a i n m e n t s , movies, a n d sports. I n b o t h Western
a n d Eastern E u r o p e , m o r e t h a n 4 0 percent o f i m p o r t e d p r o g r a m s o r i g i n a t e
w i t h i n o t h e r countries i n t h e r e g i o n . I n b o t h regions, t h e superpowers p r e -
d o m i n a t e : t h e U.S. p r o v i d e s 4 0 percent o f West E u r o p e a n i m p o r t s w h i l e t h e
USSR p r o v i d e s 2 0 percent o f East E u r o p e a n i m p o r t s .
T h e m o s t n o t a b l e increase i n r e g i o n a l exchange over t h e past t e n years has
occurred a m o n g the Arabs, w i t h o n e - t h i r d o f imports originating w i t h i n the
r e g i o n , a n d a m o n g L a t i n A m e r i c a n countries w h e r e t h e f i g u r e f o r r e g i o n a l
exchange is 10 percent.
T h e v e r y general p i c t u r e o f T V f l o w s described b y Varis is, h o w e v e r , n o t a

o n e - w a y street; rather, there are a n u m b e r o f m a i n t h o r o u g h f a r e s , w i t h a
series o f n o t u n i m p o r t a n t smaller roads. I n this sense, his d e s c r i p t i o n parallels
t h a t o f t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f news. W h a t is clear is t h a t television as an i n t e r n a -
t i o n a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n system is far m o r e c o m p l e x t h a n is sometimes assumed.
We m u s t a l l o w f o r f l o w s w i t h i n f l o w s , patterns o f d i s t r i b u t i o n t h a t d o n o t f i t
i n t o t h e f a m i l i a r a n d simplistic m o d e l that shows t o t a l d o m i n a t i o n o f i n t e r n a -
t i o n a l television b y t h e U n i t e d States. Even w h e n w e s i m p l y c o u n t w h i c h p r o -
grams are g o i n g w h e r e , t h a t idea does n o t h o l d t r u e . T h e r e are alternative sets
o f influences a n d m o v e m e n t w i t h i n L a t i n A m e r i c a , w i t h i n E u r o p e , w i t h i n
Asia, w i t h i n t h e G u l f States, w i t h i n the Pacific basin: o n e cannot p r e t e n d these
d o n o t exist.
I n assessing t h e p a t t e r n o f p r o g r a m d i s t r i b u t i o n , one must also consider
v i d e o , a t e c h n o l o g y t h a t has been largely absent f r o m t h e general debate a b o u t
i n t e r n a t i o n a l t e l e v i s i o n , a n d yet w h i c h is b e c o m i n g m o r e a n d m o r e i m p o r t a n t .
A t t h e e n d o f 1 9 8 3 , there w e r e an estimated 4 0 m i l l i o n V C R s (vidéocassette
recorders) i n t h e w o r l d , w i t h a g r o w t h rate m u c h faster t h a n t h a t o f T V
T h e G u l f States, f o r e x a m p l e , are a n i m p o r t a n t area f o r t h e use o f vidéocas-
sette recorders t o w a t c h television a n d f i l m s f r o m o t h e r countries. T h e pene-
t r a t i o n rate o f V C R s i n Saudi A r a b i a is about 85 percent o f homes with
televisions. A 1 9 8 1 study t h a t surveyed 120 people s h o w e d t h a t they all h a d
V C R s ; a survey c o n d u c t e d i n t h e Red Sea c i t y o f J i d d a s h o w e d that 19 per-
cent o f a l l homes h a d two machines.
T h e r e are basically t w o types o f material available o n videotape. T h e first
includes large quantities o f T V Westerns a n d feature films. A t the t i m e o f
Douglas Boyd's research, the latest episodes o f Hill Street Blues, St. Elsewhere,
The A-Team, as w e l l as such movies as E.T a n d Terms of Endearment, were
readily available. A l l o f these were pirated. Similarly, every evening's t o t a l B B C
o u t p u t is taped a n d f l o w n t o the M i d d l e East the f o l l o w i n g m o r n i n g i n a private
plane. Pornographic material is acquired f r o m L o n d o n , Paris, a n d F r a n k f u r t .
T h e r e are also A r a b television programs a n d films, obtained m a i n l y f r o m Egypt.
As o n e observer n o t e d : ' I n the t u m u l t u o u s arena o f A r a b politics, the soaps are a
soft-sell c o m m e r c i a l f o r Egyptian values, a n d thereby a vehicle f o r Egyptian
influence. T h e y are a r e m i n d e r t o the Arabs that even w h e n Egypt's p o l i t i c a l
course is i n disrepute, Egypt is still n u m b e r one a m o n g the A r a b states.'
T h e success a n d influence o f E g y p t i a n television f o l l o w s i n t h e w a k e o f t h e
success o f its f i l m s , w h i c h 'paved the w a y ... b y p r o m o t i n g t h e faces o f its
stars, t h e voices o f its singers a n d t h e tales o f its w r i t e r s i n every A r a b c i t y a n d
t o w n . Even m o r e i m p o r t a n t , i t spread a f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h Egypt's dialect.
T h a n k s t o t h e movies, t h e A r a b i c spoken by t h e Egyptians has come t o d o m i -
nate a language spoken i n a h u n d r e d d i f f e r e n t ways i n t h e M i d d l e East. T h i s
d o m i n a n c e n o w v i r t u a l l y precludes any other A r a b c o u n t r y f r o m successfully
establishing a n e n t e r t a i n m e n t i n d u s t r y o f its o w n . ' A n E g y p t i a n T V p r o d u c e r
observed: ' T h e r i c h markets f o r state T V are i n Saudi A r a b i a a n d t h e G u l f ,
a n d [ E g y p t i a n T V ] w i l l n o t p r o d u c e a n y t h i n g t h a t w i l l alienate the Saudis. T h e

Saudis o n l y w a n t things t h a t c o u l d have been s h o w n i n t h e M i d d l e Ages. L i k e
all A r a b g o v e r n m e n t s , they w a n t t o p r o m o t e t h e status q u o . So t h a t is w h a t
w e give t h e m . '
I n m a n y A s i a n societies, g o v e r n m e n t s are b e c o m i n g w o r r i e d t h a t t h e use o f
V C R s is u n d e r m i n i n g d e v e l o p m e n t goals. F o r e x a m p l e , i n M a l a y s i a 75 per-
cent o f t h e viewers o f V C R tapes are t h e M a l a y s i a n Chinese p o p u l a t i o n . T h e
g o v e r n m e n t is t r y i n g t o w e l d together a n u m b e r o f cultures t h r o u g h the use o f
a n a t i o n a l language, Bahasa M a l a y s i a , b u t t h e Chinese prefer Chinese-lan-
guage videotapes f r o m H o n g K o n g t o t h e Bahasa M a l a y s i a - d o m i n a t e d T V
service, a fact t h a t is less t h a n pleasing t o t h e a u t h o r i t i e s . I n 1 9 8 2 , t h e i n f o r -
m a t i o n m i n i s t e r , A d i b A d a m , expressed his fears that g o v e r n m e n t messages
w e r e n o t r e a c h i n g t h e p e o p l e , a n d t h a t t h e loss o f t h e T V audience t o v i d e o
m i g h t ' h a m p e r g o v e r n m e n t efforts t o disseminate n a t i o n a l aspirations a n d val-
ues a n d channel i n f o r m a t i o n t o t h e p e o p l e . ' I n a n article i n t h e M a l a y s i a n
Star, o n June 2 1 , 1 9 8 3 , he w a r n e d t h a t videotapes c o u l d expose people t o
policies c o n t r a r y t o g o v e r n m e n t policies a n d n a t i o n a l c u l t u r e , h u r t television
news a n d i n f o r m a t i o n , a n d h i n d e r t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' s efforts t o foster racial
h a r m o n y . T h e counter-accusation, h o w e v e r , was o n e universally used w h e n an
audience begins t o d r i f t away: T V is b o r i n g . T h e r e have recently been efforts
t o m a k e television m o r e appealing b y i m p o r t i n g m o r e Western m a t e r i a l - a
s o l u t i o n t h a t is itself o u t o f step w i t h t h e a m b i t i o n s o f the M a l a y s i a n g o v e r n -
m e n t f o r d e v e l o p m e n t a n d n a t i o n b u i l d i n g . I n s h o r t , t h e s i t u a t i o n was n o
m o r e t h a n o n e v e r s i o n o f t h a t global p r o b l e m i n w h i c h , w h e n given free
choices, p o p u l a t i o n s tend (a w o r d I here use carefully a n d deliberately) t o
reject m a r c h i n g t o t h e heights o f a g l o r i o u s a n d e n r i c h e d f u t u r e n a t i o n , i n
f a v o r o f h e a d i n g t o the p l a y g r o u n d .
S i m i l a r l y i n I n d o n e s i a , t h e r e a c t i o n t o t h e T V service has been t o t u r n
more a n d more t o w a t c h i n g television programs a n d films o n V C R . I n
Islamic cultures, t h e V C R is p l a y i n g havoc w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l values a n d
m o r a l s . M i d d l e - c l a s s I n d i a n s are also using V C R s extensively, w a t c h i n g a
g o o d deal o f U.S. m a t e r i a l . . . .
O n e f i n a l p o i n t needs t o be addressed i n this discussion o f t h e parameters
o f T V as a n i n t e r n a t i o n a l process: t h e use, a n d p l a n n e d use, o f satellites t o dis-
t r i b u t e television a r o u n d t h e w o r l d . I n July o f last year, t h e magazine Asian
Broadcasting r a n a cover p i c t u r e o f t h e cargo bay o f t h e space s h u t t l e ; t h e
s t o r y headline r e a d , 'Satellites: E v e r y b o d y Wants O n e . ' T h e t h e o r y is that
d i r e c t broadcast satellite (DBS) systems are ideal f o r countries t h a t are eager
to p r o v i d e t h e i r people with television a n d t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s systems
w i t h o u t g o i n g t o t h e expense a n d e f f o r t o f b u i l d i n g land-based networks
,. o f cables, t r a n s m i t t e r s , a n d m i c r o w a v e l i n k s . B e h i n d t h a t thesis lies t h e d a n -
gerous n o t i o n t h a t the a p p l i c a t i o n o f such technologies can enhance a m b i t i o n s
o f boosting industrial g r o w t h a n d socioeconomic development. T h e other
i m m e d i a t e advantage o f D B S i n t h e eyes o f d e v e l o p i n g societies is t h e a b i l i t y
t o m u l t i p l e x , o r split, t h e s o u n d signals t o serve a n a t i o n that may be g e o p o l i t -

ically a single entity, b u t w h i c h i n linguistic a n d c u l t u r a l terms is n o m o r e t h a n
an aggregate o f d i f f e r e n t groups. I n d i a a n d C h i n a are obvious examples. I n
I n d i a , t h e m a i n objective o f t h e satellite p r o g r a m is t o harness spacecraft tech-
n o l o g y f o r t h e transmission o f T V broadcasts designed t o a i d t h e c o u n t r y ' s
d e v e l o p m e n t p r o g r a m . India's i n v o l v e m e n t began w i t h t h e l a u n c h i n g o f its
Satellite I n s t r u c t i o n a l Television E x p e r i m e n t i n August 1 9 7 5 . A f t e r a n i n i t i a l
f a i l u r e i n 1 9 8 2 , w i t h a n e w satellite I N S A T - 1 A , a successful satellite I N S A T - 1 B
was l a u n c h e d i n August 1 9 8 3 . T h i s n o w transmits T V p r o g r a m s d i r e c t l y t o
a u g m e n t e d sets, as w e l l as v i a a n e t w o r k o f ground-based receivers. I n d i a
expected t o reach 7 0 percent o f its p o p u l a t i o n by the m i d d l e o f 1 9 8 5 . I t was
estimated t h a t b y t h e e n d o f 1 9 8 4 there w o u l d be eight t h o u s a n d direct-recep-
t i o n sets. T h e I n d i a n g o v e r n m e n t also plans t o b u i l d f o u r rebroadcast trans-
m i t t e r s . By t h e late 1980s, I n d i a w i l l have its n e w p r o t o - I N S A T system, w i t h a
significant T V c o m p o n e n t .
Last year, C h i n a f o r m e d t h e C h i n a N a t i o n a l Satellite C o r p o r a t i o n u n d e r t h e
M i n i s t r y o f R a d i o a n d TV, t h e purpose o f w h i c h was t o design a n d develop a
T V r e c e p t i o n system using domestic a n d i m p o r t e d technology. C h i n a already
has a n agreement w i t h the G e r m a n f i r m M B B t o acquire a D B S system. T h e
reason is s i m p l e : o n l y o n e - t h i r d o f China's one b i l l i o n p o p u l a t i o n can c u r r e n t -
ly receive T V coverage t h r o u g h g r o u n d systems. T h e g o v e r n m e n t plans t o
install three t h o u s a n d r e c e p t i o n a n d rebroadcast stations w h e n t h e DBS goes
up i n 1 9 8 6 . A n a d d i t i o n a l t h i r t y t h o u s a n d receive-only stations w i l l go o n
stream before 1 9 9 0 t o reach 9 0 percent o f the p o p u l a t i o n .
S o u t h K o r e a is s l o w l y e x a m i n i n g the possibility o f establishing a DBS sys-
tem t h a t w o u l d p r o v i d e three T V channels a n d f o u r t h o u s a n d telephone c i r -
cuits. Indonesia was the first Asian c o u n t r y t o develop its o w n domestic
satellite system, Palapa, w h i c h w e n t i n t o o p e r a t i o n i n m i d - 1 9 7 6 t o p r o v i d e
t e l e p h o n e , telex, a n d T V l i n k s f o r three t h o u s a n d islands scattered over five
t h o u s a n d k i l o m e t e r s o f ocean. A second-generation Palapa system has n o w
been developed, shared with Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, a n d the
P h i l i p p i n e s . T h a i l a n d , m i g h t i l y impressed b y Palapa, has n o w decided t o
d e v e l o p its o w n system.
I n t h e M i d d l e East, t h e d e v e l o p m e n t by the A r a b League, a c o n s o r t i u m o f
t w e n t y - o n e c o u n t r i e s , o f t h e Arabsat, w h i c h is capable o f eight T V channels
for b o t h c o m m u n i t y sets a n d direct-receivers, indicates t h a t region's c o m m i t -
m e n t t o this p a r t i c u l a r f o r m o f T V transmission. F o r t y g r o u n d receiving sta-
tions are n o w b e i n g b u i l t at a cost o f $ 1 5 0 m i l l i o n . Pakistan is e x a m i n i n g t h e
possibilities o f establishing its o w n direct television a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s satel-
lites b y t h e e n d o f the decade.
A n d so i t goes. I have n o t even t o u c h e d o n t h e m a j o r developments b y t h e
i n d u s t r i a l societies t o establish DBS systems. Yet i t is quite clear t h a t i f o n e
w e r e t o w r i t e this article a decade hence, p r o g r a m s , v i d e o , a n d D B S w o u l d
have t o be at t h e very f o r e f r o n t o f the d e s c r i p t i o n a n d analysis. These are
p r o b a b l y t h e t w o technologies that w i l l u l t i m a t e l y shape t h e f u t u r e structure

o f international television.
W h a t e v e r t h e c o m p l e x i t i e s , i t w o u l d be l u d i c r o u s t o deny that there are dis-
t o r t i o n s i n t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n p a t t e r n o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n s a r o u n d t h e globe. O n
so m u c h w e c a n a l l agree. W h a t is less evident is that these patterns neces-
sarily i m p l y structures o f d o m i n a n c e . I n other w o r d s , w e cannot take as given
t h e n a t u r e o f t h e social experience w h i c h is i m p l i e d b y t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f , f o r
e x a m p l e , A m e r i c a n television a r o u n d t h e w o r l d . W e cannot take as u n p r o b -
lematic t h e idea o f n a t i o n a l c u l t u r e n o r its alleged t r a n s f o r m a t i o n under t h e
i m p a c t o f i m p o r t e d p r o g r a m s . W r i t i n g f r o m w i t h i n t h e confines o f B r i t a i n i n
1985, I w o u l d f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t even t o delineate t h e parameters o f m y o w n
n a t i o n a l c u l t u r e . W h o s e c u l t u r e is i t : t h a t o f M r s . T h a t c h e r o r t h e m i l i t a n t
m i n e r s ' leader, A r t h u r Scargill; t h e south o r t h e n o r t h ; t h e r i o t i n g f o o t b a l l fan
o r t h e Sunday cricketer? I f a c u l t u r e is t o be f o u n d i n shared symbols, t h e n
w h a t symbols h o l d sway i n these islands a n y m o r e , i f i n d e e d they ever did?
Precious few, I fear, a n d g e t t i n g fewer b y the day.
A 1 9 5 3 U N E S C O p u b l i c a t i o n (TV, A World Survey) made t h e statement:
' I n t e r n a t i o n a l c o o p e r a t i o n is b e g i n n i n g t o o p e n u p n e w fields f o r t e l e v i s i o n
a n d i t is i n c r e a s i n g l y r e c o g n i z e d h o w effective i t c a n be t o b r i n g a b o u t
greater awareness a b o u t each o t h e r a m o n g n a t i o n s d i f f e r i n g i n language a n d
c h a r a c t e r . ' T h e same r e p o r t spoke o f h o w t e l e v i s i o n c o u l d m a k e t h e ' t r e a -
sures o f m a n ' s c i v i l i z a t i o n ' available, a n d o f T V as a means o f ' g l o b a l peace
a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g . ' Bliss w a s i t i n t h a t d a w n . T h e v i e w o f g l o b a l t e l e v i s i o n
n o w espoused w i t h i n t h e chambers o f U N E S C O is t h a t i t is a d i s t i n c t l y
p o i s o n e d chalice.
By 1 9 7 2 , t h e G e n e r a l C o n f e r e n c e o f U N E S C O was suggesting t h a t there
was a danger t h a t t h e mass m e d i a c o u l d become vehicles f o r ' t h e d o m i n a t i o n
o f w o r l d p u b l i c o p i n i o n o r a source o f m o r a l a n d c u l t u r a l p o l l u t i o n , ' a n d that
t h e o n e - w a y f l o w o f television f r o m a small n u m b e r o f countries threatened
'the c u l t u r a l values o f most o f the r e m a i n i n g countries.' I n 1 9 7 3 , at t h e meet-
i n g o f t h e heads o f state o f n o n - a l i g n e d countries, there w e r e calls f o r t h e
' r e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f e x i s t i n g c o m m u n i c a t i o n channels w h i c h are t h e legacy o f
the c o l o n i a l past, a n d w h i c h have h a m p e r e d free, direct a n d fast c o m m u n i c a -
t i o n between t h e m . ' I t was added t h a t ' c u l t u r a l a l i e n a t i o n a n d i m p o r t e d c i v i -
l i z a t i o n , i m p o s e d i m p e r i a l i s m a n d c o l o n i a l i s m , s h o u l d be c o u n t e r e d b y ... a
constant a n d d e t e r m i n e d recourse t o t h e social a n d c u l t u r a l values o f the p o p -
u l a t i o n w h i c h define t h e m as a sovereign p e o p l e . '
A n d so o n , as large parts o f the i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o m m u n i t y have become anx-
ious about the adverse effects o f foreign television o n their countries. T h i s is n o t
just t r u e o f the d e v e l o p i n g countries; many i m p o r t a n t and i n f l u e n t i a l voices can
be h e a r d t h r o u g h o u t E u r o p e expressing concern over t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s o f ' f o r -
e i g n ' t e l e v i s i o n . I t is a d m i t t e d l y n o t an anxiety o v e r l y present i n A m e r i c a n
society - w h i c h i n terms o f t h e p e n e t r a t i o n o f a n y t h i n g f o r e i g n a n d visual
remains i n a state o f virgo intacto. I n t e r n a t i o n a l television a n d c u l t u r a l
d o m i n a n c e have, h o w e v e r , become a n i m p o r t a n t issue o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l p o l i -

tics. O n t h a t agenda, i t is taken as given b y most societies t h a t adverse effects
d o f o l l o w f r o m t h e i r p o p u l a t i o n s ' c u l t u r a l appetites, as expressed i n t h e T V
they w a t c h .
E q u a l l y i n f l u e n t i a l sections o f the academic c o m m u n i t y have argued v o c i f -
erously about t h e alleged p o w e r f u l influences o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l television. Cees
H a m e l i n k , f o r e x a m p l e , ... speaks o f h o w i n recent years t h e delicate process
by w h i c h d e v e l o p i n g societies evolve a n d adapt is being increasingly threat-
ened b y t h e advanced i n d u s t r i a l states' large-scale e x p o r t o f c u l t u r a l systems
t o T h i r d W o r l d countries. As a result, he suggests, t h e survival o f a u t o n o m o u s
c u l t u r a l systems i n m a n y areas o f the T h i r d W o r l d is very m u c h i n q u e s t i o n .
H e adds: ' I t is t h e a r g u m e n t o f this study that c u l t u r a l a u t o n o m y is essential
f o r a process o f i n d e p e n d e n t d e v e l o p m e n t . H o w e v e r , c u l t u r a l a u t o n o m y is
v i r t u a l l y impossible i n a system w h i c h attempts t o integrate t h e w e a k a n d
p o o r countries i n a g l o b a l c o m m u n i t y that serves best t h e interests o f o n l y t h e
r i c h a n d p o w e r f u l . T h i s a u t o n o m y has t o be secured t h r o u g h t h e f o r m u l a t i o n
a n d i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f n a t i o n a l policies based o n i n t e r n a t i o n a l dissociation
w h i c h encourage self-reliant d e v e l o p m e n t a n d t h e c o o p e r a t i o n o f d e v e l o p i n g
countries a m o n g themselves.'
T h e general effect he suggests, however, is f o r c u l t u r a l ' s y n c h r o n i z a t i o n ' -
the e r a d i c a t i o n o f diversity, a n d its replacement w i t h 'a single g l o b a l c u l t u r e '
i n w h i c h t h e c u l t u r a l t r a f f i c is o v e r w h e l m i n g l y one way, w i t h t h e result t h a t
the ' w h o l e process o f social inventiveness a n d c u l t u r a l creativity is t h r o w n
i n t o c o n f u s i o n o r is d e f i n i t e l y destroyed. U n i q u e dimensions i n t h e s p e c t r u m
o f h u m a n values, w h i c h have e v o l v e d over centuries, r a p i d l y disappear.'
[-]
H e r b Schiller has also become w e l l k n o w n as a theorist o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n as
c u l t u r a l d o m i n a t i o n . I n his first a n d most i n f l u e n t i a l w o r k , Mass Commun-
ications an American Empire ( 1 9 6 9 ) , he states: 'Mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n s are n o w
a p i l l a r o f the emergent i m p e r i a l society. Messages " m a d e i n A m e r i c a " radiate
across t h e globe a n d serve as the ganglia o f national p o w e r a n d expansionism.
T h e ideological images o f "have n o t " states are increasingly i n the custody o f
A m e r i c a n i n f o r m a t i o n a l media. N a t i o n a l a u t h o r i t y over attitude creation a n d
o p i n i o n f o r m a t i o n i n t h e d e v e l o p i n g w o r l d has weakened a n d is being r e l i n -
quished t o p o w e r f u l external forces.... Everywhere local c u l t u r e is facing sub-
m e r s i o n f r o m t h e mass-produced o u t p o u r i n g s o f c o m m e r c i a l broadcasting.'
Fourteen years later, t h e tune r e m a i n e d essentially t h e same. I n a paper o n
' E l e c t r o n i c I n f o r m a t i o n F l o w s : N e w Basis f o r G l o b a l D o m i n a t i o n , ' Schiller
develops, i n a s o m e w h a t p o l e m i c a l manner, his analysis o f t h e e v o l v i n g p o l i t i -
cal e c o n o m y o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l societies a n d t h e e n o r m o u s p o w e r o f a small
n u m b e r o f m u l t i n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n s . N o t h i n g w r o n g w i t h a l l t h a t , apart
f r o m t h e occasional t o u c h o f h y p e r b o l e (at one p o i n t he talks o f t h e w e l f a r e
state as 'already m o s t l y a m e m o r y ' - t h i s , a set o f i n s t i t u t i o n s that take u p a
huge p a r t o f t h e gross domestic product!). Where I part f r o m Schiller's
analysis is w h e n he slips i n t o such phrases as 'a vast extension i n c u l t u r a l

c o n t r o l a n d d o m i n a t i o n t o say n o t h i n g o f e c o n o m i c a n d p o l i t i c a l m a s t e r y ' a n d
' s a t u r a t i n g t h e c u l t u r a l space o f the n a t i o n . ' L e t m e ask again: w h a t does t h a t
7
m e a n , a n d , at t h e r i s k o f b e i n g accused o f outrageous p o s i t i v i s m , where's t h e

evidence? C e r t a i n l y , he p r o v i d e s n o n e .
W h a t , t h e n , a b o u t t h e idea o f domination} A w h o l e l i b r a r y o f w o r k s exists
o n cross-national influences, trans-border data f l o w , t h e economics o f c u l t u r a l
i m p e r i a l i s m , T V f l o w s , a n d so o n . H a m e l i n k a n d Schiller are just t w o o f t h e
m o r e p r o m i n e n t members o f an extensive school o f t h o u g h t . Each tends t o 8
be l o a d e d w i t h sets o f assumptions about c u l t u r a l influences, a b o u t meanings

a n d t h e s h a p i n g o f consciousness. Yet each equally tends t o h o l d those views
i n t h e abstract, outside o f any grasp o f t h e i r place w i t h i n t h e life o f a society.
As t h e late I t h i e l de Sola Pool observed: ' T h e r e is, i n fact, r e m a r k a b l y l i t t l e
research o f any k i n d o n i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n . T h e r e is a great deal o f
essay w r i t i n g a b o u t i t . B u t b y research I mean studies i n w h i c h data is collect-
e d t o establish o r r e f u t e some general p r o p o s i t i o n . . . . T h e t w o topics r e g a r d i n g
i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n t h a t have been m o s t extensively s t u d i e d , a n d
v e r y badly, I m u s t say, are t h e balance i n t h e f l o w o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n a m o n g
c o u n t r i e s , a n d t h e c u l t u r a l biases i n w h a t f l o w s . These are topics o n w h i c h
there have been a f e w e m p i r i c a l studies, t h o u g h b y far t h e great b u l k o f t h a t
l i t e r a t u r e consists o f p o l e m i c a l essays u n e n l i g h t e n e d b y facts.'
[...]
Since its first appearance o n A m e r i c a n television i n 1 9 7 8 a n d its subsequent
e x p o r t t o m a n y f o r e i g n countries, Dallas has become t h e exemplar o f t h e
g l o b a l i n f l u e n c e o f A m e r i c a n t e l e v i s i o n , the apparent e m b o d i m e n t o f the t h e o -
r y o f c u l t u r a l i m p e r i a l i s m , a m e t a p h o r f o r an entire a r g u m e n t . Clearly, at o n e
level Dallas fits t h e stereotype: i t is available i n m a n y d i f f e r e n t countries a n d
is always s o l d at a l o w e r price t h a n any h o m e - p r o d u c e d equivalent. W h a t has
been a l m o s t t o t a l l y i g n o r e d , h o w e v e r , is the r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e p r o g r a m
a n d t h e v a r i o u s audiences t h a t , f o r whatever reasons, i n w h a t e v e r c i r c u m -
stances, w i t h w h a t e v e r consequences, actually sit d o w n a n d w a t c h i t . A n y
e x p l o r a t i o n at t h a t l e v e l , n o m a t t e r h o w cursory, p r o v i d e s some i m p o r t a n t
q u a l i f i c a t i o n s t o t h e i m p e r i a l i s m thesis. For e x a m p l e , i n most countries Dallas
is n o t as p o p u l a r as h o m e - p r o d u c e d soaps, a n d i t is c o m p l e t e l y i g n o r e d i n
c o u n t r i e s as diverse as B r a z i l a n d Japan, w h i c h nevertheless have well-estab-
l i s h e d a n d h i g h l y p o p u l a r domestic dramas as p a r t o f t h e i r m a i n T V o f f e r i n g s .
I n N e w Z e a l a n d , o t h e r k i n d s o f shows f r o m o t h e r countries are m o r e p o p u l a r
t h a n Dallas a n d its i l k . W h i l e a n u m b e r o f researchers have recognized t h e
need t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e d i f f e r e n t audience responses t o p r o g r a m s such as
Dallas - e.g., E l i h u K a t z a n d Tamar Liebes i n Israel, Jean B i a n c h i i n France,
David M o r l e y and Dorothy Hobson i n Britain 10
- these efforts have, t o date,
u n f o r t u n a t e l y been i n h i b i t e d b y a lack o f real resources.
I t is, i n fact, s i m p l y u n t r u e t o say t h a t i m p o r t e d television p r o g r a m s , f r o m
t h e U.S. o r o t h e r m e t r o p o l i t a n c o u n t r i e s , always have a d o m i n a n t presence
w i t h i n an i n d i g e n o u s television c u l t u r e . C e r t a i n l y they d o n o t always attract

larger audiences than homemade p r o g r a m s , n o r d o they always t h r e a t e n
national production.
I n B r a z i l , f o r e x a m p l e , w h i c h is t h e s i x t h biggest television m a r k e t i n t h e
w o r l d , t h e level o f i m p o r t e d television m a t e r i a l fell by 3 2 percent between
1973 a n d 1 9 8 2 , largely due t o the activities o f T V G l o b o , w h i c h captures
b e t w e e n 6 0 a n d 8 0 percent o f the television audience. Between 5 : 3 0 PM a n d
11:00 PM, 8 4 percent o f t h e p r o g r a m s o f f e r e d are in-house p r o d u c t i o n s . I n
August 1983, the t o p ten programs were all Globo productions, including
three 'telenovellas.' As R i c h a r d Paterson p o i n t s o u t , i n Brazil o n e sees 'a tele-
v i s i o n d e v o t e d t o n a t i o n a l c u l t u r e . T V G l o b o has f u l l y u t i l i z e d t h e possibilities
created b y these circumstances t o develop a d i f f e r e n t sort o f television. T h e
d e v e l o p m e n t o f an i n d i g e n o u s television puts i n t o question Schiller's thesis
a b o u t t h e i n e v i t a b i l i t y o f t r a d i t i o n a l d r a m a a n d f o l k music r e t r e a t i n g before
the likes o f Peyton Place a n d Bonanza.' 11
Dallas, b y the way, i n 1 9 8 2 occupied 6 9 t h p o s i t i o n i n the Brazilian ratings

and 1 0 9 t h i n M e x i c o . 12
I n the very different context o f B r i t a i n , however, w h i l e
successful, i t has never seriously challenged the domestically p r o d u c e d dramas
Coronation Street, Crossroads, a n d Emmerdale Farm. A n o t h e r illustration o f
h o w indigenous populations d o n o t respond t o i m p o r t e d material i n stereotypi-
cal ways can be seen i n South A f r i c a . T h e r e , T V 1 carries such i m p o r t s as Dallas
and The A-Team, w i t h vernacular services o n T V 2 a n d T V 3 . I n December 1 9 8 3 ,
however, Bophuthatswana Television, broadcasting from the capital of
M m a b a t h o , began t o broadcast i n English b u t w i t h increasing amounts o f mate-
r i a l o f a local nature i n Setswana. M o r e a n d m o r e o f the black p o p u l a t i o n o f
South A f r i c a turns t o this channel. Indeed, the success has been so great that
President M p e p h a o f the t i n y republic o f Venda has n o w announced that he
wants his o w n television service, Radio Television T h o h o y a n d a u . 13
I n Singapore, w h e r e the g o v e r n m e n t ' s Singapore Broadcasting C o r p o r a t i o n

runs three channels broadcasting i n English, M a n d a r i n , T a m i l , a n d M a l a y , a n d
w h e r e 6 0 percent o f the p r o g r a m s are English-language (the b u l k o f w h i c h are
i m p o r t e d ) , Chinese p r o g r a m s , p a r t i c u l a r l y f r o m H o n g K o n g , are consistently
the m o s t p o p u l a r . I n I r e l a n d , w h i c h i m p o r t s 65 percent o f its t o t a l o u t p u t a n d
w h e r e t h e B B C a n d I T V are readily available t o most o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n , t h e
m o s t p o p u l a r p r o g r a m s f o r m a n y years have been The Late, Late Show o n
Saturdays, hosted b y G a y B y r n e , f o l l o w e d b y the h o m e - p r o d u c e d d r a m a series
The Riordans, Bracken, a n d Glenroe. I n countries such as N e w Z e a l a n d a n d
Sweden, w h e r e t h e local broadcasting services face e n o r m o u s p r o b l e m s t h a t
necessitate t h e i m p o r t a t i o n o f f o r e i g n television, h o m e - g r o w n p r o g r a m s nev-
ertheless compete i n p o p u l a r i t y . I n N e w Z e a l a n d , i n fact, there is evidence
that t h e b u l k o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n actively dislikes the A m e r i c a n shows they see
o n t h e i r screens. I n Z i m b a b w e i n 1 9 8 2 , locally p r o d u c e d p r o g r a m s such as
The Mukadda Family h a d m u c h higher ratings t h a n t h e i m p o r t e d Dallas,
Dynasty, a n d Falcon Crest. O n e a u t h o r w r i t i n g about television i n Bangladesh
observed: ' I m p o r t e d p r o g r a m m e s are p o p u l a r , b u t d o n o t d o m i n a t e B T V I n

the 1980s some w o u l d say t h a t t h e Incredible Hulk does sit uneasily between
Shilpo-O'Shahilya [a series o n a r t a n d l i t e r a t u r e ] a n d Jalsa [a p r o g r a m m e o n
classical m u s i c ] . Dallas, Charlie's Angels a n d Chips are cheaper f o r B T V t o
t r a n s m i t t h a n a n y local dramas - b u t local p r o d u c t i o n s challenge t h e m i n a
w a y f e w outsiders w o u l d believe possible.' 14
O n e c o u l d g o o n . T h i s is n o t t o say that i m p o r t e d p r o g r a m s are not a n

i m p o r t a n t p a r t o f t h e t o t a l structure o f m a n y countries' broadcasting, n o r ,
i n d e e d , t h a t i n some cases they are n o t very p o p u l a r . I t is m e r e l y t o observe
t h a t even a l i m i t e d glance at t h e available evidence - such as i t is - about t h e
m o s t s i m p l e facts o f television v i e w i n g , indicates t h a t the p i c t u r e o f the r o l e o f
television i n any society is far m o r e c o m p l e x t h a n is o f t e n a l l o w e d for. As far
as w e c a n t e l l , audiences d i s c r i m i n a t e a n d t e n d t o prefer h o m e - p r o d u c e d tele-
v i s i o n , r a t h e r t h a n slavishly p u r s u i n g i m p o r t e d p r o g r a m s .
T h e p o i n t o f this C o o k ' s t o u r , t h e n , is actually quite s i m p l e : i t is t o s h o w
t h a t a rather m o r e discrete, subtle, a n d e m p i r i c a l a p p r o a c h is necessary before
w e c a n begin t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e actual experience o f the f l o w o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l
t e l e v i s i o n , a n d thus t h e n o t i o n o f television d o m i n a n c e . T h e question this i n
t u r n raises is: w h a t m o d e l can best e x p l a i n c u l t u r a l influences i n t h e lives o f a
g i v e n society, a n d w h e r e can w e f i n d the m e t h o d o l o g y t o test that model?
T h e p r o b l e m w i t h t h e o l d m o d e l is that i t t o o k a n o t very g o o d i n v e n t o r y
a n d p r e t e n d e d i t was an analysis. O n e can say n o t h i n g o f influences, o f h o w
those p r o g r a m s engage w i t h a society s i m p l y o n t h e basis o f a surface descrip-
t i o n ; a n d y e t t h a t is a l l w e have t e n d e d t o have so far. A s a f o r m e r colleague
o f mine quite rightly argued:
The development o f theories about the i l l effects of the importation of American
television programmes depends on the measuring devices of imports/exports and
the income earned f r o m such sales for their substantiation. Unfortunately these
measures, although useful, do not focus on the size and responses of the audi-
ences w h o eventually see such programmes. There is an assumption that
American T V imports do have an impact wherever and whenever they are
shown, but actual investigation (or verification) of this seldom occurs. M u c h of
the evidence that is offered is merely anecdotal or circumstantial. Observations
of N e w Guinean tribesmen clustered around a set in the sweltering jungle watch-
ing Bonanza or of Algerian nomads watching Dallas in the heat of the desert, are
often offered as sufficient proof. 15
O n t h e basis o f w h a t w e k n o w - really k n o w as opposed t o imagine w e k n o w

- w h a t t h e n can be said a b o u t the n o t i o n o f d o m i n a n c e b y i n t e r n a t i o n a l t e l e v i -
sion? W h a t is t h e argument? W h a t is t h e problem? L e t m e begin n o t w i t h
some h u m b l e , u n d e r d e v e l o p e d , e x p l o i t e d n a t i o n , b u t w i t h a huge, wealthy,
p o w e r f u l o n e : Canada. Canada a p p a r e n t l y has o n e o v e r w h e l m i n g p r o b l e m
w h e n i t comes t o t h e c u l t u r e o f television, a n d that is its p r o x i m i t y t o an
even more p o w e r f u l , wealthy, a n d huge society, t h e U n i t e d States. I n a
recent a c c o u n t o f the d e v e l o p m e n t o f cable T V i n Canada, T i m H o l l i n s made
the f o l l o w i n g p o i n t :
Over 80 percent of the Canadian population lives within one hundred miles of
the American border, and the realities of this situation have had a greater impact
than somewhat abstract cultural aspirations. Although regulation has been
imposed to promote both Canadian broadcasting and production, the Canadians
themselves have consistently demonstrated a strong interest, even a preference
for material f r o m the United States. Consequently, the Government has had to
find a path between accepting the reality of the U.S. cultural imperialism and
forcing a Canadian cultural chauvinism which appears antithetical to the rights
and wishes of its o w n citizens. 16
T h e f i r s t , a n d rather t r i c k y , p r o b l e m f o r g o v e r n m e n t leaders, intellectuals,

r e f o r m e r s , a n d p o l i t i c a l evangelists ( w h o m a y also be academics) a r o u n d t h e
globe is t h a t , as H o l l i n s suggests about Canada, p o p u l a t i o n s d o have this
u n f o r t u n a t e h a b i t o f choosing television programs that are n o t ' g o o d ' f o r
t h e m . I n d e e d , o n e m i g h t construct t h e first l a w o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o m m u n i c a -
t i o n s : t h a t w h i c h is b a d f o r t h e m , they will insist o n w a t c h i n g .
I a m , y o u w i l l detect, a t o u c h less w o r r i e d t h a n some about this situation -
described i n endless meetings o f U N E S C O a n d k i n d r e d bodies, a n d enough
b o o k s a n d articles t o threaten t h e existence o f t r o p i c a l r a i n forests - p a r t l y
because I suspect that assumptions about t h e extent o f exposure t o ' f o r e i g n '
m a t e r i a l are overstated, a n d m a i n l y because I believe that t h e assumptions
about their 'effects' are certainly overstated, a n d d e v o i d o f decent evidence a n d
g o o d theory. I t is d i f f i c u l t , f o r example, t o take t o o seriously t h e assumptions
b e h i n d a phrase such as ' t h e Dallas-drugged viewers,' w h i c h I saw used recently
i n t h e c o n t e x t o f a discussion o f Italian television. N o r t h e sentiment, however
w e l l m e a n i n g , i n this observation: ' F o r the survival a n d development o f i m p o r -
tant h u m a n values, t h e study o f i n t e r c u l t u r a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n may be o n e o f t h e
critical areas o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n research. O n e has o n l y t o witness Kojak a n d
Starsky and Hutch b o u n c i n g o f f satellites into the intimacy of minds and homes
[ m y emphasis] i n cultures o f I n d i a a n d T h a i l a n d t o realize this.'
Such, h o w e v e r , is t h e p o w e r o f the o r t h o d o x y o n these matters t h a t I w r i t e
these w o r d s w i t h a feeling o f g u i l t , a certain t r e p i d a t i o n i n w a i t i n g f o r t h e
h o w l s o f scorn t h a t o n e can d o u b t s o m e t h i n g so self-evident. I n d e e d , i t seems
t o m e t h a t t h e Western w r i t e r , f r o m w i t h i n the c o m f o r t o f his w e a l t h , faces a
d i f f i c u l t p r o b l e m i n addressing objectively issues o f d o m i n a n c e a n d c u l t u r a l
i m p e r i a l i s m . O n t h e o n e h a n d , he is i n danger o f either assuming u n c r i t i c a l l y
the n o t i o n s a n d sentiments u t t e r e d b y T h i r d W o r l d leaders a n d their Western
acolytes o u t o f a w i s h f o r t h e m t o be r i g h t . O n the other h a n d , i f he chal-
lenges those arguments, questions t h e m , suggests that maybe they are n o t
t o t a l l y c o r r e c t , t h a t perhaps they are self-interested o r just p l a i n i n n o c e n t l y
w r o n g , he is i m m e d i a t e l y o p e n t o t h e accusation o f h a v i n g a m e a l y - m o u t h e d ,
u n c a r i n g a t t i t u d e t o w a r d s t h e p r o b l e m s o f d e v e l o p i n g societies. Yet, i n a l l
honesty, o n e has t o say t h a t i t is possible t h a t , w i t h i n t h e realms o f i n t e r n a -
t i o n a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , a p o v e r t y o f t h o u g h t has emerged t o m a t c h t h e real
p o v e r t y o f resources t h a t afflicts d e v e l o p i n g societies.
I n seeking t o u n d e r s t a n d i n t e r n a t i o n a l television, t h e n , o n e has t o ask:

W h a t evidence is there? W h a t can w e say? W h a t d o w e k n o w ? I n researching
this a r t i c l e , I constantly r e t u r n e d t o these questions a n d t o t h e simple state-
m e n t : ' I t is c l a i m e d t h a t this mass o f m a t e r i a l c o m i n g i n f r o m outside is b o t h
erasing t r a d i t i o n a l cultures a n d i n h i b i t i n g t h e emergence o f authentic c u l t u r a l
changes. T h e r e is n o clear evidence t h a t this is i n fact h a p p e n i n g , n o r i n d e e d
any t h a t i t is n o t . ' 17
[...]
T h e q u e s t i o n t o pose is n o t w h a t is t h e nature o f c u l t u r a l d o m i n a t i o n o r i m -
p e r i a l i s m , w i t h a l l the assumptions o f intellectual, psychological, a n d e m o t i o n a l
i n f l u e n c e . T h e real question is w h y such simple, impressionistic analyses have
c o m e t o h o l d such sway i n t h e debate about t h e character o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n s
i n i n t e r n a t i o n a l as w e l l as domestic l i f e . W h y have such analyses - p a r a d o x i -
cally d r i p p i n g w i t h h u m a n concern - become so d i v o r c e d f r o m any h u m a n
contact?
T h e r e is a m a r v e l o u s l i t t l e article b y Irene Penacchioni about t h e v i e w i n g o f
p o p u l a r t e l e v i s i o n i n p o v e r t y - r i d d e n northeast B r a z i l . 18
I t is a f i n e example o f
t h e v i e w t h a t t h e r o l e a n d use o f television o u g h t t o be v i e w e d e t h n o g r a p h i -
cally f r o m within a c u l t u r e , rather t h a n condescendingly f r o m w i t h o u t . She
p u l l s n o punches: ' I n m y o p i n i o n ... t h e investigations i n t o television w h i c h
are c a r r i e d o u t b y sociology are i n f o r m e d b y t h e amused condescensions o f
intellectuals t o w a r d s mass c u l t u r e a n d b y t h e i r d a r k fear o f the alleged p o w e r
o f images.... Intellectuals use t h e w r i t t e n w o r d t o p r o t e c t themselves from
t e l e v i s i o n as t h o u g h i t w e r e a cross t o p r o t e c t t h e m f r o m v a m p i r e s . ' She w r i t e s
o f the p o p u l a r i t y o f the telenovella w i t h the local people:
It is important t o understand the pleasure of following a fiction f r o m day to day

over a long period of time; pleasures associated w i t h the 'to be continued,' of
curiosity and expectation about the unpredictable, which w i l l make itself heard
again. What next? What w i l l happen to our hero? The genealogy of pleasure,
this joy related to the telenovella, has to be sought i n the occidental history of
folk poetry.... Television seems to correspond to a cyclical and everyday repre-
sentation o f time as found in folk poetry.... The phenomenon of television can-
not be comprehended here without a systematic investigation of the cultural
context, and its different aspects, i n the Northeast of Brazil.
O n e o f t h e m o m e n t s she describes is o f a g r o u p o f people s i t t i n g a r o u n d a

TV set i n t h e t o w n square, n o t just w a t c h i n g telenovellas, b u t laughing
u p r o a r i o u s l y at t h e e x p l o i t s o f C h a r l i e C h a p l i n . W h e n I read t h i s , another
v e r y f a m i l i a r image came t o m y m i n d .
I w a s b o r n i n a w o r k i n g - c l a s s c o m m u n i t y called O l d h a m , i n t h e n o r t h o f
E n g l a n d . B e f o r e t h e First W o r l d War, O l d h a m p r o d u c e d most o f t h e w o r l d ' s
s p u n c o t t o n . I t is a place o f m i l l s a n d chimneys, a n d I was b o r n a n d raised i n
o n e o f t h e areas o f h o u s i n g - called St. M a r y ' s - b u i l t t o serve those m i l l s . I
recently h e a r d a r e c o r d b y a l o c a l g r o u p o f f o l k singers called t h e O l d h a m
T i n k e r s , a n d o n e t r a c k is a b o u t C h a r l i e C h a p l i n . T h i s song was a p p a r e n t l y
very p o p u l a r w i t h local c h i l d r e n i n the years i m m e d i a t e l y after the First W o r l d

War. Was t h a t early evidence o f the c u l t u r a l influences of Hollywood, a
p r i m e v a l m o m e n t o f t h e i m p e r i a l i s m o f o n e c u l t u r e , t h e subjugation o f a n o t h -
er? I t seems almost b o o r i s h t o t h i n k o f i t that way. Was the l i t t l e m a n n o t a
deep w e l l o f pleasure t h r o u g h laughter, a pleasure that was s i m p l y universal i n
appeal? Was i t n o t C h a p l i n ' s real genius t o strike some c o m m o n c h o r d , u n i t -
i n g t h e w h o l e o f h u m a n i t y ? Is t h a t n o t , i n fact, the real genius o f A m e r i c a n
p o p u l a r c u l t u r e , t o b i n d together, better t h a n a n y t h i n g else, c o m m o n h u m a n i -
ty? T h i s is a l l t e r r i b l y heretical, a n d yet I a m m o r e a n d m o r e t e m p t e d i n this
l i t t l e excursion t o propose t h a t the c u l t u r a l i m p e r i a l i s m thesis be s t o o d o n its
head, a n d t o suggest instead an analysis, n o t o f e x p l o i t a t i o n , b u t o f service -
o f the p r o f f e r i n g o f c u l t u r a l imagery that is absorbed b y m o r e deep-seated c u l -
t u r a l strata. T h a t leads m e , n o t t o ask about the thesis, b u t t o pose questions
about those w h o p r o f f e r i t . T h e r e has t o be an e x p l a n a t i o n w h y such a n i n t e l -
lectually u n d e r n o u r i s h e d t h e o r y holds such sway.
I also ask w h y i t is that t h e u b i q u i t y o f the likes o f Dallas is h e l d i n such
c o n t e m p t , whereas the u b i q u i t y of, say, the Beatles o r C h a p l i n himself is, o n e
senses, h e l d i n awe. Perhaps w e need an alternative w a y o f l o o k i n g at t h e gen-
eral p o p u l a r i t y o f m u c h television a r o u n d the globe... Is i t possible that i n
o r d e r t o u n d e r s t a n d , at least i n p a r t , the p o p u l a r i t y o f t h e television o f t h e
N o r t h A t l a n t i c basin o n e has t o understand the ways i n w h i c h i t successfully
employs certain themes, situations, a n d figures, rather t h a n just p r i c i n g - m e c h -
anisms, pace, glossy sets, exotic locations, o r whatever? Is t h e interesting t h i n g
about t e l e v i s i o n , i n s h o r t , perhaps n o t w h a t i t imposes b u t w h a t i t taps?
[...]
T h o s e w h o favor t h e idea o f c u l t u r a l d o m i n a n c e t h r o u g h television have t e n d -
ed t o study c o m p a n y reports, rather t h a n the realities o f i n d i v i d u a l lives; t o
describe t h e f l o w o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n i n the abstract, rather t h a n the c u l t u r a l
meanings o f those f l o w s . T h i s idea is h i t c h e d t o a m o d e l o f influences w h i c h ,
f o r t w o decades, has been k n o w n t o be at best inadequate. I t espouses a
t o u c h i n g belief i n t h e perfectability o f m a n , i l l u s t r a t e d by t h e apparent convic-
t i o n t h a t h u m a n flaws, inadequacies, a n d problems f l o w f r o m the sociocultur-
a l , A n g l o - S a x o n - d o m i n a t e d i n f r a s t r u c t u r e o f t h e w o r l d economy, i n w h i c h t h e
i n d i g e n o u s p o p u l a t i o n is n o m o r e t h a n an i n n o c e n t fly caught i n a b e g u i l i n g ,
sticky, a n d o v e r p o w e r i n g spider's w e b . Supporters o f this t h e o r y have d e m o n -
strated a certain m y o p i a : their gaze has focused o n the inadequacies a n d
awfulness o f Western society, w h i l e r e m a i n i n g b l i n d t o one o r t w o p r o b l e m s
a n d d i f f i c u l t i e s the m o r e objective eye m i g h t detect east o f t h e Elbe, a n d
i n d e e d w i t h i n the s o c i o p o l i t i c a l character o f m a n y d e v e l o p i n g societies. T h e y
have f a i l e d t o develop a m o d e l that allows f o r resistance, f o r o p p o s i t i o n a l
forces - a n d n o t o p p o s i t i o n by a captive p o p u l a t i o n t o t h e alleged d o m i n a n t
p o w e r a n d its c u l t u r e , because such a captive p o p u l a t i o n never existed i n
the first place. T h e y have o f f e r e d a p a t r o n i z i n g , pat-on-the-head p i t y f o r p o p -
u l a t i o n s they feel are n o t capable o f k n o w i n g their o w n m i n d . Finally, t h e
d o m i n a n c e m o d e l has f a i l e d t o recognize t h a t a t h e o r y that c a n n o t be translat-

e d i n t o e m p i r i c a l l y apprehendable p r o p o s i t i o n s is n o t h e o r y at a l l , a n d tends
t o dissolve i n t o the fevered imaginings o f the subjective observer.
[...]
W h a t I have been suggesting t h r o u g h o u t this paper is that w e have barely
b e g u n t o scratch t h e surface o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e f u n c t i o n a n d consequence
o f T V as a n i n t e r n a t i o n a l c u l t u r a l process. I have also been suggesting t h a t i t is
n o t g o o d e n o u g h m e r e l y t o reiterate t h e details o f o w n e r s h i p a n d c o n t r o l o n a
g l o b a l scale a n d thereby i m p u t e a c u l t u r a l m e a n i n g t o t h e m .
Notes
1. Tapio Varis, T h e International Flow of Television Programs', Journal of
Communication, Winter 1984.
2. D.A. Boyd, 'VCRs i n Developing Countries: A n Arab Case Study', Media
Development, I (1985).
3. M . Viorst, T V That Rules the Arab World', Channels, Jan.-Feb. 1984.
4. Viorst, ' T V That Rules'.
5. J.A. Lent, 'Video i n Asia: Frivolity, Frustration, Futility', Media Development, I
(1985).
6. Cees Hamelink, Cultural Autonomy in Global Communications (New York,
Longman, 1983).
7. See Herbert Schiller's Mass Communication and American Empire (New York, Kelly,
1969); and his 'Electronic Information Flows: New Basis for Global Domination',
paper given at conference at the Institute of Education, London, July 1984.
8. Colleen Roach, 'Annotated Bibliography on a N e w World Information and
Communication Order', Media and Development, I (1985).
9. Ithiel de Sola Pool, 'The New Structure of International Communication: The Role
of Research', i n New Structure of International Communication? The Role of
Research, papers from the 1980 conference i n Caracas of the International
Association for Mass Communication Research (IAMCR). Published by the I A M C R ,
1982.
10. Elihu Katz and Tamar Liebes, 'Once Upon a Time in Dallas', Intermedia (London),
May 1984. Jean Bianchi, 'Comment comprendre le succès international des séries de
fiction à la télévision? Le cas Dallas', Ministère de l'industrie et de la Recherche:
action concertée Communication Audiovisuelle, July 1984. David Morley, The
'Nationwide' Audience: Structure and Decoding (London, BFI Publishing, 1980).
Dorothy Hobson, Crossroads: The Drama of a Soap Opera (London, Methuen, 1982).
11. Richard Paterson, Brazilian Television in Context (London, BFI Publishing, 1982).
12. G. Lealand, American Television Programmes on British Screens (London,
Broadcasting Research Unit, 1984).
13. Richard Paterson, ed., International TV and Video Guide (1985) (London, Tantivy
Press, 1985).
14. Paterson, International TV and Video Guide.
15. Lealand, American Television Programmes.
16. Timothy Hollins, Beyond Broadcasting: Into the Cable Age (London, Broadcasting
Research Unit, 1984).
17. R. Hoggart, 'The Mass Media and One Way Flow', in An English Temper (London,
Chatto & Windus, 1982).
18. Irene Penacchioni, T h e Reception of Popular Television i n Northeast Brazil',

Media, Culture and Society, Oct. 1984.
Questions
1 Summarise some of the main criticisms that Tracey makes of the cultural impe-
rialism arguments and evidence. How far do you find his position convincing?
2 Choose some recent examples of popular American television programmes and
series, and assess their impact on a world-wide basis. To what extent might
they be said to embody and act as vehicles for American values and interests?
3 Carry out a series of interviews with British television viewers about their atti-
tudes towards American or Australian programming. How does access to satel-
lite or cable forms of distribution and reception change the ratio of imported to
home-produced television?
Further reading
London: Routledge.
Dowmunt, T. (ed.) 1993: Channels of resistance: global television and local empower-
ment. London: BFI/Channel 4.
Downing, J., Mohammadi, A. and Sreberny-Mohammadi, A. (eds.) 1995: Questioning
the media: a critical introduction, 2nd edn. London: Sage.
D r u m m o n d , P., Paterson, R. and Willis, J. (eds.) 1993: National identity and Europe:
the television revolution. London: BFI.
Liebes, T. and Katz, E. 1993: The export of meaning: cross cultural readings of Dallas.
Cambridge: Polity Press.
M c Q u a i l , D . 1994: Mass communication theory: an introduction, 3rd edn. London:
Sage.
Morley, D . and Robins, K. 1995: Spaces of identity: global media, electronic landscapes
and cultural boundaries. London: Routledge.
Reeves, G . 1993: Communications and the 'third world'. London: Routledge.
Tomlinson, J. 1991: Cultural imperialism. London: Pinter Publishers.
33
Not Yet the Post-Imperialist Era
Herbert Schiller
From Critical Studies in Mass Communication 8,13-28 (1991)
This reading takes up the challenge issued in the previous one and provides a contrasting
and critical account of global media systems in the recent period. Schiller first wrote about
American world-wide cultural domination in the 1960s and in what follows he begins by
Not Yet the Post-Imperialist Era 361
recognising that certain key changes have taken place in the world geopolitical order since
then. Nonetheless, he seeks to restate the fundamental case for cultural dominance by
arguing that the changes which have occurred have not radically altered the overall dispo-
sitions and inequalities of economic and cultural power. In fact, as he suggests, American
and related transnational systems of cultural production and distribution may be more total
- integrating across whole cultural sectors and markets - in their impact and presence.
In his assessment, Schiller is especially critical of theorists who have failed to appreci-
ate the underlying political and economic relations which have driven recent global tenden-
cies. He is also scathing of ideas which, within this broader context, have emphasised
'active' or 'unpredictable' audiences, suggesting that there are a number of problems with
this perspective as it has been applied to understanding the realities of the global reception
of media products. The reading therefore offers an explicit challenge to some of the ideas
outlined by Tracey.
A p a r t f r o m t h e persistent e x p l a n a t o r y a n d semantic e f f o r t s i n recent years t o

m i n i m i z e o r d i s c r e d i t t h e idea o f c u l t u r a l d o m i n a t i o n ( A n g , 1 9 8 5 ; Liebes &
K a t z , 1 9 9 0 ) , c h a n g i n g c o n d i t i o n s m a k e i t desirable t o reassess the o r i g i n a l
thesis.
T w o g o v e r n i n g circumstances s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d the early e l a b o r a t i o n o f
the t h e o r y o f c u l t u r a l d o m i n a n c e i n the m i d - 1 9 6 0 s . T h e first was the t h e n -
e x i s t i n g w o r l d balance o f forces.
T w e n t y - f i v e years ago, the i n t e r n a t i o n a l o r d e r c o u l d be d i v i d e d i n t o three
m a j o r g r o u p s . T h e m o s t p o w e r f u l o f these was t h e so-called First W o r l d ,
i n c l u d i n g essentially those countries t h a t w e r e g r o u n d e d i n p r i v a t e p r o p e r t i e d
r e l a t i o n s a n d w h o s e p r o d u c t i o n was u n d e r t a k e n by capitalist enterprise. T h e
Second W o r l d c o m p r i s e d those nations t h a t w e r e o r g a n i z e d a l o n g state o w n -
ership o f p r o p e r t y lines a n d t h a t called themselves socialist. T h e last category
( i n every sense) was the T h i r d W o r l d , c o n t a i n i n g those countries that h a d just
e m e r g e d f r o m the collapsed E u r o p e a n c o l o n i a l empires. I n the case o f L a t i n
A m e r i c a , these nations c o n t i n u e d t o suffer economic e x p l o i t a t i o n a l t h o u g h
t h e y h a d been n o m i n a l l y i n d e p e n d e n t f o r over a century. I n m o s t o f the T h i r d
W o r l d states, n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n m o v e m e n t s still existed, a n d the social struc-
tures h a d n o t yet been c o m p l e t e l y c a p t u r e d by new, p r i v i l e g e d elites.
I n this general m a p , the U n i t e d States was by far the m o s t p o w e r f u l i n d i v i d -
u a l state i n the First W o r l d a n d i n the other t w o categories as w e l l . A l t h o u g h
t h e Soviet U n i o n , after the Second W o r l d , c l a i m e d s u p e r p o w e r status o n the
basis o f possessing nuclear weapons, its e c o n o m i c a n d t e c h n o l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n
was d e c i d e d l y s u b o r d i n a t e .
T h e o t h e r d e t e r m i n i n g feature o f this p e r i o d i n the c u l t u r a l r e a l m was the
r a p i d d e v e l o p m e n t o f television a n d its capability f o r t r a n s m i t t i n g c o m p e l l i n g
i m a g e r y a n d messages t o vast audiences.
These geopolitical a n d technological conditions p r o v i d e d t h e social
landscape f o r t h e era's c u l t u r a l d o m i n a t i o n perspective. T h e essential assump-
t i o n s u n d e r g i r d i n g i t were ( a n d are) f e w a n d relatively s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d :

M e d i a - c u l t u r a l i m p e r i a l i s m is a subset o f the general system o f i m p e r i a l i s m . I t
is n o t freestanding; t h e m e d i a - c u l t u r a l c o m p o n e n t i n a d e v e l o p e d , c o r p o r a t e
e c o n o m y supports t h e economic objectives o f t h e decisive i n d u s t r i a l - f i n a n c i a l
sectors (i.e., t h e c r e a t i o n a n d extension o f the consumer society); t h e c u l t u r a l
a n d e c o n o m i c spheres are i n d i v i s i b l e . C u l t u r a l , n o less t h a n a u t o m o b i l e , p r o -
d u c t i o n has its p o l i t i c a l economy. Consequently, w h a t is regarded as c u l t u r a l
o u t p u t also is i d e o l o g i c a l a n d p r o f i t - s e r v i n g t o t h e system at large. Finally, i n
its latest m o d e o f o p e r a t i o n , i n t h e late t w e n t i e t h century, t h e c o r p o r a t e econ-
o m y is increasingly dependent o n t h e m e d i a - c u l t u r a l sector.
The thesis assumed that t h e state socialist (Second) W o r l d w a s , i f n o t
i m m u n e t o Western c u l t u r a l - i n f o r m a t i o n a l pressure, at least t o some degree
insulated f r o m i t a n d w o u l d , under certain circumstances, s u p p o r t l i m i t s o n its
advance. T h e T h i r d W o r l d , i n contrast, was seen as an e x t r e m e l y vulnerable
a n d deliberate target o f A m e r i c a n c u l t u r a l exports. A t t h e same t i m e , i t also
was v i e w e d as a p o t e n t i a l l y organizable force - n o t yet f r o z e n i n class r e l a t i o n -
ships - that m i g h t give leadership t o a comprehensive r e s t r u c t u r i n g o f t h e
w o r l d i n f o r m a t i o n system. T h e m o v e m e n t f o r a n e w i n t e r n a t i o n a l i n f o r m a -
t i o n o r d e r was o n e vehicle f o r such a m o b i l i z a t i o n .
T h e charge that A m e r i c a n - p r o d u c e d c u l t u r a l commodities - television p r o -
grams i n particular - were o v e r w h e l m i n g a g o o d part o f the w o r l d h a r d l y need-
ed d o c u m e n t a t i o n . But the data were there (Nordenstreng &c Varis, 1974).
Changes in the international geopolitical arena

T w e n t y - f i v e years later, some o f this m a p has changed. M o s t i m p o r t a n t l y , t h e
Second W o r l d (the socialist 'camp') has all b u t disappeared. W i t h t h e ( t e m p o -
rary?) exceptions o f C h i n a , A l b a n i a , N o r t h Korea, V i e t n a m , a n d C u b a , there
is n o longer a state socialist sphere i n the global arena.
T h e Eastern E u r o p e a n states, a l o n g w i t h the Soviet U n i o n , are i n v a r y i n g
stages o f capitalist r e s t o r a t i o n . Rather t h a n p r o v i d i n g an o p p o s i t i o n a l pole t o
the First W o r l d , they are n o w eager adherents t o that w o r l d , as w e l l as its sup-
plicants. T h e y o f f e r n a t i o n a l space t o t h e m a r k e t i n g a n d i d e o l o g i c a l message
f l o w s o f t h e i r f o r m e r adversaries.
I n a m a t e r i a l sense, t h e strength a n d influence o f the First W o r l d , especially
that o f its most p o w e r f u l members, are less restrained t h a n they were i n t h e
p r e c e d i n g p e r i o d . T h i s is observable n o t o n l y w i t h regard t o t h e erstwhile
socialist bloc b u t even m o r e so w i t h respect t o t h e people a n d nations o f
A f r i c a , Asia, a n d L a t i n A m e r i c a .
A c t u a l l y , t h e c o n d i t i o n o f t h e T h i r d W o r l d vis-à-vis t h e N o r t h (Western
E u r o p e , Japan, a n d t h e U n i t e d States) is one o f near-desperation. N o w u n d e r
the c o n t r o l o f elites that accept a n d benefit f r o m the w o r k i n g s o f t h e w o r l d
m a r k e t economy, the A f r i c a n , A s i a n , and L a t i n A m e r i c a n nations are deeply i n
debt a n d stalled f o r the most part i n efforts f o r i m p r o v e m e n t . M o s t o f t h e
T h i r d W o r l d nations seem m o r e helpless t h a n ever t o resist t h e demands o f

t h e i r c r e d i t o r s a n d overseers. Despite some v a r i a b i l i t y i n this c o n d i t i o n a n d
occasional b a l k i n g b y a recalcitrant r u l i n g g r o u p , t h e general s i t u a t i o n reveals
practically an abandonment o f t h e challenging e c o n o m i c a n d c u l t u r a l p o s i -
t i o n s this g r o u p advanced n o t so l o n g ago.
T h e r o l e o f television i n t h e g l o b a l arena o f c u l t u r a l d o m i n a t i o n has n o t
d i m i n i s h e d i n t h e 1990s. R e i n f o r c e d b y n e w delivery systems - communica-
t i o n satellites a n d cable n e t w o r k s - t h e image flow is heavier t h a n ever. Its
source o f o r i g i n also has n o t changed t h a t m u c h i n the last quarter o f a centu-
ry. T h e r e is, h o w e v e r , one significant difference. Today, television is b u t o n e
element, h o w e v e r i n f l u e n t i a l , i n a n all-encompassing c u l t u r a l package.
The corporate m e d i a - c u l t u r a l industries have e x p a n d e d remarkably i n
recent decades a n d n o w occupy most o f t h e global social space. For this rea-
son alone, c u l t u r a l d o m i n a t i o n t o d a y cannot be measured b y a simple i n d e x o f
e x p o s u r e t o A m e r i c a n television p r o g r a m m i n g . T h e c u l t u r a l submersion n o w
includes t h e English language itself, s h o p p i n g i n A m e r i c a n - s t y l e d malls, g o i n g
t o t h e m e parks ( o f w h i c h Disney is t h e f o r e m o s t b u t n o t exclusive example),
l i s t e n i n g t o t h e music o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y p u b l i c i z e d p e r f o r m e r s , f o l l o w i n g news
agency r e p o r t s o r w a t c h i n g the Cable N e w s N e t w o r k i n scores o f f o r e i g n
locales, r e a d i n g translations o f c o m m e r c i a l best sellers, a n d eating i n f r a n -
chised f a s t - f o o d restaurants a r o u n d t h e w o r l d . C u l t u r a l d o m i n a t i o n means
also a d o p t i n g broadcasting systems t h a t d e p e n d o n advertising a n d accepting
d e r e g u l a t o r y practices t h a t t r a n s f o r m t h e p u b l i c mails, the telephone system,
a n d cable television i n t o p r i v a t e p r o f i t centers (Engelhardt, 1 9 9 0 ) .
A l o n g s i d e this all-service-supplying c u l t u r a l - m e d i a e n v i r o n m e n t , t h e relative
e c o n o m i c a n d p o l i t i c a l p o w e r o f t h e U n i t e d States continues t o d i m i n i s h . T h i s
suggests t h a t A m e r i c a n c u l t u r a l d o m i n a t i o n is n o t guaranteed i n perpetuity.
Yet i r r e f u t a b l y t h a t d o m i n a t i o n has been p r e e m i n e n t f o r t h e last f o u r decades
a n d remains so t o this date, t h o u g h subsumed increasingly under transnational
c o r p o r a t e capital a n d c o n t r o l . T h e c u l t u r a l p r i m a c y that t h e r u l i n g n a t i o n a l
p o w e r i n t h e w o r l d e c o n o m y h i s t o r i c a l l y exercised m a y n o w be changing.
T h e c o m m a n d i n g p o s i t i o n o f A m e r i c a n media p r o d u c t s i n t h e p o s t - W o r l d
W a r I I era, t h e expertise d e r i v e d f r o m m o r e t h a n a century o f successful m a r -
k e t i n g activity, a n d t h e n o w near-universal a d o p t i o n o f English as t h e i n t e r n a -
t i o n a l l i n g u a franca still confer e x t r a o r d i n a r y influence o n U . S . - p r o d u c e d
cultural commodities. H o w l o n g this influence can be sustained while
A m e r i c a n systemic p o w e r declines is an o p e n question. B u t i n a n y case,
A m e r i c a n n a t i o n a l p o w e r n o longer is an exclusive d e t e r m i n a n t o f c u l t u r a l
domination.
T h e d o m i n a t i o n t h a t exists today, t h o u g h still bearing a m a r k e d A m e r i c a n
i m p r i n t , is better u n d e r s t o o d as transnational c o r p o r a t e c u l t u r a l d o m i n a t i o n .
Philips o f t h e N e t h e r l a n d s , Lever Brothers o f Britain, Daimler-Benz of
G e r m a n y , Samsung o f K o r e a , a n d Sony o f Japan, a l o n g w i t h some f e w t h o u -
sand o t h e r companies, are n o w the m a j o r players i n t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l m a r k e t .
T h e m e d i a , p u b l i c relations, advertising, p o l l i n g , c u l t u r a l sponsorship, a n d

consultants these i n d u s t r i a l giants use a n d s u p p o r t h a r d l y are distinguishable
f r o m t h e same services at the disposal o f A m e r i c a n - o w n e d c o r p o r a t i o n s . S t i l l ,
a g o o d f r a c t i o n o f these i n f o r m a t i o n a l - c u l t u r a l activities c o n t i n u e t o be sup-
p l i e d b y A m e r i c a n enterprises.
These developments leave most o f t h e peoples a n d nations i n t h e w o r l d
m o r e v u l n e r a b l e t h a n ever t o d o m i n a t i o n - c u l t u r a l , m i l i t a r y , a n d e c o n o m i c .
F o r m e r o p p o s i t i o n a l forces have collapsed.
Cheerful surveyors of the current scene

N o t a l l v i e w t h e developments described above w i t h skepticism o r dismay.
I n d e e d , some see the phenomena that n o w characterize daily life i n a very large,
a n d g r o w i n g , p a r t o f the w o r l d as evidence that c u l t u r a l d o m i n a t i o n n o longer
exists, o r that w h a t appears as d o m i n a t i o n actually fosters resistance t o itself.
T h e idea o f c u l t u r a l diversity, f o r example, enjoys great p o p u l a r i t y a m o n g
m a n y c u l t u r a l observers. T h e central assumption - that m a n y diverse c u l t u r a l
tendencies a n d m o v e m e n t s operate, w i t h n o one element d o m i n a t i n g - is t h e
f a m i l i a r p l u r a l i s t a r g u m e n t , n o w a p p l i e d t o t h e c u l t u r a l f i e l d . A m o r e recent
construct is t h e n o t i o n o f ' g l o b a l i z a t i o n . ' I n this p r o p o s i t i o n , t h e w o r l d is
m o v i n g , h o w e v e r haltingly, t o w a r d a genuinely global c i v i l i z a t i o n . T h e r e is
also t h e very w i d e l y accepted hypothesis o f an 'active audience,' o n e i n w h i c h
viewers, readers, a n d listeners make t h e i r o w n m e a n i n g f r o m t h e messages
that c o m e t h e i r way, o f t e n t o t h e p o i n t o f creating resistance t o hegemonic
meanings. Most comprehensive o f a l l is t h e p o s t m o d e r n perspective.
W h a t e v e r else this a p p r o a c h offers, i t insists that systemic explanations o f
social p h e n o m e n a are f u t i l e a n d w r o n g - h e a d e d . M i k e Featherstone, e d i t o r o f
Global Culture, writes:
Postmodernism is both a symptom and a powerful cultural image of the swing

away from the conceptualization of global culture less in terms of alleged
homogenizing processes (e.g. theories which present cultural imperialism,
Americanization, and mass consumer culture as a proto-universal culture riding
on the back of Western economic and political domination) and more i n terms
of the diversity, variety and richness of popular and local discourses, codes and
practices which resist and play-back systemicity and order (Featherstone, 1990,
p. 2).
Each o f these presently p r e v a i l i n g ideas asserts t h a t :
1. I m p e r i a l i s m n o longer exists. (A v a r i a n t is t h a t U.S. i m p e r i a l i s m , i n p a r t i c -

ular, is a spent force.)
2. A n e w g l o b a l c o m m u n i t y is n o w e m e r g i n g - global c i v i l society, so t o
speak - t h a t is i n d e p e n d e n t o f the interstate system. I t is busily construct-
i n g alternative linkages a n d n e t w o r k s that p r o v i d e space f o r n e w c u l t u r a l
environments.
3. Finally, i t is o f l i t t l e consequence i f c u l t u r a l o u t p u t s f r o m o n e source occu-

p y a p r e p o n d e r a n t share o f a n audience's a t t e n t i o n , because i n d i v i d u a l s
reshape t h e m a t e r i a l t o t h e i r o w n tastes a n d needs. I n this schema, t h e
i n d i v i d u a l receptor takes precedence over t h e c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r .
H o w d o these p r o p o s i t i o n s stand u p w h e n e x a m i n e d against t h e actual c o n -

t e x t o f observable conditions?
U.S. media-cultural dominance

A m e r i c a n f i l m s , T V p r o g r a m s , music, news, e n t e r t a i n m e n t , theme parks, a n d
s h o p p i n g malls set t h e standard f o r w o r l d w i d e e x p o r t a n d i m i t a t i o n . H o w
l o n g this d o m i n a n c e can endure alongside a receding e c o n o m i c p r i m a r y is
uncertain. Already, many U.S. m e d i a enterprises have been a c q u i r e d b y
Japanese ( f i l m a n d T V ) , G e r m a n ( p u b l i s h i n g a n d music d i s t r i b u t i o n ) , B r i t i s h
(advertising), a n d o t h e r c o m p e t i n g groups. Yet even w h e n this occurs, t h e n e w
o w n e r s , at least f o r t h e t i m e b e i n g , usually are i n t e n t o n k e e p i n g A m e r i c a n
creative a n d managerial m e d i a people i n executive positions.
A m e r i c a n c u l t u r a l d o m i n a t i o n remains f o r c e f u l i n a r a p i d l y c h a n g i n g i n t e r -
n a t i o n a l p o w e r scene. I t is also u n d e r g o i n g t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . T h i s occurs b y
a c q u i s i t i o n a n d , m o r e i m p o r t a n t l y , b y its practices being a d o p t e d b y t h e rest
o f t h e t r a n s n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t e system. W h a t is e m e r g i n g , t h e r e f o r e , is a w o r l d
w h e r e alongside t h e A m e r i c a n o u t p u t o f c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t are t h e practically
i d e n t i c a l items m a r k e t e d b y c o m p e t i n g n a t i o n a l a n d t r a n s n a t i o n a l g r o u p s .
For some t i m e , critics o f m e d i a - i m p e r i a l i s m t h e o r y have o f f e r e d , as e v i -
dence o f t h e d o c t r i n e ' s fatal flaw, t h e emergence o f n e w centers o f m e d i a p r o -
d u c t i o n . B r a z i l , i n p a r t i c u l a r , is h a i l e d as a s t r i k i n g l y successful example o f this
d e v e l o p m e n t . Its achievement i n television p r o d u c t i o n a n d e x p o r t is supposed
t o d e m o l i s h t h e n o t i o n o f a single center o f c u l t u r a l d o m i n a t i o n (Rogers &
A n t o l a , 1 9 8 5 ; Straubhaar, 1 9 8 9 ; Tracey, 1 9 8 8 ) .
In reality, a c c o r d i n g t o t h e w o r k o f Brazilian researcher O m a r Souki
O l i v e i r a ( 1 9 9 0 ) , B r a z i l i a n T V n o w broadcasts a m i n i m u m o f U.S. p r o g r a m -
m i n g . T h e biggest audiences w a t c h a n d prefer Brazilian shows, w h i c h are
w i d e l y e x p o r t e d a b r o a d . G l o b o , t h e m a i n Brazilian p r i v a t e T V n e t w o r k , cur-
r e n t l y e x p o r t s shows t o 128 countries. ' I t s p r o d u c t i o n s o u t n u m b e r those o f
any o t h e r s t a t i o n [sic] i n t h e w o r l d . ' O l i v e i r a w r i t e s that o n e A m e r i c a n
researcher (Straubhaar, 1 9 8 9 ) has c o n c l u d e d t h a t Brazilian television p r o -
grams have been ' B r a z i l i a n i z e d almost b e y o n d (American) r e c o g n i t i o n . ' O t h e r
U.S. researchers (Rogers & A n t o l a , 1 9 8 5 ) see Brazil's e x p o r t s as 'reverse
m e d i a i m p e r i a l i s m . ' A t h i r d observer (Tracey, 1 9 8 8 ) w r i t e s t h a t ' i n Brazil o n e
sees a television d e v o t e d t o n a t i o n a l c u l t u r e . '
I n O l i v e i r a ' s r e a d i n g o f t h e same evidence, Brazilian p r o g r a m m i n g is ' t h e
c r e o l i z a t i o n o f U.S. c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t s . I t is t h e spiced u p T h i r d W o r l d c o p y o f
Western values, n o r m s , patterns o f behavior a n d models o f social relations.'

H e states t h a t ' t h e o v e r w h e l m i n g m a j o r i t y o f Brazilian soaps have the same
purpose as t h e i r U.S. c o u n t e r p a r t s , i.e., t o sell p r o d u c t s ' - a n d , i t s h o u l d be
emphasized, t o sell goods made b y the same transnational c o r p o r a t i o n s w h o
advertise i n Brazil as w e l l as i n the U n i t e d States. T h e ' l o c a l ' sponsors are
C o c a - C o l a , V o l k s w a g e n , General M o t o r s , Levi's, etc.
' I n m o s t Brazilian soaps,' O l i v e i r a f i n d s , ' t h e A m e r i c a n lifestyle p o r t r a y e d
by H o l l y w o o d p r o d u c t i o n reappears w i t h a " b r a z i l i a n i z e d face." N o w w e
d o n ' t see w e a l t h y A n g l o s any m o r e , b u t r i c h w h i t e Brazilians e n j o y i n g stan-
dards o f l i v i n g t h a t w o u l d make any m i d d l e class A m e r i c a n envious.' O l i v e i r a
concludes: ' G l a m o r o u s as they [ T V series] are - even o u t s h i n i n g H o l l y w o o d -
t h e i r r o l e w i t h i n Brazilian society isn't d i f f e r e n t f r o m that o f U.S. i m p o r t s .
U n f o r t u n a t e l y , t h e refinements a p p l i e d t o the genre were n o t t o enhance
diversity, b u t d o m i n a t i o n . '
D o m i n a t i o n is precisely w h a t c u l t u r a l i m p e r i a l i s m is a l l about. W i t h t h a t
d o m i n a t i o n comes t h e d e f i n i t i o n a l p o w e r , N y e ' s 'soft p o w e r , ' t h a t sets t h e
boundaries f o r n a t i o n a l discourse.
M e a n w h i l e , despite t h e developments already n o t e d , the global p r e e m i -
nence o f A m e r i c a n c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t is b e i n g n o t o n l y m a i n t a i n e d b u t e x t e n d e d
t o n e w locales. U.S. m e d i a incursions i n t o Eastern E u r o p e a n d the Soviet
U n i o n are assuming t h e d i m e n s i o n o f a full-scale takeover, albeit shared w i t h
G e r m a n a n d B r i t i s h m e d i a conglomerates.
A m e r i c a n - o w n e d a n d -styled theme parks, w i t h t h e i r comprehensive i d e o -
logical assumptions l i t e r a l l y b u i l t i n t o t h e landscape a n d architecture, are
b e i n g staked o u t across E u r o p e a n d Japan. ' E u r o - D i s n e y l a n d w i l l o p e n its first
p a r k at M a r n e la Vallee i n 1 9 9 2 , w i t h a second possible i n 1 9 9 6 . Anheuser-
Busch [ t h e second-largest theme p a r k o w n e r after Disney] has l a u n c h e d a
t h e m e p a r k d e v e l o p m e n t i n Spain, a n d other U.S. c o r p o r a t i o n s are e x p l o r i n g
projects elsewhere i n E u r o p e ' (Sloan, 1 9 9 0 , p . D - 3 ) .
I t m u s t be emphasized t h a t t h e c o r p o r a t e takeover o f ( p o p u l a r ) c u l t u r e
f o r m a r k e t i n g a n d i d e o l o g i c a l c o n t r o l is n o t a p a t e n t e d A m e r i c a n p r a c t i c e ,
l i m i t e d exclusively t o U.S. companies. I t is, h o w e v e r , c a r r i e d t o its fullest
d e v e l o p m e n t i n t h e U n i t e d States. C u l t u r a l - r e c r e a t i o n a l a c t i v i t y is n o w t h e
very active site f o r s p r e a d i n g t h e t r a n s n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t e message, especially
i n p r o f e s s i o n a l sports, w h e r e A m e r i c a n practice again p r o v i d e s t h e basic
model.
I n t h e U n i t e d States, p r a c t i c a l l y n o sports a c t i v i t y remains outside t h e
interest a n d sponsorship o f t h e b i g n a t i o n a l advertisers. T h e irresistible l u r e
o f b i g s p o n s o r s h i p m o n e y has become t h e l u b r i c a n t f o r a sport's n a t i o n a l
d e v e l o p m e n t . A c c o r d i n g l y , sports events a n d games have become multi-
b i l l i o n - d o l l a r businesses, u n d e r w r i t t e n b y the m a j o r c o r p o r a t i o n s w h o stake
o u t huge T V audiences. T h e h u n t f o r sports events t h a t can be made available
t o advertisers n o w includes u n i v e r s i t y a n d , i n increasing instances, h i g h - s c h o o l
games. A s s u m i n g t h e m a n t l e o f m o r a l c o n c e r n , The New York Times editori-
alized: 'College athletic departments have abandoned a n y pretense of

r e p r e s e n t i n g cap a n d g o w n a n d n o w they r o a m t h e c o u n t r y i n n a k e d p u r s u i t
o f h u n d r e d s o f m i l l i o n s o f t e l e v i s i o n d o l l a r s ' ( B r i g h t l i g h t s , b i g college
money, 1990, p . A-22).
U n s u r p r i s i n g l y , t h e practice has become i n t e r n a t i o n a l i z e d . A r e p o r t f r o m
I t a l y describes t h e f r e n z i e d p u r s u i t , b y t h e largest I t a l i a n c o r p o r a t i o n s , t o o w n
soccer a n d basketball franchises. 'A g r o w i n g t r e n d i n I t a l y ... [is] t h e wholesale
takeover o f a s p o r t b y t h e captains o f i n d u s t r y i n search o f n e w t e r r a i n f r o m
w h i c h t o p r o m o t e a c o r p o r a t e p r o d u c t o r i m a g e ' (Agnew, 1 9 9 0 , p . 14). T h e
n e w p a t r o n s o f I t a l i a n sports i n c l u d e t h e agro-chemicals giant M o n t e d i s o n ,
w h i c h also o w n s t h e w i d e l y read R o m e daily II Mesaggero; t h e A g n e l l i family,
o w n e r s o f t h e g i a n t Fiat company, w h o also o w n t h e successful Juventus soc-
cer c l u b ; a n d S i l v i o B e r l u s c o n i , t h e Italian T V a n d f i l m m o g u l , w h o o w n s t h e
A C M i l a n soccer c l u b a n d o t h e r teams.
Recent d e v e l o p m e n t s i n East G e r m a n y illustrate t h e extent t o w h i c h sports
have become a venue o f c o r p o r a t e image p r o m o t i o n a n d an aggressive m a r -
k e t i n g i n s t r u m e n t . Business Week ( ' L o o k O u t ' W i m b l e d o n , 1 9 9 0 ) r e p o r t s t h a t
the women's Grand Prix tennis tournament scheduled for the final week of
September [1990] is moving from Mahwah, N e w Jersey to Leipzig, East
Germany.... the tournament [is] the first successful effort to lure big corporate
sponsors into a major tourney behind the o l d Iron Curtain.... a number of
heavyweight sponsors ... include Volkswagen, Isostar, Sudmilch, Kraft-General
Foods and American Airlines.
M a j o r sports are n o w t r a n s m i t t e d b y satellite t o g l o b a l audiences. T h e c o m -

m e r c i a l messages a c c o m p a n y i n g t h e broadcast, r i n g i n g t h e stadia, a n d o f t e n
w o r n o n t h e u n i f o r m s o f t h e athletes constitute a concerted assault o f c o r p o -
rate m a r k e t i n g values o n g l o b a l consciousness.
The total cultural package and the 'active audience'

T h e e n v e l o p m e n t o f professional a n d amateur sports f o r t r a n s n a t i o n a l c o r p o -
rate m a r k e t i n g objectives a n d i d e o l o g i c a l p a c i f i c a t i o n is a g o o d p o i n t at w h i c h
t o r e t u r n t o a n o t h e r o n e o f t h e arguments c o n t r a d i c t i n g t h e c u l t u r a l i m p e r i a l -
ist concept. T h i s is t h e belief i n t h e existence o f a n 'active audience,' a v i e w
s u p p o r t e d b y a g o o d n u m b e r o f A n g l o - U . S . c o m m u n i c a t i o n s researchers.
A c c o r d i n g t o this view, t h e audience is supposed t o make its o w n m e a n i n g
o f t h e messages a n d images t h a t t h e m e d i a disseminate, thereby p l a y i n g a rela-
t i v e l y a u t o n o m o u s r o l e t h a t is o f t e n i n t e r p r e t e d as resistance t o these messages
and meanings (see B u d d , E n t m a n , & Steinman, 1 9 9 0 ; H . Schiller, 1989).
A c t i v e - a u d i e n c e t h e o r i z i n g has been largely p r e o c c u p i e d w i t h the analysis o f
i n d i v i d u a l c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t s - a p r o g r a m o r a T V series, a m o v i e , o r a genre o f
f i c t i o n . T h e t h e o r y f o l l o w s closely i n t h e t r a d i t i o n o f 'effects' research, t h o u g h
n o t necessarily c o m i n g t o t h e same conclusions.
L e a v i n g specific studies aside, i t can be argued t h a t one o v e r a r c h i n g c o n d i -

t i o n invalidates, o r at least severely circumscribes, t h e very idea o f an active
audience, t o say n o t h i n g o f one resisting a f l o w o f messages. T h i s is t h e cur-
r e n t state - impossible t o miss - o f Western c u l t u r a l enterprise. H o w can o n e
propose t o extract o n e T V show, f i l m , b o o k , o r even a g r o u p , f r o m t h e n o w
nearly seamless m e d i a - c u l t u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t , a n d examine i t (them) f o r specif-
ic effects? T h i s is n o t t o say there are n o generalized effects - b u t these are n o t
w h a t t h e r e c e p t i o n theorists seem t o be concerned w i t h .
C u l t u r a l / m e d i a p r o d u c t i o n t o d a y has l o n g left t h e cottage i n d u s t r y stage.
H u g e conglomerates l i k e Time-Warner, w i t h nearly $ 2 0 b i l l i o n i n assets, sit
astride p u b l i s h i n g , T V p r o d u c t i o n , f i l m m a k i n g , a n d music r e c o r d i n g , as w e l l
as b o o k p u b l i s h i n g a n d p u b l i c classroom education. T h e m e p a r k c o n s t r u c t i o n
a n d o w n e r s h i p , s h o p p i n g malls, a n d u r b a n architectural design also are t h e
d o m a i n o f the same o r related interests.
I n this t o t a l i z i n g c u l t u r a l space, w h o is able t o specify the i n d i v i d u a l source
o f an idea, value, perspective, o r reaction? A person's response, f o r example, t o
the T V series Dallas m a y be the o u t c o m e o f h a l f - f o r g o t t e n images f r o m a
dozen p e r i p h e r a l encounters i n t h e c u l t u r a l supermarket. W h o is t o say w h a t
are t h e specific sites f r o m w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l behavior a n d emotions n o w derive?
I n 1 9 9 0 , even actual w a r locales become t h e setting f o r t h e m a r k e t i n g mes-
sage. Business Week ('Publicity?' 1 9 9 0 ) announces: 'Welcome t o the N e w
W o r l d O r d e r , M a r k e t i n g D e p t . w h e r e companies are using h i s t o r y - m a k i n g
events as occasions t o p r o m o t e t h e i r p r o d u c t s . ' T h e magazine explains: ' W i t h
U.S. t r o o p s d i g g i n g i n their heels i n Saudi A r a b i a , companies a l l a r o u n d t h e
c o u n t r y are v y i n g t o supply t h e m w i t h e v e r y t h i n g f r o m n o n a l c o h o l i c beer t o
v i d e o cassettes ... i f a soldier is g o i n g t o be p h o t o g r a p h e d s i p p i n g a c o l d d r i n k
o r p l a y i n g p o k e r , most marketers agree that he o r she m i g h t as w e l l be using
t h e i r p r o d u c t . ' I n this n e w w o r l d o f pervasive c o r p o r a t e message m a k i n g , t h e
dispatch o f over 4 5 0 , 0 0 0 t r o o p s provides an o p p o r t u n i t y t o cultivate this o r
t h a t taste f o r c o n s u m p t i o n , a l o n g w i t h a p o w e r f u l p a t r i o t i c b a c k d r o p f o r t h e
c o m p a n y a n d t h e p r o d u c t . H o w does t h e audience engage this spectacle o f
democracy a n d c o n s u m p t i o n ?
T h e r e is m u c h t o be said f o r t h e idea that people d o n ' t mindlessly absorb
e v e r y t h i n g t h a t passes before their eyes. Yet m u c h o f t h e c u r r e n t w o r k o n
audience r e c e p t i o n comes u n c o m f o r t a b l y close t o b e i n g apologetics f o r p r e -
sent-day structures o f c u l t u r a l c o n t r o l .
Meaningful resistance to the cultural industries

T h e r e is g o o d reason t o be skeptical about the resistance o f a n audience, active
o r n o t , t o its m e n u o f media offerings. Yet this does n o t mean that t h e c u l t u r a l
conglomerates a n d the social system they e m b o d y are w i t h o u t an o p p o s i t i o n . I t
is a resistance, however, that differs e n o r m o u s l y f r o m t h e k i n d o f o p p o s i t i o n
that is supposed t o occur i n r e i n t e r p r e t i n g the message o f a T V s i t c o m .
Some m a y believe i n t h e e n d o f h i s t o r y a n d others m a y insist t h a t t h e era o f

r e v o l u t i o n is f i n a l l y over a n d t h a t social (class) c o n f l i c t is obsolete. T h e d a i l y
newspaper headlines t e l l a d i f f e r e n t story ( t h o u g h o f course they d o n ' t e x p l a i n
i t ) . W h a t is a p p a r e n t is t h a t aroused p e o p l e , i f n o t t h e i r leaderships, a l l
a r o u n d t h e w o r l d are p r o t e s t i n g t h e i r e x i s t i n g l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s .
I n t h e U n i t e d States itself, still t h e m o s t i n f l u e n t i a l single u n i t o f t h e w o r l d ,
m a r k e t economy, n u m e r o u s o p p o s i t i o n a l elements force at least m i n i m a l
a c k n o w l e d g m e n t , a n d some l i m i t e d a c c o m m o d a t i o n , from the g o v e r n i n g
c r o w d . F o r e x a m p l e , t h e congressional f i g h t over t h e n a t i o n a l budget i n t h e
f a l l o f 1 9 9 0 was essentially a class c o n f l i c t , h o w e v e r obscured this was i n its
m e d i a coverage. T o be sure, t h e class m o s t d i r e c t l y affected - t h e w o r k i n g
p e o p l e - was largely absent f r o m t h e deliberations. B u t the m a i n question at
issue w a s w h i c h class w o u l d be c o m p e l l e d t o shoulder the burden o f
A m e r i c a ' s d e e p e n i n g crisis. T h i s debate, a n d others u n d e r w a y , reveal t h e frag-
ile c o n d i t i o n o f the d o m i n a t i n g p o w e r i n t h e c o u n t r y .
B e t w e e n 1 9 8 0 a n d 1 9 9 0 , t h e wealthiest 1 percent saw t h e i r incomes rise by
75 p e r c e n t , w h i l e t h e i n c o m e o f t h e b o t t o m 2 0 percent actually d e c l i n e d . T h e
richest 2Vi m i l l i o n A m e r i c a n s ' c o m b i n e d i n c o m e nearly equaled t h a t o f t h e
1 0 0 m i l l i o n A m e r i c a n s at t h e b o t t o m o f the p y r a m i d (Meisler, 1 9 9 0 ) .
I t is t h e still g r o w i n g disparities between t h e advantaged a n d t h e disadvan-
taged c o u n t r i e s , as w e l l as the w i d e n i n g gap inside t h e advantaged a n d disad-
v a n t a g e d societies, t h a t c o n s t i t u t e t h e f a u l t l i n e o f t h e still seemingly secure
w o r l d m a r k e t economy. T o this m a y be a d d e d the ecological disaster i n t h e
m a k i n g , w h i c h is t h e i n e v i t a b l e a c c o m p a n i m e n t o f t h e m a r k e t forces t h a t are
r o a r i n g t r i u m p h a n t l y across t h e c o n t i n e n t s .
A r o u t i n e headline i n t h e Western m e d i a reads: 'Indonesia: T h e H o t t e s t
Spot i n A s i a . ' E l a b o r a t i n g , Business Week ('Indonesia: The Hottest Spot,'
1990) rhapsodizes: ' W i t h a 7 % g r o w t h rate, a p o p u l a t i o n o f 1 8 2 m i l l i o n - t h e
w o r l d ' s f i f t h largest - a n d a w e a l t h o f n a t u r a l resources, Indonesia is poised t o
be t h e region's n e w success story.' As t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y w i n d s d o w n , suc-
cess p r e s u m a b l y is achieved b y a d o p t i n g t h e l o n g - s t a n d i n g Western i n d u s t r i a l -
i z a t i o n m o d e l , p r o f l i g a t e w i t h resource use a n d wastage, a n d e x p l o i t i n g the
w o r k f o r c e t o satisfy f o r e i g n capital's search f o r the m a x i m u m r e t u r n .
Indonesia, w i t h an average wage o f $1.25 a day, is an irresistible site. T h e
c h a i r m a n o f the A m e r i c a n Chamber o f Commerce i n Indonesia explains:
'Indonesia w i l l have a cheap labor supply w e l l i n t o the 21st century.... N o b o d y
else i n Asia except C h i n a can offer t h a t . ' N o t unexpectedly, ' T h e income gap
between a f f l u e n t business people a n d t h e m i l l i o n s o f i m p o v e r i s h e d w h o eke o u t
a l i v i n g i n t h e villages a n d Jakarta's teeming slums is w i d e n i n g ' (p. 4 5 ) .
T h e I n d o n e s i a n 'success story,' a n d others l i k e i t , are h a r d l y c o n f i r m a t i o n
for the end-of-social-conflict perspective. M u c h more c o n v i n c i n g is t h e
e x p e c t a t i o n t h a t t h e n e x t c e n t u r y w i l l be t h e t r u l y r e v o l u t i o n a r y era, accom-
p l i s h i n g w h a t t h e t w e n t i e t h began b u t c o u l d n o t f i n i s h . I n any case, c o m m u n i -
c a t i o n t h e o r y , t i e d t o t h e assumptions of political or cultural pluralism,
h a r m o n i z a t i o n o f interests between the p r i v i l e g e d a n d the d e p r i v e d , resistance

t o d o m i n a t i o n residing i n i n d i v i d u a l i z e d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f T V or f i l m shows,
or, o v e r a l l , the l o n g - t e r m v i a b i l i t y o f capitalist i n s t i t u t i o n s , is a n d w i l l be
unable t o e x p l a i n the l o o m i n g social turbulence.
Certainly, there are n o grounds f o r complacency about the prospects o f the
First a n d T h i r d W o r l d s (the latter n o w i n c l u d i n g the once-Second W o r l d
states) i n the years ahead. Yet Western c o m m u n i c a t i o n researchers seem i n t e n t
o n h o l d i n g o n t o these assumptions. James C u r r a n , surveying the English a n d
c o n t i n e n t a l research scene over the last fifteen years, concludes that
a major change has taken place. The most important and significant overall shift
has been the steady advance of pluralist themes within the radical tradition, in
particular, the repudiation of the totalizing, explanatory framework of Marxism,
the reconceptualization of the audience as creative and active and the shift from
the political to a popular aesthetic... A sea change has occurred in the field, and
this w i l l reshape - for better or worse - the development of media and cultural
studies in Europe. (1990, pp. 157-8)
T h e same tendencies are w e l l advanced, i f n o t d o m i n a n t , i n the U n i t e d States,

t h o u g h they have n o t t o t a l l y swept the f i e l d as they seem t o have d o n e i n
E n g l a n d . T h e r e is still m o r e t h a n a l i t t l e life left i n those w h o l o o k at the
m a t e r i a l side o f the e c o n o m y i n general a n d the c u l t u r a l industries i n p a r t i c u -
lar. Expressing this perspective is D a v i d Harvey, i n his comprehensive
approach t o The Condition of Postmodernity ( 1 9 8 9 ) . R e v i e w i n g the same
years t h a t C u r r a n surveyed, f r o m the 1970s o n , a n d r e l y i n g o n m a n y o f the
same basic sources ( t h o u g h n o t as focused o n the f i e l d o f communication
research), H a r v e y also finds that 'there has been a sea-change i n c u l t u r a l as
w e l l as i n p o l i t i c a l - e c o n o m i c practices since a r o u n d 1 9 7 2 ' (p. v i i ) . H e c o n -
cludes t h a t these changes, and the rise o f postmodernist c u l t u r a l f o r m s , ' w h e n
set against the basic rules o f capitalist a c c u m u l a t i o n , appear m o r e as shifts i n
surface appearance rather t h a n as signs o f the emergence o f some entirely n e w
post-capitalist or even p o s t - i n d u s t r i a l society' (p. v i i ) .
Yet these 'shifts i n surface appearance' have c o n t r i b u t e d greatly t o the capa-
b i l i t y o f the c o r p o r a t e business system t o m a i n t a i n , and e x p a n d , its global
reach. For this reason, the a c k n o w l e d g m e n t o f a n d the struggle against c u l t -
u r a l i m p e r i a l i s m are more necessary t h a n ever i f the general system of
d o m i n a t i o n is t o be o v e r c o m e .
References
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Herald Tribune, 4 September, p. 14.
Ang, I . 1985: Watching 'Dallas': soap opera and the melodramatic imagination.
London: Methuen.
Bright lights, big college money 1990: The New York Times, 13 September, p. A-22.
Budd, M . , Entman, R. M . and Steinman, C. 1990: The affirmative character of U.S.
cultural studies. Critical Studies in Mass Communication 7, 169-84.
Curran, J. 1990: The new revisionism i n mass communication research. European

Journal of Communication 5, 135-64.
Engelhardt, T. 1990: Bottom line dreams and the end of culture. The Progressive
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Harvey, D . 1989: The condition of postmodernity. O x f o r d : Basil Blackwell.
Indonesia: the hottest spot i n Asia. 1990: Business Week, 27 August, pp. 4 4 - 5 .
Liebes, T. and Katz, E. 1990: The export of meaning: cross-cultural readings of'Dallas'.
N e w York: O x f o r d University Press.
'Look out* Wimbledon, here comes Leipzig 1990: Business Week, 24 September, p. 54.
Meisler, S. 1990: Rich-poor gap held widest i n 40 years. Los Angeles Times, 24 July, p.
A-ll.
Nordenstreng, K. and Varis, T. 1974: Television traffic - a one-way street. Reports and
papers on mass communication 70. Paris: UNESCO.
Nye, J. S., Jr. 1990: N o , the U.S. isn't i n decline. The New York Times, 3 October, p.
A-33.
Oliveira, O. S. 1990: Brazilian soaps outshine Hollywood: is cultural imperialism fad-
ing out? Paper presented at the meetings of the Deutsche Gesellschaft fur semiotik,
International Congress, University of Passau, 8-10 October.
Publicity? W h y i t never even occurred to us 1990: Business Week, 24 September, p. 46.
Rogers, E. and Antola, L . 1985: Telenovelas: a Latin American success story. Journal of
Communication 35(4), 24-35.
Schiller, H . I . 1989: Culture, Inc.: the corporate takeover of public expression. N e w
York: O x f o r d University Press.
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March, 19-25.
Questions
1 Summarise the main ways in which Schiller suggests that the world geopolitical
order has changed since the 1960s. How does he relate the media to other
forms of cultural production in this assessment?
2 Outline Schiller's principal objections to the idea of globalisation and world-wide
diversity, and to the theory of 'active audiences' world-wide.
3 What kinds of research and evidence are needed to develop the key ideas and
themes suggested in this extract? Suggest or design some particular research
studies which might develop these ideas, themes and arguments.
Further reading
London: Routledge.
D o w m u n t , T. 1993: Channels of resistance: global television and local empowerment.
London: BFI/Channel 4.
Downing, J., Mohammadi, A. and Sreberny-Mohammadi, A . (eds.) 1995: Questioning

the media: a critical introduction, 2nd edn. London: Sage.
Liebes, T. and Katz, E. 1990: The export of meaning: Cross-cultural readings of
'Dallas . N e w York: O x f o r d University Press.
3
Reeves, G . 1993: Communication and the 'Third World'. London: Routledge.

Tomlinson, J. 1991: Cultural imperialism. London: Pinter Publishers.
34
Where the Global Meets the Local:
Notes from the Sitting Room
David Morley
From Television, Audiences and Cultural Studies (Routledge, London, 1992)
In this extract Morley considers the extent to which new communications technologies
can simultaneously have a fragmenting and homogenising effect on their users.
Recalling Meyrowitz (Section 1, reading 4), he notes how media redefine individual
notions of social identity and place and create new communities across time and space,
taking otherwise disparate groups out of the immediate confines of their locality and
homogenising them in a common cultural activity. Morley is particularly interested in the
part that television plays in the process of cultural homogenisation, but of course new
computer-mediated communications technologies such as the Internet are allowing this
to happen in a much more direct and immediate way - provided that people can pay for
it. The fact that communication and culture are now mediated by means of technologies
such as the television screen and the computer terminal, and are therefore restricted to
those who can pay for them, is a common theme in much recent literature which claims
to provide evidence for a widening gap between the Info-rich' and 'info-poor', and
documents its implications for cultural knowledge and informed democratic participation
(see Golding, 1989, and Murdock, 1990, referenced in the Further reading section of
this reading; also Lyon and Rheingold in the following two readings). However, money
is not the sole determinant of access to information or cultural capital and Morley's
focus is on other discourses determining the use and application of media and
communications technologies, not least that of gender (see also Gray, Section 3,
reading 21).
Morley ends with a defence of those audience studies which focus on television
viewing in the domestic sphere (among the best known being his own 1978 Nationwide
study, referenced under 'Further reading') on the grounds that it is in the average
sitting room that television allows the immediate location to coexist with the trans-
national, blurring the distinction between the public sphere and private spaces and
situations.
Where the Global Meets the Local 373
Communications technologies: scenarios of the future

I n this section ... I w a n t t o t r y t o make a n u m b e r o f arguments c o n c e r n i n g (a)
the q u e s t i o n o f t h e 'effects' o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n s technologies; (b) t h e ways i n
w h i c h these technologies have been c l a i m e d t o be responsible f o r both t h e
' f r a g m e n t a t i o n ' a n d t h e ' h o m o g e n i z a t i o n ' o f c o n t e m p o r a r y c u l t u r e ; a n d (c)
h o w abstract ( a n d t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y d e t e r m i n i s t ) f u t u r i s t i c scenarios o f this k i n d
need t o be i n f o r m e d b y t h e analysis o f the e c o n o m i c , social a n d c u l t u r a l deter-
m i n a t i o n s o f t e c h n o l o g y ' s i m p a c t , ' t a k e - u p ' a n d use.
E r n i argues b l u n t l y t h a t ' i n t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e e n o r m o u s changes i n t e l e v i -
s i o n t e c h n o l o g y ' (such as t h e increasing use o f v i d e o t e c h n o l o g y a n d t h e
d e v e l o p m e n t o f ' t e l e v i s i o n - c o m p u t e r - t e l e p h o n e h y b r i d s ' ) audience research
w o r k focused o n broadcast television 'becomes s o m e w h a t obsolete' (Erni
1 9 8 9 : 3 9 ) . I n a n o t dissimilar v e i n , L i n d l o f a n d M e y e r ( 1 9 8 7 ) argue t h a t t h e
' i n t e r a c t i v e ' capacities o f recent t e c h n o l o g i c a l developments f u n d a m e n t a l l y
t r a n s f o r m t h e p o s i t i o n o f the consumer. As they p u t i t ,
w i t h increasing adoption of technological add-ons for the basic media delivery

systems, the messages can be edited, deleted, rescheduled or skipped past w i t h
complete disregard for their original form. The received notion of the mass
communications audience has simply little relevance for the reality of mediated
communication. (Lindlof and Meyer 1987: 2)
T h e t e c h n o l o g i c a l advances are o f t e n seen t o have t r a n s f o r m a t i v e ( i f n o t

Utopian) consequences f o r t h e television audience. T h u s , i n t h e I t a l i a n c o n -
t e x t , R A I ' s ( I t a l i a n p u b l i c service channel) p u b l i c i t y claims:
The new telematic services, video recorders and video discs ... w i l l make a more
personal use of the medium possible. The user w i l l be able to decide what t o
watch when he [sic] wants. I t w i l l be possible, then, to move beyond that fixed
mass audience which has been characteristic of TV's history: everybody w i l l be
able t o do his [sic] o w n programming, (quoted in Connell and Curti 1985: 99)
T h e p r o b l e m , o f course, is t h a t m a n y o f these arguments r u n t h e danger o f

a b s t r a c t i n g these t e c h n o l o g i e s ' i n t r i n s i c 'capacities' f r o m t h e social c o n t e x t s
o f t h e i r actual use. I n u n d e r s t a n d i n g such t e c h n o l o g i c a l d e v e l o p m e n t s , w e
c o u l d u s e f u l l y f o l l o w Bausinger i n his c o n c e r n w i t h t h e q u e s t i o n o f h o w
these t e c h n o l o g i e s are i n t e g r a t e d i n t o t h e s t r u c t u r e a n d r o u t i n e s o f domestic
l i f e - i n t o w h a t he calls ' t h e specific semantics o f t h e everyday'. H i s basic
thesis is t h a t technologies are increasingly ' a b s o r b e d ' i n t o t h e everyday
('everyone o w n s a n u m b e r o f machines, a n d has d i r e c t l y t o h a n d l e technical
p r o d u c t s ' ) , so t h a t everyday r o u t i n e s themselves are c o n s t r u c t e d a r o u n d tech-
n o l o g i e s w h i c h t h e n become effectively ' i n v i s i b l e ' i n t h e i r d o m e s t i c a t i o n . T h e
e n d r e s u l t , he argues, is t h e ' i n c o n s p i c u o u s omnipresence o f t h e t e c h n i c a l '
(Bausinger 1 9 8 4 : 3 4 6 ) . T h e k e y p o i n t is t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e processes t h r o u g h
w h i c h c o m m u n i c a t i o n s a n d i n f o r m a t i o n technologies are ' d o m e s t i c a t e d ' t o
t h e p o i n t w h e r e t h e y become i n c o n s p i c u o u s , i f n o t ' i n v i s i b l e ' w i t h i n t h e
h o m e . T h e f u r t h e r p o i n t is t h e n t o focus o n t h e c u l t u r a l l y c o n s t r u c t e d mean-
ings o f these technologies, as they are ' p r o d u c e d ' t h r o u g h l o c a t e d practices
o f c o n s u m p t i o n . I w i l l r e t u r n t o these p o i n t s later i n t h e chapter. First,
h o w e v e r , I w a n t t o p o i n t t o t h e parallel between these arguments about
the i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g effects o f these n e w c o m m u n i c a t i o n s technologies a n d
those ' p o s t m o d e r n ' scenarios w h i c h simultaneously p o i n t t o t h e i r h o m o -
g e n i z i n g effects.
L e t us begin w i t h t h e w e l l - k n o w n p o s t m o d e r n theorist M a r s h a l l M c L u h a n ,
w h o , o f course, argued that t h e effect o f television a n d c o m p u t e r t e c h n o l o g y
was t o erase time-space differences a n d t o h e r a l d a n e w audio-visual age o f
g l o b a l Gemeinschaft. T h u s , M c L u h a n a n d Fiore ( 1 9 6 7 ) argued:
Electric circuitry has overthrown the regime of 'time' and 'space' and pours
upon us incessantly and continually the concerns of all other men ... Ours is a
brand new w o r l d of 'allatonceness'. T i m e ' has ceased, 'space' has vanished. We
now live in a global village, (quoted in Ferguson 1989: 163).
I n recent years, w r i t e r s such as Carey (1989), drawing o n , among other

sources, t h e w o r k o f I n n i s ( 1 9 5 1 ) , have r i g h t l y d r a w n o u r a t t e n t i o n t o t h e his-
t o r i c a l r o l e o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n s systems, b o t h physical a n d symbolic (cf. also
de l a H a y e 1 9 7 9 ) i n t r a n s f o r m i n g o u r senses o f space a n d t i m e . T h u s , at o n e
p o i n t , f o r e x a m p l e , Carey speaks o f t h e
United States [as] the product of literacy, cheap paper, rapid and inexpensive
transportation and the mechanical reproduction of words - the capacity, i n
short, to transport not only people but a complex culture and civilisation from
one place to another ... between places that were radically dissimilar in geogra-
phy ... and ... climate ... the eclipsing of time and space. (Carey 1989: 2-3)
Carey is concerned w i t h , a m o n g other things, the role o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n s i n

the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f e m p i r e a n d the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f p o w e r . T h u s , Carey
notes, t h e e c o n o m i c influence n o t o n l y o f t h e c o m i n g o f the railways b u t ,
m o r e d r a m a t i c a l l y perhaps, o f t h e c o m i n g o f the telegraph, w h i c h ' p e r m i t t e d
f o r t h e first t i m e , t h e effective separation o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n f r o m t r a n s p o r t a -
t i o n ... a l l o w i n g messages t o be separated f r o m t h e physical m o v e m e n t o f
objects' ( i b i d . , 2 0 3 ) , thus freeing c o m m u n i c a t i o n f r o m t h e constraints o f geog-
raphy, a n d t o t h a t extent ' m a k i n g geography i r r e l e v a n t ' ( 2 1 7 ) a n d ' d i m i n i s h -
i n g space as a d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g c r i t e r i o n i n h u m a n affairs' ( 2 2 2 ) .
I n o r d e r t o m a k e m y task easier here, rather t h a n a t t e m p t i n g t o deal w i t h
Carey's c a r e f u l l y nuanced h i s t o r i c a l w o r k o n t h e m u t u a l i n f l u e n c e o f c o m -
m u n i c a t i o n s technologies a n d social d e v e l o p m e n t , I shall choose as an exam-
ple o f c o n t e m p o r a r y s c e n a r i o - w r i t i n g M e y r o w i t z ' s ( 1 9 8 5 ) fascinating ( i f
o v e r b l o w n ) analysis o f t h e i m p a c t o f electronic m e d i a o n social behaviour, i n
t r a n s f o r m i n g t h e ' s i t u a t i o n a l geography o f h u m a n l i f e ' . M e y r o w i t z ' s c o n c e r n
is w i t h t h e w a y i n w h i c h electronic m e d i a have u n d e r m i n e d t h e t r a d i t i o n a l
r e l a t i o n s h i p between physical setting a n d social s i t u a t i o n , t o t h e extent that
w e are ' n o l o n g e r " i n " places i n q u i t e t h e same w a y ' ( M e y r o w i t z 1 9 8 9 : 3 3 3 ) ,
as these m e d i a ' m a k e us ... audiences t o performances t h a t h a p p e n i n o t h e r
places a n d give us access t o audiences w h o are n o t physically present'

( M e y r o w i t z 1985: 7 ) . M e y r o w i t z ' s central a r g u m e n t is t h a t these n e w m e d i a
r e - d e f i n e n o t i o n s o f social p o s i t i o n a n d o f 'place', d i v o r c i n g experience f r o m
physical location.
H e argues t h a t the electronic m e d i a have t r a n s f o r m e d the relative s i g n i f i -
cance o f l i v e a n d m e d i a t e d encounters, b r i n g i n g ' i n f o r m a t i o n a n d experience
t o everyplace f r o m everyplace', as 'state funerals, wars ... a n d space flights are
dramas t h a t can be p l a y e d o n the stage o f almost anyone's l i v i n g r o o m ' ( i b i d . ,
118) a n d , i n H o r t o n a n d W o h l ' s ( 1 9 5 6 ) terms, viewers develop f o r m s o f
'para-social i n t e r a c t i o n ' w i t h m e d i a figures a n d 'stars' they have never m e t . I n
this way, these m e d i a , a c c o r d i n g t o M e y r o w i t z , create n e w ' c o m m u n i t i e s '
across t h e i r spaces o f transmission, b r i n g i n g together otherwise disparate
g r o u p s a r o u n d the ' c o m m o n experience' o f television, i n a process o f c u l t u r a l
'homogenisation of here a n d there'. Thus, argues M e y r o w i t z , television
acquires a s i m i l a r status t o t h a t o f the weather, as a basis o f c o m m o n e x p e r i -
ence a n d source o f c o n v e r s a t i o n , as a sort o f 'metaphysical arena' ( i b i d . , 146),
so t h a t ' t o w a t c h T V is t o l o o k i n t o ... the [ c o m m o n ] experience: ... t o see
w h a t others are w a t c h i n g ' . T h u s , M e y r o w i t z argues,
the millions who watched the assassination of JFK ... were in a 'place' that is no
place at all ... the millions of Americans who watch T V every evening ... are in a
'location' that is not defined by walls, streets or neighbourhoods but by evanes-
cent 'experience' more and more, people are living in a national (or interna-
tional) information-system rather than [in] a local town or city. (Meyrowitz
1985: 145-7)
Postmodern geography and the 'generalized elsewhere'

I t is i n this sense, M e y r o w i t z argues, that the electronic m e d i a are d e s t r o y i n g
o u r sense o f locality, so t h a t 'places are increasingly l i k e one another a n d ...
the s i n g u l a r i t y ... a n d i m p o r t a n c e o f ... l o c a l i t y is d i m i n i s h e d ' ( K i r b y 1989:
3 2 3 ) . T h i s m a y be t o overstate the case, as M e y r o w i t z admits i n his r e p l y t o
K i r b y , b u t , m i n i m a l l y , the f u n c t i o n o f these electronic m e d i a is certainly l i k e l y
t o ' r e l a t i v i z e ' o u r sense o f place - so that ' l o c a l i t y is n o longer necessarily seen
as the centre stage o f life's d r a m a ' ( M e y r o w i t z 1989: 3 3 0 ) . T h a t centre stage
is, t h e n , a c c o r d i n g t o M e y r o w i t z , taken by n a t i o n a l television i n the h o m e ,
b r i n g i n g us news o f the 'generalized elsewhere' o f o t h e r places a n d ' n o n - l o c a l '
p e o p l e a n d t h e i r simultaneous experiences - thus u n d e r m i n i n g any sense o f
the p r i m a r y o f ' l o c a l i t y ' , as the ' u n i f y i n g r h e t o r i c a l space o f d a i l y T V extends
i n t o the l i v i n g r o o m s o f everyone' (Berland 1988: 47).
As M e y r o w i t z notes, p a r t o f the p o i n t is t h a t , f o r instance, access t o n o n -
l o c a l p e o p l e (for instance, v i a the telephone) is o f t e n faster a n d simpler t h a n
access t o physical n e i g h b o u r s . T h e ' c o m m u n i t y ' is thus ' l i b e r a t e d f r o m spatial
l o c a l i t y ' a n d m a n y i n t i m a t e ties are s u p p o r t e d by the telephone rather t h a n by
face-to-face i n t e r a c t i o n (cf. the telephone advertisement: ' L o n g distance is the
n e x t best t h i n g t o b e i n g t h e r e ' ) . T h u s , i t seems, w e s h o u l d n o longer conceive
o f c o m m u n i t y so m u c h i n terms o f a local clustering o f relationships as i n

terms o f types o f social r e l a t i o n s h i p , w h e t h e r local o r distant - a ' p s y c h o l o g i -
cal n e i g h b o u r h o o d ' o r a 'personal c o m m u n i t y ' as a n e t w o r k o f ( o f t e n
n o n - l o c a l ) ties ( W e l l m a n 1 9 7 9 ; q u o t e d i n M e y r o w i t z 1 9 8 9 ) . T h u s , ' c o m m u n i -
t y ' is t r a n s f o r m e d : l i v i n g physically near t o others is n o longer necessarily t o
be t i e d i n t o m u t u a l l y dependent c o m m u n i c a t i o n systems; conversely, l i v i n g far
f r o m others is n o longer, necessarily, t o be c o m m u n i c a t i o n a l l y distant. T h u s , i t
seems, l o c a l i t y is n o t s i m p l y subsumed i n a n a t i o n a l o r global sphere; rather, i t
is increasingly bypassed i n b o t h directions - experience is b o t h u n i f i e d b e y o n d
localities a n d f r a g m e n t e d w i t h i n t h e m .
Such f r a g m e n t a t i o n , however, is rarely r a n d o m ; n o r is i t a matter o f merely
i n d i v i d u a l differences o r 'choices' (cf. M o r l e y 1980). Rather, i t is a question o f
the socially a n d c u l t u r a l l y determined lines o f division along w h i c h fragmenta-
t i o n occurs. C e n t r a l a m o n g these lines is, o f course, that o f gender. B o t h i n t h e
( H I C T ) research described earlier a n d i n that o f others i n the f i e l d , there is an
increasing r e c o g n i t i o n o f the 'gendering' o f technologies such as the telephone,
w h i c h is an effect o f the socially organized p o s i t i o n i n g o f gendered categories o f
persons across t h e public/private division. As G a r m a r n i k o w a n d Purvis (1983)
n o t e , the public/private split can, o f course, itself be seen as a f u n d a m e n t a l
m e t a p h o r f o r the p a t t e r n i n g o f gender. 'Place' a n d 'placelessness' can certainly
be seen t o be (among other determinations) h i g h l y gendered experiences.
T h e v i s i o n o f an 'emergent placelessness' (cf. B e r l a n d 1 9 8 8 : 147) o f f e r e d
(celebrated?) b y a n u m b e r o f p o s t m o d e r n c o m m e n t a t o r s can be c r i t i c i z e d o n a
n u m b e r o f d i f f e r e n t counts. O n the one h a n d , i t offers l i t t l e r e c o g n i t i o n o f t h e
p a r t i c u l a r o p e r a t i o n s o f p o w e r , i n so far as w h a t emerges across this electronic
('placeless') n e t w o r k is w h a t M a t t e l a r t et al. i d e n t i f y as t h e ' t i m e o f the excep-
t i o n a l a n d t h e spectacular, t h e p r o d u c t o f an i n t e r n a t i o n a l i n d u s t r i a l e n t e r t a i n -
m e n t c u l t u r e ' ( M a t t e l a r t et al. 1 9 8 7 : 97) - a heavily standardized televisual
language w h i c h w i l l t e n d t o disqualify a n d displace a l l others. O n t h e o t h e r
h a n d , as Ferguson ( 1 9 8 9 ) argues, the ' t e c h n o - o r t h o d o x i s t ' w o r l d view, w h i c h
proclaims that satellite and other n e w (ICTs) have effectively reduced
time/space differences t o insignificance, is badly over-abstracted. Principally,
this is because t h e a r g u m e n t has l i t t l e e m p i r i c a l g r o u n d i n g a n d operates at a
level o f abstraction w h i c h does n o t p e r m i t us t o answer questions about how
these m e d i a shift o u r everyday understandings o f t i m e a n d space, o r about
which m e d i a - f o r m s influence which people i n which ways i n t h e i r conceptual-
i z a t i o n o f d u r a t i o n a n d distance (cf. Bryce 1 9 8 7 ) . W h a t is needed, i n this
respect, is ' q u a l i t a t i v e research i n t o how electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n s m a g n i f y
[or o t h e r w i s e - D . M . ] time-space imperatives a n d which forms produce which
k i n d o f i n t e n d e d a n d u n i n t e n d e d consequences' (Ferguson 1 9 8 9 : 1 7 1 ) .
I f t h e h o m o g e n i z a t i o n o f space a n d t i m e i n c o n t e m p o r a r y c u l t u r e has n o t
yet abolished a l l differences, still w e must attend t o t h e need t o construct a
p r o p e r l y p o s t m o d e r n geography o f the relations between communications
and power a n d the contemporary transformations o f the public and private
spheres. A s Ferguson notes, despite t h e g r a n d claims o f t h e t e c h n o - o r t h o d o x ¬

ist ' h o m o g e n i z e r s ' , i t remains t r u e t h a t 'just as they have d i f f e r e n t i a l access t o
n e w a n d o l d c o m m u n i c a t i o n m e d i a , so d o d i f f e r e n t cultures, social g r o u p s a n d
n a t i o n a l sources o f p o w e r perceive, categorise a n d p r i o r i t i s e t e m p o r a l a n d
spatial boundaries d i f f e r e n t l y ' ( i b i d . , 1 5 3 ) . T o take a ' E u r o p e a n ' example,
rather t h a n speculating, i n t h e abstract, as t o w h e t h e r o r n o t w e are seeing t h e
emergence o f a u n i f i e d ' E u r o p e a n c u l t u r e ' u n d e r t h e i m p a c t o f p a n - E u r o p e a n
m e d i a , i t m a y be m o r e i n s t r u c t i v e t o ask t o w h a t extent, f o r w h i c h groups
(e.g. teenage viewers o f satellite-television music channels, Euro-businessper-
sons, etc.) such a ' E u r o p e a n ' perspective is e m e r g i n g (cf. C o l l i n s 1 9 9 0 ) .
Rather t h a n p r e s u m i n g a u n i f o r m effect i n w h i c h , f r o m a crudely technologi-
cally determinist perspective, n e w ICTs impose n e w sensibilities o n peoples
across t h e globe, i t may be m o r e realistic t o conceive o f t h e m as overlaying the
n e w u p o n the o l d (cf. Rogge a n d Jensen, i n L u l l 1988). T h u s , a n e w technology
such as t h e h o m e c o m p u t e r may o f t e n be p r i n c i p a l l y 'made sense o f via its inte-
g r a t i o n i n t o t h e very o l d ' t e c h n o l o g y ' o f the peer-gossip n e t w o r k . Rather t h a n
the n e w m e d i a p r o m o t i n g a 'boundless media-land o f c o m m o n understandings',
a variety o f senses o f ' t e m p o r a l elasticity a n d local i n d e t e r m i n a c y ' may be the
m o r e l i k e l y result, w h e r e ' f o r m e r l y finite absolutes take o n a notably relativist
character ... a n d o l d certainties ... [are u n d e r m i n e d , t o some extent b y ] n e w
ambiguities' (Ferguson 1 9 8 9 : 155). T h i s seems b o t h a m o r e realistic (cf. M i l l e r ,
1992) a n d a richer perspective f r o m w h i c h t o analyse the interaction o f local
d e f i n i t i o n s a n d larger c o m m u n i c a t i o n s systems. As M i l l e r (ibid.) argues i n his
analysis o f t h e c o n s u m p t i o n o f A m e r i c a n soap opera i n T r i n i d a d , the ' l o c a l ' is
n o t t o be considered as an indigenous source o f c u l t u r a l identity, w h i c h remains
'authentic' o n l y i n so far as i t is unsullied b y contact w i t h the global. Rather, the
local is o f t e n itself p r o d u c e d b y means o f the ' i n d i g e n i z a t i o n ' (or 'domestica-
t i o n ' ) o f global o r ' f o r e i g n ' resources and i m p u t s .
Massey makes t h e p o i n t eloquently, i n her c r i t i q u e o f the widespread t e n d e n -
cy t o counterpose a concept o f t h e local (usually conflated w i t h t h e concrete)
w i t h t h a t o f the global (usually c o n f l a t e d w i t h the abstract). As she puts i t ,
the ... w o r l d economy is no less concrete than a local one [it] is 'general' i n the
sense of being a geographically large-scale phenomenon, to which can be coun-
terposed internal variations. But i t is also, unequivocally, concrete as opposed to
abstract ... Those who conflate the local w i t h the concrete ... are confusing geo-
graphical scale w i t h processes of abstraction in t h o u g h t . . . [and] those who make
this mistake then frequently ... confuse the study of the local w i t h description,
which they oppose to theoretical w o r k ... this argument ... [confuses] ... the
dimensions concrete-abstract and local-general ... The 'local' ... is no less subject
to, nor useful for theorisation than big, broad, general things. The counterposi-
tion of general and local is quite distinct from the distinction between abstract
and concrete. (Massey 1991: 270-1)
I f ' g e o g r a p h y m a t t e r s ' , a n d i f place is i m p o r t a n t , this is n o t o n l y because t h e

character o f a p a r t i c u l a r place is a p r o d u c t o f its p o s i t i o n i n r e l a t i o n t o w i d e r
forces, b u t also because t h a t character, i n t u r n , stamps its o w n i m p r i n t o n
those w i d e r processes. M o r e o v e r , places are n o t static o r f i x e d , easily d e f i n -

able, o r b o u n d e d entities i n t o w h i c h external forces s o m e h o w ( i m p r o p e r l y o r
p r o b l e m a t i c a l l y ) i n t r u d e , as those w o r k i n g i n t h e H e i d e g g e r i a n tradition
w o u l d o f t e n seem t o i m p l y . T h i s is s i m p l y t h e theoretical correlative o f M a r x ' s
observation that people are n o t ' i n ' society as an object is i n a b o x , a n d o f
V o l o s h i n o v ' s concept o f the 'social i n d i v i d u a l ' . As Massey argues, places are t o
be seen as themselves processes; they are f r e q u e n t l y r i v e n w i t h i n t e r n a l c o n -
flicts a n d divisions (they are n o t i n t e r n a l l y homogenous) a n d are perhaps best
seen n o t as ' b o u n d e d areas' b u t as 'spaces o f i n t e r a c t i o n ' i n w h i c h local i d e n t i -
ties are c o n s t r u c t e d o u t o f resources ( b o t h material a n d symbolic) w h i c h m a y
w e l l n o t be at a l l local i n their o r i g i n . B u t t h e n perhaps, as M i l l e r ( o p . c i t . )
observes, w e s h o u l d define ' a u t h e n t i c i t y ' a posteriori, rather t h a n a priori, as a
m a t t e r o f local consequences, rather t h a n o f local origins. Similarly, t o t h e
extent t h a t i m p o r t e d television p r o g r a m m e s penetrate local m e a n i n g systems,
rather t h a n thereby ' h o m o g e n i z i n g ' diverse cultures, their p r i n c i p a l effect m a y
be a rather variable one - i n so far as they i n t r o d u c e a r e l a t i v i z i n g perspective,
as a n ' u n c e r t a i n t y p r i n c i p l e ' w h i c h m a y w o r k t o u n d e r m i n e established a n d
d o m i n a n t f r a m e w o r k s o f m e a n i n g i n a variety o f ways (cf. H e b d i g e 1 9 8 8 a n d
W o r p o l e 1 9 8 3 , o n the effects o f ' f o r e i g n ' c u l t u r a l artefacts i n u n d e r m i n i n g t h e
hierarchies o f n a t i o n a l taste cultures; b u t cf. also C h e n 1 9 9 0 , o n the s i g n i f i -
cance o f the fact that the ' f o r e i g n ' is so o f t e n represented b y the ' A m e r i c a n ' ) .
From the sitting-room to the (inter)nation(al)

I n recent years, o n e line o f criticism o f researchers such as L u l l , Silverstone a n d
myself has been that, i n o u r concern w i t h the domestic c o n t e x t o f television-
v i e w i n g , w e were busy c o n d u c t i n g an ill-considered (if n o t hasty) 'retreat' i n t o
the p r i v a t e r e a l m o f the ' s i t t i n g - r o o m ' a n d away f r o m the i m p o r t a n t ' p u b l i c '
issues o f p o w e r , politics a n d policy w h i c h constitute the p r o p e r subjects o f the
study o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n . I shall argue that this critique is misguided, o n a n u m -
ber o f counts. I t is n o t o n l y that the average s i t t i n g - r o o m (in m y experience) is
the site o f some very i m p o r t a n t p o l i t i c a l conflicts - i t is, a m o n g other things,
one o f the p r i n c i p a l sites o f the politics o f gender a n d age. I t is also t h a t , i n m y
view, the s i t t i n g - r o o m is exactly where w e need t o start f r o m , i f w e finally w a n t
to understand the constitutive dynamics o f abstractions such as ' t h e c o m m u n i -
t y ' o r ' t h e n a t i o n ' . T h i s is especially so i f w e are concerned w i t h t h e role o f
c o m m u n i c a t i o n s i n the continuous f o r m a t i o n , sustenance, recreation a n d trans-
f o r m a t i o n o f these entities. T h e central p o i n t precisely concerns television's
role i n connecting, f o r example, the ' f a m i l i a r ' o r domestic, a n d t h e n a t i o n a l
a n d i n t e r n a t i o n a l spheres, a n d i n sustaining b o t h the image a n d the reality o f
the ' n a t i o n a l f a m i l y ' and o f various trans-national ' c o m m u n i t i e s ' .
F r o m this perspective, one o f the key f u n c t i o n s o f broadcasting is t h e cre-
a t i o n o f a bridge between the p u b l i c a n d t h e p r i v a t e , the sacred a n d t h e p r o -
fane, t h e e x t r a o r d i n a r y a n d the m u n d a n e . T h u s , as Silverstone argues,
In Durkheimian terms, television provides a forum and a locus for the mobilisa-
tion of collective energy and enthusiasm, for example, in the presentation of
national events, f r o m coronations to great sporting fixtures, and it also marks a
consistently defined but significant boundary in our culture between the domes-
tic and taken-for-granted w o r l d and that of the unreachable and otherwise inac-
cessible w o r l d of ... show business, Dallas and the moon landings. (Silverstone
1988: 25)
I n a similar v e i n , Chaney (1983) analyses the role o f broadcasting i n enabling

the p u b l i c t o participate i n the collective life o f the n a t i o n . As Chaney p o i n t s
o u t , a ' n a t i o n ' is a very abstract collectivity, i n so far as i t is t o o b i g t o be expe-
rienced d i r e c t l y by the i n d i v i d u a l . To that extent, the ' w e - f e e l i n g ' o f c o m m u n i -
ty has t o be c o n t i n u a l l y engendered by o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , as the
sense o f ' n a t i o n ' is m a n u f a c t u r e d . Chaney is p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned w i t h the
r o l e o f mass m e d i a i n r e l a y i n g civic rituals (coronations, r o y a l w e d d i n g s , etc.).
As he notes, i f such rituals are 'dramatizations' o f the n a t i o n as symbolic c o m -
m u n i t y , t h e n the i n f i n i t e r e p r o d u c e a b i l i t y o f media performance makes the
'audience' f o r t h e m possible o n a scale previously unimaginable (Chaney 1983 :
121). Recalling Silverstone's d e f i n i t i o n o f television's role i n establishing 'the
space i n t i m a t e distance' ( 1 9 8 8 : 2 3 ) , Chaney analyses the 'quasi-democracy of
i n t i m a t e access' (cf. Dayan a n d Katz 1987: 88 ' T V is that w h i c h abolishes dis-
tance') created by the presence o f the television camera, 'representing' the p u b -
lic i n the most i n t i m a t e m o m e n t s o f symbolic r i t u a l . A t the heart o f the process
is an ambivalence, i n w h i c h p u b l i c figures are simultaneously humanized
t h r o u g h vicarious observation (and the camera o f t e n gives the audience at
h o m e a closer v i e w t h a n those physically present - D . M . ) b u t also distanced
t h r o u g h the dramatic conventions o f media presentation (Chaney 1986: 121).
Chaney is c o n c e r n e d w i t h the spectacular character o f c e r e m o n i a l occa-
sions, a r g u i n g f i n a l l y ( i n a curious reversal o f Ellis' ( 1 9 9 2 ) c o m m e n t s on
broadcast television as the ' p r i v a t e l i f e o f the n a t i o n state') that 'spectacular
f o r m s o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n are the p u b l i c l i f e o f a mass c u l t u r e ' : (Chaney
1986: 132). C o n t r a r y t o the established v i e w that ' r i t u a l ' is less significant i n
secularized i n d u s t r i a l societies t h a n i t was i n earlier times, Chaney argues that,
because o f the scale a n d nature o f these societies (where the entire citizenry
s i m p l y c a n n o t be personally acquainted a n d a sense o f collective i d e n t i t y must
be c o n t i n u a l l y i n v e n t e d ) , r i t u a l becomes m o r e salient as a m o d e o f d r a m a t i z -
i n g ( i n d e e d , c o n s t i t u t i n g ) ' c o m m u n i t y ' . T h u s , Chaney notes that 'collective
ceremonies have p a t e n t l y n o t disappeared f r o m the calendar o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l
i d e n t i t y a n d r e p r o d u c t i o n ; i n d e e d they have been made m o r e accessible a n d
less arcane t h r o u g h t h e i r d r a m a t i s a t i o n as m e d i a performances' ( 1 3 2 ) . T h i s is,
i n some p a r t , a question o f 'access' - thus, Chaney notes the significance of
the r a d i o broadcasting o f George V I ' s c o r o n a t i o n i n 1937 i n i n v o l v i n g a huge
p r o p o r t i o n o f the n a t i o n a l p u b l i c , w h o 'spent the day listening i n a n d thus
p a r t a k i n g i n the central events' (Jennings a n d M a d g e 1 9 8 7 ; q u o t e d i n Chaney
1986: 129). H o w e v e r , i t is n o t o n l y a question o f access. T h u s , i n his earlier
article, Chaney notes t h a t , i n the e n d , the media's role transforms these

events, so t h a t ' n a t i o n a l festivals ... become ... media occasions, rather t h a n
occasions t o w h i c h t h e media have access' ( i b i d . , 1 3 4 ) .
I t is also a question, as Stam ( 1 9 8 3 ) argues, o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g the specific
f o r m o f t h e pleasure o f f e r e d t o t h e viewer b y television, a n d i n p a r t i c u l a r b y
television 'news' i n its most general sense. Stam is concerned w i t h w h a t he
calls t h e 'metaphysics o f presence' o f television a n d the ways i n w h i c h t e l e v i -
sion news p r o m o t e s ' t h e regime o f the fictive ... " w e " ' ... (39) as a ' c o m m u n i -
t y ' . Stam's a r g u m e n t is that ' e p i s t e m o p h i l i a ' (the pleasure o f k n o w i n g ) can
o f f e r o n l y a p a r t i a l account o f the m o t i v a t i o n o f news v i e w i n g . B e y o n d this,
argues Stam, w e must attend t o t h e ways i n w h i c h the pleasures o f f e r e d are
narcissistic a n d are 'designed t o enhance the self-image o f H i s o r H e r Majesty
the Spectator' ( 2 7 ) . T h e p r i n c i p a l p o i n t , argues Stam, is that television trans-
f o r m s us i n t o ' a r m c h a i r imperialists' a n d 'audio-visual masters o f t h e w o r l d '
(25). I n this respect, Stam argues, w h i l e ' l i v e ' television is o n l y a small p o r t i o n
o f a l l broadcast television, i t 'sets the t o n e ' f o r m u c h o f w h a t television offers.
As he puts i t , television
allows us to share the literal time of persons who are elsewhere. I t grants us ...
instantaneous ubiquity. The telespectator of a lunar landing becomes a vicarious
astronaut ... The viewer of a live transmission, i n fact, can i n some respects see
better than those immediately present on the scene, (ibid., 24)
I t is this ' i n t e r f a c i n g ' o f the p u b l i c a n d the private that concerns us here. O n

the o n e h a n d , t h e audience f o r such n a t i o n a l events is usually a t o m i z e d , either
a t t e n d i n g i n d i v i d u a l l y o r i n small groups such as the f a m i l y o r peer g r o u p . O n
the other h a n d , each such g r o u p sits i n f r o n t o f a television set e m i t t i n g t h e
same representations o f this ' c e n t r a l ' event. T h e ' p u b l i c ' is thus experienced i n
the p r i v a t e (domestic) r e a l m : i t is 'domesticated'. B u t at the same t i m e t h e
' p r i v a t e ' itself is thus t r a n s f o r m e d o r 'socialized'. T h e space (and experience)
created is neither ' p u b l i c ' n o r private i n the t r a d i t i o n a l senses.
I n u n r a v e l l i n g these connections, the w o r k o f D a y a n a n d Katz ( 1 9 8 7 ) o n
the representation o f t h e r o y a l w e d d i n g o f 1 9 8 1 o n B r i t i s h television may be
o f some h e l p . D r a w i n g o n Austin's ( 1 9 6 2 ) t h e o r y o f ' p e r f o r m a t i v e ' speech
acts, D a y a n a n d Katz are concerned t o analyse television's role i n c o n s t r u c t i n g
(literally ' p e r f o r m i n g ' ) media events such as the r o y a l w e d d i n g . I n this c o n -
n e c t i o n , they argue, television s h o u l d be seen n o t as 'representing' the event
b u t as c o n s t r u c t i n g the experience o f i t f o r the m a j o r i t y o f the p o p u l a t i o n .
Television, they argue, is n o t so m u c h r e p o r t i n g o n t h e event as actively
i n v o l v e d i n ' p e r f o r m i n g ' i t . Television is n o t s i m p l y t r a n s m i t t i n g such an event
(or c o m m e n t i n g o n i t ) b u t is b r i n g i n g i t i n t o existence.
G e n e r a l de Gaulle's concept o f television as the face o f the g o v e r n m e n t i n
the s i t t i n g - r o o m c a n , o f course, be argued t o apply o n l y t o broadcasting u n d e r
q u i t e p a r t i c u l a r c o n d i t i o n s , specifically w h e r e broadcasting is a l l o w e d very l i t -
tle a u t o n o m y f r o m direct g o v e r n m e n t a l c o n t r o l . H o w e v e r , i f w e take o u r lead
f r o m t h e w o r k o f C h a n e y a n d D a y a n a n d Katz (see above), w e can n o t o n l y

begin t o see t h e c r u c i a l r o l e o f television i n a r t i c u l a t i n g ' g o v e r n m e n t a l ' (cf.
Foucault 1 9 8 0 ) o r ' p u b l i c ' w i t h domestic space; w e can also pose t h e m o r e
f u n d a m e n t a l q u e s t i o n as t o t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h i t still makes sense t o speak o f
broadcast m e d i a as ' r e p o r t i n g ' o n p o l i t i c a l developments. T h e p r o b l e m is t h a t
t o pose t h e q u e s t i o n this w a y is t o presume that there exists some separate
r e a l m o f ' p o l i t i c s ' o n w h i c h television t h e n , subsequently, reports. I n a n age
w h e n i n t e r n a t i o n a l s p o r t i n g events are r o u t i n e l y arranged t o suit t h e conve-
nience o f broadcasting schedules a n d acts o f w a r are t i m e d w i t h reference n o t
so m u c h t o m i l i t a r y requirements as t o m a x i m i z i n g PR advantage, this m a y
seem o b v i o u s . T h e f u n d a m e n t a l issue is o f some l o n g standing. As early as
1974, Pateman argued a similar p o i n t i n r e l a t i o n t o electoral p o l i t i c s . H i s
p o i n t was t h a t television can o n l y ' c o v e r ' a n election w h e n t h e campaign has
an existence i n d e p e n d e n t o f t h e presence o f television, a n d t h a t nowadays
these campaigns n o longer have any such existence, being p r i n c i p a l l y designed
a n d p l a n n e d - i n terms o f ' p h o t o - o p p o r t u n i t i e s ' , 'sound-bites', etc. - w i t h ref-
erence t o t h e i r televisualization. T h u s , Pateman argues, ' w e d o n o t have t e l e v i -
s i o n coverage o f a n election, w e have a television e l e c t i o n ' ( 1 9 7 4 ) . Pateman's
p o i n t can be e x t e n d e d w e l l b e y o n d t h e specific f i e l d o f 'elections' t o cover
' p o l i t i c s ' i n a m u c h m o r e general sense: f o r t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n ,
' p o l i t i c s ' is p r i n c i p a l l y a ' m e d i a event', a n d their p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n this r e a l m is
a h e a v i l y m e d i a t e d one.
We are back, once again, w i t h t h e p o l i t i c s o f 'being there'. T h i s is, increas-
ingly, a c o m p l e x issue. T h e Guardian's South A f r i c a correspondent. David
Beresford, o f f e r e d a t e l l i n g account (Guardian, 17 A p r i l 1 9 9 0 ) o f his a t t e m p t
t o r e p o r t N e l s o n M a n d e l a ' s speech i n Cape T o w n o n his release f r o m p r i s o n -
w h e r e ' b e i n g t h e r e ' physically u n f o r t u n a t e l y entailed being unable t o see o r
hear M r . M a n d e l a . T h i s Beresford accounts as an experience o f 'being there
a n d n o t b e i n g t h e r e ' w h e r e b e i n g t h e ' m a n o n t h e spot' has t h e perverse effect
o f b e i n g unable t o witness t h e images available t o t h e rest o f the g l o b a l village.
I n a s i m i l a r v e i n , D a y a n a n d Katz refer t o t h e seemingly p u z z l i n g (but increas-
i n g l y c o m m o n ) b e h a v i o u r o f those physically present at p u b l i c events w h o , i f
they c a n , also take w i t h t h e m a p o r t a b l e television, so they t o o can see ' w h a t
is h a p p e n i n g ' . Physical c o n t i g u i t y does n o t , t h e n , necessarily equate with
effective p a r t i c i p a t i o n ; a n d , o f course, vice versa.
F r o m this angle w e c o u l d also usefully reconsider the debates that arose con-
c e r n i n g t h e television spectaculars o f t h e 1980s - f r o m 'Band A i d / L i v e A i d '
onwards. M e y r o w i t z comments: 'Live A i d was an event that t o o k place
n o w h e r e b u t o n T V , the u l t i m a t e example o f the freeing o f communications
experience f r o m t h e "restraint o f social and physical passage".' M a n y c o m m e n -
tators have been critical o f t h e ways i n w h i c h such 'trans-national' broadcasts
expressed a ' m y t h o l o g y ' o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l (if n o t universal) c o m m u n i t y . H o w e v e r ,
i n a very i m p o r t a n t sense this was n o ' m y t h i c a l ' achievement. I f a sense o f c o m -
m u n i t y was created, this m a y have h a d something t o d o w i t h the fact that a l l
over the w o r l d m i l l i o n s o f people were (in reality) w a t c h i n g these 'simultaneous'

broadcasts - a n d , t o that extent, i n Dayan a n d Katz's terms, p a r t i c i p a t i n g quite
effectively i n a 'diasporic ceremony' w h i c h was a n y t h i n g but illusory.
T h e question that D a y a n a n d Katz pose is w h a t happens t o p u b l i c cere-
monies w h e n , instead o f being attended i n person, they are delivered t o us at
h o m e . As they n o t e , being physically distanced f r o m the ceremonial f o r m s a n d
isolated f r o m each other, television audiences d o n o t f o r m 'masses' o r ' c r o w d s '
except i n an abstract, statistical sense (cf. A n g 1991). T h e question they pose is
that o f w h e t h e r w e can still speak o f a public event w h e n i t is celebrated at
h o m e - a n d w h e t h e r w e can speak o f a collective celebration w h e n the collec-
t i v i t y is scattered (cf. Siskind 1992). As they note, under these c o n d i t i o n s :
The very hugeness of the audiences had paradoxically transposed the celebration
into an intimate register. Ceremonial space has been reconstituted, but i n the
home. Attendance takes place in small groups congregated around the television
set, concentrating on the symbolic centre, keenly aware that myriads of other
groups are doing likewise, in a similar manner, and at the same time. (Dayan and
Katz 1987: 194)
T h e analogy w h i c h D a y a n a n d Katz offer is that o f the Jewish Passover 'Seder'

r i t u a l - a collective ceremony w i t h o u t a central 'cultic t e m p l e ' , w h i c h translates
the p u b l i c celebration i n t o 'a m u l t i p l i c i t y o f simultaneous, similarly p r o -
g r a m m e d , h o m e - b o u n d , micro-events' ( i b i d . , 1 9 5 ) . T h u s , D a y a n a n d Katz
i m p l y , t h e television audience, as a dispersed c o m m u n i t y , can usefully be seen
as being regularly u n i t e d ( b o t h by its occasional v i e w i n g o f special events a n d
by its regular v i e w i n g o f the 'news' o r favourite soap operas) t h r o u g h precisely
this k i n d o f 'diasporic ceremony'. W h i l e 'media events' such as a televised
r o y a l w e d d i n g clearly constitute a special case, i n w h i c h this issue is b r o u g h t
i n t o p a r t i c u l a r p r o m i n e n c e , this m o d e l can clearly be extended t o the q u o t -
i d i a n level - so that the regular v i e w i n g o f the n i g h t l y television news o r o f a
l o n g - r u n n i n g soap opera can be seen i n the same light - as a discourse w h i c h
constitutes collectivities t h r o u g h a sense o f ' p a r t i c i p a t i o n ' a n d t h r o u g h the
p r o d u c t i o n o f b o t h a simultaneity o f experience a n d a sense o f a 'past i n
c o m m o n ' (cf. the debates o n ' p o p u l a r m e m o r y ' : W r i g h t 1985).
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Questions
1 Summarise the main ideas put forward in this reading. How do they relate to
other extracts in this reader?
2 In the first section we asked how electronic media have had implications for the
public sphere and for private spaces and situations. Have your opinions been
reinforced or challenged as a result of your further reading?
Further reading
Golding, P. 1989: Political communication and citizenship. I n Ferguson, M . (ed.),
Public communication. London: Sage.
Morley, D . 1980: The 'nationwide* audience. London: British Film Institute
Murdock, G. 1990: Television and citizenship: i n defence of public broadcasting. I n
Tomlinson, A. (ed.), Consumption, identity and style, London: Routledge.
Silverstone, R. and Hirsch, E. 1992: Consuming technologies: media and information
in domestic spaces. London: Routledge.
35
The Roots of the Information Society Idea
David Lyon
From The information society: issues and illusions (Polity Press 1988)
This reading is from a book which investigates the many facets of the new information age
and its primary premise is that success in almost every field is now reliant on the applica-
tion of new communications technologies. In fact, Lyon goes so far as to suggest that a
working knowledge of computer technology and what computers can do for us (as
opposed to the determinist view of how we should adapt to them) may be essential to par-
ticipate fully in the society of the future, radically altering the ways in which economic and
social exchanges are created, the means by which we access information and obtain
knowledge, and the character of work and leisure.
But Lyon's vision of the new communications revolution is somewhat bleak. He sug-
gests that technology is not being used in innovatory, creative ways, but is simply reinforc-
ing old structures, existing power relations and established ideologies in new ways. He
rhetorically asks: 'Does IT bring about a new society without precedent, or does it rather
The Roots of the Information Society Idea 385
help to intensify certain processes in today's society of which we are all too aware?' His
further comments on industrial power relations, the opportunities offered to women by
information technologies and issues concerning surveillance and protection go some way
to answer this question.
So, far from heralding a new kind of society (and has there ever been a generation which
hasn't felt that it was at the threshold of a new kind of society?), Lyon argues that the
emerging technologies of information and communication shape social and cultural experi-
ence along familiar lines and reinforce the power of some individuals over others, not only in
terms of the processes of production, but also in the spheres of leisure and consumption.
People started getting together and exploring the idea that there was going to be
a revolution in technology which was going to change society so drastically.
Wozniak (1986) 1
Suddenly, success i n just about a n y f i e l d has become impossible without

i n f o r m a t i o n technology. I n f a r m i n g , manufacture, education, p o l i c i n g , medicine,
e n t e r t a i n m e n t , b a n k i n g o r whatever, I T is apparently set t o change everything
t h a t h u m a n beings d o i n advanced societies. Steve W o z n i a k , o f A p p l e computers
fame, sees t h e real r e v o l u t i o n as p u t t i n g personal computers i n t o t h e h o m e .
O t h e r s see i t i n direct broadcasting b y satellite, automated w o r k o p e n i n g u p
n e w vistas f o r freed t i m e , o r i n the p o t e n t i a l f o r p u s h - b u t t o n democracy. W h i l e
d i f f e r i n g over details, telecommunications spells the start o f a n e w age.
I t appears t h a t t h i s is the o n l y w a y f o r w a r d . I n i t i a t i o n i n the processes o f
i n f o r m a t i o n h a n d l i n g , transmission, storage a n d r e t r i e v a l is the key t o f u t u r e
p r o s p e r i t y a n d t o q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t ways o f l i f e . Failure t o proceed i n this
d i r e c t i o n carries d i r e consequences. P u n i s h m e n t f o r n a t i o n a l laggards, accord-
i n g t o a B r i t i s h N a t i o n a l E c o n o m i c D e v e l o p m e n t O f f i c e r e p o r t , w i l l be relega-
t i o n t o T h i r d W o r l d ' status. 2
N o t surprisingly, this 'one w a y f o r w a r d ' is greeted by others w i t h some sense

o f f o r e b o d i n g . C h e e r f u l book-titles such as Silicon Civilization a n d The Mighty
Micro are answered i n Eletronic Nightmare and Electronic Illusions* A n d fears
o f b e i n g sucked i n t o a n e w transnational empire or being technologically depen-
d e n t u p o n the USA o r Japan are greater, f o r some smaller countries, t h a n the
threat o f i m p e n d i n g ' T h i r d W o r l d ' status. Nevertheless, f o r better o r f o r worse,
the a r r i v a l o f the i n f o r m a t i o n society is felt t o be i m m i n e n t .
A r e w e at t h e t h r e s h o l d o f a n e w k i n d o f society? Discussions o f the ' w i r e d
society' o r o f the 'wealth o f i n f o r m a t i o n ' certainly i m p l y this. A l v i n Toffler's
4
w e l l - k n o w n ' t h i r d w a v e ' concept is perhaps the clearest e x a m p l e . 5

T h e first
' w a v e ' is a g r i c u l t u r a l , the second i n d u s t r i a l , a n d the t h i r d , i n f o r m a t i o n soc-
iety. S o c i o l o g i c a l debate has n o t yet c r y s t a l l i z e d a r o u n d this single concept -
t h e i n f o r m a t i o n society - b u t i t is i n s u f f i c i e n t l y p o p u l a r a n d social scientific
use t o m a k e i t t h e focus o f this study. I t f i n d s a ready h o m e i n accounts o f
t h e 'social i m p a c t o f n e w t e c h n o l o g y ' , is f r e q u e n t l y r e f e r r e d t o i n p o l i c y
studies, a n d is s t r o n g l y r e l a t e d t o o t h e r e m e r g i n g concepts such as t h a t o f the
' i n f o r m a t i o n w o r k e r ' . B u t s h o u l d i t be used as a basic means o f characteriz-

i n g 'society' today?
[...]
From postindustrialism to information society

T h e r o o t s o f t h e i n f o r m a t i o n society idea are i n t e r t w i n e d i n a c o m p l e x m a n -
ner. I t is h a r d t o disentangle t h e diverse strands o f a t t e m p t e d social p r e d i c -
t i o n , g o v e r n m e n t policy, f u t u r i s t i c speculation a n d e m p i r i c a l social analysis.
For instance, a Canadian government report, Planning Now for the
Information Society 6
is clearly geared t o i d e n t i f y i n g a n a t i o n a l technology
strategy i n m i c r o e l e c t r o n i c s . B u t i t depends u p o n social scientific concepts
such as t h e ' i n f o r m a t i o n e c o n o m y ' , indulges b r i e f l y i n q u o t e d ' p r e d i c t i o n s '
(for instance that b y t h e year 2 0 0 0 'smart' highways f o r semi-automated dri-
v i n g w i l l enter d e v e l o p m e n t ) , a n d refers t o e m p i r i c a l studies o f the i m p a c t o f
m i c r o e l e c t r o n i c s o n , a m o n g other things, w o m e n ' s w o r k .
O n e r e a d i l y i d e n t i f i a b l e strand, o n w h i c h h o p e f u l accounts o f i n f o r m a t i o n
society o f t e n rely, is t h e idea o f p o s t i n d u s t r i a l i s m , especially the version asso-
ciated w i t h D a n i e l Bell. T h i s is the v i e w that, just as agrarian was replaced b y
i n d u s t r i a l society as t h e d o m i n a n t e c o n o m i c emphasis shifted f r o m t h e l a n d t o
m a n u f a c t u r i n g , so p o s t i n d u s t r i a l society develops as a result o f t h e e c o n o m i c
t i l t t o w a r d s the p r o v i s i o n o f services. T h e increased p a r t played b y science i n
the p r o d u c t i v e process, the rise t o p r o m i n e n c e o f professional, scientific a n d
technical g r o u p s , plus the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f w h a t is n o w called i n f o r m a t i o n
technology, a l l bear witness t o a n e w ' a x i a l p r i n c i p l e ' at the core o f the econo-
m y a n d society. T h i s axial p r i n c i p l e , 'the energising p r i n c i p l e that is the logic
for a l l t h e others', is the centrality o f 'theoretical k n o w l e d g e ' . 7
Bell argues that t h e i n f o r m a t i o n society is d e v e l o p i n g i n the c o n t e x t o f

p o s t i n d u s t r i a l i s m . H e forecasts the g r o w t h o f a n e w social f r a m e w o r k based
on telecommunications w h i c h ' m a y be decisive f o r t h e w a y e c o n o m i c a n d
social exchanges are c o n d u c t e d , the w a y k n o w l e d g e is created a n d r e t r i e v e d ,
a n d t h e character o f w o r k a n d occupations i n w h i c h m e n [sic] are engaged'.
T h e c o m p u t e r plays a p i v o t a l role i n this ' r e v o l u t i o n ' . 8
Bell also sketches other significant features o f the i n f o r m a t i o n society. I T , b y

shortening labour t i m e a n d d i m i n i s h i n g the p r o d u c t i o n w o r k e r , actually
replaces l a b o u r as the source o f 'added value' i n the n a t i o n a l p r o d u c t .
K n o w l e d g e a n d i n f o r m a t i o n supplant labour a n d capital as the 'central v a r i -
ables' o f the economy. H e comments o n the w a y that i n f o r m a t i o n is being
treated as a c o m m o d i t y , w i t h a price-tag o n i t , a n d h o w the 'possession' o f
i n f o r m a t i o n increasingly confers p o w e r o n its o w n e r . U n l i k e some postindus-
trialists, Bell recognizes some o f the ambiguities i n v o l v e d i n i d e n t i f y i n g a 'ser-
vice sector' a n d proposes that e c o n o m i c sectors be d i v i d e d i n t o ' e x t r a c t i v e ,
fabrication a n d i n f o r m a t i o n activities'. This way, he claims, one may
m o n i t o r t h e p e n e t r a t i o n o f i n f o r m a t i o n activities i n t o m o r e t r a d i t i o n a l areas
o f a g r i c u l t u r e , m a n u f a c t u r i n g a n d services.
B e l l u n d e r l i n e s ways i n w h i c h these areas are e x p a n d i n g i n t h e w a k e

o f I T d e v e l o p m e n t . H e foresees m a j o r social changes r e s u l t i n g f r o m t h e
establishment of n e w telecommunications infrastructures. Such huge
changes w i l l o c c u r as ' t h e m e r g i n g technologies o f t e l e p h o n e , c o m p u t e r , fac-
s i m i l e , cable t e l e v i s i o n a n d v i d e o discs lead t o a vast r e o r g a n i z a t i o n i n t h e
m o d e s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e t w e e n persons; t h e transmission o f data; t h e
r e d u c t i o n i f n o t t h e e l i m i n a t i o n o f paper i n transactions a n d exchanges; n e w
modes o f t r a n s m i t t i n g news, e n t e r t a i n m e n t a n d k n o w l e d g e ' * a n d so o n .
These i n t u r n w i l l i n t e n s i f y c o n c e r n a b o u t p o p u l a t i o n d i s t r i b u t i o n , n a t i o n a l
p l a n n i n g , c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , p r i v a c y a n d so o n . For B e l l , t h e ' f a t e f u l q u e s t i o n ' ,
or, o n e m i g h t say, t h e consumerist q u e s t i o n , is w h e t h e r t h e p r o m i s e w i l l be
realized that 'instrumental technology' w i l l open 'the w a y t o alternative
m o d e s o f a c h i e v i n g i n d i v i d u a l i t y a n d v a r i e t y w i t h i n a vastly increased o u t p u t
of goods'. 10
W i t h o u t d o u b t , Bell asks m a n y o f t h e r i g h t questions, a n d indicates w o r t h -

w h i l e lines o f i n q u i r y . T h i s is w h y his w o r k deserves t o be taken seriously. B u t
i t also demands serious c r i t i q u e because, as I shall show, Bell's a t t e m p t t o f i n d
a t h o r o u g h g o i n g alternative t o M a r x i a n class analysis underestimates b o t h t h e
resilience o f some f a m i l i a r features o f m o d e r n societies, a n d t h e extent t o
w h i c h n e w c o n f l i c t s a n d struggles c o u l d arise w i t h i n this ' i n f o r m a t i o n society'.
T h o s e ' f a m i l i a r features' include military, commercial and government
p o w e r . N o small significance lies i n t h e fact that i t was m i l i t a r y requirements
w h i c h gave b i r t h t o m o d e r n c o m p u t e r s . T h e massive m a i n f r a m e , E N I A C , b u i l t
in 1 9 4 6 i n t h e electrical engineering department o f the University o f
Pennsylvania, was i n t e n d e d t o assist t h e a i m i n g o f guns, a n d was soon
i n v o l v e d i n calculations f o r t h e a t o m i c b o m b . N e i t h e r is i t i r r e l e v a n t t o note
t h a t huge forces o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l capitalist commerce are t o d a y l o c k e d i n m o r -
tal c o m b a t t o capture markets a n d conquer o p p o s i t i o n w i t h i n t h e lucrative
h i g h t e c h n o l o g y f i e l d . N o r is i t an accident t h a t governments are so active i n
p r o m o t i n g I T a n d p u r c h a s i n g its p r o d u c t s . I T is a p o w e r f u l t o o l f o r m o n i t o r -
i n g a n d supervising people's activities. I n other w o r d s , one does n o t have t o
l o o k far before this q u e s t i o n comes t o m i n d : Does I T b r i n g a b o u t a n e w soci-
ety w i t h o u t precedent, o r does i t rather help t o intensify certain processes i n
t o d a y ' s society o f w h i c h w e are a l l t o o aware?
W h a t o f ' n e w c o n f l i c t s a n d struggles'? A r e w e e n t e r i n g an era, n o t o f Bell's
rather s m o o t h l y h a r m o n i o u s i n f o r m a t i o n society, b u t o f n e w social f r i c t i o n s
and p o w e r alignments w i t h i n a d i v i d e d a n d c o n t r a d i c t o r y ' i n f o r m a t i o n soci-
ety'? A r o u n d t h e same t i m e as Bell's w o r k o n p o s t i n d u s t r i a l i s m a E u r o p e a n
c o n t r i b u t i o n appeared w h i c h t o o k account o f t h e same social a n d economic
t r e n d s : A l a i n Touraine's La Société post-industrielle. u
Touraine's study t o o k a q u i t e d i f f e r e n t tack f r o m Bell's. H e challenged the

b l a n d p o s t i n d u s t r i a l assumption that class struggle was a t h i n g o f t h e past,
a l t h o u g h he a r g u e d t h a t m a n y class images are t o o b o u n d u p w i t h t h e 'era o f
capitalist i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n ' . H e i n v i t e d readers t o consider t h e ' f u n d a m e n t a l
i m p o r t a n c e o f class situations, conflicts a n d movements i n t h e p r o g r a m m e d

society'. I n p a r t i c u l a r he h a d i n m i n d a major cleavage between technocrats
a n d a m o r e disparate g r o u p i n g whose l i v e l i h o o d a n d lifestyles are g o v e r n e d
by t h e m . P r o p e r t y o w n e r s h i p is less a bone o f c o n t e n t i o n t h a n t h e o p p o s i t i o n
b r o u g h t about because ' t h e d o m i n a n t classes dispose o f k n o w l e d g e a n d c o n -
trol information'. 12
So d o c h a n g i n g technologies a n d shifts i n educational q u a l i f i c a t i o n a n d s k i l l

lead t o n o v e l class alignments? ... [ T ] h i s question still concentrates u p o n t h e
w o r k p l a c e a n d o n p r o d u c t i o n . T h e analyses o f Touraine a n d others h i n t at
w i d e r m o v e m e n t s o f p o w e r . T h e use o f I T w i t h i n governments, e d u c a t i o n , t h e
m e d i a a n d t h e domestic sphere as w e l l as i n t h e w o r k p l a c e means that m o r e
a n d m o r e social relationships are m e d i a t e d b y machines. W h a t does this i m p l y
f o r p o w e r ? M a r k Poster suggests that because ' n e w f o r m s o f social i n t e r a c t i o n
based o n electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n s devices are replacing older types o f social
relations', 11
w e s h o u l d speak o f a n e w ' m o d e o f i n f o r m a t i o n ' . H e t o o is ques-
t i o n i n g t h e relevance t o d a y o f some M a r x i a n assumptions b u t f o r very d i f f e r -
ent reasons f r o m D a n i e l Bell's.
Social forecasters and social planners

T h e roots o f t h e i n f o r m a t i o n society idea are f o u n d n o t o n l y i n sociology.
Futurists a n d 'social i m p a c t o f t e c h n o l o g y ' commentators also c o n t r i b u t e . T h e y
t e n d t o share t h e belief that technology 'shapes' social relationships. O n e o f the
m a n y cheerful social forecasts comes f r o m T o m Stonier. ' L i v i n g i n a postindus¬
t r i a l w o r l d ' , he avers, 'means that n o t o n l y are w e m o r e a f f l u e n t , m o r e
resourceful a n d less l i k e l y t o go t o w a r , b u t also m o r e likely t o democratise'. 14
Increasing p r o s p e r i t y is a c o m m o n i n f o r m a t i o n society theme. By ' m o r e

resourceful', Stonier means that I T w i l l enable us t o overcome t h e e n v i r o n -
m e n t a l a n d ecological problems associated w i t h i n d u s t r i a l i s m . A g a i n he touches
o n a c o m m o n theme. James M a r t i n , i n The Wired Society, also stresses t h e
' n o n - p o l l u t i n g , n o n - d e s t r u c t i v e ' q u a l i t y o f I T as a major p o i n t i n its f a v o u r . 15
N e w c o m m u n i c a t i o n s technologies h o l d o u t the n e x t promise - the demise

o f w a r ('as slavery disappeared i n t h e i n d u s t r i a l e r a ' , says S t o n i e r ) . Some 16
even h o l d this o u t as a 'stage' b e y o n d i n f o r m a t i o n society: 'communication

society'. 17
Lastly, I T ushers i n t h e w o r l d o f c o m p u t e r democracy. M o r e i n f o r -
m a t i o n availability, plus p u s h - b u t t o n referenda, o p e n t h e d o o r f o r t h e first
t i m e t o genuinely responsive p a r t i c i p a t o r y g o v e r n m e n t . T h i s , a l o n g w i t h t h e
b u r d e n o f a d m i n i s t r a t i o n being t h o r o u g h l y a u t o m a t e d , is the c o n t e n t e d f u t u r -
ist's w o r l d o f i n f o r m a t i o n society.
[...]
The information society as problematic

So w h a t are t h e prospects f o r t h e i n f o r m a t i o n society concept? T h e answer is
n o t s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d . For o n e t h i n g , m o r e t h a n o n e image o f t h e i n f o r m a t i o n
society is available. T h e p o p u l a r image o f a social t r a n s f o r m a t i o n along

T h i r d W a v e ' lines is n o t t h e same as t h e fuzzier image p r o d u c e d w i t h i n m o r e
c a r e f u l social analysis o f societies c o m i n g t o terms w i t h a range o f m o r e a n d
less p r o f o u n d p o l i t i c a l , e c o n o m i c a n d c u l t u r a l effects o f i n f o r m a t i o n t e c h n o l -
ogy. I n h i s ' i n f o r m a t i o n society' essay D a n i e l Bell h i m s e l f has become silent
a b o u t t h e affluence a n d leisure he once associated w i t h p o s t i n d u s t r i a l i s m .
A n o t h e r c o m p l i c a t i n g factor is t h a t b o t h p o p u l a r a n d serious versions o f t h e
i n f o r m a t i o n society thesis either r e l y u p o n o r p r o v o k e genuine questions o f
tremendous importance.
T h e idea o f a n i n f o r m a t i o n society is m o r e t h a n recycled p o s t i n d u s t r i a l i s m .
To be sure, t h e t w o concepts d o share a n u m b e r o f c o m m o n features, n o t t o
m e n t i o n several c o m m o n flaws. Popular versions o f i n f o r m a t i o n society f o r e -
casting, o f t e n g i d d y w i t h t h e astonishing progress o f microelectronics since t h e
late 1970s, are infused w i t h t h e same technological d e t e r m i n i s m that i n f o r m e d
m u c h p o s t i n d u s t r i a l i s m . W h i l e s t r o n g currents o f critical social investigation
cause some r i p p l e s , m u c h present-day research focuses o n social adaptation t o
I T , rather t h a n h o w I T m a y be designed t o suit people, w h i c h betrays t h e
extent t o w h i c h technologically determinist views have been accepted.
... Several analyses start b y o u t l i n i n g i m p o r t a n t features o f o n e o r another
aspect o f t h e i n f o r m a t i o n society idea w h i c h are t h e n sifted i n o r d e r t o r e t a i n
w h a t is significant o r contrasted w i t h alternative i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s .
I choose this m e t h o d because I see l i t t l e p o i n t i n s u m m a r i l y d i s c a r d i n g t h e
i n f o r m a t i o n society as t h e r o t t e n f r u i t o f f u t u r i s t fancy o r as i d e o l o g y i n t h e
guise o f social analysis. Rather, t h e i n f o r m a t i o n society s h o u l d be g r a n t e d t h e
status o f ' p r o b l e m a t i c ' . A c c o r d i n g t o P h i l i p A b r a m s , a p r o b l e m a t i c is a ' r u d i -
mentary organization o f a field o f phenomena w h i c h yields p r o b l e m s f o r
investigation'. 18
W i t h o u t s u c c u m b i n g t o t h e sociological s i m p l i s m w h i c h sees
the i n f o r m a t i o n society as a ' T h i r d W a v e ' o f e v o l u t i o n a r y progress, i t is never-
theless t r u e t o say t h a t some o f t h e most significant changes i n late t w e n t i e t h -
c e n t u r y society are those i n h e r e n t i n , related t o , o r consequent u p o n I T . T h e
i n f o r m a t i o n society concept p o i n t s t o that cluster o f issues a n d its better e x p o -
nents already use i t i n this sense.
As a p r o b l e m a t i c its c o m p o n e n t s refer t o changes i n t h e w o r k p l a c e a n d
e m p l o y m e n t a n d also t h e p o l i t i c a l , c u l t u r a l a n d g l o b a l aspects o f t h e d i f f u -
s i o n o f I T . W h e t h e r t h e s u m o f these changes a m o u n t s t o a s h i f t b e y o n d
i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s m , m i l i t a r i s m o r male d o m i n a n c e is h i g h l y questionable.
I m p o r t a n t c o n t i n u i t i e s , such as t h e c h r o n i c persistence o f i n e q u a l i t i e s a n d
t h e g r o w t h o f state p o w e r u s i n g I T , seem t o suggest t h a t changes m a y
be m o r e o f degree t h a n k i n d . I n i m p o r t a n t respects m a n y supposed changes
highlighted b y i n f o r m a t i o n society theorists originated well before i n -
formation technology!
A t t h e same t i m e t h e category o f i n f o r m a t i o n is u n d o u b t e d l y b e c o m i n g
v i t a l l y i m p o r t a n t as an e c o n o m i c factor i n its o w n r i g h t . T h e p h e n o m e n o n o f
insider d e a l i n g o n i n t e r n a t i o n a l stock markets is an o b v i o u s i l l u s t r a t i o n . W h i l e
i t m a y n o t be s u p p l a n t i n g p r o p e r t y as a key t o t h e social structure o f m o d e r n

societies, i n f o r m a t i o n is p r o v i n g t o be a crucially i m p o r t a n t element i n o u r
u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f social relationships. C e r t a i n l y at present i t lacks adequate
d e f i n i t i o n , l e t alone i n c o r p o r a t i o n w i t h i n a coherent t h e o r y o f c o n t e m p o r a r y
social change. Yet the n e w technologies w h i c h handle a n d process i n f o r m a t i o n
simultaneously influence diverse b u t significant aspects o f social, c u l t u r a l a n d
p o l i t i c a l reality.
L e t m e n o t e t w o o t h e r features o f the i n f o r m a t i o n society p r o b l e m a t i c . O n e
is t h a t social analysis must grapple w i t h t h e r a m i f i c a t i o n s o f the fusion o f tech-
nologies w h i c h comprise I T . C o n v e n t i o n a l distinctions between c o m m u n i c a -
t i o n a n d m e d i a studies, o n t h e o n e h a n d , a n d studies o f the social aspects o f
c o m p u t i n g , o n t h e other, are e r o d e d . For example, i m p l i c a t i o n s o f the decline
i n p u b l i c service broadcasting n o w e x t e n d far b e y o n d t r a d i t i o n a l concerns
f o r broadcasting as such. I n t h e USA, t h e dissemination o f g o v e r n m e n t data,
once a p u b l i c f u n c t i o n , is under increasing pressure as private p r o f i t - s e e k i n g
f i r m s compete t o sell repackaged data. B u r g e o n i n g c o m m u n i c a t i o n between
c o m p u t e r s a n d t h e c o m i n g o f the c o m m e r c i a l database brings ' p u b l i c service'
questions i n t o the h e a r t l a n d o f c o m p u t i n g .
T h e o t h e r n o t e w o r t h y feature is that as social analysis exposes alternative
o p t i o n s i n t h e a d o p t i o n o f n e w t e c h n o l o g y that are i n fact available t o g o v e r n -
m e n t , i n d u s t r y a n d t h e p u b l i c , discussions o f t h e strategy f o r shaping n e w
technologies become m o r e relevant. D o government-sponsored slogans such
as ' a u t o m a t e o r l i q u i d a t e ' represent genuine choices? Is i t 'data' o r 'persons'
t h a t o u g h t t o be p r o t e c t e d b y law? H o w does o n e decide w h a t counts as a n
a p p r o p r i a t e t e c h n o l o g y w h e r e microelectronics is concerned? Social analysis
can serve t o indicate t h e c o n d i t i o n s under w h i c h ethical considerations a n d
social hopes m i g h t be realized.
Information society: the major themes

T h e i n f o r m a t i o n society concept inherits several symptoms o f the troubles that
beset p o s t i n d u s t r i a l i s m . T h e postindustrialists largely failed t o justify the signif-
icance granted t o trends such as the g r o w t h o f theoretical k n o w l e d g e a n d o f
services. A leisured society based o n automated manufacture, a vast array o f
services a n d a c u l t u r e o f self-expression, p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n a n d an emphasis
o n t h e q u a l i t y o f life does n o t seem t o have materialized - at least, n o t f o r t h e
m a j o r i t y o f the p o p u l a t i o n s o f the advanced societies.
W i l l this h e r e d i t a r y s y n d r o m e p r o v e fatal f o r t h e i n f o r m a t i o n society?
T h e answer depends u p o n c a r e f u l i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n t h e f o l l o w i n g areas.
Information workers in an information economy

It is clear from j o b advertisements at least that i n t h e late 1980s
one's chances o f o b t a i n i n g e m p l o y m e n t are enhanced b y t h e possession o f
qualifications i n microelectronics, c o m p u t i n g , systems analysis, telecom-

munications, operational research, s o f t w a r e design, fibre optics, expert
systems a n d so o n . B u t w h a t does this p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f n e w j o b d e s c r i p t i o n s
mean? T h o s e t h a t T o m Stonier refers t o as ' i n f o r m a t i o n o p e r a t i v e s ' seem t o
appear i n a l l m a n n e r o f w o r k p l a c e s . T h e b i g questions a r e : w h o are these
' o p e r a t i v e s ' , a n d w h a t c o n t r i b u t i o n d o t h e i r activities m a k e t o t h e p a t t e r n o f
social r e l a t i o n s h i p s ?
C e n t r a l t o m u c h i n f o r m a t i o n society discourse is t h e c o n t e n t i o n t h a t ' i n f o r -
m a t i o n w o r k e r s ' are r i s i n g t o a m a j o r i t y w i t h i n t h e l a b o u r forces o f t h e
advanced societies. As early as 1 9 6 7 , claims M a r c Porat, 5 0 per cent o f
A m e r i c a n w o r k e r s were engaged i n t h e ' i n f o r m a t i o n sector', a n d they received
just over 5 0 per cent o f t o t a l employee r e m u n e r a t i o n . B u t just w h o are these
i n f o r m a t i o n w o r k e r s ? U n f o r t u n a t e l y , because he does n o t actually e x p l a i n
w h a t ' i n f o r m a t i o n ' is (he o n l y defines i t as 'data t h a t have been o r g a n i z e d a n d
c o m m u n i c a t e d ' ) t h e categories are b l u r r e d . Judges a n d rent-collectors find
themselves i n this sector b u t d o c t o r s , f o r instance, have an 'ambiguous occu-
p a t i o n ' , s t r a d d l i n g 'service' a n d ' i n f o r m a t i o n ' sectors! 19
Few studies o f ' i n f o r m a t i o n w o r k ' c o m m e n t o n its purpose, f u n c t i o n , o r

c o n t e n t . W i t h o u t t h i s , h o w e v e r , w e cannot k n o w w h o makes decisions, o n
w h a t basis, o r w i t h w h a t effect. Masses o f computer-generated i n f o r m a t i o n
confers n o p o w e r whatsoever o n those w h o use i t , whereas at certain p o i n t s
w i t h i n o r g a n i z a t i o n s i t m a y be crucial t o the maintenance o f p o w e r . As i t h a p -
pens, p o s t i n d u s t r i a l i s m also glossed over questions o f i n f o r m a t i o n , k n o w l e d g e
a n d p o w e r , especially w i t h r e g a r d t o t h e social significance o f research a n d
d e v e l o p m e n t ( R & D ) . T h e sheer a m o u n t o f R & D i n any given society tells us
l i t t l e . W e l e a r n n o t h i n g a b o u t t h e social role o f scientific a n d technical k n o w -
ledge, t h e price p u t o n i t , a n d t h e p o w e r o f those w h o m a n i p u l a t e i t . T h e fact
t h a t R & D is o f t e n f i n a n c e d f o r p o l i t i c a l rather t h a n social reasons, a n d devel-
o p e d f o r m i l i t a r y rather t h a n economic purposes, pulls t h e r u g f r o m beneath
the (Bell-inspired) idea that universities are crucibles o f p o w e r i n t h e m o d e r n
world. 2 0
T h e c u r r e n t squeeze o n u n i v e r s i t y f u n d i n g a n d the p o l i t i c i z i n g o f
t e c h n o l o g y p o l i c y makes t h e idea laughable.
That said, changes are o c c u r r i n g i n t h e o c c u p a t i o n a l structure o f t h e
advanced societies. W h i l e t h e r e l a b e l l i n g process n o t e d i n K r i s h a n K u m a r ' s
c r i t i q u e o f p o s t i n d u s t r i a l i s m still occurs - t h o u g h t o d a y i t is p r o g r a m m e r s
b e c o m i n g s o f t w a r e architects rather t h a n p l u m b e r s b e c o m i n g h e a t i n g engi-
neers - there is expansion at managerial, professional a n d technical levels.
T h e r e is, m o r e o v e r , a s t r o n g l i n k between i n n o v a t i o n a n d economic growth;
hence t h e f r e q u e n t l y expressed B r i t i s h w o r r i e s about t h e lack o f domestic
R & D f u n d i n g relative t o o t h e r countries.
T w o m a j o r questions are raised b y t h e ' d i s c o v e r y ' o f i n f o r m a t i o n w o r k a n d
an i n f o r m a t i o n sector i n t h e economy. First, are t h e a p p a r e n t l y n e w categories
o f w o r k a n d o c c u p a t i o n l e a d i n g t o shifts i n p o w e r ? Is there an e m e r g i n g i n f o r -
m a t i o n 'technocracy' w h i c h is w r e s t i n g p o w e r f r o m p r e v i o u s l y d o m i n a n t
classes? W h a t o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r w o m e n are o p e n e d by t h e spread o f IT? W h a t

is t h e l i k e l y effect o f I T o n i n d u s t r i a l relations? W h e n B r i t i s h R a i l c o m p u t e r -
ized its f r e i g h t system, f o r instance, m a n y ' m i d d l e managers' f o u n d their p o s i -
t i o n s w e r e s i m p l y r e d u n d a n t , a n d personnel i n subordinate positions actually
discovered they h a d n e w p o w e r s o f c o n t r o l over t h e w o r k process. 21
T h e o t h e r question is t h i s : h o w accurate is t h e idea o f an ' i n f o r m a t i o n sec-

t o r ' , a n d is there an h i s t o r i c a l ' m a r c h t h r o u g h the sectors' 22
as agrarianism
gives w a y t o i n d u s t r i a l i s m , a n d i n d u s t r i a l i s m t o i n f o r m a t i o n society? T h i s
p o i n t affects n o t o n l y the advanced societies b u t also those t o w h i c h t h e
p r o m i s e is a l l u r i n g l y h e l d o u t that they m a y be able t o j u m p straight f r o m a
n o n - i n d u s t r i a l t o a n i n f o r m a t i o n society. Is this really possible, o r does ' i n f o r -
m a t i z i n g ' d e p e n d u p o n an already 'advanced' situation?
[...]
Political and global aspects

Echoes o f postindustrialism are again heard w i t h respect t o t h e p o l i t i c a l a n d
g l o b a l aspects o f i n f o r m a t i o n society. A c o m m o n feature o f each is that o p p o r -
tunities f o r p o l i t i c a l choice a n d p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i l l increase. T h e difference,
however, is that t h e means o f i m p l e m e n t i n g these is n o w visible, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n
the possibilities o f t w o - w a y , interactive electronic n e t w o r k s . T h e extreme case
is t h a t o f an 'instant r e f e r e n d u m ' i n w h i c h voters' views are canvassed via cable
television w h i c h allows people t o receive as w e l l as t r a n s m i t signals f r o m their
l i v i n g r o o m s . M o r e soberly, I T is seen as a means o f enabling an electorate t o
be m o r e i n f o r m e d , o r f o r decision-making t o be m o r e decentralized. 23
T h o s e c o m m i t t e d t o ideals o f democratic p a r t i c i p a t i o n o n b o t h the r i g h t

a n d t h e l e f t o f t h e p o l i t i c a l spectrum m a y advocate t h e harnessing o f n e w
technologies t o such ends. W i t h o u t adequate access t o m o d e r n means o f c o m -
m u n i c a t i o n , any idea o f a just p o l i t i c a l c o m m u n i t y is i n d e e d a c h i m e r a . B u t a
n u m b e r o f i m p o r t a n t questions are raised by this, n o t least h o w t h e necessary
t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s i n f r a s t r u c t u r e is t o be set u p . W h i l e France is establishing
a n a t i o n a l télématique system w h i c h c o u l d i n p r i n c i p l e serve such ends,
B r i t a i n has experienced some d i f f i c u l t i e s persuading domestic subscribers t o
pay f o r a suitable cable television n e t w o r k , whereas i n t h e U S A o n l y local
e x p e r i m e n t a l systems have been t r i e d . I n the absence o f a coherent p o l i c y
w h i c h is i n t e n d e d t o ensure equal access o f a l l t o such a c o m m u n i c a t i o n s net-
w o r k i t is d i f f i c u l t t o imagine h o w dreams o f electronic democracy c o u l d be
translated i n t o realities.
T h e p r o m i n e n t source o f anxiety, however, is the threat o f an O r w e l l i a n
society. Does t h e w i d e s p r e a d p o l i t i c a l a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e use o f extensive
databases w h i c h a l l o w f o r t h e easy storage, retrieval a n d transmission o f per-
sonal i n f o r m a t i o n p o r t e n d a f u t u r e f r a u g h t w i t h t h e dangers o f electronic
eavesdropping? O n t h e o n e h a n d p o l i c e , defence, social security a n d o t h e r
p e r s o n n e l reassure t h e p u b l i c that n o i n n o c e n t person need have any w o r r i e s
a b o u t i m p r o p e r p r y i n g i n t o t h e i r p r i v a t e lives. O n t h e other, cases o f w r o n g f u l

dismissal o r arrest w h i c h are t r a c e d t o erroneous c o m p u t e r files serve t o f u e l
fears t h a t i n fact ' o r d i n a r y citizens' m a y w e l l be at r i s k .
B u t are these c o m p u t e r i z e d f o r m s o f surveillance an intrinsically n e w depar-
ture? O r d o they rather represent an extension o f state garnering o f i n f o r m a t i o n
o n citizens w h i c h has been o c c u r r i n g f o r m a n y decades? Is i t merely t h e use o f
these databases b y l a w - a n d - o r d e r agencies w h i c h creates p o t e n t i a l perils f o r c i t i -
zens? O r is a deeper process at w o r k i n w h i c h m o r e generalized forces o f social
c o n t r o l achieve m o r e p o w e r b y computerization? A n d w h a t exactly are t h e risks
i n v o l v e d , against w h i c h 'data p r o t e c t i o n ' laws a n d policies are directed? Is
w r o n g f u l arrest t h e t i p o f an iceberg, the submerged p o r t i o n o f w h i c h conceals a
f u n d a m e n t a l issue o f invaded privacy and i m p u g n e d integrity?
T h i s , o f course, is o n l y one aspect o f t h e state-and-IT c o n n e c t i o n . A s I have
already m e n t i o n e d , t h e connections between g o v e r n m e n t a c t i v i t y a n d eco-
nomic-technological developments are n u m e r o u s a n d significant. Whereas
p o s t i n d u s t r i a l i s t Bell insisted u p o n t h e relatively i n d e p e n d e n t o p e r a t i o n o f
e c o n o m i c a n d p o l i t i c a l spheres, this p o s i t i o n is exceedingly h a r d t o justify. I t is
q u i t e clear t h a t p o l i t y a n d e c o n o m y are i n t e r d e p e n d e n t , a n d that t h e r e l a t i o n -
ship b e t w e e n t h e t w o is far f r o m s i m p l e .
Bringing the global s i t u a t i o n i n t o focus, however, other connections
b e t w e e n t h e p o l i t i c a l a n d t h e e c o n o m i c become clear. T h e I T i n d u s t r y , as o t h -
ers, is d o m i n a t e d b y giant transnational corporations - I B M , Exxon,
M i t s u b i s h i , A T & T , P h i l i p s , Siemens a n d so o n - w h i c h o f t e n call t h e p o l i t i c a l
t u n e . M a n y countries f i n d t h e i r n a t i o n a l sovereignty, n o t t o m e n t i o n t h e p o s i -
t i o n o f t h e i r w o r k e r s , t h r e a t e n e d b y t h e activities o f these 'stateless' e c o n o m i c
interests. Such companies increasingly rely u p o n t h e free flow o f data across
n a t i o n a l b o u n d a r i e s f o r f i n a n c i a l r e p o r t i n g a n d management, m a r k e t i n g , dis-
t r i b u t i o n , R & D , a n d o r d e r processing.
L a b o u r u n i o n s m a y debate t h e f u t u r e o f plants i n v a i n i f t h e crucial deci-
sions are made o n a n o t h e r c o n t i n e n t . N a t i o n a l governments m a y f i n d t h e i r
a t t e m p t s t o change d i r e c t i o n t h w a r t e d , as w h e n i n 1 9 8 5 A u s t r a l i a n p r i m e
m i n i s t e r B o b H a w k e t r i e d t o stop A u s t r a l i a n bases being used t o m o n i t o r M X
missile tests. D i s m a y e d f i n a n c i a l a n d transnational c o r p o r a t e interests w i t h -
d r e w c a p i t a l , p u t t i n g pressure o n t h e e c o n o m y a n d thus t h e g o v e r n m e n t . 24
It
w o u l d appear t h a t W a l t e r W r i s t o n ( w h o seems n o t t o treat this as a matter f o r
regret) is r i g h t t o c l a i m t h a t ' t h e ancient a n d basic concept o f sovereignty
w h i c h has been discussed since t h e t i m e o f Plato is being p r o f o u n d l y changed
by i n f o r m a t i o n t e c h n o l o g y ' . 25
O f course i t is n o t o n l y t h e n a t i o n a l sovereignty o f t h e larger a n d m o r e

p o w e r f u l c o u n t r i e s w h i c h is challenged b y t h e p o w e r o f transnational c o r p o -
rations. T h e phenomenon o f 'deindustrialization', for example, often viewed
i n t h e n o r t h e r n hemisphere i n terms o f the s h r i n k i n g p r o p o r t i o n o f the l a b o u r
force i n v o l v e d i n m a n u f a c t u r i n g , m a y be equally w e l l u n d e r s t o o d as t h e par-
t i a l r e l o c a t i o n o f w o r k e r s t o ' o f f s h o r e ' plants i n t h e s o u t h . T h e i n f o r m a t i o n
society is n o t inaccurately depicted as a global p h e n o m e n o n . T h e c u r r e n t

expansion a n d d e v e l o p m e n t o f microelectronics-related industries r e q u i r e a
w o r l d market.
T h e r e is n o d o u b t t h a t the technological p o t e n t i a l f o r beneficial change -
'deserts that b l o o m ' - is t r e m e n d o u s , a n d n o t h i n g [here] s h o u l d be taken as
d e n y i n g o r m i n i m i z i n g that fact. T o m Stonier, A l v i n T o f f l e r a n d Jacques
Servan-Schrieber make a l o t o f this angle. Stonier r e p o r t s great gains made i n
the U p p e r V o l t a village o f Tangaye w h e n a solar p h o t o v o l t a i c - p o w e r e d g r a i n
m i l l and water p u m p were installed. 26
(This is an example o f w h a t he calls t h e
'second s i l i c o n r e v o l u t i o n ' . ) Such advances, he states correctly, are dependent
o n t e c h n o l o g y a n d i n f o r m a t i o n transfer. T h a t such changes w i l l take place a n d
that ' t h e p o s t i n d u s t r i a l e c o n o m y w i l l p r o d u c e the w e a l t h o f i n f o r m a t i o n t o
make i t a l l h a p p e n ' is rather m o r e o p e n t o question.
A t present, as a matter o f fact, things are somewhat different. Despite dreams
o f p o o r e r countries 'catching u p ' w i t h richer ones, o r 'leap-frogging' the indus-
t r i a l era, the situation is o v e r w h e l m i n g l y n o t just one o f interdependence, but o f
dependence. W h i l e the advanced societies produce silicon chips c o m p r i s i n g
hundreds o f thousands o f elements, i n A f r i c a o n l y one person i n eighteen has a
r a d i o . Far f r o m n a r r o w i n g the ' N o r t h - S o u t h ' divide, the evidence suggests that
I T helps t o w i d e n i t . As Juan Rada sagely observes, 'Technological fixes o f w h a t -
ever nature are n o t h i n g b u t a d r o p o f water i n the sea o f r e a l i t y ' . 27
N o t r e a t m e n t o f the p o l i t i c a l a n d global aspects o f I T can a f f o r d t o i g n o r e

the connections between n e w t e c h n o l o g y a n d the c o n t i n u i n g C o l d War. L i k e
earlier postindustrialists, Stonier's focus is o n the ' w e a l t h o f i n f o r m a t i o n ' t h a t
spells ' u n p r e c e d e n t e d affluence b o t h at the p r i v a t e level a n d i n the p u b l i c sec-
tor'. 28
B u t as K r i s h a n K u m a r laconically notes, ' t h e science-based " w e l f a r e "
state can be r a p i d l y reclassified as the science-based " w a r f a r e " state, a n d w i t h
greater respect f o r the actual h i s t o r y o f the last f i f t y years'. 29
For e x a m p l e , t h e Japanese ' F i f t h G e n e r a t i o n ' c o m p u t e r project, w h i c h aims

to i n t r o d u c e t h e w o r l d t o o r d i n a r y language-recognizing ' a r t i f i c i a l intelli-
gence' d u r i n g t h e 1990s, is ostensibly c i v i l a n d c o m m e r c i a l . B u t A m e r i c a n
responses relate t o m i l i t a r y supremacy. As Feigenbaum and M c C o r d u c k p u t i t ,
'the Defense D e p a r t m e n t needs the a b i l i t y t o shape t e c h n o l o g y t o c o n f o r m t o
its needs i n m i l i t a r y systems. A Fujitsu o r a H i r a c h i marches t o a d i f f e r e n t
d r u m m e r f r o m a R o c k w e l l o r a L o c k h e e d . O u r defense i n d u s t r y must o b t a i n
and r e t a i n a s t r o n g p o s i t i o n i n the n e w advanced c o m p u t e r technologies.' 30
It
goes w i t h o u t saying t h a t these are n o t the kinds o f 'needs' w h i c h those c o n -
cerned f o r a ' w e l f a r e state' - o r w o r l d welfare - have i n m i n d .
An information culture?
T h e n o t i o n o f a ' f i f t h g e n e r a t i o n ' o f computers raises another set o f questions
besides those o f m i l i t a r y prowess. U n l i k e p r e v i o u s t e c h n o l o g i c a l artifacts
w h i c h t y p i c a l l y have a u g m e n t e d h u m a n energy w i t h i m p r o v e d sources o f
p o w e r , those s p a w n e d b y I T augment - a n d , a c c o r d i n g t o some, transcend -

the h u m a n capacity t o t h i n k a n d t o reason. Needless t o say, some references
t o m a c h i n e intelligence are n o m o r e sophisticated t h a n those associated w i t h
H a l , t h e ' t h i n k i n g ' c o m p u t e r f r o m t h e f i l m 2001, A Space Odyssey. Others,
h o w e v e r , are p o i n t e r s t o a series o f p r o f o u n d c u l t u r a l issues whose analysis
c o u l d have far-reaching i m p l i c a t i o n s .
I t m u s t be said, t h o u g h , that w h i l e debate over t h e w o r k p l a c e a n d e m p l o y -
m e n t aspects o f I T is w i d e s p r e a d , a n d awareness o f t h e p o l i t i c a l a n d g l o b a l
d i m e n s i o n s is b e g i n n i n g t o make itself f e l t , t h e c u l t u r a l questions have n o t as
yet received t h e a t t e n t i o n they deserve. I n w h a t f o l l o w s , t h e r e f o r e , I can d o
n o m o r e t h a n set t h e scene.
O n c e again, Bell's t h o u g h t s o n p o s t i n d u s t r i a l c u l t u r e make a suitable start-
i n g p o i n t . For h i m , 'a n e w k i n d o f m o d e r n i t y ' has been created b y t h e ' r e v o l u -
t i o n s i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n that have b a n d e d together t h e
w o r l d society i n t o o n e great Oikoumene\ I t represents a break w i t h t h e past,
thus r e p l a c i n g c o n t i n u i t y w i t h variety, t r a d i t i o n w i t h syncretism. Its agent is
t e c h n o l o g y w h i c h b y ' i n t r o d u c i n g a n e w m e t r i c a n d enlarging o u r c o n t r o l
over n a t u r e ' has ' t r a n s f o r m e d o u r social relationships a n d o u r ways o f l o o k i n g
at t h e w o r l d ' . 3 1
Bell m a i n t a i n s t h a t t e c h n o l o g y has been t h e 'chief engine' o f raised l i v i n g

standards a n d reduced inequalities, created a ' n e w class' o f engineers a n d tech-
nicians w h o p l a n w o r k - t a s k s rather t h a n actually p e r f o r m i n g t h e m , b r o u g h t
about a n e w f u n c t i o n a l a n d quantitative w a y o f t h i n k i n g , created ' n e w
e c o n o m i c dependencies a n d n e w social interactions', a n d altered aesthetic per-
ceptions o f t i m e a n d space. W h i l e he believes that c u l t u r a l issues are o f t h e
u t m o s t i m p o r t a n c e , he p a r t i a l l y disconnects analysis o f t h e m f r o m p o l i t i c a l o r
social l i f e . Each sphere has a d i f f e r e n t 'axial p r i n c i p l e ' ; that o f c o n t e m p o r a r y
c u l t u r e b e i n g t h e desire f o r f u l f i l m e n t a n d enhancement o f the self. 32
O f course, w h e n w r i t i n g o f p o s t i n d u s t r i a l i s m ( i n t h e 1960s) Bell c o u l d

have h a d l i t t l e clear idea o f t h e r a p i d i t y w i t h w h i c h t h e technologies o f c o m -
p u t i n g a n d t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s w o u l d m o v e t o centre stage (hence his later
w o r k o n t h e i n f o r m a t i o n society). B u t o t h e r theorists have taken f u r t h e r
these k i n d s o f ideas a b o u t t h e r e l a t i o n o f I T t o c u l t u r e . W h e r e Bell l i m i t e d
h i m s e l f t o c o m m e n t s a b o u t concepts o f 'speed' o r t h e ' v i e w f r o m t h e a i r '
u n k n o w n t o p r e - m o d e r n s , w r i t e r s such as D a v i d Bolter have argued t h a t t h e
c o m p u t e r itself is t h e h a r b i n g e r o f n o v e l c u l t u r a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s i n c l u d i n g a
n e w h u m a n sense o f self. 31
B o l t e r ' s a r g u m e n t is as f o l l o w s . Just as t h e clock is t h e key s y m b o l o f t h e

i n d u s t r i a l era, as L e w i s M u m f o r d r i g h t l y h e l d , so t h e c o m p u t e r is b e c o m i n g
the k e y s y m b o l o f the present. I t is a ' d e f i n i n g t e c h n o l o g y ' w h i c h b y its i m p a c t
on certain basic relationships - o f k n o w l e d g e t o technical power, and
m a n k i n d t o t h e w o r l d o f nature - occupies 'a special place i n o u r c u l t u r a l
landscape'. 34
Thus humans begin t o t h i n k o f themselves as ' i n f o r m a t i o n
processors' a n d n a t u r e as ' i n f o r m a t i o n t o be processed'. 35
Sceptical eyebrows m a y w e l l be raised about such speculations. A r e n o t

those w h o define themselves as i n f o r m a t i o n processors l i k e l y t o be o n l y a t i n y
m i n o r i t y o f a given p o p u l a t i o n ? By w h a t process does the c o m p u t e r become a
d e f i n i n g technology? Bolter's thesis is w e l l w o r t h a t t e n d i n g t o , t h o u g h n o t , I
shall argue, f o r t h e reasons he gives.
T h r e e issues c o n c e r n i n g the ' c u l t u r e o f i n f o r m a t i o n ' are o u t l i n e d here. First,
I d r a w together questions about c o m p u t i n g a n d t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s ; t h e fact
o f t e c h n o l o g i c a l 'convergence' is a significant o n e . W h i l e Bell's idea o f t h e
' o v e r f l o w i n g o f a l l t h e w o r l d ' s t r a d i t i o n s o f a r t , music a n d l i t e r a t u r e i n t o a
new, universal container, accessible t o a l l a n d o b l i g a t o r y u p o n a l l ' 36
is some-
w h a t i n f l a t e d , i t does flag a n i m p o r t a n t p h e n o m e n o n . A f o r m o f c u l t u r a l 'syn-
chronization' is i n d e e d t a k i n g place, as n e w c o m m u n i c a t i o n s carrying
essentially s i m i l a r messages encircle the g l o b e . 37
W h o c o n t r o l s these messages,
a n d w h a t is t h e i r content? Does t h e o w n e r s h i p o f the means o f (increasingly
c o m p u t e r i z e d ) c o m m u n i c a t i o n lead t o the c u l t u r a l d o m i n a n c e o f certain elite
groups a n d societies over others?
Secondly, is t h e ' d e f i n i n g t e c h n o l o g y ' idea an a p p r o p r i a t e means o f social
a n d c u l t u r a l analysis? A r e the e m e r g i n g technologies o f i n f o r m a t i o n a n d c o m -
m u n i c a t i o n i n d e e d shaping t h e social a n d c u l t u r a l experience o f those soci-
eties affected b y them? D o the n e w technologies n o t confer o n those w i t h
access t o t h e m considerable p o w e r t o c o n t r o l n o t o n l y t h e processes o f p r o -
d u c t i o n , a b o u t w h i c h M a r x was concerned, b u t also those o f leisure a n d c o n -
s u m p t i o n ? Is there m o r e t h a n passing significance i n the rise o f 'hackers' a n d
c o m p u t e r gamesters, w h o get t o t a l l y absorbed i n t h e i r machines, o r i n t h e
ways t h a t c o m p u t e r s may 'converse' w i t h each other about h u m a n destinies ( I
am t h i n k i n g o f credit-worthiness or welfare-eligibility)? 38
T h i r d l y , c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f the so-called c u l t u r e o f i n f o r m a t i o n is i n c o m p l e t e
w i t h o u t reference t o its religious a n d i d e o l o g i c a l aspects. D o h u m a n beings
r e m a k e themselves i n t h e image o f their technology? I f so, t h e n there are
o b v i o u s i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r p h i l o s o p h i c a l debates about t h e u n i q u e place o f
h u m a n beings i n t h e cosmos. F u r t h e r m o r e , there is scope f o r c r i t i q u e a l o n g
' r e l i g i o u s ' lines, as evidenced b y the d e n u n c i a t i o n o f I T as ' s i l i c o n i d o l a t r y ' . 39
I t also brings us back, finally, t o the o v e r - r i d i n g question o f this study: does I T

usher us i n t o a n e w k i n d o f society? A n d at this p o i n t a f u r t h e r q u e r y is h i g h -
l i g h t e d : w h a t is t h e social meaning o f t h e ' i n f o r m a t i o n society'? Is i t better
u n d e r s t o o d as a k i n d o f ' m y t h ' o r ' u t o p i a ' t h a n the social 'forecast' i t is m o r e
f r e q u e n t l y taken t o be?
Critique of the information society

For t h e sake o f clarity, a n d o v e r s i m p l i f y i n g , l e t m e make some d i s t i n c t i o n s .
T h e r e are t w o k i n d s o f i n f o r m a t i o n society thesis, each o f w h i c h makes t w o
k i n d s o f claims. T h e v i e w p o p u l a r i z e d i n m a n y m e d i a a n d p o l i c y accounts
stresses t h e m a j o r social changes f o r the better that f o l l o w i n t h e w a k e o f I T .
T h i s p o p u l a r v e r s i o n m a y w e l l be buttressed by the ' f i n d i n g s o f social science'.

T h e o t h e r use o f the i n f o r m a t i o n society concept is m o r e cautious a n d o p e n -
e n d e d . H e r e i t is a ' p r o b l e m a t i c ' rather t h a n a descriptive t e r m . T h e t w o
images o f i n f o r m a t i o n society o v e r l a p .
T h e claims made are b o t h a n a l y t i c a l a n d evaluative, a n d the t w o k i n d s o f
c l a i m are i n t e r r e l a t e d . T h u s b o t h k i n d s o f i n f o r m a t i o n society thesis t r y t o
a n t i c i p a t e t h e sorts of social change w h i c h can be expected as I T is d i f f u s e d
through different economic, p o l i t i c a l a n d c u l t u r a l spheres. A n d b o t h also
p r o v i d e at least s t r o n g clues as t o w h e t h e r such social changes are desirable.
This b o o k draws together evidence f r o m a w i d e range o f sources i n an
a t t e m p t t o assess b o t h the analytical a n d evaluative claims o f each i n f o r -
m a t i o n society thesis.
T h e i n f o r m a t i o n society idea has b o t h Utopian a n d ideological aspects. I dis-
cuss there i n t h e f i n a l chapter, b u t t o p u t things i n focus I c o m m e n t o n some
o f the dangers associated w i t h using the i n f o r m a t i o n society concept, that is,
its i d e o l o g i c a l aspects. T h r e e are p r o m i n e n t .
Firstly, i t obscures vested interests t h a t are i n v o l v e d i n I T a n d t h a t i n fact d o
m u c h t o shape its o v e r a l l d i r e c t i o n . T h e concept yields n o clues as t o w h o
w i e l d s p o w e r . Repeatedly, f o r instance, the p o p u l a r r h e t o r i c assures us t h a t
'everyone can o w n i n f o r m a t i o n ' o r 'the real r e v o l u t i o n is personal c o m p u t e r
o w n e r s h i p ' . B u t i n f o r m a t i o n is n o t steadily d i f f u s e d i n a general w a y t h r o u g h
all social echelons. As Cees H a m e l i n k p o i n t s o u t , some i n f o r m a t i o n is special-
ist a n d thus restricted t o a f e w . 40
I n t e l l e c t u a l a n d managerial skills are r e q u i r e d
t o e x p l o i t i n f o r m a t i o n economically, a n d these are unevenly d i s t r i b u t e d i n
society. A d v a n c e d h a r d w a r e a n d software f o r i n f o r m a t i o n processing are
expensive, a n d t h e r e f o r e the f e w w h o can a f f o r d t h e m are scarcely challenged
by others using i n f e r i o r machines.
Such inequalities are felt g l o b a l l y between n o r t h a n d south i n the theatre o f
t r a n s n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n s a n d m i l i t a r y interests, a n d locally, w h e t h e r w i t h the
word-processor o p e r a t o r ' s lack o f c o n t r o l over her w o r k or the suspected
criminal's difficulty in gaining access to information held about him.
' I n f o r m a t i o n p o w e r ' is o n l y a reality w h e n access exists t o the means o f c o l -
l e c t i n g , s t o r i n g , r e t r i e v i n g a n d c o m m u n i c a t i n g the i n f o r m a t i o n .
Secondly, the inequalities a n d c o n f l i c t s discernible o n the surface are o f t e n
r e l a t e d t o u n d e r l y i n g c o n t r a d i c t i o n s . These t o o may be disguised by the
i n f o r m a t i o n society c o n c e p t . W i t h i n c a p i t a l i s m , p r i v a t e gain is constantly set
against e f f o r t s t o 'socialize' p r o d u c t i o n . I n the late t w e n t i e t h century, the
l a t e n t p o t e n t i a l f o r t r a d e i n i n f o r m a t i o n - f o r this e n t i t y t o b e c o m e a c o m -
m o d i t y - is b e i n g realized. W h i l e m a n y u n d o u b t e d l y gain f r o m this process,
o t h e r s lose. Public libraries a n d p u b l i c service b r o a d c a s t i n g are b o t h t i m e -
h o n o u r e d concepts w h o s e ' p u b l i c ' status is u n d e r t h r e a t as i n f o r m a t i o n has a
p r i c e p u t o n i t . L i k e w i s e , n e w i n t e g r a t e d services d i g i t a l n e t w o r k s (ISDNs)
m e a n m o r e e f f i c i e n t i n f o r m a t i o n services, b u t higher costs f o r o r d i n a r y tele-
p h o n e subscribers.
A n o t h e r discordant element, w h i c h may n o t q u a l i f y as a ' c o n t r a d i c t i o n ' i n

the same sense, is the c o l l u s i o n o f m i l i t a r y w i t h microelectronic interests i n the
m o d e r n w o r l d . T h e same technologies whose a v o w e d purposes (and actual
achievement i n m a n y cases) are t o reduce drudgery, increase efficiency, c o n -
serve resources a n d p r o m o t e m u t u a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n are also dedicated t o hos-
tile, destructive a n d lethal ends. Regardless o f any justifications w h i c h may
legitimately be presented f o r e x p a n d i n g electronically a nation's 'defence'
capabilities, most discussions o f the i n f o r m a t i o n society conceal i n the back-
g r o u n d the huge m i l i t a r y impetus t o I T research and development.
T h i r d l y , the a r r i v a l o f the i n f o r m a t i o n society appears as an e n t i r e l y n a t u r a l
event, the o u t c o m e o f progressive tendencies w i t h i n Western i n d u s t r i a l soci-
eties. I t m a y be ' r e v o l u t i o n a r y ' i n its consequences, such that i t represents a
n e w era i n h u m a n history. But i t is simultaneously the obvious a n d logical w a y
f o r w a r d . Witness the postures struck against any w h o dare question the ways
i n w h i c h I T is i m p l e m e n t e d ! T h e c h a i r m a n o f the B r i t i s h M a n p o w e r Services
C o m m i s s i o n p r o v i d e d a clear i l l u s t r a t i o n i n a 1986 speech w h i c h recom-
m e n d e d ' e m b r a c i n g w h o l e h e a r t e d l y the n e w technologies'. He complained
that 'We still have latter-day L u d d i t e s a r o u n d i n all parts o f o u r society. T h e y
threaten o u r f u t u r e , a n d the attitudes they reflect must g o . ' 41
Very extravagant claims are o f t e n made f o r I T - 'Athens w i t h o u t the slaves'

a n d so o n - w h i c h suggest that the aura s u r r o u n d i n g n e w t e c h n o l o g y is n o t
m e r e l y that o f the 'gee-whiz' variety. Perhaps, as Jacques E l l u l a n d others have
suggested, 42
n e w technologies are invested w i t h a 'sacred' quality. T h e awe a n d
v e n e r a t i o n once accorded t o the gods w h o supposedly c o n t r o l l e d h u m a n des-
tinies n o w b e l o n g t o the machine. T h i s d i m e n s i o n - w h i c h M i c h a e l Shallis
refers t o as ' s i l i c o n i d o l a t r y ' - w o u l d t e n d t o r e i n f o r c e views o f the i n f o r m a -
t i o n society as the obvious scenario.
Against the b a c k d r o p o f the well-established Western belief i n social progress
via u n l i m i t e d economic a c c u m u l a t i o n , the i n f o r m a t i o n society does indeed
appear as a n a t u r a l development. I n f o r m a t i o n technology is its sacred guaran-
tor. But g r a n t i n g i t this ' n a t u r a l ' status forecloses debate over and action
t o w a r d s any alternatives t o that d o m i n a n t tendency. As such, i t invites c r i t i q u e .
By a r g u i n g that the i n f o r m a t i o n society has significant ideological aspects I
d o n o t f o r a m o m e n t w a n t t o suggest that i t is some k i n d o f ' d o m i n a n t i d e o l o -
g y ' , accepted by the 'masses' o f any given p o p u l a t i o n . O n the contrary, there
43
is p l e n t y o f evidence o f coolness, fear and resignation t o w a r d s , as w e l l as

sober a n d realistic acceptance of, the n e w technologies. Likewise i t s h o u l d be
stressed that using the t e r m ' i d e o l o g i c a l ' does n o t mean that there is a deliber-
ate conspiracy t o 'deceive the general p u b l i c ' by using the i n f o r m a t i o n society
slogan. I f the above analysis is correct, however, the effect o f using i t is t o dis-
guise the reality o f p o w e r f u l interests a n d beliefs at w o r k w i t h i n i t .
O n the o t h e r h a n d , i t is clear that n o t i o n s like the i n f o r m a t i o n society have
become a w o r k i n g ' r e a l i t y ' f o r many. E d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s m e e k l y fall i n
line w i t h pleas f o r closer ties w i t h industry. Businesses d o c o m p u t e r i z e , some
m o s t successfully, some soon discovering they are encumbered w i t h d i g i t a l

w h i t e elephants. As Jennifer Slack admits. 'We are b u y i n g c o m p u t e r s t o have
f u n a n d t o " k e e p u p " . A n d o u r c h i l d r e n w h o d o n o t learn t o operate c o m p u t -
ers are " f a l l i n g b e h i n d " . A n d i n f o r m a t i o n is being developed t o be b o u g h t a n d
s o l d a n d p r o t e c t e d l i k e any other k i n d o f c o m m o d i t y . A n d i t does make a cer-
t a i n a m o u n t o f " g o o d sense" t o t r y t o "get b y " i n that w o r l d . ' 4 4
T h e p o i n t is
n o t t o deny t h a t i t is h a p p e n i n g , b u t rather t o examine h o w i t is orchestrated
a n d by w h o m , t o w h a t p u r p o s e , a n d w i t h w h a t m e t h o d s a n d effects.
Beyond liberal and Luddite critique

Just as there are d i f f e r e n t images o f the i n f o r m a t i o n society, so c r i t i q u e comes
f r o m d i f f e r e n t angles. W h a t m i g h t be called ' l i b e r a l ' critiques, w h i l e r e f u s i n g
t o be seduced by the siren songs o f h i g h - t e c h h y p e , still assume t h a t 'things
c o u l d go either w a y ' . T h e y issue w a r n i n g s about the anti-social p o t e n t i a l o f
some I T a p p l i c a t i o n s , b u t m a i n t a i n that as l o n g as people are alert t o t h e m ,
effective choices can be made t o ensure that I T d e v e l o p m e n t w i l l be a p p r o p r i -
ate a n d socially beneficial. For t h e m , the i n f o r m a t i o n society is the o u t c o m e
o f an i n f o r m e d d e m o c r a t i c process.
T h e L u d d i t e w o u l d r e t o r t q u i c k l y that the l i b e r a l seems t o have s w a l l o w e d
the idea o f t e c h n o l o g i c a l neutrality. T h e n e w technologies already express par-
t i c u l a r values a n d p r i o r i t i e s . Far f r o m choices being relatively free, they are i n
fact t i g h t l y c o n s t r a i n e d by d o m i n a n t interest g r o u p s , above all by the p o w e r
o f c a p i t a l . As f o r b e i n g ' i n f o r m e d ' , this is a sick joke. By insisting o n the n e u -
t r a l i t y o f technology, those d o m i n a n t interests ensure that its ' r e a l ' effects a n d
biases are effectively obscured. T h u s the exposure o f those d o m i n a n t interests
is o f p r i m e i m p o r t a n c e , before any choices can be made.
I n so far as i t stresses the i m p o r t a n c e o f choice, a n d t h e r e f o r e o f value, p r i -
orities a n d d e m o c r a t i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the liberal c r i t i q u e makes a v a l i d c o n t r i -
b u t i o n . Such an emphasis is a v i t a l a n t i d o t e t o any technological d e t e r m i n i s m
t h a t forecasts t h a t f u t u r e society w i l l be shaped by n e w technologies or t h a t
ignores social factors i n technical change. O n the other h a n d , the L u d d i t e is
c o r r e c t t o t e m p e r this by d r a w i n g a t t e n t i o n t o the ways i n w h i c h choice is l i m -
i t e d , o f t e n severely a n d systematically, by social, p o l i t i c a l a n d e c o n o m i c d e f i n i -
t i o n . B u t the negative image o f L u d d i s m is h a r d t o live d o w n . L u d d i s m can be
as pessimistic as the p o p u l a r i n f o r m a t i o n society p u n d i t s are o p t i m i s t i c . 45
T h e i r f u t u r e m a y be s i m i l a r l y foreclosed.
T h e k i n d o f c r i t i q u e t o w h i c h [ I aspire] catches b o t h the sense o f p o t e n t i a l for
socially a p p r o p r i a t e development o f I T w i t h o u t p r e t e n d i n g that i t can occur
w i t h o u t considerable struggle o n several f r o n t s , and the sober realism o f the
L u d d i t e , w i t h o u t succumbing t o sheer negativism or pessimism. I do n o t hide
the fact that some alternatives w i t h w h i c h I have sympathy - such as partnership
between w o m e n a n d m e n f r o m the design stage o n w a r d s , or innovations o r i g i -
n a t i n g f r o m users' needs rather t h a n mere commercial p o t e n t i a l - represents a
radical departure f r o m present practice. By placing t h e m i n the context o f a n o r -

mative a n d critical social analysis, however, I hope t o show b o t h the e n o r m i t y o f
the obstacles t o be overcome, and possible routes t o their realization.
T h e y a w n i n g c r e d i b i l i t y gap between f u t u r i s t i c forecasts a n d fantasies a n d
the h a r d realities o f g o v e r n m e n t , transnational a n d m i l i t a r y i n v o l v e m e n t i n I T
demands a sense o f urgency w i t h i n the i n f o r m a t i o n society p r o b l e m a t i c . I t
also p o i n t s u p a v i t a l r o l e f o r serious social analysis w i t h i n the p o l i c y - m a k i n g
process, analysis w h i c h is n o t s i m p l y shut u p w i t h i n either o p t i m i s t i c o r pes-
simistic societies.
Notes
1. Steve Wozniak, Equinox (Channel 4 (TV), November 1986).
2. N E D O , Crisis Facing Information Technology (London, National Economic
Development Office, August 1984).
3. Christopher Evans, Mighty Micro: Impact of the Computer Revolution (London,
Gollancz, 1982); Geoffrey Simons, Silicon Shock (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1985);
John Wicklein, Electronic Nightmare: The Home Communications Set and Your
Freedom (Boston M A , Beacon Press, 1981); Ian Reinecke, Electronic Illusions
(Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1984).
4. James M a r t i n , The Wired Society (Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1978).
5. Alvin Toffler, The Third Wave (London, Pan, 1980).
6. Science Council of Canada, Planning Now for the Information Society: Tomorrow
Is Too Late (Ottawa, Science Council, 1982).
7. Daniel Bell, The Coming of Postindustrial Society: A Venture in Social Forecasting
(Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1974), p. 14.
8. Daniel Bell, T h e Social Framework of the Information Society', i n Tom Forester,
ed., The Microelectronics Revolution (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1980), and also i n
Michael Dertouzos and Joel Moses, eds., The Computer Age: A Twenty Year View
(Cambridge M A , M I T Press, 1980).
9. Bell, 'Social Framework', p. 533.
10. Bell, 'Social Framework', p. 545.
11. Alain Touraine, La Société post-industrielle (Paris, Editions Denoïl, 1969); English
translation, The Postindustrial Society (London, Wildwood House, 1974).
12. Touraine, Postindustrial Society, pp. 28, 6 1 .
13. M a r k Poster, Foucault, Marxism and history (Cambridge, Polity Press, 1984), p. 168.
14. Tom Stonier, The Wealth of Information (London, Thames-Methuen, 1983), p. 202.
15. M a r t i n , Wired Society, p. 4.
16. Stonier, Wealth of Information, p. 202.
17. Jean Voge, T h e New Economic Information Order', in International Information
Economy Handbook (Springfield VA, Transnational Data Reporting Service, 1985),
pp. 39-40.
18. Philip Abrams, Historical Sociology (Shepton Mallet, Open Books, 1982), p. xv.
19. Marc Porat, The Information Economy: Definition and Measurement (Washington
D C , US Government Printing Office, 1977).
20. Krishan Kumar, Prophecy and Progress: The Sociology of Industrial and
Postindustrial Society (Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1978).
2 1 . Patrick Dawson and Ian McLoughlin, 'Computer Technology and the Redefinition
of Supervision: A Study of the Effects of Computers on Railway Freight
Supervisors', Journal of Management Studies, 23 (1), 116-32.
22. This phrase comes f r o m Ian Miles and Jonathan Gershuny, T h e Social Economics
of Information Technology', in Marjorie Ferguson, ed., New Communications
Technologies and the Public Interest (London and Beverly Hills, Sage, 1986).
23. See, for instance, Ben Barber, Strong Democracy (Berkeley CA: University of
California Press, 1984).
24. This example comes from Herbert Schiller, T h e Erosion of National Sovereignty',
in Michael Traber, ed., The Myth of the Information Revolution (London and
Beverly Hills, Sage, 1986), p. 28.
25. Quoted i n Schiller, 'Erosion of National Sovereignty', p. 23.
26. Stonier, Wealth of Information, p. 73. See also Toffler, The Third Wave and Jacques
Servan-Schrieber, Le Défi mondial (Paris, Fayard, 1980).
27. Juan Rada, 'A T h i r d World Perspective', in Günter Friedrichs and Adam Schaff, eds.,
Microelectronics and Society: For Better or for Worse (London, Pergamon, 1982), p.
216.
28. Stonier, Wealth of Information, p. 32.
29. Kumar, Prophecy and Progress, p. 229.
30. Edward Feigenbaum and Pamela McCorduck, The Fifth Generation (London, Pan,
1984), p. 289.
3 1 . Bell, Coming of Postindustrial Society, p. 188.
32. Bell, Coming of Postindustrial Society, pp. 114-15.
33. David Bolte, Turing's Man: Western Culture in the Computer Age (London,
Duckworth; Chapel H i l l , University of N o r t h Carolina Press, 1984).
34. Bolter, Turing's Man, pp. 8-9.
35. Bolter, Turing's Man, p. 13.
36. Bell, Coming of Postindustrial Society, p. 188.
37. See Cees Hamelink, Cultural Autonomy in Global Communications (New York,
Longman, 1983).
38. Such issues are raised by M a r k Poster in Foucault, Marxism and History.
39. See Michael Shallis, The Silicon Idol (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1984).
40. Cees Hamelink, 'Is There Life after the Information Revolution?', in Traber, The
Myth of the Information Revolution.
4 1 . Bryan Nicholson's speech, recorded in the Guardian, 16 September 1986.
42. Jacques Ellul, The New Demons (Londons, Mowbray, 1976) or Shallis, The Silicon
Idol.
43. See Nicholas Abercrombie and John Urry, The Dominant Ideology Thesis (London,
Allen &c Unwin, 1980).
44. Jennifer Daryl Slack, T h e Information Revolution as Ideology', Media, Culture and
Society, 6 (1984), p. 250.
45. Pessimistic statements of Luddism include David Noble, 'Present Tense Technology',
Democracy, Spring (8-24), Summer (70-82) and Fall (71-93), and Shallis, The
Silicon Idol.
Questions
1 In this extract Lyon refers to Bolter's comment (see reference below) that the
computer is a 'defining technology' which gives us a different sense of self in
relation to each other, to information and to nature. What impact have new tech-
nologies had on our social relations? Do you think that a different kind of society
is emerging from the ones preceding i t as a result of communications and infor-

mation technologies?
2 Lyon believes that 'public' institutions (e.g. public libraries, the public broadcast-
ing system etc.) are in danger of losing their public status because information
has a price tag. To what extent do you think that we will have to buy our cultural
capital in the future (including information and entertainment resources) and
who, if anyone, is likely to be classed as culturally impoverished?
3 Central to the arguments put forward in this extract are the notions of 'know-
ledge' and 'information', and they are frequently used in conjunction or inter-
changeably. What do you consider to be the differences between the two terms,
and does an 'information rich' society necessarily guarantee that its individual
citizens are more knowledgeable?
Further reading
Bolter, D . 1984: Turing's man: Western culture in the computer age. London:
Duckworth.
Forester, T. 1980: The microelectronics revolution. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
Heap, N . , Thomas, R., Einon, G., Mason, R. and Mackay, H . 1994: Information tech-
nology and society: a reader. London: Sage.
Murdock, G. 1990: Television and citizenship: i n defence of public broadcasting. I n
Tomlinson, A. (ed.), Consumption, identity and style. London: Routledge.
36
Disinformocracy Howard Rheingold
From The virtual community: surfing the Internet (Minerva 1994)
This extract was chosen for a number of reasons: it introduces two important, and in
many senses oppositional, philosophical ideas: one - public sphere - based on a belief
in openness, democracy and the public good; the other - the panopticon - founded on
notions of isolation, inequality and social control. Furthermore, in relating these concepts
to new information and communications technologies, Rheingold continues the discours-
es of democracy and power which were introduced by Keighron (Section 4, reading 30),
Goodwin (4, 31), Morley (5, 34) and Lyon (5, 35).
Like these authors, Rheingold challenges the notion of technology being intrinsically
democratic and an opportunity for widespread citizen involvement, and states that the
deterioration of the public sphere, brought about by the rise of the mass media and the
commodification of politics, privacy and knowledge, has had a dramatic impact on our
sense of equality and participation. For Rheingold, reasoned discussion and informed
Disinformocracy 403
debate have been subsumed by the omnipresence of television, and the growth in new
media and communications technologies will further erode authentic discourse as the
consumer society takes hold, public participation is replaced by commercial desire and
life becomes one long media event.
Rheingold's pessimistic predictions for future democracy continue with his comments
on privacy and surveillance. According to Rheingold, Bentham's plans for an architectur-
al construction which he named the panopticon, and Foucault's subsequent appropria-
tion of the structure as an ideological concept, further demonstrate the potential of new
technologies as instruments of power and social control; as an idea, Bentham's prison
tower was a blueprint for future surveillance technologies which would allow a small,
unseen few to control the lives of large numbers of people. This gloomy scenario
extends to computer databases and encryption technologies, and Rheingold raises a
number of important points about who has access to this kind of information and for
what purposes it is used. Like other writers in this section, Rheingold believes that the
solution to the problems presented to us in this reading is to reject the technological
determinism which has characterised so many of the debates about new media, and to
take control of the technology to aid the democratic process and strengthen communi-
ties rather than fragment them.
The selling of democracy: commodification and the public sphere

T h e r e is a n i n t i m a t e c o n n e c t i o n between i n f o r m a l conversations, t h e k i n d that
take place i n c o m m u n i t i e s a n d v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s , i n t h e coffee shops a n d
c o m p u t e r conferences, a n d t h e a b i l i t y o f large social groups t o g o v e r n t h e m -
selves w i t h o u t m o n a r c h s o r dictators. T h i s social-political c o n n e c t i o n shares a
m e t a p h o r w i t h t h e idea o f cyberspace, f o r i t takes place i n a k i n d o f v i r t u a l
space t h a t has c o m e t o be k n o w n b y specialists as the p u b l i c sphere.
H e r e is w h a t t h e p r e e m i n e n t c o n t e m p o r a r y w r i t e r about the p u b l i c sphere,
social c r i t i c a n d p h i l o s o p h e r Jurgen Habermas ( 1 9 8 4 ) , h a d t o say about t h e
m e a n i n g o f this abstraction:
By 'public sphere,' we mean first of all a domain of our social life in which such a
thing as public opinion can be formed. Access to the public sphere is open in prin-
ciple to all citizens. A portion of the public sphere is constituted in every conversa-
tion in which private persons come together to form a public. They are then acting
neither as business or professional people conducting their private affairs, nor as
legal consociates subject to the legal regulations of a state bureaucracy and obligat-
ed to obedience. Citizens act as a public when they deal w i t h matters of general
interest without being subject to coercion; thus with the guarantee that they may
assemble and unite freely, and express and publicize their opinions freely.
In this definition, Habermas formalized what people i n free societies

m e a n w h e n w e say T h e p u b l i c w o u l d n ' t stand f o r t h a t ' o r ' I t depends o n p u b -
lic o p i n i o n . ' A n d he d r e w a t t e n t i o n t o t h e i n t i m a t e c o n n e c t i o n between this
w e b o f free, i n f o r m a l , personal communications a n d the f o u n d a t i o n s o f
d e m o c r a t i c society. People can g o v e r n themselves o n l y i f they c o m m u n i c a t e
w i d e l y , freely, a n d i n groups - publicly. T h e First A m e n d m e n t o f the U.S.

C o n s t i t u t i o n ' s B i l l o f Rights protects citizens f r o m g o v e r n m e n t interference i n
t h e i r c o m m u n i c a t i o n s - the rights o f speech, press, a n d assembly are c o m m u -
n i c a t i o n r i g h t s . W i t h o u t those r i g h t s , there is n o p u b l i c sphere. Ask any citizen
o f Prague, Budapest, o r M o s c o w .
Because t h e p u b l i c sphere depends o n free c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d discussion
o f ideas, as soon as y o u r p o l i t i c a l e n t i t y g r o w s larger t h a n t h e n u m b e r o f c i t i -
zens y o u can f i t i n t o a modest t o w n h a l l , this v i t a l marketplace f o r p o l i t i c a l
ideas can be p o w e r f u l l y i n f l u e n c e d b y changes i n c o m m u n i c a t i o n s technology.
According t o Habermas,
When the public is large, this kind of communication requires certain means of
dissemination and influence; today, newspapers and periodicals, radio and tele-
vision are the media of the public sphere.... The term 'public opinion' refers to
the functions of criticism and control or organized state authority that the public
exercises informally, as well as formally during periodic elections. Regulations
concerning the publicness (or publicity [Publizität] i n its original meaning) of
state-related activities, as, for instance, the public accessibility required of legal
proceedings, are also connected w i t h this function of public opinion. To the
public sphere as a sphere mediating between state and society, a sphere in which
the public as the vehicle of publicness - the publicness that once had to w i n out
against the secret politics of monarchs and that since then has permitted democ-
ratic control of state activity.
A s k a n y b o d y i n C h i n a about the r i g h t t o talk freely a m o n g friends a n d n e i g h -

bors, t o o w n a p r i n t i n g press, t o call a m e e t i n g t o protest g o v e r n m e n t policy,
o r t o r u n a BBS [ B u l l e t i n B o a r d System]. B u t b r u t e t o t a l i t a r i a n seizure o f c o m -
m u n i c a t i o n s t e c h n o l o g y is n o t the o n l y w a y that p o l i t i c a l p o w e r s can n e u t r a l -
ize t h e a b i l i t y o f citizens t o t a l k freely. I t is also possible t o alter t h e nature o f
discourse b y i n v e n t i n g a k i n d o f p a i d fake discourse. I f a f e w people have c o n -
t r o l o f w h a t goes i n t o t h e daily r e p o r t i n g o f the news, a n d those people are i n
the business o f selling advertising, a l l k i n d s o f things become possible f o r
those w h o can a f f o r d t o pay.
H a b e r m a s h a d this t o say about the c o r r u p t i n g influence o f ersatz p u b l i c
opinion:
Whereas at one time publicness was intended to subject persons or things to the
public use of reason and to make political decisions subject to revision before the
tribunal of public opinion, today i t has often enough already been enlisted in the
aid of the secret policies of interest groups; i n the f o r m of 'publicity' i t now
acquires public prestige for persons or things and renders them capable of accla-
mation i n a climate of nonpublic opinion. The term 'public relations' itself indi-
cates how a public sphere that formerly emerged from the structure of society
must now be produced circumstantially on a case-by-case basis.
T h e idea t h a t p u b l i c o p i n i o n can be m a n u f a c t u r e d a n d t h e fact that electronic

spectacles can capture t h e a t t e n t i o n o f a m a j o r i t y o f the citizenry damaged the
f o u n d a t i o n s o f democracy. A c c o r d i n g t o Habermas,
Disinformocracy 405
It is no accident that these concepts of the public sphere and public opinion
were not formed until the eighteenth century. They derive their specific meaning
f r o m a concrete historical situation. I t was then that one learned t o distinguish
between opinion and public opinion.... Public opinion, in terms of its very idea,
can be formed only i f a public that engages i n rational discussion exists. Public
discussions that are institutionally protected and that take, w i t h critical intent,
the exercise of political authority as their theme have not existed since time
immemorial.
T h e p u b l i c sphere a n d democracy w e r e b o r n at t h e same t i m e , f r o m t h e same

sources. N o w t h a t t h e p u b l i c sphere, cut o f f f r o m its r o o t s , seems t o be d y i n g ,
d e m o c r a c y is i n danger, t o o .
T h e c o n c e p t o f t h e p u b l i c sphere as discussed b y Habermas a n d others
includes several r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r a u t h e n t i c i t y t h a t people w h o live i n democ-
ratic societies w o u l d recognize: o p e n access, v o l u n t a r y p a r t i c i p a t i o n , p a r t i c i -
p a t i o n outside i n s t i t u t i o n a l roles, t h e generation o f p u b l i c o p i n i o n t h r o u g h
assemblies o f citizens w h o engage i n r a t i o n a l a r g u m e n t , t h e f r e e d o m t o
express o p i n i o n s , a n d t h e f r e e d o m t o discuss matters o f the state a n d criticize
the w a y state p o w e r is o r g a n i z e d . Acts o f speech a n d p u b l i c a t i o n t h a t specifi-
cally discuss t h e state are perhaps t h e most i m p o r t a n t k i n d p r o t e c t e d b y t h e
First A m e n d m e n t t o t h e U.S. C o n s t i t u t i o n a n d similar c i v i l guarantees else-
w h e r e i n t h e w o r l d . F o r m e r Soviets a n d Eastern Europeans w h o regained i t
after decades o f censorship o f f e r t e s t i m o n y t h a t t h e most i m p o r t a n t f r e e d o m
o f speech is t h e f r e e d o m t o speak about freedoms.
I n eighteenth-century America, the Committees o f Correspondence were
one o f the m o s t i m p o r t a n t l o c i o f the p u b l i c sphere i n t h e years o f r e v o l u t i o n
a n d c o n s t i t u t i o n - b u i l d i n g . I f y o u l o o k closely at t h e r o o t s o f t h e A m e r i c a n
R e v o l u t i o n , i t becomes evident t h a t a text-based, horseback-transported ver-
s i o n o f n e t w o r k i n g was a n o l d A m e r i c a n t r a d i t i o n . I n t h e i r b o o k Networking,
Jessica L i p n a c k a n d Jeffrey Stamps ( 1 9 8 2 ) describe these committees as
a communications f o r u m where homespun political and economic thinkers ham-

mered out their ideological differences, sculpting the f o r m of a separate and
independent country in N o r t h America. Writing to one another and sharing let-
ters w i t h neighbors, this revolutionary generation nurtured its adolescent ideas
into a mature politics. Both men and women participated in the debate over
independence f r o m England and the desirable shape of the American future ...
During the years i n which the American Revolution was percolating, letters,
news-sheets, and pamphlets carried from one village to another were the means
by which ideas about democracy were refined. Eventually, the correspondents
agreed that the next step i n their idea exchange was to hold a face-to-face meet-
ing. The ideas of independence and government had been debated, discussed,
discarded, and reformulated literally hundreds of times by the time people in the
revolutionary network met in Philadelphia.
Thus, a network of correspondence and printed broadsides led t o the forma-
tion of an organization after the writers met i n a series of conferences and
worked out a statement of purpose - which they called a 'Declaration of
Independence.' Little did our early networking grandparents realize that the
result of their youthful idealism, less than t w o centuries later, would be a

global superpower w i t h an unparalleled ability to influence the survival of life
on the planet.
As t h e U n i t e d States g r e w a n d t e c h n o l o g y changed, t h e ways i n w h i c h these

p u b l i c discussions o f M a t t e r s o f general interest,' as Habermas called t h e m -
slavery a n d t h e rights o f the states versus the p o w e r o f the federal g o v e r n m e n t
w e r e t w o such matters that l o o m e d large - began t o change as w e l l . T h e t e x t -
based m e d i a t h a t served as t h e channel f o r discourse gained m o r e a n d m o r e
p o w e r t o reshape t h e nature o f t h a t discourse. T h e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s m e d i a o f
the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y were the newspapers, the p e n n y press, the first genera-
t i o n o f w h a t has come t o be k n o w n as the mass media. A t t h e same t i m e , t h e
b i r t h o f a d v e r t i s i n g a n d the beginnings o f the p u b l i c - r e l a t i o n s i n d u s t r y began
t o u n d e r m i n e t h e p u b l i c sphere b y i n v e n t i n g a k i n d o f buyable a n d sellable
p h o n y discourse t h a t displaced the genuine k i n d .
T h e s i m u l a t i o n ( a n d therefore destruction) o f authentic discourse, first i n
the U n i t e d States, a n d t h e n spreading t o the rest o f the w o r l d , is w h a t G u y
D e b o r d ( 1 9 9 2 ) w o u l d call t h e first q u a n t u m leap i n t o the 'society o f the spec-
tacle' a n d w h a t Jean B a u d r i l l a r d ( 1 9 8 8 ) w o u l d recognize as a milestone i n t h e
w o r l d ' s slide i n t o hyper-reality. Mass media's c o l o n i z a t i o n o f c i v i l society
t u r n e d i n t o a q u a s i - p o l i t i c a l campaign p r o m o t i n g t e c h n o l o g y itself w h e n t h e
i m a g e - m a k i n g t e c h n o l o g y o f television came a l o n g . ('Progress is o u r m o s t
i m p o r t a n t p r o d u c t , ' said General Electric spokesman R o n a l d Reagan, i n the
early years o f television.) A n d i n the t w e n t i e t h century, as the t e l e p h o n e ,
r a d i o , a n d television became vehicles f o r p u b l i c discourse, the nature o f p o l i t i -
cal discussion has m u t a t e d i n t o s o m e t h i n g quite d i f f e r e n t f r o m a n y t h i n g the
framers o f the C o n s t i t u t i o n c o u l d have foreseen.
A p o l i t i c i a n is n o w a c o m m o d i t y , citizens are consumers, a n d issues are
decided v i a sound-bites a n d staged events. T h e television camera is the o n l y
spectator t h a t counts at a p o l i t i c a l d e m o n s t r a t i o n o r c o n v e n t i o n . A c c o r d i n g t o
Habermas a n d others, the w a y the n e w media have been c o m m o d i t i z e d
t h r o u g h this e v o l u t i o n a r y process f r o m h a n d - p r i n t e d broadside t o telegraph
t o p e n n y press t o mass m e d i a has l e d t o the radical d e t e r i o r a t i o n o f the p u b l i c
sphere. T h e consumer society has become the accepted m o d e l b o t h f o r i n d i -
v i d u a l behavior a n d p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g . Discourse degenerated into
p u b l i c i t y , a n d p u b l i c i t y used the increasing p o w e r o f electronic m e d i a t o alter
perceptions a n d shape beliefs.
T h e consumer society, the most p o w e r f u l vehicle f o r generating s h o r t - t e r m
w e a l t h ever i n v e n t e d , ensures economic g r o w t h by first p r o m o t i n g t h e idea
that t h e w a y t o be is t o buy. T h e engines o f w e a l t h d e p e n d o n a fresh stream
o f tabloids s o l d at convenience markets a n d television p r o g r a m s t o tell us
w h a t w e have t o buy n e x t i n o r d e r t o justify o u r existence. W h a t used t o be a
channel f o r a u t h e n t i c c o m m u n i c a t i o n has become a channel f o r t h e u p d a t i n g
o f c o m m e r c i a l desire.
M o n e y plus p o l i t i c s plus n e t w o r k television equals an effective system. I t
Disinformocracy 407
w o r k s . W h e n t h e same packaging skills t h a t w e r e h o n e d o n a u t o m o b i l e t a i l

fins a n d fast f o o d s are a p p l i e d t o p o l i t i c a l ideas, t h e highest b i d d e r can i n f l u -
ence p u b l i c p o l i c y t o great effect. W h a t dies i n t h e process is t h e r a t i o n a l dis-
course at t h e base o f c i v i l society. T h a t death manifests itself i n longings t h a t
a r e n ' t f u l f i l l e d b y t h e r i g h t k i n d o f shoes i n this m o n t h ' s c o l o r o r t h e h o t n e w
p r i m e - t i m e candidate e v e r y b o d y is t a l k i n g about. Some m e d i a scholars are
c l a i m i n g a d i r e c t causal c o n n e c t i o n between t h e success o f c o m m e r c i a l t e l e v i -
s i o n a n d the loss o f citizen interest i n the p o l i t i c a l process.
A n o t h e r media c r i t i c , N e a l Postman, i n his b o o k Amusing Ourselves to Death
( 1 9 8 5 ) , p o i n t e d o u t t h a t T o m Paine's Common Sense sold three h u n d r e d t h o u -
sand copies i n five m o n t h s i n 1 7 7 6 . T h e most successful democratic r e v o l u t i o n
i n h i s t o r y was made possible b y a citizenry that read a n d debated w i d e l y a m o n g
themselves. Postman p o i n t e d o u t t h a t the mass media, and television i n p a r t i c u -
lar, h a d changed t h e m o d e o f discourse itself, b y substituting fast cuts, special
effects, a n d sound-bites f o r reasoned discussion o r even genuine argument.
The v a r i o u s hypotheses a b o u t c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n a n d m o d e o f discourse
focus o n a n area o f apparent agreement a m o n g social observers w h o have a
l o n g h i s t o r y o f heated disagreements.
When p e o p l e w h o have become fascinated b y BBSs o r n e t w o r k s start
s p r e a d i n g t h e idea t h a t such n e t w o r k s are i n h e r e n t l y democratic i n some m a g -
ical way, w i t h o u t s p e c i f y i n g t h e h a r d w o r k t h a t must be d o n e i n real life t o
harvest t h e f r u i t s o f t h a t d e m o c r a t i z i n g p o w e r , they r u n t h e danger o f b e c o m -
i n g u n w i t t i n g agents o f c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n . First, i t pays t o u n d e r s t a n d h o w o l d
the idea really is. N e x t , i t is i m p o r t a n t t o realize t h a t t h e hopes of
t e c h n o p h i l e s have o f t e n been used t o sell t e c h n o l o g y f o r c o m m e r c i a l g a i n . I n
t h i s sense, C M C [ c o m p u t e r - m e d i a t e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s ] enthusiasts r u n t h e
risk o f b e c o m i n g u n p a i d , u n w i t t i n g advertisers f o r those w h o stand t o gain
f i n a n c i a l l y f r o m a d o p t i o n o f n e w technology.
T h e critics o f t h e idea o f electronic democracy have u n e a r t h e d examples
f r o m a l o n g t r a d i t i o n o f Utopian r h e t o r i c that James Carey ( 1 9 8 9 ) has called
'the r h e t o r i c o f the " t e c h n o l o g i c a l s u b l i m e . ' " H e p u t i t this w a y :
Despite the manifest failure of technology to resolve pressing social issues over
the last century, contemporary intellectuals continue to see revolutionary poten-
tial i n the latest technological gadgets that are pictured as a force outside history
and politics.... I n modern futurism, it is the machines that possess teleological
insight. Despite the shortcomings of town meetings, newspaper, telegraph, wire-
less, and television to create the conditions of a new Athens, contemporary
advocates of technological liberation regularly describe a new postmodern age of
instantaneous daily plebiscitory democracy through a computerized system of
electronic voting and opinion polling.
Carey was p r o p h e t i c i n at least o n e regard - he w r o t e this years before Ross

Perot a n d W i l l i a m C l i n t o n b o t h started t a l k i n g about their versions o f electron-
ic democracy d u r i n g t h e 1 9 9 2 U.S. presidential campaign. I f t h e U n i t e d States
is o n the road to a version o f electronic democracy i n which the
president w i l l have electronic t o w n h a l l meetings, i n c l u d i n g instant v o t i n g - b y -

t e l e p h o n e t o ' g o d i r e c t l y t o t h e p e o p l e ' ( a n d perhaps bypass Congress?) o n
key issues, i t is i m p o r t a n t f o r A m e r i c a n citizens t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e p o t e n t i a l
p i t f a l l s o f d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g b y plebiscite. M e d i a - m a n i p u l a t e d plebiscites as
p o l i t i c a l tools g o back t o Joseph Goebbels, w h o used r a d i o so effectively i n
the T h i r d Reich. Previous experiments i n instant h o m e p o l l i n g a n d v o t i n g h a d
been c a r r i e d o u t b y Warners, w i t h t h e i r Q u b e service, i n t h e early 1980s. O n e
c r i t i c , p o l i t i c a l scientist Jean Betheke Elshtain ( 1 9 8 2 ) , called t h e television-
v o t i n g m o d e l an
interactive shell game [that] cons us into believing that we are participating
when we are really simply performing as the responding 'end' of a prefabricated
system of external stimuli.... In a plebiscitary system, the views of the majority ...
swamp minority or unpopular views. Plebiscitism is compatible w i t h authoritari-
an politics carried out under the guise of, or w i t h the connivance of, majority
views. That opinion can be registered by easily manipulated, ritualistic
plebiscites, so there is no need for debate on substantive questions.
W h a t does i t m e a n t h a t t h e same hopes, described i n t h e same w o r d s , f o r a

d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n o f p o w e r , a deeper a n d m o r e w i d e s p r e a d citizen i n v o l v e m e n t
i n matters o f state, a great equalizer f o r o r d i n a r y citizens t o c o u n t e r t h e forces
o f c e n t r a l c o n t r o l , have been v o i c e d i n the p o p u l a r press f o r t w o centuries i n
reference t o steam, electricity, a n d television? We've h a d e n o u g h t i m e t o live
w i t h steam, electricity, a n d television t o recognize t h a t they d i d i n d e e d change
the w o r l d , a n d t o recognize t h a t t h e Utopia o f t e c h n o l o g i c a l m i l l e n n a r i a n s has
not yet materialized.
A n e n t i r e w o r l d v i e w a n d sales j o b are packed i n t o t h e w o r d progress, which
links the n o t i o n o f i m p r o v e m e n t w i t h the n o t i o n o f innovation, highlights the
benefits o f i n n o v a t i o n w h i l e h i d i n g t h e t o x i c side-effects o f extractive a n d
l u c r a t i v e technologies, a n d t h e n sells m o r e o f i t t o people v i a television as a
cure f o r t h e stress o f l i v i n g i n a t e c h n o l o g y - d o m i n a t e d w o r l d . T h e h o p e t h a t
the n e x t t e c h n o l o g y w i l l solve t h e p r o b l e m s created b y t h e w a y the last tech-
n o l o g y was used is a k i n d o f m i l l e n n i a l , even messianic, h o p e , a p p a r e n t l y
ever-latent i n the breasts o f the citizenry. T h e m y t h o f t e c h n o l o g i c a l progress
emerged o u t o f t h e same Age o f Reason that gave us the m y t h o f representa-
tive democracy, a n e w o r g a n i z i n g vision that still w o r k s p r e t t y w e l l , despite
the decline i n v i g o r o f t h e o l d democratic i n s t i t u t i o n s . I t ' s h a r d t o give u p o n
one E n l i g h t e n m e n t ideal w h i l e c l i n g i n g t o another.
I believe i t is t o o early t o judge w h i c h set o f claims w i l l p r o v e t o be accu-
rate. I also believe t h a t those w h o w o u l d prefer t h e m o r e d e m o c r a t i c v i s i o n o f
the f u t u r e have an o p p o r t u n i t y t o influence t h e o u t c o m e , w h i c h is precisely
why o n l i n e activists s h o u l d delve i n t o t h e criticisms that have been leveled
against t h e m . I f electronic democracy advocates can address these critiques
successfully, t h e i r claims m i g h t have a chance. I f they c a n n o t , perhaps i t w o u l d
be better n o t t o raise people's hopes. Those w h o are n o t aware o f t h e h i s t o r y
o f dead ends are d o o m e d t o replay t h e m , hopes h i g h , again a n d again.
Disinformocracy 409
T h e idea t h a t p u t t i n g p o w e r f u l c o m p u t e r s i n t h e hands o f citizens w i l l

s h i e l d t h e c i t i z e n r y against t o t a l i t a r i a n a u t h o r i t i e s echoes similar, o l d e r beliefs
a b o u t c i t i z e n - e m p o w e r i n g technology. As L a n g d o n W i n n e r (an a u t h o r every
c o m p u t e r r e v o l u t i o n a r y o u g h t t o read) p u t i t i n his essay ' M y t h i n f o r m a t i o n , '
Of all the computer enthusiasts' political ideas, there is none more poignant than
the faith that the computer is destined to become a potent equalizer in modern
society.... Presumably, ordinary citizens equipped w i t h microcomputers w i l l be
able t o counter the influence of large, computer-based organizations.
Notions of this kind echo beliefs of eighteenth-century revolutionaries that
placing fire arms i n the hands of the people was crucial t o overthrowing
entrenched authority. I n the American Revolution, French Revolution, Paris
Commune, and Russian Revolution the role of 'the people armed' was central t o
the revolutionary program. As the military defeat of the Paris Commune made
clear, however, the fact that the popular forces have guns may not be decisive. I n
a contest of force against force, the larger, more sophisticated, more ruthless,
better equipped competitor often has the upper hand. Hence, the availability of
low-cost computing power may move the baseline that defines electronic dimen-
sions of social influence, but i t does not necessarily alter the relative balance of
power. Using a personal computer makes one no more powerful vis-à-vis, say,
the National Security Agency than flying a hang glider establishes a person as a
match for the U.S. A i r Force. (1986)
T h e great p o w e r o f t h e idea o f electronic democracy is t h a t t e c h n i c a l

t r e n d s i n c o m m u n i c a t i o n s technologies can h e l p citizens break t h e m o n o p o l y
o n t h e i r a t t e n t i o n t h a t has been e n j o y e d b y t h e p o w e r s b e h i n d t h e broadcast
p a r a d i g m - t h e o w n e r s o f t e l e v i s i o n n e t w o r k s , newspaper syndicates, a n d
publishing conglomerates. T h e great weakness o f t h e idea o f electronic
d e m o c r a c y is t h a t i t c a n be m o r e easily c o m m o d i f i e d t h a n e x p l a i n e d . T h e
c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n a n d c o m m o d i t i z a t i o n o f p u b l i c discourse is o n l y o n e o f
t h e grave p r o b l e m s posed b y t h e increasing s o p h i s t i c a t i o n o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n s
m e d i a . T h e N e t t h a t is a m a r v e l o u s l a t e r a l n e t w o r k can also be used as a k i n d
o f i n v i s i b l e y e t inescapable cage. T h e idea o f m a l e v o l e n t p o l i t i c a l leaders
w i t h t h e i r hands o n t h e c o n t r o l s o f a N e t raises fear o f a m o r e d i r e c t assault
on liberties.
Caught in the Net: CMC and the ultimate prison

I n 1 7 9 1 , J e r e m y B e n t h a m p r o p o s e d , i n Panopticon; or the Inspection House,
t h a t i t was possible t o b u i l d a m e c h a n i s m f o r e n f o r c i n g a system o f social c o n -
t r o l i n t o t h e physical s t r u c t u r e o f a b u i l d i n g , w h i c h he called t h e P a n o p t i c o n .
H i s design f o r this b u i l d i n g was i n t e n d e d t o be very general, an a r c h i t e c t u r a l
a l g o r i t h m t h a t c o u l d be used i n prisons, schools, a n d factories. I n d i v i d u a l cells
are b u i l t i n t o t h e c i r c u m f e r e n c e o f a circular b u i l d i n g , a r o u n d a central w e l l .
A n inspection tower atop the well, i n conjunction w i t h a method f o r lighting
t h e cells a n d l e a v i n g t h e i n s p e c t i o n t o w e r d a r k , made i t possible f o r o n e per-
son t o m o n i t o r t h e a c t i v i t y o f m a n y p e o p l e , each o f w h o m w o u l d k n o w h e o r
she w a s u n d e r surveillance, n o n e o f w h o m w o u l d k n o w exactly w h e n . A n d
the inspectors are s i m i l a r l y w a t c h e d b y other unseen inspectors. I t was p r e -

cisely this m e n t a l state o f being seen w i t h o u t being able t o see t h e watcher
that B e n t h a m m e a n t t o i n d u c e . W h e n y o u can induce that state o f m i n d i n a
p o p u l a t i o n , y o u d o n ' t need w h i p s a n d chains t o restrain t h e m f r o m r e b e l l i n g .
H i s t o r i a n a n d p o l i t i c a l p h i l o s o p h e r M i c h e l Foucault ( 1 9 7 7 ) , i n Discipline
and Punish, e x a m i n e d the social i n s t i t u t i o n s b y w h i c h p o w e r f u l people c o n t r o l
the p o t e n t i a l l y rebellious masses. Foucault felt that t h e Panopticon as an idea
as w e l l as a specific architectural design was an i m p o r t a n t one, f o r i t was a l i t -
eral b l u e p r i n t f o r t h e w a y f u t u r e tyrants c o u l d use surveillance technologies t o
w i e l d p o w e r . Just as t h e ability t o read a n d w r i t e a n d freely c o m m u n i c a t e
gives p o w e r t o citizens that protects t h e m f r o m the p o w e r s o f the state, the
a b i l i t y t o s u r v e i l , t o invade the citizens' privacy, gives the state t h e p o w e r t o
confuse, coerce, a n d c o n t r o l citizens. Uneducated p o p u l a t i o n s cannot r u l e
themselves, b u t tyrannies can c o n t r o l even educated p o p u l a t i o n s , given
sophisticated means o f surveillance.
When y o u t h i n k o f privacy, y o u p r o b a b l y t h i n k o f y o u r r i g h t t o be
u n d i s t u r b e d a n d possibly unembarrassed by intrusions i n t o y o u r personal
affairs. I t does n o t seem, o n t h e surface, t o be a p o l i t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t p h e -
nomenon. Kevin Robins a n d Frank Webster (1988), i n their article
' C y b e r n e t i c C a p i t a l i s m : I n f o r m a t i o n , Technology, E v e r y d a y L i f e , ' m a d e t h e
connection between Bentham, Foucault, a n d the evolution o f the telecom-
munications network:
We believe that Foucault is right in seeing Bentham's Panopticon as a significant

event i n the history of the human mind. We want to suggest that the new com-
munication and information technologies - particularly i n the form of an inte-
grated electronic grid - permit a massive extension and transformation of that
same (relative, technological) mobilization to which Bentham's Panoptic princi-
ple aspired. What these technologies support, i n fact, is the same dissemination
of power and control, but freed from the architectural constraints of Bentham's
stone and brick prototype. O n the basis of the 'information revolution,' not just
the prison or factory, but the social totality, comes to function as the hierarchical
and disciplinary Panoptic machine.
T h e P a n o p t i c o n , Foucault w a r n e d , comes i n m a n y guises. I t is n o t a value-

n e u t r a l t e c h n o l o g y . I t is a t e c h n o l o g y t h a t a l l o w s a small n u m b e r o f people t o
c o n t r o l a large n u m b e r o f others. J. Edgar H o o v e r used i t . So d i d M a o
tse-Tung. Y o u d o n ' t need fiber optics t o i n s t i t u t e a surveillance state - b u t i t
sure makes surveillance easier w h e n y o u i n v i t e t h e surveillance device i n t o
your home.
C r i t i c s o f those w h o p i n their hopes f o r social change o n c o m p u t e r t e c h n o l -
ogy also p o i n t o u t t h a t i n f o r m a t i o n a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s technologies have
always been d o m i n a t e d by the m i l i t a r y , a n d w i l l c o n t i n u e t o be d o m i n a t e d b y
the m i l i t a r y , p o l i c e , a n d intelligence agencies f o r t h e foreseeable f u t u r e . A
c o m p u t e r is, was, a n d w i l l be a w e a p o n . T h e t o o l can be used f o r other p u r -
poses, b u t t o be p r o m o t e d as an i n s t r u m e n t o f l i b e r a t i o n , C M C t e c h n o l o g y
Disinformocracy 411
s h o u l d be seen w i t h i n t h e contexts o f its o r i g i n s , a n d i n f u l l cognizance o f t h e

possibly h o r r i f i c f u t u r e applications b y t o t a l i t a r i a n s w h o get t h e i r hands o n i t .
T h e first electronic d i g i t a l c o m p u t e r was created b y t h e U.S. A r m y t o calcu-
late ballistics equations f o r artillery. T h e m i l i t a r y a n d intelligence c o m m u n i -
ties, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t h e U n i t e d States, have always b e n e f i t e d f r o m a t e n - t o
t w e n t y - y e a r t e c h n o l o g i c a l lead o n c i v i l i a n applications o f t h e c o m p u t e r tech-
nology. T h e U.S. N a t i o n a l Security Agency, t h e ultra-secret t e c h n o s n o o p head-
quarters t h a t applies c o m p u t e r s t o signals intelligence a n d c o d e b r e a k i n g , a n d
the U.S. N a t i o n a l L a b o r a t o r i e s at L i v e r m o r e a n d L o s A l a m o s , w h e r e t h e r -
m o n u c l e a r weapons a n d antimissile defenses are designed, have l o n g been t h e
o w n e r s o f the m o s t p o w e r f u l collections o f c o m p u t i n g p o w e r i n the w o r l d .
C o m p u t e r a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s technologies outside t h e m i l i t a r y sphere are
a p p l i e d w i t h great effectiveness b y p u b l i c a n d p r i v a t e police agencies. O n e
e x a m p l e t h a t I saw w i t h m y o w n eyes is suggestive o f t h e range o f goodies
available t o p o l i c e forces: at a l a b o r a t o r y outside T o k y o , I saw a v i d e o camera
o n a freeway zero i n o n t h e license plate o f a speeder, use shape-recognition
s o f t w a r e t o decode t h e license n u m b e r , a n d t r a n s m i t i t t o police c o m p u t e r s ,
w h e r e a w a r r a n t search c o u l d be c o n d u c t e d . N o h u m a n i n t h e l o o p - the cam-
era a n d c o m p u t e r d e t e r m i n e t h a t a c r i m e has been c o m m i t t e d a n d instantly
i d e n t i f y t h e suspect. Just as grassroots citizens' n e t w o r k s have been i n t e r c o n -
n e c t i n g i n t o a p l a n e t a r y N e t , police i n f o r m a t i o n n e t w o r k s have been e v o l v i n g
as w e l l . T h e p r o b l e m there is t h a t l a w e n f o r c e m e n t officers have t h e a u t h o r i t y
t o s h o o t y o u d e a d ; i f they shoot y o u o n t h e basis o f m i s i n f o r m a t i o n propagat-
ed o n a N e t (and i t is far easier t o broadcast b a d i n f o r m a t i o n t h a n t o recall i t ) ,
the N e t h e l p e d k i l l y o u . Jacques Vallee, i n t h e very b e g i n n i n g o f his p r o p h e t i c
1 9 8 2 b o o k The Network Revolution, t o l d t h e true c a u t i o n a r y tale o f the i n n o -
cent F r e n c h m e n w h o d i e d u n d e r police g u n f i r e as t h e result o f a g l i t c h i n a
p o o r l y designed p o l i c e c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k .
T h e m o r e spectacularly o v e r t images o f a Panoptic society - t h e m i d n i g h t
k n o c k o n t h e d o o r , t h e h i d d e n m i c r o p h o n e s o f the secret police - are genuine
possibilities w o r t h careful c o n s i d e r a t i o n . N o w i t isn't necessary t o p l a n t
m i c r o p h o n e s w h e n a r e m o t e a n d i n a u d i b l e c o m m a n d can t u r n any telephone
- w h i l e i t is o n t h e h o o k - i n t o a m i c r o p h o n e . T h e o l d scenarios aren't t h e
o n l y ones, n o w . Privacy has already been penetrated i n m o r e subtle, c o m p l e x
ways. T h i s assault o n privacy, invisible t o most, takes place i n t h e b r o a d day-
l i g h t o f everyday l i f e . T h e weapons are cash registers a n d credit cards. W h e n
B i g B r o t h e r arrives, d o n ' t be surprised i f he l o o k s like a grocery c l e r k , because
p r i v a c y has been t u r n i n g i n t o a c o m m o d i t y , courtesy o f better a n d better
i n f o r m a t i o n n e t w o r k s , f o r years.
Yesterday, y o u m i g h t have gone t o t h e s u p e r m a r k e t a n d w a t c h e d someone
t o t a l u p t h e b i l l w i t h a bar code reader. Perhaps y o u p a i d w i t h an A T M c a r d
o r c r e d i t c a r d o r used o n e as i d e n t i f i c a t i o n f o r a check. Last n i g h t , maybe t h e
data d e s c r i b i n g w h a t y o u b o u g h t a n d w h o y o u are w e r e t e l e c o m m u n i c a t e d
f r o m t h e s u p e r m a r k e t t o a central c o l l e c t i o n p o i n t . T h i s m o r n i n g , detailed
i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t y o u r b u y i n g habits c o u l d have been c u l l e d f r o m o n e data-

base a n d s o l d t o a t h i r d p a r t y w h o c o u l d c o m p i l e i t t o m o r r o w i n t o another
electronic dossier somewhere, one that k n o w s w h a t y o u b u y a n d w h e r e y o u
live a n d h o w m u c h m o n e y y o u o w e . N e x t w e e k , a f o u r t h p a r t y m i g h t p u r -
chase t h a t dossier, c o m b i n e i t w i t h a f e w tens o f m i l l i o n s o f others o n an o p t i -
cal d i s k , a n d o f f e r t o sell t h e c o l l e c t i o n o f i n f o r m a t i o n as a m a r k e t i n g t o o l .
A l l o f t h e i n f o r m a t i o n o n the h y p o t h e t i c a l mass-dossier disk is available
f r o m p u b l i c sources; i t is i n their c o m p i l a t i o n , the w a y t h a t i n f o r m a t i o n is
sorted i n t o files l i n k e d t o real citizens, that i n t r u s i o n is accomplished. O n each
C D - R O M disk w i l l be a file that k n o w s a l o t about y o u r tastes, y o u r b r a n d
preferences, y o u r m a r i t a l status, even y o u r p o l i t i c a l o p i n i o n s . I f y o u c o n -
t r i b u t e d t o a f r e e w h e e l i n g Usenet n e w s g r o u p , a l l t h e better, f o r y o u r p o l i t i c a l
views, sexual preferences, even the w a y y o u t h i n k , can n o w be c o m p i l e d a n d
c o m p a r e d w i t h t h e o t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n i n y o u r dossier.
T h e capabilities o f i n f o r m a t i o n - g a t h e r i n g a n d s o r t i n g technologies that can
harvest a n d sift m i n d - n u m b i n g quantities o f i n d i v i d u a l t r i v i a l b u t collectively
revealing pieces o f i n f o r m a t i o n are f o r m i d a b l e today. T h i s Panoptic m a c h i n e r y
shares some o f the same c o m m u n i c a t i o n s i n f r a s t r u c t u r e that enables o n e - r o o m
schoolhouses i n M o n t a n a t o c o m m u n i c a t e w i t h M I T professors, a n d enables
overseas Chinese dissidents t o disseminate news a n d organize resistance. T h e
p o w e r t o c o m p i l e h i g h l y specific dossiers o n m i l l i o n s o f people w i l l become
even m o r e f o r m i d a b l e over the n e x t several years as the cost o f c o m p u t i n g
p o w e r d r o p s a n d t h e n e t w o r k o f electronic transactions becomes m o r e r i c h l y
i n t e r c o n n e c t e d . T h e c o m m o d i z a t i o n o f p r i v a c y is p i g g y b a c k i n g o n t h e same
c o m b i n a t i o n o f c o m p u t e r s a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s that has given b i r t h t o v i r t u a l
c o m m u n i t i e s . T h e p o w e r t o snoop has become democratized.
When our individual i n f o r m a t i o n terminals become as p o w e r f u l as
s u p e r c o m p u t e r s , a n d every h o m e is capable o f sending a n d r e c e i v i n g huge
a m o u n t s o f i n f o r m a t i o n , y o u w o n ' t need a d i c t a t o r s h i p f r o m above t o spy
o n y o u r n e i g h b o r s a n d have t h e m spy o n y o u . Instead, y o u ' l l sell pieces o f
each other's individuality t o o n e another. Entrepreneurs are already
n i b b l i n g a r o u n d t h e edges o f t h e i n f o r m a t i o n a l b o d y p o l i t i c , b i t i n g o f f
small c h u n k s o f p r i v a c y a n d m a r k e t i n g i t . I n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t y o u a n d m e is
valuable t o c e r t a i n p e o p l e , w h e t h e r o r n o t w e actively choose t o disclose
t h a t i n f o r m a t i o n . W e ' v e w a t c h e d o u r names m i g r a t e f r o m magazine sub-
s c r i p t i o n lists t o j u n k m a i l assaults, b u t w e h a v e n ' t seen t h e h a r d w a r e a n d
s o f t w a r e t h a t has e v o l v e d f o r g a t h e r i n g a n d e x p l o i t i n g p r i v a t e i n f o r m a t i o n
for p r o f i t .
T h e m o s t i n s i d i o u s attack o n o u r r i g h t s t o a reasonable degree o f p r i v a c y
m i g h t c o m e n o t f r o m a p o l i t i c a l d i c t a t o r s h i p b u t f r o m t h e marketplace. T h e
t e r m ' B i g B r o t h e r ' brings t o m i n d a scenario o f a f u t u r e d i c t a t o r s h i p h e l d
together b y constant electronic surveillance o f the c i t i z e n r y ; b u t t o d a y ' s tech-
n o l o g i e s a l l o w f o r m o r e subtlety t h a n O r w e l l c o u l d have foreseen. T h e r e are
better ways t o b u i l d Panopticons t h a n t h e heavy-handed O r w e l l i a n m o d e l . I f
Disinformocracy 413
t o t a l i t a r i a n m a n i p u l a t o r s o f p o p u l a t i o n s a n d technologies actually d o achieve

d o m i n a n c e i n t h e f u t u r e , I p r e d i c t t h a t i t w i l l begin n o t b y secret p o l i c e k i c k -
ing i n your doors but by allowing you to sell yourself to your
t e l e v i s i o n a n d l e t t i n g y o u r s u p e r m a r k e t sell i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t y o u r trans-
a c t i o n s , w h i l e o u t l a w i n g measures y o u c o u l d use t o p r o t e c t yourself. Instead
o f just t e l e p h o n e taps, t h e weapons w i l l i n c l u d e c o m p u t e r p r o g r a m s t h a t
l i n k b a r codes, c r e d i t cards, social security n u m b e r s , a n d a l l t h e o t h e r elec-
t r o n i c tell-tales w e leave i n o u r paths t h r o u g h t h e i n f o r m a t i o n society. A n d
t h e m o s t p o t e n t w e a p o n w i l l be t h e laws o r absence o f laws t h a t enable
i m p r o p e r uses o f i n f o r m a t i o n t e c h n o l o g y t o erode w h a t is l e f t o f citizens'
rights t o privacy.
' M a r k e t p l a c e , ' a C D - R O M t h a t c o n t a i n e d t h e collected available i n f o r m a -
t i o n a b o u t y o u , y o u r family, a n d 1 2 0 m i l l i o n o t h e r people, was a n n o u n c e d i n
1 9 9 1 b y L o t u s . A f t e r p u b l i c c r i t i c i s m , L o t u s decided n o t t o m a r k e t t h e p r o d -
uct. I n t e r a c t i v e t e l e v i s i o n systems are b e i n g installed n o w , systems t h a t a l l o w
customers t o d o w n l o a d videos a n d u p l o a d i n f o r m a t i o n about t h e i r tastes,
preferences, a n d o p i n i o n s . W i t h high-speed d i g i t a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n capabilities
o f f u t u r e f i b e r - o p t i c n e t w o r k s , there w i l l be even m o r e ways t o m o v e i n f o r m a -
t i o n a b o u t y o u f r o m y o u r h o m e t o t h e databases o f others, w i t h a n d w i t h o u t
y o u r consent.
I n f o r m a t i o n a l dossiers a b o u t i n d i v i d u a l s are m a r k e t i n g g o l d mines f o r those
who k n o w h o w t o m a k e m o n e y b y k n o w i n g w h i c h magazines y o u subscribe
t o , w h a t k i n d o f y o g u r t y o u eat, a n d w h i c h p o l i t i c a l organizations y o u sup-
p o r t . I n v i s i b l e i n f o r m a t i o n - y o u r name, address, o t h e r d e m o g r a p h i c i n f o r m a -
t i o n - is already e n c o d e d i n certain p r o m o t i o n a l coupons y o u get i n t h e m a i l .
U l t i m a t e l y , advertisers w i l l be able t o use n e w technologies t o customize t h e
television a d v e r t i s i n g f o r each i n d i v i d u a l h o u s e h o l d . A d v e r t i s i n g agencies,
d i r e c t m a i l m a r k e t e r s , a n d p o l i t i c a l consultants already k n o w w h a t t o d o w i t h
y o u r z i p code, y o u r social security n u m b e r , a n d a f e w o t h e r data. These p r o -
fessional p r i v a c y b r o k e r s have begun t o realize t h a t a significant p o r t i o n o f the
p o p u l a t i o n w o u l d freely a l l o w someone else t o collect a n d use a n d even sell
personal i n f o r m a t i o n , i n r e t u r n f o r p a y m e n t o r subsidies.
H e r e is o n e o b v i o u s answer t o t h e i n e q u i t y o f access t o N e t resources a n d
the gap b e t w e e n i n f o r m a t i o n - r i c h a n d i n f o r m a t i o n - p o o r . Some people w o u l d
be able t o a f f o r d t o pay f o r 'enhanced i n f o r m a t i o n services.' O t h e r s w o u l d be
able t o use those services i n exchange f o r a l i t t l e i n f o r m a t i o n - m o n i t o r i n g . F o r
a n s w e r i n g a f e w questions a n d a l l o w i n g certain o f y o u r transactions t o be
m o n i t o r e d , f o r e x a m p l e , y o u w o u l d be g r a n t e d a certain n u m b e r o f h o u r s o f
service, o r even p a i d f o r t h e i n f o r m a t i o n a n d t h e r i g h t t o use i t . W h y s h o u l d
a n y b o d y g o t o t h e t r o u b l e o f seizing o u r rights o f p r i v a c y w h e n so m a n y o f us
w o u l d be h a p p y t o sell them?
Selling y o u r p r i v a c y is y o u r r i g h t , a n d I ' m n o t suggesting t h a t anyone stop
you. I n fact, i t m i g h t be a viable s o l u t i o n t o t h e p r o b l e m s o f e q u i t y o f
access. T h e r e is, i n m e d i c i n e , t h e n o t i o n o f i n f o r m e d consent, h o w e v e r , w h i c h
obligates y o u r physician t o e x p l a i n t o y o u t h e risks a n d p o t e n t i a l side effects

o f r e c o m m e n d e d m e d i c a l procedures. I ' d l i k e people t o k n o w w h a t i t is they
are g i v i n g away i n exchange f o r convenience, rebates, o r o n l i n e h o u r s o n t h e
latest M U D [ M u l t i - U s e r D u n g e o n ] . D o people have a r i g h t t o privacy? W h e r e
does t h a t r i g h t begin a n d end? W i t h o u t adequate p r o t e c t i o n s , the same i n f o r -
m a t i o n t h a t can f l o w laterally, f r o m citizen t o citizen, can be used by p o w e r f u l
central a u t h o r i t i e s as w e l l as by grassroots groups.
T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t k i n d o f p r o t e c t i o n f o r citizens against technology-
assisted i n v a s i o n o f p r i v a c y is a set o f principles that can help preserve i n d i -
v i d u a l a u t o n o m y i n t h e d i g i t a l age. Laws, policies, a n d n o r m s are t h e various
ways i n w h i c h such p r i n c i p l e s , once articulated a n d agreed o n , are e n f o r c e d i n
a d e m o c r a t i c society. B u t h i g h t e c h n o l o g y is o f t e n very g o o d at r e n d e r i n g laws
m o o t . A n o t h e r k i n d o f p r o t e c t i o n f o r citizens is the subject o f c u r r e n t intense
s c r u t i n y b y cyberspace c i v i l libertarians, a technical f i x k n o w n as citizen
e n c r y p t i o n . A c o m b i n a t i o n o f principles, laws, policies, a n d technologies, i f
i n t e l l i g e n t l y designed a n d equitably i m p l e m e n t e d , o f f e r o n e m o r e h o p e f u l sce-
n a r i o i n w h i c h citizens can c o n t i n u e t o make use o f the advantages o f the N e t
w i t h o u t f a l l i n g v i c t i m t o its Panoptic p o t e n t i a l .
G a r y M a r x , a professor o f sociology at M I T , is an expert o n t e c h n o l o g y a n d
privacy. M a r x ( 1 9 9 0 ) suggests that
an important example of the kind of principles needed is the Code of Fair

Information developed i n 1973 for the U.S. Department of Health, Education,
and Welfare. The code involves five principles:
There must be no personal-data record keeping whose very existence is secret.
There must be a way for a person to find out what information about him is
in a record and how i t is being used.
There must be a way for a person to prevent information that was obtained
for one purpose from being used or made available for other purposes without
his consent.
There must be a way for a person to correct or amend a record of identifiable
information about himself.
Any organization creating, maintaining, using, or disseminating records of
identifiable personal data must assure the reliability of the data for their intend-
ed use and must take precautions to prevent misuses of the data.
T h e h i g h l y i n t e r c o n n e c t e d , relatively insecure n e t w o r k s , w i t h t h e i r m i l l i o n s
and b i l l i o n s o f bits per second, are a t o u g h e n v i r o n m e n t t o enforce rules based
o n these suggested p r i n c i p l e s . M a n y o f the nuances o f p u b l i c c o n f e r e n c i n g o r
private e - m a i l o r h y b r i d entities such as e-mail lists w i l l require changes i n
these p r i n c i p l e s , b u t this list is a g o o d w a y t o focus societal debate about v a l -
ues, risks, a n d liberties. I f the p r o f i t o r p o w e r d e r i v e d f r o m N e t - s n o o p i n g
proves t o be significant, a n d the technicalities o f the N e t make i t d i f f i c u l t t o
t r a c k p e r p e t r a t o r s , h o w e v e r , n o laws w i l l ever adequately p r o t e c t citizens.
T h a t ' s w h y a subculture o f c o m p u t e r software pioneers k n o w n as cypher-
p u n k s have been w o r k i n g t o make citizen e n c r y p t i o n possible.
E n c r y p t i o n is the science o f encoding a n d decoding messages. C o m p u t e r s
Disinformocracy 415
a n d c o d e b r e a k i n g g o back a l o n g way. A l a n T u r i n g , one o f the intellectual

fathers o f t h e c o m p u t e r , w o r k e d d u r i n g W o r l d War I I o n using c o m p u t a t i o n a l
strategies t o break t h e codes created b y G e r m a n y ' s Enigma machine. Today, the
largest assemblage o f c o m p u t e r p o w e r i n t h e w o r l d is w i d e l y a c k n o w l e d g e d t o
be t h e p r o p e r t y o f the U.S. N a t i o n a l Security Agency, t h e top-secret c o n t e m p o -
r a r y h i g h - t e c h codebreakers. C o m p u t e r s a n d mathematical theories are t o d a y ' s
m o s t i m p o r t a n t weapons i n t h e w a r between codemakers a n d codebreakers.
L i k e c o m p u t e r s themselves, a n d C M C , t h e mathematical complexities o f
e n c r y p t i o n have begun t o diffuse f r o m t h e specialists t o t h e citizens.
A t o o l k n o w n as p u b l i c - k e y e n c r y p t i o n is causing q u i t e a stir these days, n o t
just because i t enables citizens t o encode messages t h a t t h e i r recipients can
r e a d b u t are n o t readable b y even t h e m o s t c o m p u t a t i o n a l l y p o w e r f u l code-
breakers, b u t also because citizen e n c r y p t i o n makes possible t w o e x t r e m e l y
p o w e r f u l a n t i p a n o p t i c weapons k n o w n as d i g i t a l cash a n d d i g i t a l signature.
W i t h d i g i t a l cash, i t is possible t o b u i l d an electronic e c o n o m y w h e r e t h e seller
can v e r i f y t h a t t h e buyer's credit is g o o d , a n d transfer t h e correct a m o u n t o f
m o n e y , w i t h o u t t h e seller k n o w i n g w h o t h e buyer is. W i t h d i g i t a l signature, i t
is possible i n t h e i d e n t i t y - f l u i d o n l i n e w o r l d t o establish certainty a b o u t t h e
sender o f a message. T h i s has i m p o r t a n t i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r i n t e l l e c t u a l p r o p e r t y
a n d o n l i n e p u b l i s h i n g , as w e l l as personal security.
Key is a c r y p t o g r a p h e r s ' t e r m f o r t h e c o d e b o o k t h a t u n l o c k s a p a r t i c u l a r
code. U n t i l recently, code keys, w h e t h e r made o f m e t a l o r m a t h e m a t i c a l algo-
r i t h m s , w e r e t o p secret. I f someone steals y o u r key, y o u r messages are c o m -
p r o m i s e d . Public-key e n c r y p t i o n makes use o f recent m a t h e m a t i c a l discoveries
t h a t enable a p e r s o n t o keep o n e key p r i v a t e a n d d i s t r i b u t e t o everyone a n d
anyone a p u b l i c key. I f anyone wants t o use t h a t person's p u b l i c key, o n l y t h e
o w n e r o f t h e p r i v a t e key can read t h e message; b o t h p u b l i c a n d p r i v a t e keys
are necessary, a n d t h e p r i v a t e k e y cannot be discovered b y m a t h e m a t i c a l oper-
ations o n t h e p u b l i c key. Because e n c r y p t i o n is based o n precise m a t h e m a t i c a l
p r i n c i p l e s , i t is possible t o demonstrate t h a t a p a r t i c u l a r e n c r y p t i o n scheme is
i n h e r e n t l y s t r o n g e n o u g h t o survive b r u t e - f o r c e m a t h e m a t i c a l assault by p o w -
erful supercomputers.
Public-key e n c r y p t i o n as i t exists t o d a y is unbreakable b y a l l b u t the m o s t
p o w e r f u l c o m p u t e r s , such as those o w n e d b y t h e N a t i o n a l Security Agency.
Policy debate a n d legal challenges have r e v o l v e d a r o u n d citizens' rights t o use
m a t h e m a t i c a l l y unbreakable e n c r y p t i o n . T h e N a t i o n a l Security Agency sees
this as a security n i g h t m a r e , w h e n i t can n o longer d o its j o b o f p i c k i n g strate-
gic signals o u t o f t h e ether a n d inspecting t h e m f o r c o n t e n t t h a t threatens t h e
security o f t h e U n i t e d States. C e r t a i n discoveries i n t h e m a t h e m a t i c a l f o u n d a -
t i o n s o f c r y p t o g r a p h y are a u t o m a t i c a l l y classified as soon as a m a t h e m a t i c i a n
happens u p o n t h e m . J o h n G i l m o r e , o n e o f t h e founders o f t h e E l e c t r o n i c
F r o n t i e r F o u n d a t i o n (EFF), recently f i l e d suit against t h e N a t i o n a l Security
Agency f o r its classification a n d suppression i n t h e U n i t e d States o f f u n d a m e n -
t a l c r y p t o g r a p h y texts t h a t are u n d o u b t e d l y k n o w n t o A m e r i c a ' s enemies. A
few days after G i l m o r e f i l e d suit a n d i n f o r m e d t h e press, t h e agency aston-

ished e v e r y b o d y b y declassifying the documents.
T h i n k o f d i g i t a l cash as a k i n d o f c r e d i t card that a l l o w s y o u t o spend w h a t -
ever c r e d i t y o u l e g i t i m a t e l y have w i t h o u t leaving a personal i d e n t i f i e r l i n k e d
t o t h e transaction. T h e same techniques c o u l d be used t o render o t h e r aspects
o f personal i n f o r m a t i o n - medical a n d legal records - far less vulnerable t o
abuse. D i f f e r e n t applications o f e n c r y p t i o n t e c h n o l o g y already are being c o n -
sidered as safeguards against d i f f e r e n t k i n d s o f p a n o p t i c danger. B u t u b i q u i -
tous e n c r y p t i o n poses i m p o r t a n t p r o b l e m s : w i l l citizen e n c r y p t i o n , b y m a k i n g
i t impossible f o r any i n d i v i d u a l o r g r o u p t o crack e n c r y p t e d messages, give t h e
u p p e r h a n d t o c r i m i n a l s a n d terrorists, o r w i l l i t force l a w e n f o r c e m e n t a n d
intelligence agencies t o s h i f t resources away f r o m signals intelligence ( m o n i -
t o r i n g c o m m u n i c a t i o n s ) a n d i n t o other, possibly even m o r e invasive s u r v e i l -
lance techniques? T h e i m p a c t o f citizen e n c r y p t i o n , f o r g o o d o r i l l , l o o m s as
one o f those u n e x p e c t e d applications o f higher mathematics - l i k e nuclear fis-
sion - t h a t has t h e p o t e n t i a l t o change e v e r y t h i n g . There's still t i m e t o t a l k
about i t .
T h e t h i r d school o f c r i t i c i s m b u i l d s o n t h e f o u n d a t i o n o f c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n
o f t h e p u b l i c sphere b u t veers o f f i n t o a somewhat surrealistic d i m e n s i o n .
H i g h l y abstruse w o r k s o f c o n t e m p o r a r y p h i l o s o p h y , m u c h o f i t o r i g i n a t i n g i n
France, have been p r o p o s i n g certain ideas a b o u t the psychological a n d social
effects o f p r e v i o u s c o m m u n i c a t i o n s technologies t h a t raise d i s t u r b i n g reso-
nances w i t h t h e n a t u r e o f C M C technologies.
The hyper-realists
Hyper-realists see t h e use o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n s technologies as a r o u t e t o t h e
t o t a l replacement o f t h e n a t u r a l w o r l d a n d t h e social o r d e r w i t h a t e c h n o l o g i -
cally m e d i a t e d hyper-reality, a 'society o f t h e spectacle' i n w h i c h w e are n o t
even aware t h a t w e w o r k a l l day t o earn m o n e y t o p a y f o r e n t e r t a i n m e n t
m e d i a t h a t t e l l us w h a t t o desire a n d w h i c h b r a n d t o consume a n d w h i c h
p o l i t i c i a n t o believe. W e d o n ' t see o u r e n v i r o n m e n t as an a r t i f i c i a l construc-
t i o n t h a t uses m e d i a t o extract o u r m o n e y a n d p o w e r . We see i t as ' r e a l i t y ' -
the w a y things are. T o hyper-realists, C M C , like o t h e r c o m m u n i c a t i o n s tech-
nologies o f the past, is d o o m e d t o become another p o w e r f u l c o n d u i t f o r d i s i n -
fotainment. W h i l e a f e w people will get better information via high-
b a n d w i d t h s u p e r n e t w o r k s , t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n , i f h i s t o r y is any
g u i d e , are l i k e l y t o become m o r e precisely b e f u d d l e d , m o r e exactly m a n i p u -
lated. H y p e r - r e a l i t y is w h a t y o u get w h e n a Panopticon evolves t o t h e p o i n t
w h e r e i t can convince everyone that i t doesn't exist; people c o n t i n u e t o
believe they are free, a l t h o u g h t h e i r p o w e r has disappeared.
Televisions, telephones, radios, a n d c o m p u t e r n e t w o r k s are p o t e n t p o l i t i c a l
t o o l s because t h e i r f u n c t i o n is n o t t o m a n u f a c t u r e o r t r a n s p o r t physical goods
but t o i n f l u e n c e h u m a n beliefs a n d perceptions. A s electronic e n t e r t a i n m e n t
Disinformocracy 417
has b e c o m e increasingly ' r e a l i s t i c / i t has been used as a n increasingly p o w e r -

f u l p r o p a g a n d a device. T h e m o s t radical o f t h e hyper-realist p o l i t i c a l critics
charge t h a t t h e w o n d e r s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n s t e c h n o l o g y s k i l l f u l l y camouflage
t h e disappearance a n d subtle replacement o f t r u e democracy - a n d e v e r y t h i n g
else t h a t used t o be a u t h e n t i c , f r o m nature t o h u m a n relationships - w i t h a
s i m u l a t e d , c o m m e r c i a l v e r s i o n . T h e i l l u s i o n o f democracy o f f e r e d b y C M C
Utopians, a c c o r d i n g t o these r e a l i t y critiques, is just another d i s t r a c t i o n f r o m
t h e real p o w e r p l a y b e h i n d t h e scenes o f t h e n e w technologies - t h e replace-
m e n t o f d e m o c r a c y w i t h a g l o b a l m e r c a n t i l e state t h a t exerts c o n t r o l t h r o u g h
t h e media-assisted m a n i p u l a t i o n o f desire rather t h a n t h e m o r e o r t h o d o x
means o f surveillance a n d c o n t r o l . W h y t o r t u r e people w h e n y o u can get
t h e m t o pay f o r access t o electronic m i n d c o n t r o l ?
D u r i n g t h e events o f M a y 1 9 6 8 , w h e n students p r o v o k e d a r e v o l t i n t h e
streets o f Paris against t h e G a u l l i s t r e g i m e , a radical manifesto surfaced, w r i t -
ten b y G u y D e b o r d . The Society of the Spectacle made a s t a r t l i n g tangential
leap f r o m w h a t M c L u h a n was saying at a r o u n d t h e same t i m e . C i n e m a , t e l e v i -
s i o n , newspapers, D e b o r d p r o c l a i m e d , w e r e all p a r t o f a w o r l d w i d e h e g e m o n y
o f p o w e r i n w h i c h t h e r i c h a n d p o w e r f u l h a d learned t o r u l e w i t h m i n i m a l
force b y t u r n i n g e v e r y t h i n g i n t o a m e d i a event. T h e staged c o n v e n t i o n s o f the
p o l i t i c a l parties t o a n o i n t p o l i t i c i a n s w h o h a d already been selected b e h i n d
closed d o o r s w e r e a p r o m i n e n t e x a m p l e , b u t they w e r e o n l y p a r t o f a w e b o f
headlines, advertisements, a n d managed events.
T h e replacement o f o l d n e i g h b o r h o o d s w i t h m o d e r n malls, a n d cafés w i t h
f a s t - f o o d franchises, was p a r t o f this 'society o f t h e spectacle,' precisely
because they h e l p destroy t h e 'great g o o d places' w h e r e t h e p u b l i c sphere
lives. M o r e t h a n t w e n t y years later, D e b o r d l o o k e d back a n d emphasized this
aspect o f his earlier forecasts:
For the agora, the general community, has gone, along w i t h communities
restricted to intermediary bodies or to independent institutions, to salons or
cafés, or to workers i n a single company. There is no place left where people can
discuss the realities which concern them, because they can never lastingly free
themselves f r o m the crushing presence of media discourse and of the various
forces organized t o relay i t . . . . What is false creates taste, and reinforces itself by
knowingly eliminating any possible reference to the authentic. A n d what is gen-
uine is reconstructed as quickly as possible, to resemble the false.
A n o t h e r F r e n c h social c r i t i c , Jean B a u d r i l l a r d , has been w r i t i n g since t h e

1960s about the increasingly synthetic nature o f technological civilization
and a c u l t u r e t h a t has been i r r e v o c a b l y t a i n t e d b y t h e c o r r u p t i o n o f o u r
s y m b o l i c systems. T h i s analysis goes deeper t h a n t h e effects o f m e d i a o n o u r
m i n d s ; B a u d r i l l a r d c l a i m s t o t r a c k t h e d e g e n e r a t i o n o f m e a n i n g itself. I n
B a u d r i l l a r d ' s h i s t o r i c a l analysis, h u m a n c i v i l i z a t i o n has changed i t s e l f i n
t h r e e m a j o r stages, m a r k e d b y t h e changes i n m e a n i n g w e invest i n o u r
s y m b o l systems. M o r e specifically, B a u d r i l l a r d focused o n t h e c h a n g i n g
r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n signs (such as a l p h a b e t i c a l characters, g r a p h i c images)
a n d that which they signify. T h e w o r d dog is a sign, a n d English-speakers

recognize that i t refers t o , signifies, a living creature i n the material
w o r l d t h a t barks a n d has fleas. A c c o r d i n g t o B a u d r i l l a r d , d u r i n g the f i r s t
step o f c i v i l i z a t i o n , w h e n speech a n d t h e n w r i t i n g w e r e created, signs
w e r e i n v e n t e d to point to reality. D u r i n g the second step o f c i v i l i z a t i o n ,
w h i c h t o o k place over the past century, a d v e r t i s i n g , p r o p a g a n d a , a n d c o m -
m o d i f i c a t i o n set i n , a n d the sign begins to hide reality. The t h i r d step
includes o u r step i n t o the h y p e r - r e a l , f o r n o w w e are i n an age w h e n signs
b e g i n to hide the absence of reality. Signs n o w h e l p us p r e t e n d t h a t t h e y
mean something.
T e c h n o l o g y a n d industry, i n B a u d r i l l a r d ' s view, succeeded over the past cen-
t u r y i n satisfying basic h u m a n needs, a n d thus the p r o f i t - m a k i n g apparatus
t h a t c o n t r o l l e d t e c h n o l o g y - d r i v e n i n d u s t r y needed t o f u l f i l l desires instead o f
needs. T h e n e w m e d i a o f r a d i o a n d television made i t possible t o keep the
desire level o f entire p o p u l a t i o n s h i g h enough t o keep a consumer society
g o i n g . T h e w a y this occurs has t o d o w i t h sign systems such as tobacco
commercials t h a t l i n k the b r a n d name o f a cigarette t o a b e a u t i f u l p h o t o g r a p h
o f a sylvan scene. T h e b r a n d name o f a cigarette is w o v e n i n t o a fabric o f
m a n u f a c t u r e d signifiers t h a t can be changed at any t i m e . T h e realm of
the h y p e r - r e a l . V i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s w i l l f i t very neatly i n t o this cosmology, i f
it t u r n s o u t t h a t they offer the semblance o f c o m m u n i t y b u t lack some
fundamental requirement for true community.
B a u d r i l l a r d ' s v i s i o n r e m i n d e d me o f another dystopian p r o p h e c y f r o m the
b e g i n n i n g o f the t w e n t i e t h century, E. M . Forster's c h i l l i n g tale T h e Machine
Stops.' T h e story is a b o u t a f u t u r e w o r l d o f b i l l i o n s o f people, each o f w h o m
lives i n a c o m f o r t a b l e m u l t i m e d i a chamber that delivers necessities a u t o m a t i -
cally, dispenses o f wastes, a n d l i n k s everyone i n the w o r l d i n t o marvelously
s t i m u l a t i n g w e b o f conversations. T h e o n l y p r o b l e m is that people l o n g ago
f o r g o t t h a t they w e r e l i v i n g i n a machine. T h e title o f the story describes the
d r a m a t i c event that gives the p l o t m o m e n t u m . Forster a n d B a u d r i l l a r d t o o k
the s h a d o w side o f t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s a n d considered i t i n l i g h t o f the
h u m a n capacity f o r i l l u s i o n . T h e y are b o t h g o o d cautionary mythmakers,
m a r k i n g the borders o f the pitfalls o f g l o b a l , h i g h - b a n d w i d t h n e t w o r k s a n d
multimedia virtual communities.
V i r t u a l c o m m u n i t a r i a n s , because o f the nature o f o u r m e d i u m , m u s t pay f o r
o u r access t o each other by forever questioning the reality o f o u r o n l i n e c u l -
t u r e . T h e l a n d o f the hyper-real begins w h e n people forget that a telephone
o n l y conveys the i l l u s i o n o f being w i t h i n speaking distance o f another person
a n d a c o m p u t e r conference o n l y conveys the i l l u s i o n o f a t o w n h a l l m e e t i n g .
It's w h e n w e f o r g e t about the i l l u s i o n that the t r o u b l e begins. W h e n the tech-
n o l o g y itself g r o w s p o w e r f u l enough t o make the illusions increasingly realis-
tic, as the N e t promises t o d o w i t h i n the n e x t ten t o t w e n t y years, the
necessity f o r c o n t i n u i n g t o question reality g r o w s even m o r e acute.
W h a t s h o u l d those o f us w h o believe i n the d e m o c r a t i z i n g p o t e n t i a l o f v i r -
Disinformocracy 419
t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s d o a b o u t t h e t e c h n o l o g i c a l critics? I believe w e s h o u l d i n v i t e
t h e m t o t h e table a n d h e l p t h e m see t h e flaws i n o u r dreams, t h e bugs i n o u r
designs. I believe w e s h o u l d study w h a t t h e historians a n d social scientists
have t o say a b o u t t h e illusions a n d p o w e r shifts that a c c o m p a n i e d t h e d i f f u -
s i o n o f p r e v i o u s technologies. C M C a n d t e c h n o l o g y i n general has real l i m i t s ;
it's best t o c o n t i n u e t o listen t o those w h o u n d e r s t a n d t h e l i m i t s , even as w e
c o n t i n u e t o e x p l o r e t h e technologies' positive capabilities. Failing t o fall u n d e r
t h e spell o f t h e ' r h e t o r i c o f t h e t e c h n o l o g i c a l s u b l i m e , ' actively q u e s t i o n i n g
a n d e x a m i n i n g social assumptions about t h e effects o f n e w technologies,
r e m i n d i n g ourselves t h a t electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n has p o w e r f u l i l l u s o r y
capabilities, are a l l g o o d steps t o take t o prevent disasters.
I f electronic democracy is t o succeed, h o w e v e r , i n t h e face o f a l l t h e obsta-
cles, activists m u s t d o m o r e t h a n a v o i d mistakes. Those w h o w o u l d use c o m -
p u t e r n e t w o r k s as p o l i t i c a l tools must g o f o r w a r d a n d actively a p p l y t h e i r
theories t o m o r e a n d d i f f e r e n t k i n d s o f c o m m u n i t i e s . I f there is a last g o o d
h o p e , a b u l w a r k against t h e h y p e r - r e a l i t y o f B a u d r i l l a r d o r Forster, i t w i l l
c o m e f r o m a n e w w a y o f l o o k i n g at technology. Instead o f f a l l i n g under t h e
spell o f a sales p i t c h , o r rejecting n e w technologies as instruments o f i l l u s i o n ,
w e need t o l o o k closely at n e w technologies a n d ask h o w they can help b u i l d
stronger, m o r e h u m a n e c o m m u n i t i e s - a n d ask h o w they m i g h t be obstacles t o
t h a t g o a l . T h e late 1990s m a y eventually be seen i n retrospect as a n a r r o w
w i n d o w o f h i s t o r i c a l o p p o r t u n i t y , w h e n people either acted o r f a i l e d t o act
effectively t o regain c o n t r o l over c o m m u n i c a t i o n s technologies. A r m e d w i t h
k n o w l e d g e , g u i d e d b y a clear, h u m a n - c e n t e r e d v i s i o n , g o v e r n e d b y a c o m m i t -
m e n t t o c i v i l discourse, w e t h e citizens h o l d t h e k e y levers at a p i v o t a l t i m e .
W h a t happens n e x t is largely u p t o us.
References
Baudrillard, J. 1988: Selected writings, ed. M a r k Poster. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford
University Press.
Bentham, J. 1843: Works, v o l . 4, ed. J. Bowring. Edinburgh: William Tait.
Carey, J. 1989: The mythos of the electronic revolution. In Communication as culture:
essays on media and society. Winchester, Mass.: Unwin Hyman.
Debord, G . 1992: Comments on the society of the spectacle. London: Verso.
Elshtain, J. B. 1982: Interactive T V - democracy and the QUBE tube. The Nation,
7-14 August, p. 108.
Foucault, M . 1977: Discipline and punish: the birth of the prison. N e w York:
Pantheon.
Habermas, J. 1984: The theory of communicative action, vol 1 , Reason and the ratio-
nalization of society. Boston, Mass.: Beacon Press.
Lipnack, J. and Stamps, J. 1982: Networking: the first report and directory. New York:
Doubleday.
M a r x , G. 1990: Privacy and technology. The World and I, September.
Postman, N . 1985: Amusing ourselves to death: public discourse in the age of show
business. N e w York: Viking Penguin.
Robins, K. and Webster, K. 1988 Cybernetic capitalism: information, technology,

everyday life. I n Mosco, V and Wasko, J, (eds.), The political economy of informa-
tion. Madison, Wis.: The University of Wisconsin Press.
Vallée, J. 1982: The network revolution: confessions of a computer scientist. Berkeley,
Calif.: And/Or Press.
Winner, L. 1986: The whale and the reactor. Chicago, 111.: University of Chicago Press.
Questions
1 Rheingold refers to Postman's comments (see 'Further reading' below) that tele-
vision has replaced genuine argument and reasoned discussion in the public
sphere with fast cuts, special effects and sound bites. To what degree do you
feel that this accusation accurately reflects political broadcasts and campaigns
in Britain and/or America?
2 To what extent do you think that Bentham's concept of a Panopticon can be
applied to the new communication technology 'revolution? What particular sur-
veillance or monitoring techniques might be said to be extensions of the panop-
ticon model?
3 In addition to Habermas' formalisation of the public sphere and Foucault's devel-
opment of Bentham's panoptic model, Rheingold also introduces two other
important concepts from two of the leading French social writers of recent
times: Debord's 'society of the spectacle' and Baudrillard's notion of 'hyper-reali-
ty'. From your reading of this extract, what is your understanding of these two
concepts and their relation to media and cultural institutions and processes of
power and democracy?
4 Do you think that Rheingold's rather pessimistic view is justified? In your view,
do new communications technologies (including surveillance technologies) liber-
ate or restrain?
Further reading
Dovey, J. (ed.) 1996: Fractal dreams: new media in social context. London: Lawrence
& Wishart.
Gandy, O. 1993: The panoptic sort. O x f o r d : Westview Press.
Postman, N . 1985: Amusing ourselves to death: public discourse in the age of show
business. N e w York: Viking Penguin.
Silverstone, R. and Hirsch, E. 1992: Consuming technologies: media and information
in domestic spaces. London: Routledge.
Webster, E 1995: Theories of the information society. London: Routledge.
37
Postmodernism and Popular Culture
Dominic Strinati
From Sociology Review, 1 (4), 2-7 (April 1992)
In this reading Strinati provides a useful account of the ways in which the term 'postmod-
ernism' has been used to describe and analyse central aspects of contemporary culture
and social life. He believes that some academic disciplines have traditionally used the term
in such a way as to make it confusing and abstruse to others, and his aim is to dispel
some of the mystique surrounding it.
Having outlined some of the distinguishing features which characterise postmodernism,
Strinati highlights some particular examples of the 'postmodern' from the fields of architec-
ture, cinema, television, advertising and pop music, which serve to illustrate exactly what
it is to be 'postmodern' and how it can be distinguished from that which went before, i.e.
modernism. Finally, he considers some of the reasons for the emergence of post-
modernism at this particular historical, political and cultural juncture. In doing so he under-
lines a theme which runs throughout this article and indeed this entire section: that is, the
involvement and centrality of media, global communications systems and technological
change in the construction of the postmodern condition.
I n September 1 9 8 9 t h e L o n d o n Evening Standard's c o l o u r magazine con-

t a i n e d a n article o n t h e ' p o s t m o d e r n i s a t i o n ' o f m a n y o f t h e high-rise t o w e r
blocks o f c o u n c i l flats b u i l t i n L o n d o n i n t h e 1960s. I t even displayed a page
o f c u t - o u t s o f t h i n g s l i k e classically designed r o o f s a n d entrance halls, decora-
t i v e façades a n d o r n a t e balconies, conifers, a n d so o n , t o a l l o w readers t o
m a k e t h e i r o w n ' P o - M o t o w e r b l o c k s ' . T h e p o i n t o f t h e article was t o s h o w
h o w t h e s t r e a m l i n e d a n d u n i f o r m h i g h rises, b u i l t i n p a r t as a result o f the
i n s p i r a t i o n o f m o d e r n i s t architecture i n t h e 1960s, are n o w being p o s t m o d -
ernised b y t h e a d d i t i o n o f n e w entrance halls a n d so o n , o r merely b y being
r e p a i n t e d i n s t r i k i n g p r i m a r y c o l o u r s . T h e criticisms made b y Prince Charles
o f t h e m o d e r n i s t a r c h i t e c t u r a l models f o r t h e n e w extension t o t h e N a t i o n a l
G a l l e r y l e d t o t h e b r i e f b e i n g g i v e n t o an A m e r i c a n f i r m o f self-consciously
p o s t m o d e r n architects, architects w h o have i n d e e d been l e a d i n g lights i n t h e
emergence o f p o s t m o d e r n architecture. M o r e recently, a character i n the r a d i o
soap o p e r a The Archers described a w o r k o f a r t as being 'very p o s t m o d e r n ' ,
w h i l e a n advertisement f o r an alcoholic d r i n k caricatured an a r t c r i t i c o n T V
i d e n t i f y i n g a p a i n t i n g b y a p o s t m o d e r n artist, t h e p a i n t i n g i n question b e i n g
really t h e stain o f a d r i n k accidently k n o c k e d o n t o a b l a n k canvas.
T h e fact t h a t examples l i k e these can be f o u n d o n a p u r e l y casual basis
suggests t h a t t h e idea o f p o s t m o d e r n i s m may have some i m p o r t a n c e . B u t i t

has been academic disciplines l i k e C u l t u r a l Studies, English, P h i l o s o p h y a n d
Sociology w h i c h have encouraged its use a n d discussion. H e r e , however, i t has
usually been assessed i n an abstract rather t h a n a concrete way, a n d i n a
language w h i c h seems t o be designed t o p u t o f f (and exclude?) a l l b u t t h e
m o s t i n i t i a t e d , obstinate o r f o o l h a r d y . W h a t I therefore w a n t t o d o i n this
article is t o present a clear account o f w h a t I t h i n k p o s t m o d e r n i s m is about. I
w i l l c o n f i n e m y discussion t o p o p u l a r c u l t u r e , f o r i t is here i n m y v i e w that
p o s t m o d e r n i s m has h a d most i m p a c t .
What is postmodernism?
T h e f o l l o w i n g list o f d i s t i n g u i s h i n g features is by n o means exhaustive, t h o u g h
each o f t h e m nonetheless characterises p o s t m o d e r n i s m .
(1) T h e breakdown of the distinction between culture and society Post-

m o d e r n i s m is said t o refer t o a c o n d i t i o n i n w h i c h this d i s t i n c t i o n n o
longer h o l d s . T h e idea is that p o p u l a r c u l t u r a l signs a n d m e d i a images
increasingly dominate o u r sense o f reality, a n d t h e w a y w e define
ourselves a n d the w o r l d a r o u n d us. Postmodernism tries t o come t o terms
w i t h , a n d u n d e r s t a n d , a media-saturated society. T h e mass m e d i a , f o r
e x a m p l e , w e r e once t h o u g h t o f as h o l d i n g u p a m i r r o r t o , a n d thereby
r e f l e c t i n g , a w i d e r social reality. N o w that reality is o n l y definable i n terms
o f the surface reflections o f that m i r r o r . I t is n o longer even a question o f
d i s t o r t i o n since the t e r m implies t h a t there is a reality, outside the surface
s i m u l a t i o n s o f t h e m e d i a , w h i c h can be d i s t o r t e d , a n d this is precisely
w h a t is at issue.
I t is equally d i f f i c u l t t o distinguish the e c o n o m y f r o m p o p u l a r c u l t u r e
since c o n s u m p t i o n - w h a t w e buy a n d w h a t determines w h a t w e b u y - is
increasingly i n f l u e n c e d by p o p u l a r c u l t u r e . C o n s u m p t i o n is increasingly
a b o u t p o p u l a r c u l t u r e ; i t has a greater a n d greater p a r t t o play i n d e c i d i n g
w h a t w e b u y a n d w h y w e buy i t . For example, w e w a t c h m o r e a n d m o r e
f i l m s because o f the extended o w n e r s h i p o f V C R s , a n d advertising, w h i c h
makes increasing use o f p o p u l a r c u l t u r a l references, plays a m o r e i m p o r -
t a n t r o l e i n d e c i d i n g w h a t we w i l l buy.
(2) A n emphasis o n style at the expense of substance and content I t follows

f r o m t h e first p o i n t that i n a p o s t m o d e r n w o r l d , surfaces a n d style must
become m o r e i m p o r t a n t a n d evoke i n their t u r n a k i n d o f 'designer i d e o l -
o g y ' . N e v i l l e Brody, a designer for, amongst other things, t h e magazines
The Face a n d Arena, has said that w h e n people shop i n supermarkets they
are as interested, i f n o t m o r e interested, i n b u y i n g t h e packaging a n d
design of the goods o n sale as the goods themselves. We t h e r e f o r e increas-
i n g l y consume images a n d signs f o r t h e i r o w n sake. T h i s is evident i n p o p -
ular c u l t u r e itself w h e n i t said that surface a n d style, w h a t things l o o k l i k e ,
Postmodernism and Popular Culture 423
the playfulness a n d t h e joke for-jokes-sake character of much T V and

m a n y f i l m s a n d records, are b e g i n n i n g t o p r e d o m i n a t e at t h e expense o f
c o n t e n t , substance a n d m e a n i n g , such t h a t q u a l i t y like i n t r i n s i c a n d artistic
m e r i t , seriousness, a u t h e n t i c i t y , realism, i n t e l l e c t u a l d e p t h a n d s t r o n g nar-
ratives t e n d t o be u n d e r m i n e d .
(3) T h e b r e a k d o w n of the distinction between high culture (art) and popular
culture I t f o l l o w s o n f r o m t h e last p o i n t t h a t as far as p o s t m o d e r n c u l -
t u r e is c o n c e r n e d e v e r y t h i n g is u p f o r grabs t o be i n c l u d e d as a j o k e , refer-
ence o r q u o t a t i o n i n t h e eclectic play o f styles, s i m u l a t i o n a n d surfaces. I f
p o p u l a r c u l t u r a l signs a n d m e d i a images are t a k i n g over i n d e f i n i n g o u r
sense o f reality, a n d i f this means t h e style takes precedence over c o n t e n t ,
t h e n a n y m e a n i n g f u l d i s t i n c t i o n between a r t a n d p o p u l a r c u l t u r e can n o
longer be m a i n t a i n e d . T h e r e are n o longer any c r i t e r i a w h i c h can d o t h e
job properly.
T h e artist A n d y W a r h o l ' s m u l t i - i m a g e d p r i n t o f L e o n a r d o D a V i n c i ' s
f a m o u s p a i n t i n g The Mona Lisa, e c h o i n g an a r g u m e n t o f Walter B e n j a m i n
a n d a n earlier j o k e y version o f the same p a i n t i n g b y M a r c e l D u c h a m p , is a
case i n p o i n t . T h e p r i n t shows t h a t t h e uniqueness, t h e artistic aura, o f the
Mona Lisa is destroyed b y its i n f i n i t e r e p r o d u c i b i l i t y t h r o u g h t h e silk
screen p r i n t i n g techniques e m p l o y e d b y W a r h o l , a n d is t u r n e d instead i n t o
a j o k e - t h e p r i n t ' s t i t l e is T h i r t y are better t h a n o n e ' . T h i s p o i n t is
enhanced b y t h e fact t h a t W a r h o l was r e n o w n e d f o r his p r i n t s o f famous
p o p u l a r c u l t u r a l icons l i k e M a r i l y n M o n r o e a n d Elvis Presley as w e l l as o f
everyday consumer items like tins o f Campbell's soup, C o c a - C o l a bottles,
a n d d o l l a r bills.
O n e aspect o f this process is t h a t a r t becomes increasingly i n t e g r a t e d
i n t o t h e e c o n o m y b o t h because i t is used t o encourage people t o consume
t h r o u g h t h e e x p a n d e d r o l e i t plays i n advertising a n d because i t becomes a
c o m m e r c i a l g o o d i n its o w n r i g h t : i n t h e p o s t m o d e r n w o r l d , a r t is about
c o n s u m p t i o n . A n o t h e r aspect is t h a t p o s t m o d e r n p o p u l a r c u l t u r e refuses
t o respect t h e pretensions a n d distinctiveness o f a r t a n y w a y so t h a t cross-
overs b e t w e e n t h e t w o , a n d t h e b l u r r i n g o f any difference between t h e m ,
becomes m o r e a n d m o r e t h e n o r m .
(4) Confusions over time and space T h e t i t l e a n d t h e narratives o f t h e Back

to the Future f i l m s capture this p o i n t fairly w e l l . I t is argued t h a t c o n -
t e m p o r a r y a n d f u t u r e compressions a n d focusing o f t i m e a n d space have
l e d t o increasing confusions a n d incoherence i n o u r sense o f space a n d
t i m e , i n o u r maps o f t h e places w h e r e w e l i v e , a n d o u r ideas a b o u t t h e
' t i m e s ' i n t e r m s o f w h i c h w e organise o u r lives. T h e g r o w i n g i m m e d i a c y
o f w o r l d space a n d t i m e r e s u l t i n g f r o m t h e d o m i n a n c e o f the m e d i a - w e
k n o w w h a t is g o i n g o n i n the M i d d l e East, i n so far as w e are p e r m i t t e d t o
k n o w w h a t is g o i n g o n , m o r e o r less as i t happens, a n d w e can be present,
via T V , at t h e release o f N e l s o n M a n d e l a o r at a w o r l d w i d e Band A i d c o n -
cert - means t h a t o u r previously u n i f i e d a n d coherent ideas about space

a n d t i m e begin t o be u n d e r m i n e d a n d subject t o distortions a n d confusions.
R a p i d i n t e r n a t i o n a l flows o f c a p i t a l , m o n e y , i n f o r m a t i o n , c o m m u n i c a -
t i o n s , a n d so o n , d i s r u p t t h e l i n e a r u n i t i e s o f t i m e a n d t h e established
distances o f g e o g r a p h i c a l space. Because o f t h e speed a n d scope o f m o d -
e r n mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , because o f t h e r e l a t i v e ease a n d r a p i d i t y
w i t h w h i c h p e o p l e a n d i n f o r m a t i o n can t r a v e l , t i m e a n d space b e c o m e
less stable a n d c o m p r e h e n s i b l e , m o r e c o n f u s e d , m o r e i n c o h e r e n t , m o r e
disunified.
P o s t m o d e r n p o p u l a r c u l t u r e is thus seen t o encapsulate, accentuate a n d
reflect these confusions a n d d i s t o r t i o n s ; i t is n o longer so l i k e l y t o e m b o d y
c o h e r e n t senses o f space o r t i m e . T r y t o i d e n t i f y t h e locations used i n
some p o p videos, t h e linear narratives o f some recent f i l m s , t h e times a n d
spaces crossed i n a t y p i c a l evening o f T V v i e w i n g , a n d y o u w i l l get some
idea o f w h a t is b e i n g argued. Postmodern p o p u l a r c u l t u r e is a c u l t u r e sans
frontières, outside history.
(5) T h e decline of the 'meta-narratives' T h i s sense o f a loss o f h i s t o r y as a

c o n t i n u o u s , linear narrative gives some i n d i c a t i o n o f t h e idea t h a t i n a
p o s t m o d e r n w o r l d so-called 'meta-narratives' are i n decline. Consider also
h o w w e usually t h i n k o f h i s t o r y a n d t h e n r e c o u n t t h e p l o t o f any Back to
the Future f i l m i n t h e same terms, using t h e concept o f linear t i m e , a n d
t h e n c o m p a r e this c o m p l e x i t y w i t h earlier science f i c t i o n accounts o f t i m e
t r a v e l . P o s t m o d e r n i s m is sceptical o f any absolute, universal a n d a l l -
e m b r a c i n g c l a i m t o k n o w l e d g e a n d argues that theories o r doctrines w h i c h
m a k e such claims are increasingly o p e n t o c r i t i c i s m , contestation a n d
d o u b t . I t is thus b e c o m i n g increasingly d i f f i c u l t f o r people t o organise a n d
i n t e r p r e t t h e i r lives i n t h e l i g h t o f 'meta-narratives'. Postmodernism is par-
t i c u l a r l y c r i t i c a l o f t h e ' m e t a - n a r r a t i v e ' o f M a r x i s m a n d t h e claims i t
makes t o absolute t r u t h , as i t is o f any t h e o r y w h i c h tries t o read a p a t t e r n
o f progress i n t o history, b u t other 'meta-narratives' w h i c h can be c i t e d
i n c l u d e r e l i g i o n a n d science, o r w h a t w e m i g h t l i k e t o call ' B i g Science'.
T h e consequence o f t h e above p o i n t s is t h a t p o s t m o d e r n i s m rejects the

claims o f a n y t h e o r y t o absolute k n o w l e d g e o r o f any social practice t o
universal validity. So, f o r e x a m p l e , o n t h e one h a n d , there are m o v e m e n t s
i n t h e n a t u r a l o r h a r d sciences away f r o m d e t e r m i n i s t i c a n d absolute
'meta-narratives' t o w a r d s m o r e c o n t i n g e n t a n d p r o b a b i l i s t i c claims t o t h e
t r u t h , w h i l e o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , people appear t o be m o v i n g away f r o m
the ' m e t a - n a r r a t i v e ' o f l i f e - l o n g , m o n o g a m o u s marriage t o w a r d s a series
o f discrete i f still m o n o g a m o u s 'relationships'. Just as p o s t m o d e r n i s m is
a b o u t t h e loss o f a sense o f the u n i t y o f space a n d t i m e , so i t is a b o u t
the loss ( w h i c h i t does n o t really regret) o f t h e u n i t y a n d c e r t a i n t y o f
k n o w l e d g e . T h i s p o i n t is clearly less i m p o r t a n t at first glance t o d e v e l o p -
ments i n p o p u l a r c u l t u r e , b u t the increasingly disparate, cross-referencing,
a n d collage-like character o f t h e latter does d r a w i n s p i r a t i o n f r o m t h e

absence o r decline o f 'meta-narratives'.
Signs of postmodern popular culture

I n o w w a n t t o l o o k m o r e closely at some examples o f p o p u l a r c u l t u r e i n order
t o s h o w h o w certain signs o f the emergence o f p o s t m o d e r n i s m may be detected.
Architecture
T h i s is a v e r y g o o d e x a m p l e t o refer t o because d u r i n g the 2 0 t h c e n t u r y i t has
been i n f l u e n c e d b y architects w h o have self-consciously d e f i n e d themselves as
' m o d e r n i s t ' o r ' p o s t m o d e r n i s t ' , a n d these terms have been used e x p l i c i t l y
about contemporary buildings. M o d e r n i s m i n architecture, which first
e m e r g e d f u l l y i n t h e 1920s, based itself u p o n a radical rejection o f a l l p r e v i o u s
f o r m s o f a r c h i t e c t u r e , a n d argued t h a t b u i l d i n g s a n d architecture h a d t o be
created a n e w a c c o r d i n g t o r a t i o n a l a n d scientific p r i n c i p l e s . F u n c t i o n a l i t y a n d
efficiency have become i t s h a l l m a r k s as have h i g h rise, s t r e a m l i n e d a n d glass
a n d concrete structures, since i t sought t o reflect, celebrate a n d e n t r e n c h t h e
d y n a m i s m o f i n d u s t r i a l m o d e r n i t y t h r o u g h t h e r a t i o n a l , scientific a n d t e c h n i -
cal c o n s t r u c t i o n o f b u i l t space. T h e m o d e r n i s t architect k n e w w h a t was best
f o r p e o p l e a n d became another h e r o (yes, hero) o f the i n d u s t r i a l age.
Postmodernism i n architecture rejects totally this 'meta-narrative'. F i c t i o n a l i t y
a n d playfulness are its hallmarks as are highly ornate, diversely structured a n d
h i g h l y c o l o u r e d b u i l d i n g s , w h i c h m i x styles f r o m d i f f e r e n t historical periods i n
almost r a n d o m a n d eclectic fashions. Postmodernism turns buildings i n t o cele-
brations o f style a n d surface, using architecture t o make jokes about b u i l t space,
as w i t h P h i l i p Johnson's G r a n d f a t h e r C l o c k shaped b u i l d i n g f o r A T & T i n N e w
Y o r k , A d o l p h Loos's r o m a n c o l u m n design f o r the Chicago Tribune, or Richard
Rogers's L l o y d ' s b u i l d i n g i n the C i t y o f L o n d o n w h e r e things like lifts a n d pipes
w h i c h are usually inside are instead deliberately displayed o n the outside o f the
b u i l d i n g . Rather t h a n b u i l d o r design according t o r a t i o n a l scientific principles,
p o s t m o d e r n architecture is said t o proceed according t o t h e context i n w h i c h
the b u i l d i n g is t o be placed, a n d t o m i x together classical (e.g. ancient Rome o r
Greece) a n d vernacular (signs a n d icons d r a w n f r o m p o p u l a r culture) styles. I t
thus embraces c u l t u r a l d e f i n i t i o n s a n d the s u p e r i o r i t y o f style, b r i n g i n g together
ideas a n d f o r m s f r o m d i f f e r e n t times a n d places. I t rejects b o t h t h e p r i v i l e g e d
' m e t a - n a r r a t i v e ' o f m o d e r n i s t architecture, a n d the d i s t i n c t i o n between classical
a n d m o d e r n i s t architecture as art a n d vernacular architecture as p o p u l a r c u l t u r e .
Las Vegas has therefore been seen as b o t h a n exemplar a n d a n i n s p i r a t i o n f o r
p o s t m o d e r n architecture.
Cinema
T h e m o s t o b v i o u s examples o f p o s t m o d e r n f i l m s are those w h i c h emphasise
style, v i s u a l l o o k a n d a p p e a l , at t h e expense o f c o n t e n t , character, n a r r a t i v e
a n d c o m m e n t - f i l m s l i k e Dick Tracey o r 9Vi Weeks. B u t t o concentrate o n l y

o n those f i l m s w h i c h deliberately sell themselves o n t h e i r surface qualities
obscures the o t h e r things w h i c h are g o i n g o n i n c o n t e m p o r a r y cinema. T h e
series o f f i l m s d i r e c t e d a n d p r o d u c e d by Steven Spielberg a n d his associates
l i k e Indiana Jones and Back to the Future are also c i t e d as examples of
p o s t m o d e r n f i l m s since t h e i r m a j o r p o i n t s o f reference, a n d the sources they
m o s t f r e q u e n t l y i n v o k e , are earlier f o r m s o f p o p u l a r c u l t u r e l i k e cartoons,
science f i c t i o n a n d the 'Saturday m o r n i n g m o v i e house' a d v e n t u r e series t h a t
p e o p l e o f Spielberg's g e n e r a t i o n w o u l d have been b r o u g h t u p o n . C r i t i c s
l i k e w i s e p o i n t t o the fact that they appear t o stress spectacle, especially t h e i r
technical s o p h i s t i c a t i o n a n d w i z a r d r y , a n d the helter-skelter p u r s u i t o f a c t i o n
r a t h e r t h a n the c o n v o l u t i o n s a n d nuances o f clever p l o t t i n g a n d character
d e v e l o p m e n t . Sometimes i t is argued that the n a r r a t i v e demands o f classical
realism o r p r e m o d e r n i s m are being increasingly i g n o r e d by p o s t m o d e r n cine-
m a . T h e Back to the Future series a n d o t h e r f i l m s l i k e Brazil are equally post-
modern because of the way they are based o n confusions over, and
d i s t o r t i o n s of, t i m e a n d space. O t h e r s l i k e Roger Rabbit are seen t o be post-
m o d e r n because o f t h e i r deliberate use o f d i s t i n c t genres; i n this case the gen-
res are t e c h n i c a l l y as w e l l as c u l t u r a l l y d i s t i n c t - the c a r t o o n s t r i p a n d the
detective s t o r y
O n e very g o o d example t o t h i n k o f is Blade Runner. T h e architectural style
o f this f i l m , about Los Angeles i n the early p a r t o f the 21st century, clearly
mixes d i f f e r e n t periods - the b u i l d i n g s w h i c h house the major c o r p o r a t i o n
have l i g h t i n g characteristic o f c o n t e m p o r a r y skyscrapers b u t the o v e r a l l l o o k
o f ancient temples, w h i l e 'street t a l k ' consists o f w o r d s a n d phrases taken
f r o m a w h o l e range o f distinct languages. These architectural a n d linguistic
confusions a d d t o a slippery sense o f t i m e since w e appear t o be i n the past,
the present a n d the f u t u r e at the same t i m e . I t is a science f i c t i o n f i l m w h i c h is
n o t o b v i o u s l y f u t u r i s t i c i n its style o r l o o k . T h i s effect is accentuated i n t w o
ways. First, the ' n o n - h u m a n h u m a n s ' i n the f i l m are n o t r o b o t s , mechanical
and m o d e r n i s t i c a l l y conceived machines, b u t almost perfect simulations o f
h u m a n beings w h i c h are called replicants. Second, the genre o f the f i l m is n o t
clear. I t has been d e f i n e d as a science f i c t i o n f i l m , b u t i t is equally d e f i n e d f o r
us as a detective f i l m : the h e r o has m a n y o f the character traits w e associate
w i t h the ' t o u g h - g u y ' p o l i c e m a n o r private eye, a n d his voice-over which
relates the p l o t draws u p o n the i d i o m s a n d tone o f film noir.
Television
I t has been suggested t h a t T V itself is a p o s t m o d e r n m e d i u m since, i n its
regular d a i l y a n d n i g h t - t i m e f l o w s o f images a n d i n f o r m a t i o n , i t m e r e l y
splices together bits a n d pieces f r o m elsewhere, c o n s t r u c t i n g itself o n the
basis o f collage techniques a n d surface s i m u l a t i o n s . Equally, t h e r e are a
n u m b e r o f i n s t r u c t i v e examples o f T V p r o g r a m m e s w h i c h w e can l o o k at.
One i n t e r e s t i n g case is the series Thirty something which concerns the
d o m e s t i c a n d w o r k p r o b l e m s c o n f r o n t i n g a g r o u p o f middle-class Americans
l i v i n g i n P h i l a d e l p h i a . T h e g r o u p is i m p o r t a n t i n any case as far as p o s t m o d -
e r n i s m is c o n c e r n e d because i t contains o c c u p a t i o n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y a d v e r t i s i n g ,
w h i c h have been seen as k e y creators o f p o s t m o d e r n p o p u l a r c u l t u r e . T h e
series seems t o be a m o r e o r less s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d soap o p e r a , a l t h o u g h i n
a series f o r m a t , a b o u t t h e trials a n d t r i b u l a t i o n s o f b e i n g m i d d l e class a n d
thirty-something.
B u t w h a t distinguishes i t , w h a t makes i t d i f f e r e n t , are t h e interjections o f
fantasy/nightmare sequences, sequences d r a w n f r o m p o p u l a r c u l t u r e w h i c h
are n o t h i n g at a l l t o d o w i t h t h e conventions o f narrative realism. O n e char-
acter, a n a d v e r t i s i n g c o p y w r i t e r w h o w a n t s t o become a serious novelist, goes
t o a n e v e n i n g w r i t i n g class a n d has his attempts t o w r i t e seriously p a r o d i e d i n
a sequence o f i m a g i n a r y situations d r a w n f r o m p o p u l a r c u l t u r e . A n o t h e r
character has her anxieties about v i d e o - d a t i n g p i l l o r i e d i n a d r e a m sequence
i n w h i c h h e r f r i e n d s c o n f i r m her w o r s t fears b y h a r a n g u i n g her o n a sadistic
T V game show. I n t h e series, p o p u l a r c u l t u r e becomes t h e f o r m t h r o u g h
w h i c h episodes u n f o l d .
A f a v o u r i t e e x a m p l e , however, is the police/crime series Miami Vice. Its c o n -
s t r u c t i o n o n t h e basis o f style a n d surface is fairly clear: its executive producer,
M i c h a e l M a n n , w h e n asked once about the m a i n rule he w o r k e d t o w h e n m a k -
i n g t h e p r o g r a m m e r e p l i e d , ' n o earth tones'. As a police series i t is carefully
designed visually i n terms o f c o l o u r , locations a n d camera set-ups. W h e n i t first
came o u t i n A m e r i c a , one critical response was t o say 'this doesn't l o o k like
Television', a reference t o t h e w a y i t seemed m o r e i n keeping w i t h t h e grander
a n d m o r e stylistic a n d adventurous conventions o f cinema rather t h a n t h e
m o r e cosy a n d i n t i m a t e routines o f T V I t is also clearly distinguished f r o m the
g r i m a n d g r i t realism o f series l i k e Hill Street Blues by its very resistance t o t h e
visual a n d aural conventions o f b o t h T V a n d realism.
T h i s visual appeal has been as crucial t o the series as the designer clothes
w o r n b y t h e detectives C r o c k e t t a n d Tubbs, a n d the imaginative day a n d n i g h t -
t i m e l o o k a n d feel o f M i a m i . T h e visual pleasures derived f r o m style and ' l o o k '
- locations, settings, people, clothes, i n t e r i o r s , the city - have been a crucial
m o t i v a t i o n i n t h e m a k i n g a n d appreciation o f the series. T h e use o f an o b t r u -
sive p o p a n d r o c k music s o u n d track adds t o these pleasures, p r o v i d i n g a c o m -
m e n t a r y a n d c o u n t e r p o i n t t o t h e a c t i o n , w h i l e also representing a radical
d e p a r t u r e f o r t h e c o p show. M o r e t h a n this, i t has n o t so m u c h rejected
n a r r a t i v e as such b u t rather has p a r o d i e d t h e established c o n v e n t i o n s o f t h e
genre: situations w h i c h s h o u l d give rise t o suspense like t h e h o l d i n g o f
hostages can be dealt w i t h s u m m a r i l y w h i l e t h e b a d guys, w h e n shot, always
j u m p at least t w o feet i n t h e air. I t is equally very self-conscious about p o p u l a r
c u l t u r e m o r e generally a n d incorporates i t a n d quotes f r o m i t extensively,
q u i t e apart f r o m t h e use i t makes o f music a n d famous guest stars. A T V
d i r e c t o r w a n t i n g t o make a f i l m a b o u t t h e w o r k o f the M i a m i Vice police says
h e ' l l give i t a film noir l o o k , a p o i n t o f t e n made about t h e series itself. O n e
character is t o l d n o t t o forget her 'sub-text'. T h e I t a l i a n gangster f i l m is some-

times p a r o d i e d b y over-exaggerated a n d excessively stylised references t o
things l i k e t h e demands o f f a m i l y l o y a l t y a n d t h e c o o k i n g o f fettuccine i n just
the r i g h t way, w h i c h w o r k precisely because they are exaggerated a n d stylised.
A n d o n e episode is a v i r t u a l remake a n d update o f the western High Noon.
Advertising
O n c e u p o n a t i m e advertisements were supposed t o be about t e l l i n g us h o w
g o o d , useful a n d essential a p r o d u c t was. N o w they say less and less about t h e
p r o d u c t directly, a n d are m o r e concerned w i t h sending u p o r p a r o d y i n g adver-
tising itself by c i t i n g other ads and b y using references d r a w n f r o m p o p u l a r c u l -
t u r e . A n d this is w h a t the p o s t m o d e r n i s i n g o f ads is about. A d v e r t i s i n g has, o f
course, always been seen as a superficial a n d e m p t y exercise, m o r e i n v o l v e d
w i t h surface a n d style a n d other t r i v i a l things than a n y t h i n g else. B u t the p o i n t
at issue here is the changing content a n d tone o f advertising, the m o v e away
f r o m t h e simple a n d direct selling o f a p r o d u c t o n the basis o f its value, w h a t -
ever t h e visual style a n d t r i c k effects used. N o w , t h o u g h the i n t e n t i o n is still t o
sell, t h e p o s t m o d e r n effect is achieved by seemingly o v e r t efforts w i t h i n adver-
tising t o u n d e r m i n e this purpose. Once Guinness was g o o d f o r us. N o w all w e
see is a n actor d r i n k i n g a glass w i t h o u t any positive suggestions as t o w h y w e
s h o u l d d r i n k i t t o o . Postmodern ads are m o r e concerned w i t h the c u l t u r a l r e p -
resentations o f the a d itself as opposed t o any reference i t m a y have t o t h e
qualities o f the p r o d u c t outside the ad, a t r e n d i n keeping w i t h the collapse o f
' r e a l i t y ' i n t o p o p u l a r c u l t u r e . A n emphasis o n style a n d surface, the l o o k o f t h e
a d , its clever quotations f r o m p o p u l a r culture a n d a r t (the use o f Pavarotti
singing 'Nessun D o r m a ' as an advert, a signal, f o r the BBC's televising o f t h e
W o r l d C u p is i n this sense n o accident), its mini-sagas, its jokey quips at t h e
expense o f advertising itself, all become traits o f p o s t m o d e r n advertising.
Pop music
T h e recent h i s t o r y o f p o p u l a r music has been m a r k e d b y a t r e n d t o w a r d s t h e
d i r e c t a n d e x p l i c i t m i x i n g , o r ' i n f i l t r a t i o n ' , o f styles a n d genres o f music i n
v e r y d i r e c t a n d self-conscious ways. These have ranged f r o m t h e straight-
f o r w a r d s t i t c h i n g together o r r e m i x i n g o f already r e c o r d e d songs o r records
f r o m t h e same o r d i f f e r e n t eras o n the same r e c o r d t o t h e q u o t i n g a n d 'tast-
i n g ' o f d i s t i n c t musics, sounds a n d instruments i n o r d e r t o create a n d recreate
n e w sub- a n d p a n - c u l t u r a l identities. Jive B u n n y a n d the M a s t e r M i x e r s w i t h
their ecletic succession o f o l d s w i n g a n d r o c k ' n ' roll records are t h e
best example o f t h e f o r m e r , w h i l e the m i x i n g a n d collage-like constructions o f
reggae s o u n d systems, r a p , house, h i p h o p a n d so o n , are o n e o f t h e best
examples o f the latter, t h o u g h i t is necessary t o also include i n this category
the so-called ' a r t r o c k ' musical i n n o v a t i o n s a n d styles o f groups l i k e T a l k i n g
Heads a n d p e r f o r m e r s l i k e L a u r i e A n d e r s o n .
W h a t e v e r t h e respective musical a n d p o l i t i c a l merits o f these n e w depar-

tures, they are seen t o share p o s t m o d e r n concerns: w i t h collage, pastiche a n d
q u o t a t i o n , w i t h t h e m i x i n g o f styles w h i c h r e m a i n musically distinctive, w i t h
the r a n d o m a n d selective pasting together o f d i f f e r e n t musics a n d styles, w i t h
the rejection o f divisions between serious a n d f u n music, a n d w i t h t h e attack
o n t h e n o t i o n o f r o c k as serious artistic music w h i c h merits t h e h i g h c u l t u r a l
accolade o f t h e respectful concert - a t r e n d started b y p u n k . Clearly, these
judgements seem m o r e applicable t o some types o f c o n t e m p o r a r y m i x i n g o f
musics t h a n others, a n d i t certainly ignores t h e p o l i t i c a l i m p o r t a n c e o f the c o l -
lage o f sounds a n d styles associated w i t h t h e reconstructions o f black music.
Jive Bunny, i n this respect, appear t o personify m o r e closely postmodernist
arguments since t h e i r records, sequences o f already r e c o r d e d tracks, derive
f r o m an eclectic ransacking o f the h i s t o r y o f p o p w i t h n o a t t e m p t t o g o b e y o n d
the s i m u l a t i o n s a n d dissimulations this involves. W h a t w e have is a series o f o l d
records h e l d together o n l y b y t h e fact that they can be danced t o , l a c k i n g any
r e c o g n i t i o n o f the need t o develop n e w musical f o r m s a n d styles, w h i c h again
differentiates i t f r o m newer f o r m s o f black music a n d f r o m 'art r o c k ' .
T h i s p o s t m o d e r n m u s i c is c o n t r a s t e d with 'modernist' popular music
w h i c h d i d a t t e m p t t o f a s h i o n n e w a n d d i s t i n c t f o r m s o u t o f p r e v i o u s styles.
So w h a t w a s d i s t i n c t i v e a b o u t r o c k ' n ' r o l l , f o r e x a m p l e , w a s n o t t h e fact
t h a t i t t o o b o r r o w e d f r o m , a n d based itself u p o n , already e x i s t i n g musics,
b u t t h a t i t used these musics t o c o n s t r u c t s o m e t h i n g new, s o m e t h i n g w h i c h
h a d n o t been h e a r d b e f o r e . R o c k ' n ' r o l l , as is c o m m o n l y accepted, arose
o u t o f t h e c r o s s - c u t t i n g influences e x e r t e d b y c o u n t r y a n d w e s t e r n , o n t h e
o n e h a n d , a n d u r b a n r h y t h m ' n ' blues, o n t h e o t h e r . T h e result was n o t , i t is
argued, a postmodern amalgam i n w h i c h c o u n t r y a n d r h y t h m ' n ' blues
stayed r e c o g n i s a b l y t h e same, b u t a n o v e l a n d o r i g i n a l f u s i o n - r o c k ' n ' r o l l .
S i m i l a r l y w i t h s o u l m u s i c . T h i s is said t o have arisen o u t o f t h e c o m i n g
t o g e t h e r o f gospel a n d blues w i t h i n b l a c k A m e r i c a n c u l t u r e . Yet again t h e
consequence was s o m e t h i n g s t r i k i n g l y n e w a n d d i f f e r e n t , n o t a s o u n d w h i c h
m a i n t a i n e d t h e r e l a t i v e l y separate i d e n t i t i e s o f gospel a n d blues. P u t v e r y
simply a n d crudely, the transition between modernism a n d postmodernism
i n p o p m u s i c c a n be seen t o be associated w i t h t h e m o v e m e n t f r o m r o c k ' n '
r o l l i n t h e late 1 9 5 0 s , a n d t h e Beatles a n d T a m l a M o t o w n i n t h e 1 9 6 0 s , t o
Jive B u n n y , M u s i c M i x i n g a n d ' a r t r o c k ' i n t h e late 1980s. T h e v e r y n o t a b l e
differences amongst the latter i n terms o f their originality, n i h i l i s m , cynicism
a n d p o l i t i c s s h o u l d i n d i c a t e t o us h o w t h e r e is m o r e t h a n o n e p o l i t i c s o f
postmodernism.
The emergence of postmodernism

If, as I have t r i e d t o i n d i c a t e , there are signs t h a t a p o s t m o d e r n p o p u l a r c u l -
t u r e m i g h t be e m e r g i n g , t h e n w h y s h o u l d this be t h e case? I w i l l n o w l o o k at
some o f t h e answers t o this q u e s t i o n .
The rise of a media-saturated society

P o s t m o d e r n i s m as a t e r m represents o n e a t t e m p t t o come t o terms w i t h t h e
p r e d o m i n a n c e o f t h e mass media i n c o n t e m p o r a r y societies. T h e fact t h a t
p o s t m o d e r n i s m refers t o t h e increasing i m p o r t a n c e o f mass m e d i a d e f i n i t i o n s
o f r e a l i t y - t h a t r e a l i t y is w h a t the media say i t is, namely a question o f images
a n d surfaces - is related quite s i m p l y t o t h e rise o f m o d e r n f o r m s o f mass
c o m m u n i c a t i o n s a n d t h e associated p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f p o p u l a r c u l t u r a l signs.
T h e fact that f o r whatever reason the mass media have become so central t o
c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d i n f o r m a t i o n f l o w s w i t h i n a n d between m o d e r n societies,
a n d t h a t consequently t h e p o p u l a r c u l t u r e broadcast a n d p r o m o t e d has c o m e
increasingly t o define a n d channel everyday life i n these societies, has given
rise t o t h e characteristic features o f p o s t m o d e r n i s m described above. T h e
w o r l d has c o m e t o consist o f media screens a n d c u l t u r a l surfaces - T V s ,
V D U s , videos, c o m p u t e r s , c o m p u t e r games, personal stereos, ads, t h e m e
parks, s h o p p i n g malls, ' f i c t i t i o u s c a p i t a l ' o r c r e d i t , m o n e y as a set o f figures
o n a l u m i n o u s display screen - a n d these have become p a r t a n d parcel o f t h e
trends t o w a r d s p o s t m o d e r n p o p u l a r c u l t u r e . Postmodernism i n this perspec-
tive is t h e r e f o r e an a r g u m e n t about t h e mass media t a k i n g over - a c u l t u r a l
i n v a s i o n o f o u r senses w h i c h k n o w s n o boundaries, o n l y surfaces.
New middle-class occupations and consumer markets

T h e increasing i m p o r t a n c e o f c o n s u m p t i o n and o f the media i n m o d e r n soci-
eties has given rise t o n e w occupations - o r changed the role and character o f
older ones - associated w i t h the need t o encourage people t o consume i n m o r e
frequent, m o r e constant and m o r e varied ways. This has been called the 'sym-
bolic w o r k o f p r o d u c i n g needs', and 'the symbolic violence needed t o create a n d
sell n e w products'. These occupational groups are i n v o l v e d i n b o t h creating a n d
m a n i p u l a t i n g o r ' p l a y i n g w i t h ' cultural symbols and media images so as t o get
consumers t o buy things, even those w h i c h they d o n ' t necessarily need b u t feel
they o u g h t t o have because this is integral t o the consumer ethic.
I n v i e w o f this a r g u m e n t w e can n o t o n l y account f o r t h e g r o w i n g occupa-
t i o n a l i m p o r t a n c e o f advertising, m a r k e t i n g , design, architecture a n d m e d i a
professions like j o u r n a l i s m a n d p r o g r a m m e p r o d u c t i o n m o r e generally, b u t
also those occupations l i k e social w o r k , therapists o f o n e k i n d o r another,
teachers, lecturers, a n d so o n , associated w i t h w i d e r d e f i n i t i o n s o f p s y c h o l o g i -
cal a n d personal need a n d f u l f i l m e n t . For all these occupations are t h o u g h t t o
be t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t groups i n v o l v e d i n establishing the taste patterns f o r
the rest o f the society, i n exercising some influence over other people's
lifestyles a n d values o r ideologies ( w h i l e expressing t h e i r o w n as w e l l ) - over
w h a t they buy, w a t c h , listen t o , wear, eat, d r i n k , f u r n i s h t h e i r houses a n d flats
w i t h , etc., a n d h o w they evaluate o r make sense o f these things t o other peo-
ple a n d t o themselves. T h u s these n e w middle-class occupations, catering f o r
the v a r i e t y o f consumer markets w h i c h already exist o r w h i c h are i n t h e
process o f b e i n g f o r m e d , are c r u c i a l t o t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e p o s t m o d e r n
p o p u l a r c u l t u r e w h i c h w e have made available t o us, that c u l t u r e c o m m o n t o
the society as a w h o l e .
The erosion of collective and personal identities

T h e struggle t o create a n d sustain a n i d e n t i t y is also significant i n this regard
because i t has been suggested t h a t this is s o m e t h i n g w h i c h i t is b e c o m i n g m o r e
a n d m o r e d i f f i c u l t t o d o : t h e p o s t m o d e r n i s t s , f o r example, m a y t r y t o forge
n e w identities a n d n e w cultures, b u t because they e n d u p w i t h p o s t m o d e r n i s m
t h e i r e f f o r t s are d o o m e d t o f a i l u r e . T h i s has been singled o u t as another rea-
son f o r t h e emergence o f p o s t m o d e r n i s m . I t has sometimes been r e f e r r e d t o as
the ' d e - c e n t r i n g o f i d e n t i t y ' o r t h e 'de-centred subject', b u t this sounds
p a i n f u l , a n d I prefer t h e gentler n o t i o n o f erosion. H o w e v e r , i t has t o be
p o i n t e d o u t t h a t w e are n o t t a l k i n g about a simple process o f decline b u t t h e
f r a g m e n t a t i o n o f a l i m i t e d b u t dependable set o f coherent identities i n t o a
diverse a n d unstable series o f c o m p e t i n g identities. A l s o , there is o b v i o u s l y n o
clear d i v i d i n g line b e t w e e n t h e t w o f o r m s o f identity, a n d t h e personal derives
i n some p a r t f r o m t h e collective anyway. B u t t o use b o t h terms perhaps gives
some idea o f w h a t is at stake.
T h e first p a r t o f this a r g u m e n t p o i n t s t o w h a t i t sees as t h e g r a d u a l disap-
pearance o f the t r a d i t i o n a l , l o n g - s t a n d i n g a n d once legitimate frames o f refer-
ence i n terms o f w h i c h people c o u l d define themselves a n d their place i n
society, a n d so feel relatively secure i n their personal a n d collective identities.
These t r a d i t i o n a l sources o f i d e n t i t y - social class, t h e extended a n d nuclear
f a m i l y , l o c a l c o m m u n i t i e s , t h e ' n e i g h b o u r h o o d ' , r e l i g i o n , trade u n i o n s , t h e
n a t i o n state - are said t o be i n decline as a result o f tendencies i n m o d e r n cap-
i t a l i s m t o w a r d s increasingly r a p i d rates o f e c o n o m i c , geographical, p o l i t i c a l
a n d c u l t u r a l change. ' E c o n o m i c g l o b a l i s a t i o n ' (the tendency f o r t h e m a k i n g ,
f i n a n c i n g a n d selling o f goods a n d services t o take place w i t h o u t regard t o ,
a n d above a n d b e y o n d , t h e realities o f the n a t i o n state a n d local c o m m u n i -
ties), f o r e x a m p l e , is seen as an i m p o r t a n t reason f o r t h e gradual erosion o f
these t r a d i t i o n a l identities as w e l l as c o n t r i b u t i n g t o t h e d e c l i n i n g significance
o f social class a n d trade u n i o n i s m . T h e g r o w i n g d i s r u p t i o n o f t i m e a n d space
associated w i t h t h e pace a n d scale o f c o n t e m p o r a r y changes also leads t o t h e
d i s i n t e g r a t i o n o f t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n a l sources o f personal a n d collective
identity like the family and religion.
T h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h i s a r g u m e n t p o i n t s t o t h e fact t h a t n o t h i n g emerges
t o take t h e place o f t h e t r a d i t i o n a l sources o f personal a n d collective
i d e n t i t y . N o n e w f o r m s o r i n s t i t u t i o n s , n o n e w ideas o r beliefs, can n o w
serve t o give p e o p l e a secure a n d c o h e r e n t sense o f themselves, t h e i r place
a n d t i m e , n o r are t h e r e a n y l o n g e r l e g i t i m a t e a n d acceptable ways b y w h i c h
t h e y c a n d e f i n e themselves t o themselves a n d t o o t h e r s . T h o s e features o f
c o n t e m p o r a r y societies w h i c h are n o v e l , w h i c h appear t o be o r i g i n a l o r
w h i c h represent t h e p r o m i n e n c e o f p r e v i o u s l y secondary trends, like the

insatiable d e m a n d s o f c o n s u m e r i s m o r t h e s u p e r f i c i a l surfaces o f t h e T V
screen, d o n o t o f f e r v i a b l e , satisfactory a n d w o r t h w h i l e alternatives t o t h e
t r a d i t i o n a l bases o f i d e n t i t y .
I n fact, these n e w trends are part o f the p r o b l e m rather t h a n t h e s o l u t i o n .
T h e y encourage superficiality rather than substance, cynicism rather than belief,
the thirst for constant change rather than the security of stable
t r a d i t i o n s , t h e desires o f the m o m e n t rather than the t r u t h s o f history.
C o n s u m e r i s m , moreover, by its very nature is seen t o encourage an anarchic
individualism which runs r i o t with the possibilities f o r solid a n d stable
identities. Television, w h i c h makes us w h a t w e are, w h i c h brings the w o r l d rush-
i n g i n t o o u r l i v i n g r o o m s , has similar effects because i t is, at one a n d the same
t i m e , individualistic a n d universal; i t speaks t o everyone a n d t o n o one i n partic-
ular. A n d , l i k e t h e increasing confusions over space a n d t i m e , i t prevents n e w
collective bases f o r personal i d e n t i t y f r o m being f o r m e d . People relate t o T V as
individuals w a t c h i n g everything, a n d T V relates back t o people as individuals
and/or as abstract parts o f a universal order, i n b o t h instances i g n o r i n g , e r o d i n g
a n d f r a g m e n t i n g any w i d e r collectivities t o w h i c h people m i g h t belong a n d any
legitimate ideas i n w h i c h they m i g h t believe. T V is a constant f l o w w h i c h
switches back a n d f o r t h between different surface images; i t is n o t a genuine
source o f i d e n t i t y a n d belief. B u t , a n d this is the c r u x o f the argument, since
there is n o t h i n g else, n o w h e r e else, but the T V screen, people have n o alterna-
tive (except perhaps t o go t o the shops) but t o succumb t o the T V image, t o lose
themselves i n the blankness o f the screen a n d the hollowness o f its icons.
A l t h o u g h this s h o u l d s o u n d f a m i l i a r p a r t i c u l a r l y t o students o f the m e d i a , i t
does l i n k u p w i t h t h e very first d e f i n i n g feature o f p o s t m o d e r n i s m I i d e n t i f i e d
above. I t is t h e consequence o f the a r g u m e n t that t h e mass media a n d p o p u l a r
c u l t u r e , c u l t u r a l images a n d media surfaces, come t o f o r m t h e o n l y frames o f
reference available f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f identities. B u t equally u n l i k e t h e
o l d disappearing t r a d i t i o n a l identities, they are n o t u p t o t h e task, a n d so t h e
surfaces a n d playfulness, t h e anti-hierarchies, t h e ' e n d ' o f history, t h e collapse
o f t h e academy a n d a r t , t h e p o s t m o d e r n media-based p o p u l a r c u l t u r e , start t o
take over.
T h i s t h e o r y o f p o s t m o d e r n i s m is n o t w i t h o u t its p r o b l e m s , b u t they w i l l
have t o be discussed at a f u t u r e date.
Questions
1 In the readings of Section 1 (particularly Williams, reading 2) we identified that
modern society has been characterised as one of mass production and mass
consumption. In your view, how have these - and other key identifying features
of modern society - been challenged and replaced by postmodern trends and
influences?
Higher Education, Training and Cultural Industries 433
2 Think of some of your own examples of the 'postmodern' under each of Strinati's
five categories (architecture, cinema, TV, advertising and pop music). Are there
any other examples of postmodernism which you can think of which fall outside
these categories?
3 In what ways might your local shopping mall or a theme park such as
Disneyland, for example, be said to be 'postmodern'?
Further reading
Connor, S. 1989: Postmodernist culture. O x f o r d : Basil Blackwell.
Featherstone, M . 1991: Consumer culture and postmodernism. London: Sage.
Fiske, J. 1991: Postmodernism and television. I n Curran, J. and Gurevitch, M . (eds.),
Mass media and society. London: Edward Arnold.
Harvey, D . 1990: The postmodern condition. O x f o r d : Basil Blackwell.
Hebdige, D . 1989: N e w times: after the masses. In Marxism Today, January 1989.
Jencks, C. 1986: What is post-modernism* London: Academy Editions.
Kellner, D . 1995: Media culture. London: Routledge.
McRobbie, A. 1994: Postmodernism and popular culture. London: Routledge.
A revised version of this article appears i n Strinati, D . 1995: An introduction to theo-

ries of popular culture. London: Routledge.
38
Higher Education, Training and Cultural Industries:
A Working Partnership
Ian Connell and Geoff Hurd
Paper presented to the 1988 International Television Studies Conference, London
In the final two readings in this book we have selected material which examines the state
of Media Studies itself, its direction and 'health' in the late 1990s. In the extract which fol-
lows, a paper presented to a conference in 1988, Connell and Hurd argue a strong and
provocative case for the realignment of the aims and orientation of Media Studies and
related fields of cultural and communication research, teaching and enquiry. The paper -
but not, alas, the debate which it stimulated at the conference - is reproduced here in its
entirety, and it begins by advancing a critique of the formation and directions taken by
Media and Cultural Studies from the 1970s onwards. Central to this reassessment is the
argument that media education and cultural analysis have been disabled by a mythology of
critique and a misdirection or misplacement of purpose. For Connell and Hurd, the rapid
changes which have occurred in cultural markets since the 1980s have opened opportuni-
ties for what they see as a new relationship, a partnership between educators and the
media and cultural industries. In part, such opportunities reside, it is argued, in the
research and analysis of the new consumer and media markets themselves and their
unfolding dynamics and openings. Furthermore, it is suggested that Media Studies and
media education should also be geared to enabling more positive, enterprising and realistic
forms of creative intervention in those markets and their development.
The paper issues a number of key challenges which strike at major tensions in the heart
of contemporary Media and Cultural Studies. Central to these are the dilemmas associated
with claims related to vocationalism and vocational training. In close and related formation
are questions concerning the nature and purpose of Media Studies and its principal ratio-
nales in current and future climates of development.
1. Introduction
T h i s paper makes a case f o r o r i e n t i n g educational a n d t r a i n i n g i n c u l t u r a l ,
c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d m e d i a studies t o w a r d s p r e p a r i n g students t o w o r k effec-
t i v e l y a n d successfully w i t h i n one o r other b r a n c h o f the c u l t u r a l industries. I t
does so f o r a n u m b e r o f reasons. T h e r e are, first o f a l l , a series o f educational
reasons. C r i t i c a l studies o f c u l t u r e have been a l l o w e d t o become t o o r e m o t e
f r o m b o t h the changed a n d changing needs o f students as w e l l as those w i t h i n
m a i n s t r e a m c u l t u r a l industries. T h e y have r e m a i n e d c r i t i c a l a n d deconstruc-
tive t o o l o n g a n d at the expense o f d e v e l o p i n g constructive approaches. W e
f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t t o see i n w h a t ways they equip students t o become responsive
a n d useful c u l t u r a l p r a c t i t i o n e r s . T h i s remoteness is especially felt i n t h e
Polytechnics as they become increasingly d i s t i n c t f r o m the t r a d i t i o n s o f higher
e d u c a t i o n e v o l v e d w i t h i n the universities.
I n the second place, w e w o u l d argue t h a t c r i t i c a l studies o f c u l t u r e a n d
c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y have at t h e i r core a c e r t a i n m y t h o l o g y w h i c h seriously m i s -
represents c o n t e m p o r a r y c u l t u r a l affairs, a n d thus makes i t unnecessarily
d i f f i c u l t t o devise a strategy f o r p r o d u c t i v e i n t e r v e n t i o n i n t h e m . I t is a
m y t h o l o g y w h i c h exaggerates the p o w e r s o f organised c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y t o
a t t r a c t , h o l d a n d meet t h e needs o f p o t e n t i a l consumers. I t erroneously
proposes t h a t as c o m m e r c i a l enterprises, c u l t u r a l f i r m s are i n h e r e n t l y c o n -
servative i n s t i t u t i o n s . I t m i s t a k e n l y assumes, m o r e o v e r , t h a t i n i t s para-
n a t i o n a l phase c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y is e x p l o i t i n g a n d using c o m m u n i c a t i o n
t e c h n o l o g i e s t o create increasingly h o m o g e n i s e d a n d u n d e m o c r a t i c c u l t u r a l
f o r m a t i o n s . I t is a misrepresentative m y t h o l o g y i n the f i n a l analysis because
i t t y p i c a l l y presents c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r i e s as o n l y capable o f negative s o c i o - c u l -
t u r a l effects, rarely, i f ever, p o s i t i v e ones. W h e r e p o s i t i v e p o t e n t i a l is i d e n -
t i f i e d , i t is r e g a r d e d either as a p r o d u c t o f the c r i t i c a l w o r k enacted o n the
t e x t o r as a s y m p t o m o f the c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r i e s ' occasional i n a b i l i t y t o secure
t h e i r i d e o l o g i c a l , p o l i t i c a l , o r c u l t u r a l b o u n d a r i e s . T h e r e is n o account o f
p o s i t i v e effects w h i c h proceeds f r o m a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the d y n a m i c a n d
l o g i c o f these i n d u s t r i e s as such.
2. Educational problems
I t is o u r c o n t e n t i o n t h a t this is due t o t h e fact t h a t m u c h c r i t i c a l e d u c a t i o n
w i t h i n t h e area o f c u l t u r a l , c o m m u n i c a t i o n o r m e d i a studies has rarely h a d i n
its sight t h e everyday business o f c o n c e i v i n g , p r o d u c i n g , a n d d i s t r i b u t i n g c u l -
t u r a l p r o d u c t s a n d services. T h e r e are still very f e w studies o f c u l t u r a l i n d u s -
tries, a n d those that exist are m o s t l y concerned with T V production
d e p a r t m e n t s . C r i t i c a l e d u c a t i o n is generally d i s d a i n f u l o f any approaches t h a t
a d o p t i n d u s t r y based perspectives a n d presents itself as standing apart f r o m o r
above such p r a g m a t i c matters. I n s h o r t , such education is n o t very i n f o r m a t i v e
a b o u t h o w c u l t u r a l enterprises are r u n o n a day-to-day basis, t h e p r o b l e m s
i n v o l v e d , n o r a b o u t h o w they are, o r m i g h t be, solved. Perversely, w e have
devised ways o f teaching a b o u t c u l t u r e w h i c h i g n o r e t h e d e f i n i n g features o f
the processes o f p r o d u c t i o n , d i s t r i b u t i o n a n d c o n s u m p t i o n .
I n place o f a close f a m i l i a r i t y , c r i t i c a l approaches have m y t h o l o g i s e d t h e
affairs o f c u l t u r a l enterprises, a n d a l l b u t r e n d e r e d themselves i r r e l e v a n t , b y
s t i c k i n g t o a series o f largely untested assumptions about t h e i r character,
p o w e r a n d effects. Instead o f p r e p a r i n g students t o e x p l o r e systematically
a n d m e t h o d i c a l l y t h e character a n d p o t e n t i a l o f organised c u l t u r a l industry,
c r i t i c a l c u l t u r a l studies i m p l i c i t l y a n d e x p l i c i t l y attempts t o w a r n t h e m o f f
w i t h stories o f c o m m e r c i a l c o n t a m i n a t i o n a n d constraints, as w e l l as o f an
i n h e r e n t i d e o l o g i c a l a n d c u l t u r a l conservatism. By a n d large, t h e e d u c a t i o n
a n d t r a i n i n g i t p r o v i d e s qualifies students o n l y f o r r e m o t e r e f l e c t i o n a n d
detached c r i t i c i s m . Instead o f creating o p p o r t u n i t i e s w h e r e b y they can be
e q u i p p e d t o enter o n e o r o t h e r b r a n c h o f c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y a n d operate there
i n ways sensitive t o t h e needs o f consumers, i t prepares t h e m t o become i n t e l -
lectual emarginati p u r s u i n g f a n c i f u l visions o f lost c u l t u r a l freedoms.
F r o m a r o u n d N o v e m b e r 1 9 8 3 , w h e n t h e N a t i o n a l A d v i s o r y B o a r d f o r Local
A u t h o r i t y E d u c a t i o n began t o use 'graduate e m p l o y m e n t ' as one o f its criteria
f o r assessing courses, a n d i n i t i a t e d a d i s t i n c t i o n between p r e f e r r e d a n d n o n -
p r e f e r r e d areas o f w o r k i n Public Sector H i g h e r E d u c a t i o n , this critical distan-
t i a t i o n has been m o r e a n d m o r e d i f f i c u l t t o sustain. Yet, there are still those
courses w h i c h have r e m a i n e d r o c k s o l i d i n eschewing any m o v e t o v o c a t i o n a l -
i s m . T h e y d o n o t really perceive i t as a p r o b l e m t h a t n o t m a n y o f ' t h e i r ' gradu-
ates f i n d e m p l o y m e n t i n the mainstream sectors o f c u l t u r a l industry, w h i c h are
after all ' i d e o l o g i c a l apparatuses' dedicated t o p e r p e t u a t i n g things as they are.
T h e r e have been some r e l u c t a n t a n d therefore superficial attempts t o come
t o t e r m s w i t h t h e ' n e w r e a l i t y ' . Courses t h a t were once 'essentially t h e o r e t i c a l '
have gone some w a y t o b e c o m i n g v o c a t i o n a l . B u t t h e shift t o a m o r e voca-
t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n has been d o n e o p p o r t u n i s t i c a l l y , o f t e n o n l y because i t
appears necessary t o p r o v i d e cover f o r t h e i r c r i t i c a l concerns. T o stress s k i l l i n g
a n d t r a i n i n g is seen as s o m e t h i n g o f a sell-out t o T h a t c h e r i t e views o n educa-
t i o n , a n u n d e r m i n i n g o f the ancient p r i n c i p l e s o f disinterested i n q u i r y o r o f a
c o m m i t m e n t t o t h e socialist t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f society. Even w o r s e , as i n t h e
dismissal o f t e c h n i c i s m , s k i l l i n g is sometimes perceived as beneath t h e c r i t i c a l

intellectual's d i g n i t y - the sort o f t h i n g best c o n f i n e d t o sub-degree level w o r k .
T h e r e is i n o u r v i e w l i t t l e p o i n t i n debating w h e t h e r o r n o t w e s h o u l d
accept v o c a t i o n a l i s m as opposed t o alternative n o t i o n s o f l i b e r a l e d u c a t i o n .
We w o u l d argue t h a t l i b e r a l education was always v o c a t i o n a l f o r those o f the
r i g h t class, gender a n d race positions, e q u i p p e d w i t h t h e a p p r o p r i a t e c u l t u r a l
capitals. W h a t is positive (and w e d o indeed t h i n k there is s o m e t h i n g positive)
a b o u t c u r r e n t emphases o n v o c a t i o n a l i s m is that they establish some o f t h e
c o n d i t i o n s f o r designing courses t h a t : increase a n d w i d e n access t o higher
e d u c a t i o n ; are sensitive t o t h e c u l t u r a l competences w i t h w h i c h students are
already possessed; are simultaneously responsive t o t h e i r d e v e l o p i n g needs;
a n d m a k e available t o those n o w b e g i n n i n g t o enter higher e d u c a t i o n , gen-
u i n e l y useful i n t e l l e c t u a l skills.
T o deal w i t h these p r o b l e m s , w e are p r o p o s i n g , a n d have c o m m i t t e d o u r
o w n i n s t i t u t i o n s t o d e v e l o p i n g , a n e w phase o f c u r r i c u l u m i n n o v a t i o n a i m e d
at p r o d u c i n g a range o f courses w h i c h d o n o t rest the study o f c u l t u r e a n d c u l -
t u r a l industries o n the assumptions o f a c r i t i c a l base shaped b y the i n t e l l e c t u a l
projects o f c u l t u r a l theory. T h i s w o u l d n o t i n v o l v e a b a n d o n i n g t h e o r e t i c a l l y
i n f o r m e d , e m p i r i c a l study. O n t h e contrary, a n d i n d i s t i n c t i o n t o t h e c r i t i c a l
phase i n w h i c h ethereal speculation r u l e d , this w o u l d be encouraged. T h e n e w
phase w o u l d be enabling. I t w o u l d p r o v i d e f o r t h e m e t h o d i c a l study o f t h e
c u l t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d o f the p o t e n t i a l o f various t e c h n o l -
ogy-based m e d i a . I n a d d i t i o n i t w o u l d encourage the systematic study, w i t h o u t
p r e j u d i c e , o f c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y a n d o f its p o t e n t i a l f o r p r o d u c i n g goods a n d
services w h i c h meet the needs o f consumers.
3. The critical mythology of cultural industry

As w e said at t h e outset, c r i t i c a l studies have fashioned a certain m y t h o l o g y
w h i c h seriously misrepresents c u l t u r a l industries a n d thus makes i t d i f f i c u l t t o
devise a strategy f o r p r o d u c t i v e i n t e r v e n t i o n i n t h e m . Instead the d e v e l o p m e n t
o f a n i n d e p e n d e n t , e x p e r i m e n t a l sector has been p r o p o s e d . Yet after m a n y
years a n d t h e investment o f considerable p u b l i c f u n d s , such a sector remains
at best e m b r y o n i c . Younger groups c o m i n g t o c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n f o r the first
t i m e have chosen t o pursue a very d i f f e r e n t course.
The p i c t u r e t h e m y t h o l o g y paints o f c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y can be q u i c k l y
sketched. A t the centre o f c u l t u r a l affairs stand the m e d i a o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n ,
T V m o s t p r o m i n e n t l y . I n t h e m o d e r n w o r l d , people seem n o t t o have t o
h a n d t h e resources b y w h i c h they can make coherent sense o f t h e i r lives f o r
themselves. T h i s is d o n e f o r t h e m b y t h e m e d i a p r o d u c t s they consume a n d
u p o n w h i c h t h e y g r a d u a l l y c o m e t o d e p e n d . O f course, t h e coherence m a d e
available t h r o u g h these p r o d u c t s is f l a w e d a n d l i m i t i n g . I t is saturated w i t h
misrepresentations o f every conceivable kind. This is presented as a n
i n e v i t a b l e consequence o f t h e c o m m e r c i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n a n d i m p e r a t i v e s o f
cultural production.
W e w o u l d n o t w i s h t o d e n y t h a t t h e r e are p r o b l e m s w i t h t h e ways i n
w h i c h c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y is o r g a n i s e d a n d m a n a g e d , n o r t h a t there are p r o b -
lems with t h e p r o d u c t s a n d services t h e y o f f e r t o consumers. We do
n o t t h i n k , h o w e v e r , t h a t these p r o b l e m s c a n be t r a c e d t o t h e c o m m e r c i a l
character o f m u c h c u l t u r a l activity.
4. An alternative view
W e use t h e t e r m ' c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r i e s ' t o refer t o those f i r m s w h o s e j o b i t is t o
c o n c e i v e c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t s a n d services, a n d i n a d d i t i o n m a r k e t a n d d i s t r i b -
u t e t h e m t o c o n s u m e r s . W h a t e v e r t h e p r o d u c t s a n d services, t h e i r use value
c a n n o t be c o n s i d e r e d as i n d e p e n d e n t o f t h e i r c o n s u m p t i o n u n d e r q u i t e spe-
c i f i c sets o f circumstances. I n o t h e r w o r d s t h e same c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t o r ser-
vice c a n be p u t t o several d i f f e r e n t uses, n o t a l l o f w h i c h m a y have been
a n t i c i p a t e d i n t h e p r o d u c t i o n o r p r o v i s i o n o f t h e service o r p r o d u c t . I n
o t h e r w o r d s , t h e y are p o s i t i o n g o o d s a n d services t h a t are m a r k e t e d i n
t e r m s o f a d d e d v a l u e . T h a t a d d e d value m a y be present as i n f o r m a t i o n , e d u -
c a t i o n , e n t e r t a i n m e n t , t h o u g h t s , e m o t i o n s , i d e n t i t i e s , o r even e n t i r e s t r u c -
tures o f f e e l i n g a n d t h o u g h t . I t c a n c o m e i n several ( m a t e r i a l ) f o r m s o f
v a r y i n g degrees o f c o m p l e x i t y : T V p r o g r a m m e s , leisure a c t i v i t i e s , m o r e
f l e e t i n g l y , s o m e t i m e s , as styles i n c l o t h i n g a n d m u s i c , i n t h e design o f p u b -
licity and i n f o r m a t i o n materials.
For us t h e t e r m is charged w i t h t h e r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t ' c u l t u r e ' - t h e o r g a n -
ised business o f m a k i n g sense, o f c o m m u n i c a t i n g a n d educating - is i n d i s -
p u t a b l y just t h a t : a business, a m a t u r e a n d d y n a m i c capitalist enterprise, l i k e
any o t h e r i n m a n y i m p o r t a n t respects. H a r d l y a n earth-shattering observation
y o u m i g h t t h i n k . Nevertheless, t h e extent t o w h i c h t h e business aspects o f
organised c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n are o v e r l o o k e d o r dismissed is n o t e w o r t h y . I t is
n o t possible, n o r f o r t h a t m a t t e r desirable, t o recreate some distant m o m e n t i n
t h e past t h a t can n o w , because i t is distant, be r o m a n t i c i s e d as a m o m e n t o f
c o m m e r c i a l l y u n t r a m m a l l e d c u l t u r a l activity. T h e c o m m e r c i a l c u l t u r a l i n d u s -
tries are here t o stay!
W e w o u l d also stress t h e i r d y n a m i c character. L i k e any other capitalist
enterprise, c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y is i n t r i n s i c a l l y r e v o l u t i o n a r y . I t c a n n o t stand s t i l l .
T h e l o g i c o f e c o n o m i c necessity compels i t t o be i n n o v a t o r y o r t o cease t o
exist i f i t c a n n o t be. A r g u a b l y , e c o n o m i c necessity has always o p e r a t e d m o r e
ruthlessly i n this sphere t h a n i n any other. C e r t a i n l y t h e existence o f c u l t u r a l
enterprises seems m o r e precarious t h a n others.
T h e d r i v e t o r e n o v a t i o n c an r i d e r o u g h s h o d over t h e needs o f specific
g r o u p s , that's f o r sure. T h e r e is t h e p e r m a n e n t danger t h a t i f groups d o n o t
have t h e e c o n o m i c w h e r e w i t h a l they are threatened w i t h c u l t u r a l disenfran-
chisement. T h e e x p l o i t a t i o n o f newer c o m m u n i c a t i o n technologies a n d t h e
d e v e l o p m e n t o f o l d e r ones has u n d o u b t e d l y p u t t h e needs o f t r a n s n a t i o n a l
f i n a n c i a l a n d business organisations before those o f domestic consumers i n
p a r t i c u l a r n a t i o n s . T h e r e are n o w bodies o f consumers at the n a t i o n a l a n d

domestic levels w h o echo t h e c o m p l a i n t s that T h i r d W o r l d countries have
l o n g m a d e a b o u t t h e uneven d e v e l o p m e n t o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d , m o r e
generally, c u l t u r a l industries. We w o u l d concede that m u c h a n d m o r e t o t h e
critics o f t h e c o m m e r c i a l sectors. W h a t cannot be conceded, h o w e v e r , is the
n o t i o n t h a t t h e course o f d e v e l o p m e n t c u l t u r a l organisations have elected t o
f o l l o w is i n e v i t a b l e , irreversible o r inexorable.
5. Developments within and the potential of cultural industry

C u l t u r a l m a r k e t i n g operates i n an e n v i r o n m e n t i n w h i c h the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f
u n f i l l e d needs, a n d t h e i r translation i n t o economically backed d e m a n d f o r spe-
cific goods a n d services, is a c o m p l e x a n d unstable process. T h i s has p r o v e d t o
be especially so i n the v o l u m e , o r so-called mass, m a r k e t t h o u g h there is also
some evidence o f instability i n the m o r e specialist sectors, targeted u p o n h i g h
i n c o m e groups w i t h considerable access t o acceptable stocks o f c u l t u r a l capi-
tal. Nevertheless, i n s o m e w h a t r o u g h a n d ready terms, higher i n c o m e c o n -
sumers, whose lifestyle patterns closely resemble those o f c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s ,
have been able t o enjoy well-designed c l o t h i n g , domestic a n d w o r k e n v i r o n -
ments, g o o d q u a l i t y e d u c a t i o n , i n f o r m a t i o n a n d e n t e r t a i n m e n t services, w h i l e
l o w e r i n c o m e g r o u p s ( f o r m o s t practical purposes l u m p e d together as an
u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d mess), u n t i l recently, have h a d t o make d o w i t h a l i m i t e d
range o f choice, s h o r t - l i v e d goods a n d p o o r e r q u a l i t y services.
T h e long-standing d i s t i n c t i o n between the 'mass' a n d ' q u a l i t y ' markets has
been d i s r u p t e d i n the course o f recent years, and a w h o l e series o f classifications
o f consumers a n d assumptions about their needs have h a d t o be revised as a
consequence. T h i s has been largely o v e r l o o k e d by critical reseachers w h o have
instead expressed concern that the increasing privatisation o f cultural industries,
and c o m m u n i c a t i o n industries i n particular, w i l l simultaneously strengthen
d o m i n a n t social g r o u p s ' c o n t r o l o f subordinate ones and r o b the latter o f m u c h -
needed i n f o r m a t i o n , a n d t o a lesser extent, entertainment services.
A c c o r d i n g t o the critical case, political-economic logic o f development w i t h -
i n c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y is such that t h e already c u l t u r a l l y d e p r i v e d must become
m o r e so as a t t e n t i o n is concentrated u p o n those w i t h reasonable a n d available
disposable i n c o m e - i n the m a i n y o u n g professional families a n d ' e m p t y -
nesters'. T h e consequences f o r those already u n e m p l o y e d a n d those w h o w i l l
soon j o i n t h e m m a y w e l l p r o v e severe and p r o l o n g e d . W i t h incomes that barely
p e r m i t survival, they w i l l become as w e l l , progressively, c u l t u r a l l y i m p o v e r -
ished. T h e y w i l l n o t be able t o meet the first r e q u i r e m e n t o f access t o c u l t u r a l
goods a n d services. I n short, they w i l l n o t be able t o b u y o u t r i g h t , o r acquire
by means o f credit, any o f the items o f technology u p o n w h i c h c u l t u r a l i n t e r -
a c t i o n seems set t o depend.
As t h e a b i l i t y t o p a y becomes a p r i m a r y r e q u i r e m e n t o f access t o c u l t u r a l
goods a n d services, t h e chasm between t h e 'haves' a n d 'have n o t s ' w i l l w i d e n
dramatically. T h e latter, i t seems, w i l l just be o v e r l o o k e d . W i t h o u t e m p l o y -

m e n t , w i t h o u t a n y t h i n g b u t the meanest a n d most g r u d g i n g l y given f o r m s o f
w e l f a r e s u p p o r t , they w i l l also be l e f t t o f e n d f o r themselves as best they can
w i t h o u t even the c o l d a n d l u m p y c o m f o r t s o f d i s t r a c t i o n t h a t p u b l i c sector
b r o a d c a s t i n g is u p t o p r o v i d i n g . T h e best o f c r i t i c a l w r i t i n g o n these matters
w i l l suggest t h a t n o n e o f these outcomes need be regarded as the conse-
quences o f m a l e v o l e n t i n t e n t . Instead, i t w i l l t h e r e i n be presented as the
i n e v i t a b l e o u t c o m e o f u n b r i d l i n g c o m m e r c i a l i s m w i t h i n c u l t u r a l affairs.
Needless t o say, this is n o t the v i s i o n p r o m o t e d by the publicists o f c u l t u r a l
i n d u s t r i e s . T h e c r i t i c a l case presents a p i c t u r e i n w h i c h the u p p e r echelons,
e n t r e p r e n e u r s a n d e c o n o m i c planners w i t h i n , c u l t u r a l industries have a clear
sense o f d i r e c t i o n a n d p u r p o s e . T h e c l a r i t y a n d certainty a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e m is,
h o w e v e r , n o t always i m m e d i a t e l y evident i n t h e i r o w n attempts at forecasting.
I f w e take as an e x a m p l e the broadcasting a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s sectors, w e
f i n d there t h a t the d e v e l o p m e n t o f certain alternatives t o T V broadcasting has
n o t been as r a p i d n o r as d r a m a t i c i n its i m p a c t as m a n y w e r e p r e p a r e d t o p r e -
d i c t at the t u r n o f the decade. T h e day w h e n systems based u p o n cable, satel-
lites, a n d / o r a c o m b i n a t i o n o f the t w o are c o m m o n p l a c e still seems r e m o t e .
C e r t a i n l y the progress o f the e x i s t i n g cable stations has been h a l t i n g a n d the
date o f the first D i r e c t Broadcasting by Satellite (DBS) transmissions is c o n -
stantly b e i n g p u t back. Nevertheless, there have been a n u m b e r o f d e v e l o p -
ments that have shaken confidence i n the capacity of traditional TV
b r o a d c a s t i n g t o deliver effective services.
T h r o u g h o u t this decade there have been various reports f r o m academic a n d
a d v e r t i s i n g agency researchers o f increasing disenchantment w i t h the e x i s t i n g
T V services. I n essence several surveys have f o u n d there are m a n y segments o f
t h e p o t e n t i a l audience w h o n o longer perceive T V t o be the pleasurable enter-
t a i n m e n t service i t once was. C e r t a i n l y there appear n o t t o be m a n y w h o
w o u l d w i t h o u t q u a l i f i c a t i o n r e p o r t f i n d i n g w a t c h i n g T V satisfying.
T h e r e is evidence also that despite increases i n the hours o f transmission, the
average a m o u n t o f t i m e d e v o t e d t o T V v i e w i n g has r e m a i n e d fairly constant i n
the U K since the early 1960s. T h e r e have been, i n a d d i t i o n , at least t w o m a j o r
scares since 1980 a b o u t significantly reduced peak-time ratings, a n d a c o n t i n u -
i n g c o n c e r n t h a t the ready availability o f r e m o t e pads has resulted i n d i m i n -
i s h i n g attendance t o T V advertising. T h e increasing domestic availability a n d
use o f t w o or m o r e sets, o f V C R s a n d o f h o m e computers have c o n t r i b u t e d t o
m a k i n g a stereotype o f the n o t i o n t h a t a f a m i l y groups a r o u n d the T V set o f an
evening a n d watches t i l l i t goes t o bed.
W e have t a k e n T V here as an example o f this tendency t o w a r d s f r a g m e n t -
a t i o n a n d d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n . B u t , w h i l e d e v e l o p i n g unevenly across the various
sectors o f c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y , i t is a general feature o f the a p p l i c a t i o n o f n e w
t e c h n o l o g y o n the s u p p l y side i n c o m b i n a t i o n w i t h r i s i n g levels o f disposable
i n c o m e f o r those i n e m p l o y m e n t (but n o t l o w pay occupations), changes i n
patterns o f e m p l o y m e n t , as w e l l as o t h e r s o c i o - c u l t u r a l o r ' l i f e s t y l e ' patterns.
I n s h o r t h a n d , w e are e n t e r i n g w h a t has been d u b b e d a ' p o s t - F o r d i s t ' era i n

w h i c h p r o d u c t i o n , m a r k e t i n g a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n is increasingly targeted o n
smaller m a r k e t segments, i n w h i c h techniques based u p o n n e w technologies
and s u b - c o n t r a c t i n g a l l o w greater a n d cost-efficient f l e x i b i l i t y . A t t h e same
t i m e , consumer f r a g m e n t a t i o n t h r o w s i n t o relief the uncertainties a n d v o l a t i l i -
ties s u r r o u n d i n g c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n a n d m a r k e t i n g . T h e s h i f t t o w a r d s m a r k e t
segmentation is n o t t h e o u t c o m e o f a m a n i p u l a t i v e a n d evermore effective
a t t e m p t t o c o n t r o l a n d e x p l o i t consumers: o n t h e contrary, i t is a response b y
the industries t o t h e p r o b l e m s they face i n c o m i n g t o terms w i t h s t r u c t u r a l
changes i n t h e ways i n w h i c h socio-economic g r o u p i n g s are being recomposed
a r o u n d n e w identities a n d needs. Just as the h i s t o r y o f c u l t u r a l t h e o r y can be
w r i t t e n as a h i s t o r y o f the d e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f m o n o l i t h i c concepts such as
'class' a n d ' t h e e c o n o m i c ' i n f a v o u r o f c o m p l e x a n d s h i f t i n g articulations o f
social, e c o n o m i c , p o l i t i c a l , sexual, racial a n d psychological variables, so t h e
h i s t o r y o f m a r k e t i n g over the last t e n years can be w r i t t e n i n parallel t e r m s :
the m o v e away f r o m E c o n o m i c a n d Social G r o u p Classification t o w a r d s seg-
m e n t a t i o n , ' l i f e s t y l e ' classification, psychodynamics a n d so o n . A n d just as c u l -
t u r a l theorists r e m i n d readers o f t h e c o m p l e x i t y a n d d i f f i c u l t y i n h e r e n t i n
u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y w o r l d , so d o some - t h e best - market
researchers today. T h i s opens u p a range o f n e w o p p o r t u n i t i e s .
T h e expansion o f markets is n o t n o w achieved by a t t e m p t i n g t o increase t h e
n u m b e r o f consumers f o r the same l i m i t e d range o f products a n d services.
Instead, there is a m o v e t o increase the range o f services a n d p r o d u c t s a n d t o
clearly d i f f e r e n t i a t e , a n d even i n some instances, customise or individuate
t h e m . These p r o d u c t s a n d services can i n some instances be b r o u g h t o n t o t h e
m a r k e t w e l l b e l o w the price thresholds that w o u l d disbar m a n y f r o m l o w e r
i n c o m e groups. (Patterns o f c o n s u m p t i o n have anyway been quite c o m p l i c a t e d
for some t i m e . Those o n l o w e r incomes d o n o t always go f o r the bargain base-
m e n t p r o d u c t s t h e mean s p i r i t e d t h i n k they o u g h t t o go f o r . ) Mass markets i n
f u t u r e , c o n t r a r y t o w h a t many have p r o p o s e d about the course o f c u l t u r a l
d e v e l o p m e n t , w i l l n o t be homogeneous b u t rather differentiated aggregates o f
segments. T h a t said, w e w o u l d prefer t o v i e w such development as the c o n t i n -
u a t i o n o f a t r e n d rather than an u t t e r l y n e w departure. Simple notions o f mas-
sified, homogeneous markets have always been inadequate.
Against this b a c k g r o u n d , there has been m u c h talk at conferences a n d i n t h e
trade press a n d journals o f a n e w b a l l game. T h e n e w ball game is seen t o be
about t a r g e t i n g a n d addressing smaller groups o f consumers. I t is also a b o u t
c o m i n g t o terms w i t h a n d r e s p o n d i n g t o consumers w h o are seen t o have
n e w l y a c q u i r e d p o w e r s . We w o u l d w a n t t o suggest these p o w e r s are n o t as
n e w as those i n v o l v e d i n c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y seem t o t h i n k .
R e t u r n i n g t o o u r example o f television, r u n n i n g t h r o u g h t h e i r discussions
o f the f u t u r e is the v i e w that audiences w i l l be given a choice. A n d i n t h e exer-
cise o f t h a t choice, they w i l l assume an active r o l e i n the m a r k e t i n g scene
because a g r o w i n g p r o p o r t i o n o f disposable incomes w i l l be spent d i r e c t l y o n
t h e choice itself, rather t h a n i n d i r e c t l y t h r o u g h advertising o r t h e p a y m e n t o f

a c o m p u l s o r y licence fee. I n o t h e r w o r d s , i n t h e case o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n there
w i l l be a p e r i o d w h e r e items o f h a r d w a r e w i l l be a c q u i r e d t o enable choices t o
be m a d e . T h i s w i l l be c o m b i n e d w i t h p a y m e n t f o r ' s o f t w a r e ' - programmes
a n d services.
G a r y Davey, w r i t i n g a f e w years ago o n t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f Sky C h a n n e l ,
observed t h a t
the economics o f modern commercial television instill a discipline that i n itself

represents the ultimate media democracy. I t is simple; i f the viewer does not like
what we offer, we go broke. We believe passionately in this discipline of viewer
choice as the fundamental principle of commercial television. Whether i t be
through marketing costs i n the supermarket, national taxes or licence fees, the
money that pays for our various television systems comes out of the consumer's
pocket ... The viewer casts a vote every day at the touch of a button, but i n an
environment where the consumer's response does not matter, i t is a significant
gesture that goes unnoticed, or worse, ignored.
A t least so far as T V broadcasting is c o n c e r n e d , t h e n , consumer choice is a sig-

n i f i c a n t gesture t h a t can n o longer be i g n o r e d .
N o w o f course t h e n o t i o n o f the active consumer has l o n g been an aspect o f
c o m m e r c i a l r h e t o r i c . T h o s e c o m m e r c i a l l y i n v o l v e d i n c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y have
o f t e n presented themselves as a t t e m p t i n g t o u n d e r s t a n d a n d r e s p o n d t o c o n -
sumer needs a n d demands t o a n extent w h i c h has v i r t u a l l y obscured t h e i r
a t t e m p t s t o create, stimulate a n d c o n t r o l t h e m . Consumers have o f t e n been
presented b y c u l t u r a l entrepreneurs as a f i c k l e l o t . Just w h e n they t h o u g h t
t h e y h a d t h e m t a p e d , t h e i r preferences changed a n d the p r o d u c t b o m b e d . T h e
h i s t o r y o f m o s t branches o f c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y is l i t t e r e d w i t h such examples.
T h i s p e r c e p t i o n has i n recent years t a k e n o n a n e w force. T h e r e are n o t m a n y
i n t h e i n d u s t r y w h o w i l l n o w say t h a t they can i n v a r i a b l y p r e d i c t t h e ways i n
which consumer demand will develop. T o t h e entrepreneurs and the
researchers they h i r e , a fair a m o u n t o f f u n d a m e n t a l r e - t h i n k i n g seems neces-
sary. T h e e n v i r o n m e n t i n w h i c h they w o r k is n o longer stable, n o longer as
p r e d i c t a b l e as i t once seemed t o t h e m .
I n response t o d e v e l o p m e n t s w i t h i n t h e consumer electronics m a r k e t , there
is a f e e l i n g t h a t ' s i g n i f i c a n t gestures' w e r e a l l o w e d t o g o u n n o t i c e d t o o l o n g .
A f t e r a l l , w h a t d i d expressions o f dissatisfaction really matter w h e n f o r most
p e o p l e over t h e last quarter o f a c e n t u r y all that was domestically available t o
t h e m w e r e t h e schedules o f three o r f o u r channels. Consumers m i g h t say they
w o u l d prefer t o g o o u t o r d o s o m e t h i n g else t h a n w a t c h T V W h a t else was
there f o r t h e m t o d o , however? W h a t else c o u l d they d o i f they h a d families
a n d a l l t h e a d d i t i o n a l domestic costs this entails? T h e y m i g h t c o m p l a i n , i n sur-
veys o f t h e i r a t t i t u d e s , t h a t there were t o o m a n y repeats and/or t o o m a n y
i m p o r t s f r o m t h e States. Nevertheless all such m a t e r i a l h a d healthy T V ratings
( T V R s ) . Even w h e n they began t o say t h a t w a t c h i n g T V was n o t very enter-
t a i n i n g , w h a t d i d i t matter? T h e m a j o r i t y still h a d l i t t l e else they c o u l d d o .
T h e s i t u a t i o n changed d r a m a t i c a l l y w h e n the availability o f peripherals, the

e x p a n s i o n o f o t h e r sectors o f leisure outside the h o m e , a n d n o t least ever-
m o r e ready access t o c r e d i t gave m o r e a n d m o r e people, especially those w i t h
the m o s t attractive disposable incomes, alternatives.
T h e sense one gets f r o m the c u l t u r a l industries' p u b l i s h e d views is t h a t
there is, as yet, l i t t l e confidence across all the sectors t h a t the significance o f
the gestures o f the last f e w years have been f u l l y u n d e r s t o o d . If, f o r e x a m p l e ,
as some have a c k n o w l e d g e d , the most readily accessible a n d constant a u d i -
ence f o r t r a d i t i o n a l T V is d r a w n f r o m the o l d , ageing a n d p o o r , w h a t can be
d o n e t o generate i n c o m e f r o m advertisers? Chase younger, m o r e a f f l u e n t
viewers? W h o a n d w h e r e are they? W i t h w h a t sort o f programmes? C a n c u l -
t u r a l f i r m s a f f o r d e c o n o m i c a l l y t o i g n o r e , i n the longer t e r m , those w h o w i l l
r e m a i n o n l o w incomes?
A t the same t i m e , confidence i n the intelligence p r o v i d e d by research agen-
cies has also suffered a k n o c k or t w o . There are those w h o w o n d e r w h e t h e r ,
despite all the sophisticated statistical m a n i p u l a t i o n o f data, the q u a l i t y o f the
results a n d o f the surveys by w h i c h data are generated i n the first instance is a l l
that i t s h o u l d be. Some have argued that the established research procedures
and the l o n g - s t a n d i n g classificatory schemes and procedures are s i m p l y n o t u p
to the j o b o f e x p l o r i n g h o w p o t e n t i a l consumers o f c u l t u r a l goods a n d services
go a b o u t selecting a n d using t h e m . I n fact, i t does n o t seem unreasonable t o
suggest that t h r o u g h the early 1980s a crisis o f confidence i n the established
research procedures emerged, a crisis w h i c h has n o t yet been resolved.
F r o m the p o i n t o f v i e w o f the entrepreneurs a n d planners o f the c u l t u r a l
industries, t h e n , the c u r r e n t s i t u a t i o n feels l i k e i t has s l i p p e d o u t o f t h e i r c o n -
t r o l . I t has become c o n f u s i n g a n d challenging. M o r e o v e r , i t feels t o t h e m as i f
there are n o clear a n d u n a m b i g u o u s strategies available t o re-establish t h a t
c o n t r o l . W h a t has n o t yet f u l l y registered w i t h t h e m is that they m a y n o w n o t
re-establish the degree o f c o n t r o l they once c o u l d . C u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n a n d
c o n s u m p t i o n has entered a new, a n d rather m o r e socialised phase. C o n t r a r y t o
m a n y o f o u r colleagues w e d o n o t believe the f u t u r e w i l l see consumers' needs
and wishes e n t i r e l y s u b o r d i n a t e d t o those pale reflections o f t h e m w h i c h the
decision-makers o f c u l t u r a l industries choose t o f u l f i l . M a n y more, and
increasing n u m b e r s o f consumers, w i l l become i n v o l v e d i n the process o f c o n -
c e i v i n g a n d e x e c u t i n g c u l t u r a l projects. Between producers a n d consumers
relations o f dependency a n d o f m u t u a l d e t e r m i n a t i o n w i l l , o f necessity, be
recognised as such.
T h e alternative v i e w o f d e v e l o p m e n t has a n u m b e r o f consequences w h i c h
can be summarised as f o l l o w s :
(a) As p o t e n t i a l markets f u r t h e r distinguish themselves, a n d i t becomes palpa-

bly clear t h a t the n o t i o n o f a 'mass' m a r k e t is erroneous a n d m i s l e a d i n g ,
n e w k i n d s o f m a r k e t research w i l l be r e q u i r e d . T h i s r e q u i r e m e n t has
already been recognised, a n d i t w o u l d be fair t o say t h a t the research
i n d u s t r y is n o w i n a state o f f l u x as n e w research systems are t r i e d a n d

tested. F o r t h e foreseeable f u t u r e , ' q u a l i t a t i v e ' research is l i k e l y t o assume
greater i m p o r t a n c e .
(b) T h e r e w i l l be a g r o w i n g d e m a n d w i t h i n t h e c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r i e s f o r cer-
t a i n areas o f s k i l l , a n d f o r those w h o c an o f f e r some c o m b i n a t i o n o f
administrative, managerial, financial, research and communication
s k i l l s . I t is w o r t h n o t i n g t h a t d e m a n d f o r those w i t h c e r t a i n skills i n
t h e area o f ' q u a l i t a t i v e c u l t u r a l ' research is already s h o w i n g signs o f
increasing.
(c) A s t h e g r a d u a l d i s i n t e g r a t i o n o f established markets progresses a n d t h e
degree o f socialisation o f c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n increases, c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y
w i l l present o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o develop n e w areas o f c u l t u r a l enterprise t h a t
are m o r e aware o f a n d responsive t o consumers' needs a n d wishes.
6. Education, training and cultural industry

We s h o u l d perhaps a t t e m p t t o go even f u r t h e r i n j u s t i f y i n g o u r arguments f o r
c u r r i c u l u m i n i t i a t i v e s b y t a c k l i n g w h e t h e r o r n o t a n a t t e m p t s h o u l d be made
t o educate a n d t r a i n people t o take o n t h e challenges presented b y t h e devel-
o p m e n t s w e have r e f e r r e d t o a n d sketched above. Suffice i t t o say t h a t these
d e v e l o p m e n t s i n o u r v i e w have, i n d e c o n s t r u c t i n g established markets a n d
approaches t o t h e m , o p e n e d u p o p p o r t u n i t i e s that cannot be i g n o r e d . I f t h e
course o f f u t u r e events w i t h i n t h e sphere o f c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y is t o be democ-
r a t i c a l l y c o n t r o l l e d , w e simple cannot a f f o r d n o t t o educate a n d t r a i n people
t o deliver c o n s t r u c t i v e alternatives.
W h a t is t h e measure o f the p r o b l e m t h a t educationists face? We believe this
is i n d i c a t e d b y J o n a t h a n G e r s h u n y w h e n c o m m e n t i n g u p o n f u t u r e prospects
f o r e m p l o y m e n t a n d leisure i n l i g h t o f the availability o f n e w items o f t e c h n o l -
ogy. H e has made t h e f o l l o w i n g p e r t i n e n t observations:
The basic technologies are all i n existence, but they do not yet constitute a
new technological paradigm. There is a crucial infrastructure missing. Most
obvious is the lack of appropriate telecommunications infrastructure ... We are
also short of the technical skills and, most important, the forms of organisa-
tional know-how, and the appropriate social institutions f o r such develop-
ment. A new technological paradigm needs i n addition to the material
infrastructure, a new cultural infrastructure to support the new forms of pro-
duction and consumption. (Jonathan Gershuny, T h e Leisure Principle', New
Society, 13. 2. 1987)
I f w e are t o d e v e l o p a clear sense o f w h a t w e w i s h these n o v e l paradigms t o

be a n d i f w e are t o realise t h e i r developments, there must be a rather d i f f e r e n t
d i r e c t i o n t o t h e study o f c u l t u r e a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n f r o m that w h i c h has h e l d
m o r e o r less u n c h a l l e n g e d sway t o t h e present.
I n t h e U K there is, as yet, n o significant educational a n d t r a i n i n g i n i t i a t i v e
t o w a r d c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y f r o m w i t h i n this f i e l d . T h o u g h there has been i n t h e
t e c h n o l o g i c a l area, i t s h o u l d be clear e n o u g h f r o m q u o t i n g G e r s h u n y t h a t i t is
our v i e w t h a t they cannot go i t alone. Some j o i n t educational projects are

r e q u i r e d i f the m a t e r i a l a n d c u l t u r a l infrastructures are t o be j o i n t l y devel-
o p e d . O n the ' c u l t u r a l side', there are a g r o w i n g n u m b e r o f u n c o o r d i n a t e d
courses a i m e d at specific aspects o f specific industries - for example, i n
t o u r i s m o r leisure a n d amenities management. B e y o n d this, o n the one h a n d ,
there are a range o f art a n d design courses, p r i n c i p a l l y ( t h o u g h rather haphaz-
a r d l y ) s u p p l y i n g p r o d u c t i o n a n d technical staff, a n d o n the other, various
business study courses w h i c h may i n c l u d e some reference t o p a r t i c u l a r aspects
of cultural industry.
I n general terms, w h a t w e t h i n k is r e q u i r e d are courses m o t i v a t e d by the
m a j o r s o c i o - c u l t u r a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s a n d p r o b l e m s w e have sketched above.
Such courses w o u l d take the concept o f c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y in general and pro-
v i d e o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o acquire t h a t range o f skills, competences, a n d k n o w -
ledge a p p r o p r i a t e t o f u t u r e e m p l o y m e n t a n d subsequent t r a i n i n g i n any
specific j o b f u n c t i o n w i t h i n a given branch o f that industry. T h e r e are c o m -
m o n elements w h i c h s h o u l d be g r o u p e d a r o u n d the tasks that f o l l o w f r o m o u r
i n i t i a l d e f i n i t i o n - the conceiving of cultural products and services and the suc-
cessful marketing of them to consumers - a n d , i n a d d i t i o n , f r o m the need t o
c o m e u p w i t h a p p r o p r i a t e responses t o those t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s o f c u l t u r a l
i n d u s t r y t h a t are c u r r e n t l y being c a r r i e d o u t .
We w o u l d n o t envisage any f u r t h e r , significant expansion o f e d u c a t i o n a n d
t r a i n i n g i n creative a n d p r o d u c t i o n skills, t h o u g h w e are concerned t h a t 'cre-
a t i v e ' courses s h o u l d p r o v i d e m o r e o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o students t o study m e t h o d -
ically the c u l t u r a l p o t e n t i a l o f their chosen m e d i a as w e l l as t o acquire a
greater u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the business a n d m a r k e t e n v i r o n m e n t i n w h i c h p r o -
d u c t i o n occurs.
O t h e r reasons f o r r e c o m m e n d i n g such a d i r e c t i o n have t o d o w i t h the
c h a n g i n g c o m p o s i t i o n o f entrants t o f u r t h e r a n d higher education a n d the
d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n there o f educational p r o v i s i o n . We n o t e , first, the considerable
d e m a n d f o r courses w h i c h appear t o study one o r m o r e branches o f c u l t u r a l
industry. T h e r e are n o signs that this is f a l l i n g o f f , o r that i t w i l l d o so i n the
c o m i n g years, a m o n g the youngest o f those able t o enter post-school educa-
t i o n . T h e r e are, h o w e v e r , signs that a m o n g those w h o are older and/or u n c o n -
v e n t i o n a l l y q u a l i f i e d entrants d e m a n d f o r such courses is g r o w i n g . T h e r e is a
steady g r o w t h o f ' o p e n access' routes, a l o n g w h i c h one can n o w f i n d m a n y
courses dedicated t o c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d c u l t u r a l studies. I n d e e d the expan-
sion o f such courses there has been m o r e r a p i d t h a n o n the G C S E a n d 'A' level
r o u t e . H o w e v e r they a r r i v e , i n o u r experience, they come w i t h developed
expectations t h a t whatever else courses d o , they w i l l be v o c a t i o n a l l y relevant
and useful.
I n such an e n v i r o n m e n t , m u c h changed since the early 1970s w h e n the first
w a v e o f c u l t u r a l a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n studies was b e i n g established, there is an
o p p o r t u n i t y , n o t just t o c o n f o r m t o the ' n e w v o c a t i o n a l i s m ' , b u t t o e x p l o r e
and e x t e n d its possibilities.
Media Studies and the 'Knowledge Problem' 445
Questions
1 Summarise what you take to be the main criticism of Media, Cultural and
Communication Studies courses advanced in the paper. How do they relate to
aspects of your own educational career to date?
2 The paper argues for a new working partnership to exist between media edu-
cators and media industries. What is this argument based upon? What kinds of
skills and education should be provided for what kinds of current and future
occupational entry?
3 In the light of the issues posed in this reading, how would you make out a case
for - or against - your current course of study?
Further reading
Agger, B. 1992: Cultural Studies as Critical Theory London: The Falmer Press.
Alvarado, M . , Gutch, R. and Wollen, T. 1987: Learning the Media. London: Macmillan.
Buckingham, D . , Grahame, J. and Sefton-Green, J. 1995: Making Media: Practical
Production in Media Education. London: English and Media Centre.
Curran, J. 1990: The new revisionism i n mass communication research: a reappraisal.
European Journal of Communication 5, 135-64.
Ferguson, B. 1981: Practical work and pedagogy. Screen Education N o . 38, Spring
Lusted, D . ed. 1991: The Media Studies Book. London: Comedia/Routledge.
Masterman, L. 1985: Teaching the Media. London: Comedia.
Orton, L. 1996: Media Courses UK. London: BFI.
O'Sullivan, T., Dutton, B. and Rayner, P. 1994: Studying the Media: An Introduction.
London: Arnold.
Pungente, J.J. and Biernatzki, W E . 1993: Media education. Communication Research
Trends 13, N o . 2 (part I).
SCCCMSHE (Standing Conference for Cultural Communication and Media Studies i n
Higher Education) 1996: Advisory brochure produced by Dr. Martin Barker, c/o
University of West England, Bristol.
39
Media Studies and the 'Knowledge Problem'
John Corner
From Screen 36(2), 147-55 (Summer 1995)
One might look for a conclusion in this, the last reading in the book. This final extract sus-
tains the focus on the current state of Media Studies, but it does so less by single-minded
attention to the dilemmas of vocationalism central to the previous extract. Instead, Corner
provides a broader evaluative overview of what he calls the 'knowledge problems' facing
the field of Media Studies as a whole. In this valuable and timely analysis, he begins by
contextualising the relatively recent formation and development of Media Studies. This is
achieved by tracing the intellectual and educational currents and contexts which have
been influential in the shaping of the field. In particular he notes the contradictions associ-
ated with the combination of literary forms of criticism with sociology, the impact and
legacies of Marxism, of feminist research, ethnography and postmodernism. In this
account, Corner does devote some consideration to the issue of vocationalism, but this is
one of a number of rather intractable problems or challenges which, he suggests, face the
field of Media Studies in its current trajectory. In the final stages of his analysis, Corner
argues for the need to reassess and to debate the importance and viability of the concept
of ideology in negotiating and developing future research in the field. As he suggests,
Media Studies is perhaps best understood as a multidisciplinary field of enquiry and
research which, in common with many other disciplines, needs to rethink its position in
the 1990s. This process of rethinking has to match and keep up with the rapid develop-
ments in media industries and communication technologies themselves, which threaten to
overtake and to leave Media Studies behind.
I w a n t t o suggest that b o t h teaching and research i n M e d i a Studies have a

'knowledge p r o b l e m ' w h i c h has recently become m o r e visible and troublesome
as a result o f uncertainties, tensions and regroupings i n the area. A l l fields o f
study have knowledge problems o f course, and although they vary i n the a m o u n t
o f self-consciousness they display about t h e m and their degree o f engagement
w i t h t h e m , there has been a b r o a d shift towards paying t h e m m o r e attention and
m a k i n g such attention an explicit and central part o f study discourse.
K n o w l e d g e p r o b l e m s concern w h a t i t is that academic inquiries seek t o f i n d
o u t , a n d the k i n d s a n d q u a l i t y o f data a n d o f e x p l a n a t o r y relations w h i c h par-
t i c u l a r ideas a n d m e t h o d s m i g h t be expected t o p r o d u c e . I n response t o t h e m ,
disciplines n o t o n l y engage m o r e closely and i n n o v a t i v e l y w i t h questions o f
c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n a n d technique, b u t also develop a r e f l e x i v e , sceptical sense
o f t h e i r o w n k n o w l e d g e p r o d u c t i o n a n d its vulnerabilities. F r o m some per-
spectives, this sense m a y be considered radical, i n that those w h o have i t are
placed i n t h e p o s i t i o n o f professional doubters rather t h a n practitioners i n
r e l a t i o n t o the d i s c i p l i n a r y project. O n e effect o f the sweep o f p o s t m o d e r n i s t
t h i n k i n g i n t h e humanities a n d social sciences has u n d o u b t e d l y been t o
encourage this latter tendency.
T h e d i s t i n c t i v e character o f the p r o b l e m - o r better, the set o f p r o b l e m s -
w h i c h c o n f r o n t s M e d i a Studies is d u e p a r t l y t o t h e h i s t o r y o f this f i e l d ,
p a r t l y t o the very diverse nature o f its object o f study, a n d p a r t l y t o the p a r t i c -
u l a r l y a m b i t i o u s f o r m o f i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r i t y t o w h i c h this diversity tends t o
lead. I a m t a l k i n g p r i m a r i l y about u p p e r case ' M e d i a Studies', a singular n o u n
designating an i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d , self-concious g r o u p i n g , rather t h a n l o w e r case
'media studies' (studies o f t h e m e d i a ) , a p l u r a l designation referencing a
broader range o f w o r k d i s t r i b u t e d across h u m a n i t i e s , social science a n d even
t e c h n o l o g i c a l fields.
M e d i a Studies needs t o engage w i t h expressive f o r m , social action a n d social

structure. I t needs t o e x p l o r e the p o l i t i c a l a n d psychological determinants a n d
consequences o f media processes, as w e l l as their discursive a n d technological
means. T o d o this, i t necessarily either draws o n directly, o r else 'shadows' w i t h
v a r y i n g degrees o f explicitness, concepts and methods developed i n the p r i m a r y
disciplines. H o w far does i t thus constitute itself as a u n i f i e d project o f i n q u i r y ?
O r h o w far does i t become an aggregation o f i n q u i r i e s , w h i c h are placed i n t o
t i g h t e r o r looser relationships o f c o n t i g u i t y w i t h each other a n d have greater o r
lesser levels o f m u t u a l awareness a n d tolerance? I f the latter were t h e case, o n e
w o u l d expect t h e k n o w l e d g e problems themselves t o be an aggregation o f t h e
p r o b l e m s c o n f r o n t e d b y t h e constitutive disciplines. T h e y w o u l d n o t therefore
be addressable at a general level since the f i e l d w o u l d have n o general dis-
course o f i n q u i r y w i t h i n whose terms i t c o u l d consider itself. But w i t h o u t such
a discourse, w h a t constitutes 'core k n o w l e d g e ' i n t h e area f o r t h e purposes o f
teaching a n d research t r a i n i n g programmes? Such a question has become a very
real o n e f o r m a n y course planners a n d others active i n i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z i n g (and,
i n d e e d , v a r i o u s l y assessing) M e d i a Studies.
T h e p a r t i c u l a r academic c o n f i g u r a t i o n o f British M e d i a Studies t o d a y is p r i -
m a r i l y t h e p r o d u c t o f t w o things. First o f a l l , a certain c o m b i n a t i o n o f arts a n d
social science approaches t o t h e analysis o f t h e media, i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d i n t h e
design a n d teaching o f t h e i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y C o m m u n i c a t i o n Studies courses o f
the 1970s. Secondly, t h e legacy o f Structuralist M a r x i s m . N o r t h A m e r i c a n ,
A u s t r a l i a n , o t h e r E u r o p e a n a n d Scandinavian versions o f M e d i a Studies vary
i n t h e resemblance they bear t o this f o r m a t i v e m i x , b u t t h e relationships a n d
i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n s are never q u i t e t h e same.
T h e arts a n d social science c o m b i n a t i o n i n M e d i a Studies is essentially
one w h i c h brings together ' c r i t i c i s m ' a n d ' s o c i o l o g y ' as modes o f academic
k n o w i n g . C r i t i c i s m is a m o d e p r i v i l e g i n g individual percipience, in which
k n o w l e d g e is t h e p r o d u c t o f sustained analytic a t t e n t i o n a n d i n t e l l e c t i o n . I t
has a d i r e c t , i n f o r m i n g l i n k w i t h ' o p i n i o n ' a n d , i n d e e d , i t is ' o p i n i o n ' rather
t h a n ' t h e o r y ' as such w h i c h is its m a i n generator o f ideas. T h a t such o p i n i o n
is, b y d e f i n i t i o n , subjective ( o f t e n deeply a n d self-declaredly so) is b y n o
means a d r a w b a c k t o t h e larger project o f i n t e r c r i t i c a l a c t i v i t y (characterized
as 'debate'). I n l i t e r a r y studies, f o r instance, a p o w e r f u l l y r e n d e r e d account o f
a m a j o r n o v e l i s t m a y be p r i z e d f o r its ' o r i g i n a l i t y ' , precisely f o r t h e w a y i n
w h i c h i t d i f f e r s f r o m t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s made b y o t h e r people. I n o r d e r f o r i t
t o be acclaimed t h u s , i t is necessary f o r some assumptions t o be made about
w h a t is ' t h e r e ' t o be t h e object o f such ' i n s i g h t ' , yet this does n o t mean t h a t
the n e w i n t e r p r e t a t i o n has t h e n t o be established as d o m i n a n t i n r e l a t i o n t o
others. C r i t i c a l k n o w l e d g e does n o t c o n t a i n t r u t h claims r e q u i r i n g super-
cession o r even s u p e r o r d i n a t i o n o f this k i n d .
Sociology, o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , i n its classic a n d d e f i n i n g e m p i r i c a l p r o j e c t , is
essentially a m o d e p r i v i l e g i n g method. H o w e v e r cautiously i t relates itself t o
(or distances itself f r o m ) n a t u r a l science paradigms, t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f
knowledge is n o r m a t i v e l y regulated b y the use o f procedures w h i c h are

e x p l i c i t , i n l i n e w i t h intersubjective agreements o n v a l i d i t y (even i f these are
o n l y p a r t i a l ) a n d able t o be replicated b y those w h o w i s h t o 'test' f i n d i n g s .
W h a t t h e procedures p r o d u c e is, first o f a l l , 'data', a n d t h e n a n analysis a n d
e x p l a n a t i o n o f this data. B o t h data a n d t h e analyses w h i c h are made o f i t (the
t w o s h o u l d n o t be confused) have a very d i f f e r e n t status f r o m ' c r i t i c i s m ' . I t
can be recognized, w i t h o u t thereby succumbing t o p o s i t i v i s m , that data carries
claims t o objectivity, h o w e v e r m u c h these claims are q u a l i f i e d b y r e c o g n i t i o n
o f b o t h t h e i m p r e c i s i o n o f t h e research tools a n d the ' c o n s t r u c t i o n a l ' d i m e n -
sion o f t h e research concepts themselves. A n a l y t i c a l constructs used i n asking
questions o f data a n d i n a t t e m p t i n g t o answer t h e m have o b j e c t i v i t y obliga-
tions as a consequence, h o w e v e r tentative a n d c o n d i t i o n a l t h e h o n o u r i n g o f
these m a y be. Theories, here, are m o s t l y e x p l a n a t o r y p r o p o s i t i o n s , w i t h c o n -
siderable a t t e n t i o n b e i n g p a i d t o those w h i c h are open t o f o r m s o f e m p i r i c a l
testing a n d , t h e n , t o the bodies o f analysed evidence w h i c h result.
I t is p a r t o f t h e intellectual history o f M e d i a Studies i n B r i t a i n that i t was
f o r m e d , n o t o n l y o u t o f a n increasing r e c o g n i t i o n o f the media's p o l i t i c a l a n d
c u l t u r a l significance, b u t o u t o f a dissatisfaction w i t h b o t h the perceived i n a b i l -
i t y o f literary-style analyses o f the media t o go b e y o n d their textualist b o u n d -
aries, a n d t h e perceived i n a b i l i t y o f conventional social science t o engage w i t h
the c o m p l e x i t y o f m e a n i n g - m a k i n g f o r m s . T h e most i n f l u e n t i a l perspective f o r
this f o r m a t i o n was C u l t u r a l Studies, the history o f w h i c h has recently received
a g o o d deal o f a t t e n t i o n , at the same t i m e as the f i e l d o f study w h i c h is covered
by t h e t e r m has become increasingly subject t o i n s t i t u t i o n a l v a r i a t i o n a n d p l a i n
opportunism. 1
I n i t i a l l y an attempt t o push o u t English Studies (meaning a n d
value) t o the p o i n t w h e r e an interconnection w i t h the Sociology o f C u l t u r e
(structure a n d practice) c o u l d be established, C u l t u r a l Studies was soon dis-
p l a y i n g increased a u t o n o m y as an academic ( b u t , at this stage, exclusively
research-related) project. T h e w a r r a n t f o r this a u t o n o m y came neither f r o m l i t -
erary analysis n o r social science. I t was taken p r i m a r i l y f r o m Structuralist
M a r x i s m , w i t h t h e Althusserian perspective o n ideology a n d the social f o r m a -
t i o n as its 'sociology', a n d semiotics (taken largely f r o m Barthes a n d Eco) as its
' c r i t i c i s m ' . I n r e l a t i o n t o this b r o a d f r a m i n g , a F i l m Studies c o n t i n u e d t o exist
a n d develop, d e r i v i n g m u c h o f its o w n i d e n t i t y f r o m its earlier l i t e r a r y a n d a r t
historical connections. I n some institutions this was extended t o become F i l m
a n d Television Studies i n a manner w h i c h usually (and n o t u n p r o b l e m a t i c a l l y )
c o n t i n u e d t o privilege the F i l m Study agenda. T h e broadest, a n d perhaps earli-
est, g r o u p i n g f o r undergraduate w o r k was C o m m u n i c a t i o n Studies, w h i c h
o f t e n h a d a s t r o n g C u l t u r a l Studies element a n d a core o f media w o r k , b u t
w h i c h also tended t o d r a w o n a w i d e r range o f arts a n d social science perspec-
tives o n c o m m u n i c a t i o n , i n c l u d i n g those f r o m psychology. T h e r a p i d develop-
m e n t o f C o m m u n i c a t i o n Studies i n the m i d 1970s was i n p a r t p r o m p t e d b y the
need f o r polytechnics t o design attractive interdisciplinary courses w h i c h c o u l d
d r a w o n a considerable range o f staff interests. Alongside these interrelated
projects, there r e m a i n e d a Sociology o f Mass C o m m u n i c a t i o n s (updated as

M e d i a Sociology), w h i c h was still t h e d o m i n a n t category by w h i c h t h e system-
atic study o f t h e m e d i a h a d a n international i d e n t i t y . M o r e o v e r , despite t h e
2
g r o w t h i n C u l t u r a l Studies approaches, some o f the best research w o r k done i n

t h e 1970s was d o n e f r o m w i t h i n o n e version o r another o f a sociological p r o b -
l e m a t i c , t h o u g h v e r y f e w o f t h e researchers were at that t i m e i n v o l v e d i n the
c o n s t r u c t i o n o f a f i e l d at undergraduate level. 3
I f the most significant question for any academic venture concerns the k i n d o f
things i t wants t o f i n d o u t , t h e n t h e M e d i a Studies p r o d u c e d w i t h i n t h e frame-
w o r k o f C u l t u r a l Studies w o r k e d w i t h an exceptional directness o f purpose. I t
w a n t e d t o f i n d o u t h o w t h e media w o r k e d t o achieve an effective level o f ideo-
logical closure o n c o n t e m p o r a r y consciousness i n a situation o f capitalist devel-
o p m e n t w h e r e direct c o n t r o l at t h e p o i n t o f p r o d u c t i o n and/or c o n s u m p t i o n
was a d m i t t e d t o be far f r o m t o t a l . T h i s was its d e f i n i n g problematic, a n d
engagement w i t h i t (initially b r i l l i a n t l y suggestive b u t , one m i g h t argue, increas-
i n g l y p r o n e t o r e p e t i t i o n a n d self-confirmation) p r o d u c e d a strongly theoretical-
critical discourse l i n k e d t o a subtle, typologically elaborate scheme f o r
investigating t e x t u a l i t y . T h e conventional b o d y o f social scientific analysis was
4
o f t e n deemed t o be unsuitable f o r t h e n e w task, being irredeemably f l a w e d b o t h

i n aims a n d methods. A c o n f l a t i o n o f ' e m p i r i c i s m ' w i t h ' e m p i r i c a l ' t o o fre-
q u e n t l y p r o v i d e d t h e project w i t h that Other against w h i c h i t defined itself
epistemologically a n d politically, r e i n f o r c i n g t h e tendency t o circular reasoning.
T h i s d i d n o t stop substantial i n t e r n a l r i f t i n g o n questions o f t h e o r i z a t i o n h o w e v -
er, quite apart f r o m sustained a n d cogent criticism f r o m researchers whose o w n
a p p l i c a t i o n o f M a r x i s m suggested t h e need f o r p r i m a r y a t t e n t i o n t o be given
t o t h e ' p o l i t i c a l e c o n o m y ' o f the media and w h o strongly contested t h e increas-
i n g l y hermetic terms o f C u l t u r a l Studies' attention t o ideology. 5
T h e k n o w l e d g e p r o b l e m s a f f e c t i n g c u r r e n t M e d i a Studies have t h e r e f o r e t o
be u n d e r s t o o d , f i r s t o f a l l as ones r e l a t i n g t o a n o n - u n i f i e d f i e l d i n w h i c h t h e
v e r y d i f f e r e n t m o d e s o f c r i t i c i s m a n d sociology have been b r o u g h t together
b u t , i n general, not integrated. I n d e e d , i t m i g h t be said t h a t i n m a n y studies
a n d o n m a n y syllabuses they have n o t y e t f u l l y come t o terms w i t h each other.
Secondly, t h e y have t o be u n d e r s t o o d i n r e l a t i o n t o a f o r m a t i v e p e r i o d o f
d e v e l o p m e n t w h i c h was d o m i n a t e d b y debates centred o n a M a r x i s t - s t r u c -
t u r a l i s t p a r a d i g m , i n w h i c h a comprehensive materialist account o f m e d i a
p o w e r , i n d e p e n d e n t o f n o n - M a r x i s t modes o f study, was seen n o t o n l y t o be
i n t h e o f f i n g b u t , i n d e e d , t o be already under r e f i n e m e n t .
Perhaps m o r e t h a n a n y o t h e r area o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d i n q u i r y , this f o u n d a -
t i o n a l v e r s i o n o f M e d i a Studies has, i n effect, been l e f t m a r o o n e d w i t h i n t h e
n e w p o s t - M a r x i s t , post-Structuralist c o n t e x t f o r p o l i t i c a l a n d social debate.
O n e has t o be c a r e f u l w i t h t h e i n f l e c t i o n s o f 'post' here. I t is n o t useful t o t a l k
o f ' t h e collapse o f M a r x i s m ' i n a w a y w h i c h p r i m a r i l y refers t o t h e d i s s o l u t i o n
o f C o m m u n i s t Eastern E u r o p e b u t w h i c h t h e n smuggles i n assumptions a b o u t
t h e 'collapse' o f M a r x i s t t h e o r y a n d analysis. Nevertheless, materialist t h e o r y
itself has h a d t o adapt (sometimes quite radically) t o changed historical c i r c u m -

stances a n d t o an intellectual context increasingly aggressive towards i t . Even
the terms o f the Political E c o n o m y perspective, robustly historical a n d empirical
t h o u g h they w e r e , have received adjustment a n d m a y w e l l receive m o r e . 6
Theories o f ideology have virtually disappeared f r o m the media research agenda

altogether, t h o u g h n o t f r o m the undergraduate syllabus, where their g l o o m y
diagnoses are sometimes t o be f o u n d i n bizarre c o m b i n a t i o n w i t h the cheerful
p o p u l i s m w h i c h has become a m o r e recent perspectival o p t i o n .
A n o f t e n ambivalent, r u n n i n g engagement w i t h p o s t m o d e r n i s m has p r o v i d e d
M e d i a Studies w i t h o n e avenue f o r the c o n t i n u a t i o n , b e y o n d Structuralist
Marxism, of a semi-autonomous ( a n d self-defining) critical discourse.
H o w e v e r , there has been a discernible shift away f r o m u n i f y i n g h i g h theory, a
shift w h i c h has revealed m o r e strongly t h e character o f M e d i a Studies as a
d i v i d e d f i e l d , r u n n i n g an a r t a n d social science project together i n ways w h i c h
are o f t e n uneasy. N o longer able t o a f f o r d itself the l u x u r y o f devising its
p r o b l e m s t o f i t already available solutions, i t has been r e t u r n e d t o a re-engage-
m e n t w i t h those discipline-based k n o w l e d g e problems f r o m w h i c h i t once
aspired t o a u t o n o m y . N o w h e r e is this m o r e true t h a n i n the rise o f ethnogra-
p h y ( b o t h p r o d u c t i o n a l a n d c o n s u m p t i o n a l ) as a m o d e o f m e d i a i n q u i r y .
A l t h o u g h an element i n early C u l t u r a l Studies, i t was o n l y i n t h e m i d - 1 9 8 0 s
that e t h n o g r a p h y started t o become a d e f i n i n g a p p r o a c h , displacing t e x t u a l
analysis i n research i f n o t i n teaching. E t h n o g r a p h y i n i t i a l l y p r o m i s e d a w a y o f
l o o k i n g at i d e o l o g i c a l r e p r o d u c t i o n ' f r o m the sharp e n d ' , b u t i t q u i t e q u i c k l y
7
m o d u l a t e d i n t o b e i n g the m e t h o d o l o g i c a l correlative o f a m o r e general shift

f r o m a p r i m a r y concern w i t h researching ' p o w e r ' t o either an emphasis o n
'resistance' o r an e x p a n d e d , c o n t e x t u a l i z i n g interest i n t h e w a y i n w h i c h
m e d i a meanings are a r t i c u l a t e d w i t h i n t h e terms o f t h e 'everyday', t h e m u l t i -
ple l i f e w o r l d s o f society. As researchers soon became aware, w h i l s t i t c o u l d be
i n n o v a t i v e l y a p p l i e d t o the researching o f media meanings, ethnographic
i n q u i r y c a r r i e d w i t h i t a l o n g h i s t o r y o f m e t h o d o l o g i c a l debate, b o t h i n sociol-
ogy a n d a n t h r o p o l o g y . I n d e e d , m a n y o f the inquiries i n t o audience i n t e r p r e t a -
t i o n w h i c h have been u n d e r t a k e n i n the last decade are radically ra/sdescribed
as ' e t h n o g r a p h y ' , since their r e l a t i o n s h i p t o researched subjects a n d t o data is
o f t e n very d i f f e r e n t f r o m that o f the broader t r a d i t i o n . These i n q u i r i e s o f t e n
8
(and j u s t i f i a b l y ) have a p a r t i c u l a r i t y o f research focus a r o u n d m e d i a t e d mean-

ings w h i c h makes t h e m , b y c o m p a r i s o n , ' n a r r o w ' a n d even ' s h a l l o w ' i n t h e i r
specifically e t h n o g r a p h i c a l engagement.
E t h n o g r a p h i c w o r k has t y p i c a l l y r u n i n t o t w o related k i n d s o f p r o b l e m as
an academic project. I t can slip i n t o descriptivism, r e n d e r i n g even t h i c k e r
accounts o f process b u t being unable t o make any clear c o n n e c t i o n u p w a r d s
t o e x p l a n a t i o n because o f a g r a v i t a t i o n a l c o m m i t m e n t t o g r o u n d - l e v e l phe-
nomena. I t can also suffer f r o m an empiricism w h e r e b y this c o m m i t m e n t
makes i t lose sight o f its o w n constructed, a u t h o r i a l character. I n recent w o r k ,
a t h i r d p r o b l e m can be discerned - largely a p r o d u c t o f p o s t m o d e r n i s t i n f l u -
ence. T h i s is a n o v e r - c o r r e c t i o n o f e m p i r i c i s m w h e r e t h e self-consciousness o f
t h e researcher is raised t o t h e p o i n t at w h i c h interest i n t h e researcher-
m e t h o d - s u b j e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p begins t o displace interest i n t h e researched sub-
ject itself. T h e first a n d t h e t h i r d o f these tendencies are n o w discernible
w i t h i n the n e w media ethnography.
Put s i m p l y , t h e n , a p o s t - M a r x i s t M e d i a Studies has been substantially s h o r n
o f those i n t e l l e c t u a l features w h i c h gave t h e f i e l d a degree o f unity. I t has been
r e t u r n e d t o a m u l t i p l e k n o w l e d g e p r o b l e m a t i c w h i c h draws extensively o n t h e
p r o b l e m s o f established disciplines a n d t h e n adds t o t h e m issues o f c o m b i n a -
t i o n a n d a d a p t a t i o n . Its general theories o f i d e o l o g i c a l f u n c t i o n , a n d t h e c o n -
texts o f social f o r m a t i o n a n d h i s t o r i c a l trajectory w i t h i n w h i c h these w e r e set,
have been exposed t o r a d i c a l d o u b t (the recent upsurge o f interest i n t h e ideas
o f A n t h o n y G i d d e n s , w h o s e conceptualizations o f structure a n d agency have
been r e c e i v i n g intensive debate i n Sociology f o r w e l l over a decade, is just o n e
sign o f c u r r e n t t h e o r e t i c a l r e o r i e n t a t i o n ) . 9
T h e mode o f textual analysis
a r o u n d w h i c h a large p a r t o f t h e f i e l d organized itself - semiotics - has
received a general t h e o r e t i c a l q u e s t i o n i n g as w e l l as increasingly b e i n g seen t o
f a i l i n g e n e r a t i n g significant a n d o r i g i n a l substantive analyses. T h e push o u t t o
' e t h n o g r a p h y ' , w h i l e i t has p r o d u c e d some excellent w o r k , is i n grave danger
o f r u n n i n g i n t o t h e d o l d r u m s as theoretical uncertainties reduce t h e conse-
q u e n t i a l i t y o f its data o r i t becomes obsessed w i t h its o w n a u t h o r i a l i s m .
T h e r e is y e t a n o t h e r factor, an ' o p p o r t u n i t y ' c a r r y i n g t h e possibility o f
' t h r e a t ' , c u r r e n t l y d e t e r m i n i n g t h e shape o f w o r k under t h e M e d i a Studies
h e a d i n g . T h i s is t h e p u l l o f v o c a t i o n a l i s m . 10
I t w o u l d be h a r d t o deny t h e
m u t u a l benefits o f establishing a c o n n e c t i o n between study o f t h e m e d i a a n d
the a c q u i s i t i o n o f p r a c t i t i o n e r / p r o f e s s i o n a l skills. M a n y i n s t i t u t i o n s have p u t
considerable e f f o r t i n t o m a k i n g these connections w o r k at t h e level o f student
experience. B u t t o o o f t e n , despite t h e claims a b o u t i n t e g r a t i o n a n d c o m p l e -
m e n t a r i t y i n course d o c u m e n t s , there has emerged t h e s t r o n g l y dualistic l a n -
guage o f ' t h e o r y ' a n d 'practice', a language i n w h i c h t h e w h o l e project o f
academic i n q u i r y is r a d i c a l l y misdescribed as ' t h e o r y ' a n d thereby pre-pack-
aged f o r potential m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n as a f o r m o f ' c o m p l e m e n t a r y s t u d y ' . For i f
i n v i t e d t o allocate p r i o r i t i e s between ' t h e o r y ' a n d 'practice' i n an educational
w o r l d o f increasing c o m p e t i t i o n a n d scarce resources, w h a t manager w o u l d
n o t f i n d t h e e m i n e n t soundness o f the latter m o r e attractive t h a n t h e ethereal,
n o t t o say s e l f - i n d u l g e n t , r i n g o f the f o r m e r ? T o p u t i t this w a y is t o caricature
the present s i t u a t i o n , b u t m a n y M e d i a Studies departments c o u l d testify t o t h e
w a y i n w h i c h w h a t l o o k e d t o be a s p l e n d i d p a r t n e r s h i p between academia a n d
the 'real w o r l d ' c a n , w h e n a i d e d b y certain c o m m i t t e e decisions a n d nervous-
ness over revenue, q u i t e q u i c k l y t u r n i n t o a r e l a t i o n s h i p o f d o m i n a t i o n , affect-
i n g resources, a p p o i n t m e n t s , course d e v e l o p m e n t a n d careers. T h e e m e r g i n g
recipes f o r t h e e x p e d i e n t c o m b i n a t i o n o f academic a n d v o c a t i o n a l goals w i l l
clearly exert a considerable influence o n t h e m i d - 1 9 9 0 s i d e n t i t y o f the area.
Such a v i e w o f M e d i a Studies, facing a n e w a n d risky f u t u r e situated rather
u n c e r t a i n l y o n t h e fringes o f the social sciences ( u n l i k e F i l m Studies, i t cannot

situate itself p r i m a r i l y as an 'arts' project w i t h o u t a p o t e n t i a l l y fatal degree o f
c o n t r a c t i o n ) m i g h t p r o v o k e several objections. A m o n g these, i t m i g h t be
a r g u e d t h a t t h e shaping influence o f f e m i n i s m a n d p o s t m o d e r n i s m u p o n t h e
p o s t - M a r x i s t character o f the f i e l d needs m o r e a t t e n t i o n .
F e m i n i s m has c o n t r i b u t e d i m p o r t a n t n e w ideas t o the study o f m e d i a
processes, p a r t i c u l a r l y t o an u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the relationships between t e x t u -
a l i t y a n d subjectivity. I t has also p r o d u c e d an impressive range o f n e w k n o w -
ledge a b o u t t h e m e d i a a n d has considerably raised awareness o f gender
inequalities at a l l levels o f t h e m e d i a t i o n process. 11
I t is arguable, h o w e v e r ,
w h e t h e r i t has i n t r o d u c e d w h o l l y n e w ways o f c o n d u c t i n g research. Its c o n -
ceptual a n d m e t h o d o l o g i c a l i n n o v a t i o n s (and its valuable c r i t i q u e o f e x i s t i n g
practice) d o n o t , o n their o w n , seem t o p r o v i d e the basis f o r an adequate,
' i n t e r n a l ' r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the f i e l d .
P o s t m o d e r n i s m has become a quite central factor w i t h i n t h e terms o f m u c h
recent m e d i a analysis, b u t its w e i r d l y d u a l status as b o t h a condition t o be
debated (present o r not? g o o d o r bad?) a n d as a perspective for reflecting o n
a n d analysing c o n d i t i o n s , has made its influence m o r e a matter o f climactic
change t h a n i n t e l l e c t u a l r e n e w a l . I t is t e m p t i n g t o regard ' i t ' (the singular
e n t i t y is p r e s u m p t u o u s ) as being as m u c h a s y m p t o m o f c u r r e n t c u l t u r a l shifts
a n d i n t e l l e c t u a l blockages as a means o f engaging w i t h t h e m .
D o the scale a n d c o m p l e x i t y o f these knowledge problems suggest that i t
w o u l d be best f o r t h e area t o disaggregate itself i n t o separate discipline inter-
ests? N o . As a collective g r o u p i n g f o r teaching and research activity a r o u n d one
o f the major d e f i n i n g components o f m o d e r n life, the category o f M e d i a Studies
continues t o be a valuable one. There is also a great deal o f g o o d a n d interesting
w o r k being done under the heading (certainly as m u c h as, i f n o t m o r e t h a n ,
w i t h i n any other academic g r o u p i n g o f equivalent size) t h o u g h i t is being done
f r o m a range o f d i f f e r e n t disciplinary backgrounds, using different concepts and
methods a n d a p p l y i n g sometimes entirely different criteria about permissible
f o r m s o f argument, about w h a t constitutes 'evidence' a n d about the conventions
f o r connecting propositions t o data. I n these circumstances, w e need fewer
rhetorical attempts at u n i f i c a t i o n a n d at separate intellectual i d e n t i t y a n d a
w i d e r r e c o g n i t i o n o f the lack o f perspectival a n d methodological a u t o n o m y
f r o m the mainstream o f international social studies w h i c h a p o s t - M a r x i s t M e d i a
Studies can c l a i m . T h i s means, a m o n g other things, recognizing a w i d e r range o f
p r o d u c t i v e contexts f o r researching those questions o f power, representation
a n d subjectivity/identity w h i c h were so h i g h o n the ' a u t o n o m o u s ' agenda
a l t h o u g h n o t always satisfactorily investigated w i t h i n its terms. I t means a re-
engagement w i t h general social theory a n d also a re-engagement w i t h social
research m e t h o d at every p o i n t where the project seeks t o produce something
other than a discourse o f ' c r i t i c i s m ' ( w h i c h i t s h o u l d also continue t o d o ,
e x p l o r i n g questions o f f o r m , value a n d response, whilst being very aware o f
w h a t i t is d o i n g ) . I t is i m p o r t a n t t o note that these are n o t i n any w a y c o n -
servative r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s , f i t t i n g study o f t h e media back, after a p e r i o d o f

eclectic adventures, i n t o t h e t r a d i t i o n a l a n d w o r t h y f r a m e w o r k s o f the disci-
plines. F o r i t is clear t h a t these f r a m e w o r k s and their associated methods have
been f u n d a m e n t a l l y challenged at a n u m b e r o f points (by feminist research a n d
by concepts o f c u l t u r a l process a m o n g other factors) a n d that h a r d l y any social
studies f i e l d has r e m a i n e d free o f i n t r o s p e c t i o n , debate a n d change. But t h e p r o -
ject o f social studies i n q u i r y has n o t , as some w o u l d have i t , collapsed i n t o f u t i l i -
t y o r t e r m i n a l self-doubt, n o r has i t become indistinguishable f r o m the various
perspectives a n d procedures o f the arts a n d humanities. Research o n media a n d
ideas a b o u t m e d i a processes need t o be centrally i n t r o d u c e d i n t o its r e m a k i n g
a n d i n t o its c r i t i c a l engagement w i t h c o n t e m p o r a r y m o d e r n i t y .
I n a n y reassessment o f M e d i a Studies, t h e question o f h o w t o t h i n k b e y o n d
' i d e o l o g y ' is w o r t h a measure o f separate c o n s i d e r a t i o n . O n its p i v o t a l i m p o r -
tance t o t h e f i e l d as i n i t i a l l y c o n s t i t u t e d (and therefore o n t h e size o f t h e hole
its w a n i n g n o w leaves), I a m f u l l y w i t h C h r i s t o p h e r W i l l i a m s i n his recent
a t t e m p t at a c r i t i c a l s t o c k - t a k i n g . 12
W i l l i a m s w o n d e r s i f i t is n o t ' t h e case that ideology has become a hopelessly

unusable t e r m ? ' a n d finds t h a t , i n d e e d , 'repeated w i e l d i n g o f t h e clumsy c l u b '
has h a d a w i d e s p r e a d deleterious i n f l u e n c e . 13
O f f e r i n g a m o r e positive v i e w o f
the f u t u r e , he notes t h a t i t needs t o be 'replaced' a n d , w i t h quite e x t r a o r d i n a r y
o p t i m i s m , t h a t 'this replacement need n o t , I t h i n k , be t o o d i f f i c u l t ' . 14
I n fact,
w h a t W i l l i a m s subsequently says shows the sense o f b r i s k remedy t o be decep-
t i v e . First o f a l l , he suggests t h a t t h e concept o f ' i d e o l o g y ' can be b r o a d l y
equated w i t h t h e idea o f the 'social', b u t this w o u l d seem t o be t r u e o f o n l y the
m o s t loose a n d t o t e m i c o f usages a n d h a r d l y offers adequate 'replacement'.
M o r e indicatively, he goes o n t o suggest a w i d e variety o f d i f f e r e n t conceptual
alternatives, each relevant t o d i f f e r e n t areas o f i n q u i r y , thus a b a n d o n i n g his
idea o f 'replacement' altogether since i t was precisely t h e j o b o f ' i d e o l o g y ' t o
u n i f y ideas a b o u t m e a n i n g a n d p o w e r across t h e f u l l range o f expressive f o r m s .
Is there n o t m o r e w h i c h needs rescuing f r o m the debates about ' i d e o l o g y ' t h a n
W i l l i a m s suggests? W h a t the t e r m p o i n t s t o is the w a y i n w h i c h t h e l e g i t i m a -
t i o n o f e c o n o m i c a n d p o l i t i c a l interests interconnects w i t h t h e m a k i n g o f p u b -
lic meanings, o f t e n by w a y o f the n a t u r a l i z a t i o n o f t h e contingent. T h e focus
o n t h e l i n k s between representation a n d p o w e r , between t h e aesthetics a n d l o g -
ics o f s i g n i f i c a t i o n a n d t h e forcefields o f value a n d d i s p o s i t i o n w i t h i n w h i c h
subjectivities are d e v e l o p e d , seems w e l l w o r t h m a i n t a i n i n g , albeit i n r e t h o u g h t
terms. N o shift t o ' o p i n i o n ' o r ' a t t i t u d e ' o r , f o l l o w i n g W i l l i a m s ' concern w i t h
t e x t u a l f o r m , t o ' d i c t i o n ' , 'expression' o r ' c o n v e n t i o n ' w i l l keep a t i g h t e n o u g h
h o l d o n t h e factors w h i c h need t o be addressed in their interarticulation. Open
a r g u m e n t a b o u t these issues, p a r t i c u l a r l y as they appear (or n o t ! ) i n a range o f
c u r r e n t research contexts is n o w , I agree w i t h W i l l i a m s , one o f t h e most press-
ing requirements.
M e d i a Studies is s t i l l a n e w a r r i v a l w i t h i n t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d orders o f
academic inquiry. Its house-style o f boldness a n d disrespect, its eclecticism a n d
its conceptualizing zeal have b r o u g h t dividends i n the context o f the older, o f t e n

evaluatively conservative, disciplines. B u t as m a n y o f these disciplines r e t h i n k
themselves i n the 1990s, the same qualities c o u l d quite easily w o r k against its
possibilities f o r steady self-assessment a n d f o r theoretical a n d m e t h o d o l o g i c a l
reconstruction as, precisely, a ra«/#-disciplinary field o f social research. Since
the variety, intensity and importance o f the media industries and their activities
continue t o increase, this w o u l d be b o t h an academic a n d a p o l i t i c a l loss.
Notes
1. The major surveys include Graeme Turner, British Cultural Studies: An Introduction
(London; Unwin Hyman, 1990): Patrick Bratlinger, Crusoe's Footprint (London;
Routledge, 1990): and Jim McGuigan, Cultural Populism (London; Routledge,
1992).
2. A history of interrelated institutional and research developments i n the late 1970s,
particularly those relating to the course validations of the Council for National
Academic Awards, would be useful. I merely offer a background sketch here. See also
Alan Durant, 'Noises offscreen: could crisis of confidence be good for media stud-
ies?', Screen vol. 32, no. 4 (1991), pp. 407-28.
3. Apart from the continuing work of an older generation of social scientists, including
Jay Blumler, Denis McQuail, Jeremy Tunstall and James Halloran, there was the
work, among others, of Philip Schlesinger, Michael Tracey, Philip Elliott, Peter
Golding and Graham Murdock.
4. Here, Hall's stencilled papers from the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary
Cultural Studies were the single most influential publications, and often more theo-
retically cautious than selective quotation of the key formulations might suggest.
5. Graham Murdock and Peter Golding at the Leicester Centre for Mass
Communication Research were chiefly identified with this position, following their
article 'For a political economy of mass communications' i n R. Miliband and J.
Saville (eds), The Sociaist Register 1973 (London: Merlin, 1973). As the Cultural
Studies perspective increased in influence through the mid-1970s, the terms of their
critique became stronger.
6. The continuing case for 'Political Economy' is updated in Peter Golding and Graham
Murdock, 'Culture, communications and political economy' i n J. Curran and M .
Gurevitch, (eds), Mass Media and Society (London: Arnold, 1991). See also Nicholas
Gamham, Capitalism and Communications (London: Sage, 1990), particularly his
introductory essay, which as well as reflecting on recent theoretical developments
also argues against those tendencies which 'cut the field off from the main stream of
social science' (p. 2).
7. David Morley seems to have been the first to use the idea of 'ethnography' as an
indication of the kind of approach required, in his highly original CCCS stencilled
paper 'Reconceptualising the media audience' (1974).
8. These issues have been brought out more fully i n Virginia Nightingale, 'What's
ethnographic about ethnographic audience research?'. Australian Journal of
Communication no. 16, (1969), pp. 50-63.
9. Giddens' ideas figure strongly in Graham Murdock's recent and useful survey of the
media and modernity i n 'Communications and the constitution of modernity'.
Media, Culture and Society, vol. 15, no.4 (1993), 521-39.
10. This is commented on in Durant. 'could a crisis of confidence be good for media
studies?'. Durant's polemical discussion engages w i t h many important points con-
cerning the development of media education, doing so from a position often close
to the one I am outlining here. His own answer to his title question is 'yes, it could'.
11. See, for instance, the excellent appraisals i n Liesbet van Zoonen, Feminist Media
Studies (London: Sage, 1994).
12. Christopher Williams, 'After the classic, the classical and ideology: the differences of
realism', Screen vol. 35, no.3 (1994), pp. 275-92. Williams sets out by appearing to
take issue w i t h an earlier piece of mine, but his only substantial complaint seems to
be that I do not go as far as he would wish in my questioning of 1970s theory. See
John Corner, 'Presumption as theory: "realism" in television studies', Screen vol.33,
n o . l (1992), pp. 7-102.
13. Williams, 'After the classic, the classical and ideology', p. 276.
14. Williams, 'After the classic, the classical and ideology', p. 287.
Questions
1 Media Studies and its related disciplines frequently come in for criticism and
derision (former Education Secretary, John Patten, famously described Media
Studies as a 'cultural Disneyland for the weaker minded'). What are your views
on such judgements? From your reading of the above two extracts, what would
you surmise are the underlying reasons for such hostility (predominantly by MPs
and journalists) and what are the key aims and objectives for media educators
as we enter the next millennium?
2 In the light of the issues raised in the last two readings, how would you make
out a case for - or against - your own current course of study?
Further reading
See 'Further reading' section in reading 38.
Index
A & R (artist and repertoire) 289-304 British Board of Film Classification 189
Abercrombie, N . 248 British Journalism Review 188
Active audience' theory 367, 371 Broadcasting Standards Council 192
Adams, E . 110-13 Brunsdon, C . 113,219
Adorno, T. 37, 339 BSkyB 190, 220, 222-3, 227, 441
Advertising, advertisements 1,134, 154-64, Buckingham, D . 195, 198, 248, 307, 445
214, 230, 232, 428, 433 Burnett, R. 289
Agger, B. 445 Burton, G . 85
AIDS, representations of 124-33 Buxton, D . 171
Alasuutari, P. 231, 238
Allen, R. 3 0 7 , 3 1 9 Cable television 41, 63, 64, 71, 181, 191,
Alvarado, M . 445 231,232, 439
Ang, I. 232, 248, 319, 360, 361, 371, 382 Cantril, H . 5, 6-17
Appadurai, A. 3 Carey, J. 52, 234, 374, 407
Architecture 425, 433 Carpenter, E . 52
Atkinson, P. 214 Carter, E . 113, 133
Audiences, audience research 55, 95, 97, Censorship 189, 195
173-248, 2 6 1 , 3 7 4 Chambers, I. 289
Chaney, D. 379-81
Baehr, H . 214 Channel 4 308, 311
Bandura, A. 188 Chapman, R. 289
Barker, M . 73, 86,154, 195, 445 Chippindale, E 207
Barnard, S. 249, 271-89 Citizen, citizenship 52-4, 59
Barnes, C . 124 Clarke, S. 271,319
Barnouw, E . 271 Classic F M 285
Barwise, P. 195 C N N 64, 363
Baudrillard, J. 406, 417-18, 419, 420 Cockburn, C . 214, 384, 402
B B C 5, 29, 33, 57, 61-7, 105, 116, 117, 190, Coe, B. 328
192, 222, 225, 227-8, 260, 261-5, Cohen, S. 124, 126,129, 133, 174, 260
268-70, 307, 330, 333, 335, 337, 345, Commodification 32, 54-5, 402, 406, 407
346, 354 Connell, I. 171, 433-45
Beetham, M . 153 Connor, S. 433
Bell, A. 260 Conroy, A. 289
Bell, D. 3 8 6 - 9 , 3 9 1 , 3 9 5 , 3 9 6 Consumer, consumerism 52-4, 59, 155, 212,
Belson, W. 182, 185, 187 241, 406, 432
Benedict, J . 109 Corner, J. 72, 171, 334, 445-55
Bentham, J. 403, 409-10, 420 Cosby Show, The 73, 91-100
Biernatzki, W. 445 Criminal Justice Bill 189, 191, 194-5
Billig, M . 222 Crisell, A. 289
Blain, N . 107 Cultural imperialism 345-72
Blumler, J . 72 Culture and Society 18
Bogle, D . 100 Cumberbatch, G . 85, 124, 164, 188, 195
Bolter, D . 395-6, 4 0 1 , 4 0 2 Curran, J. 41, 60, 180, 199, 233, 370, 445
Bolton, R. 249, 260-71
Bondebjerg, I. 334 Dahlgren, P. 60, 72, 207, 420
Booth, J . 289 Daniels, T. 100
Bourdieu, P. 216, 240-3 Davidson, M . 164
Boyd-Barrett, O. 248 Dayan, D . 379-82
458 Index
Debord, G . 406, 417, 420 Goffman, E . 49, 164

De Certeau, M . 216, 235-7, 245 Golding, P 30, 242, 249, 250-60, 270, 372,
Democracy 5, 18-20, 22, 62, 70-1, 238, 245, 384
262, 267, 329, 334, 337, 385, 388, 392, Goldlust, J. 109
398, 402, 403, 405, 407, 409, 417, 418, Goldman, R. 164
419, 420 Goodwin, A. 249, 289, 304, 3 3 5 ^ 2 , 402
Dines, G . 100, 133 Gray, A. 27, 173, 207-14, 295, 372
Disability, representations of 114-24 Griffiths, A. 113
Dodd, K. 113 Gulf War 58, 197
Dovey, J . 334, 420 Gunter, B. 195
Dowmunt, T. 360, 371 Gurevitch, M . 41, 60, 180
Downing, J. 96, 97, 276, 360, 372
Drummond, P 360 Habermas, J. 62, 238, 244, 245, 403-6, 420
Dyer, G . 164 Hall, S. 2, 62, 126, 198, 201, 204, 218, 234,
Dyer, R. 85, 133,165,319 258, 260
Dyson, M . 94, 97 Halloran, J. 260
Hamelink, C . 353, 397
Effects, Effects Research 2, 93, 173-81, Hammersley, M . 214
181-8, 196, 2 3 3 , 3 6 7 , 3 7 2 Hargreaves, J. 109
Ehrenberg, A. 195 Harper's Magazine 99
Eldridge, J. 27 Hartley, J. 238,260
Elias, N . 108 Hartmann, P 100
Elliott, P. 260, 270, 271 Harvey, D. 433
Ellis, J. 171 Hayward, P 328
Ethnography 173, 181-2, 196, 214, 215, Heap, N . 402
446, 450 Hebdige, D. 221, 227, 241, 282-3, 378, 433
Eysenck, D. 182, 185-7, 188 Hermes, J. 154
Hesmondhalgh, D. 304
Featherstone, M . 364, 433 Higher Education 433-45
Ferguson, B. 445 Hillyard, P 271
Ferguson, M . 52, 74, 134-54, 155, 376, 377 Hirsch, E . 2 3 1 , 2 9 2 , 3 8 4
Film 1, 119-21, 165-9, 319-28, 425-6 Hobson, D. 315, 319
Film stars 164-71 Hodge, B. 188, 237, 243
Fiske, J . 207, 216, 231, 2 3 4 ^ 8 , 319, 433 Hoggart, R. 62, 112
Forester, T. 402 Hood, S. 72
Foucault, M . 381, 403, 410, 420 Horkheimer, M . 37
Fowler, B. 153 Horrie, C . 207, 271,319
Frankfurt School 233, 339 Horton, D. 45-8, 375
Frazer, E . 153 Humez, J. 100, 133
Frith, S. 213, 276, 289, 291, 292, 293, 299, Hurd, G . 433-45
304 Husband, C . 100
Furst-Dilic, R. 214, 384, 402 Hypodermic syringe model 6, 176
Gabe, J. 124 IBA 63, 276, 285, 287

Gallagher, M . 271 Identity 1, 42, 50, 73-4, 107, 128-9, 170,
Gandy, O. 420 201, 220, 222, 226, 345, 431-2, 452
Garnham, N . 62, 241 Ideology, ideological 28, 34, 37-9, 62, 73,
Gatekeeping 249, 271, 272-5, 304 75-85, 101, 128-9, 154, 162, 199, 202,
Gates, H . L. 92-4, 97 214, 237, 238, 240-6, 250, 256-9, 273,
Gauntlett, D . 188 275, 277, 287, 302, 336, 352, 384, 397,
Gay, representations 84, 124-33 398, 403, 405, 422, 430, 446, 450-3
Geertz, C . 218, 233 Ignatieff, Michael 61
Gender, representations of 134-54, 207-14, I L R 273-4, 278, 281, 285, 287, 288
372, 376 Inglis, F. 27
Geraghty, C . 171,319 Internet 41, 181,372, 402
Gerson, J. 100 I T C 192
Giddens, A. 52, 55,217, 451 I T V 29, 190, 2 2 2 , 3 0 7 , 3 5 4
Gillespie, M . 100
Gilman, S. 124, 133 Jameson, F. 233
Globalization 364, 371, 431 Jazz F M 287
Glover, D. 17 Jencks, C . 433
Index 459
Jensen, J. 52 'Mediascapes' 1, 42
Jensen, K. 180, 229, 231 Media, Culture and Society 52, 60, 164
Jhally, S. 100, 164 Media Studies 2-3, 5, 73, 86, 91, 164, 182,
271, 343-4, 433-55
Karpf, A. 73, 114-24, 133, 154 Mediation 1, 42
Katz, E . 360, 361, 379, 382 Merton, R. 18
Keighron, P. 249, 328-34, 341, 402 'Meta-narratives' 424-5
Kellner, D . 60, 72, 433 Meyrowitz, J. 5, 42-52, 343, 372, 374-6,
Kennedy, John, F. 47 381
Kilborn, R. 249, 305-19, 334 Miller, D . 377
King, Rodney 91 Miller, M . C . 93-5, 98
Klapper, J. 188 Mills, C . Wright 176
Kline, S. 164 Modernity 1-3, 5, 42, 52-60, 159, 244, 395,
425,432
Langer, J. 74, 164-71 Moores, S. 173, 212, 214-31, 248
Lapchick, R. 109 Moral panics 1, 124-33, 174, 336
Leavis, F.R. 62 Morley, D. 52, 69, 113, 181, 198, 214, 216,
Leiss, W 164 222, 233, 343, 360, 372-84, 402
LeMahieu, D . 27 Mort, F. 154
Lennon, John 47-8 M T V 64, 222
Lesbian, representations 84 Murdoch, Rupert 190, 197, 246, 264, 384,
Levinson, P. 48 402
Lewis, J. 7 3 , 9 1 - 1 0 0 Murdock, G . 5, 52-60, 173, 181-8, 372
Lewis, L . 171, 304 Murray, J. 133
Lewis, P. 289
Liebert, R. 195 Nairn, T. 103
Liebes, T. 360, 361 Nationality 101
Lippman, W. 75, 76, 80, 85, 89 Neale, S. 86
Livingstone, S. 72, 171, 214 Negrine, R. 124, 228, 260
Lorenz, A. 271 Negus, K. 249, 289-304
Lull, J . 214, 231, 304, 377, 378 Newbold, C 248
Lunt, P 72, 171 New communications technologies 41, 214,
Lury, C 27, 180 230, 232, 319, 320-6, 333, 343-420
Lusted, D . 171, 445 Newson, Elizabeth 182, 189, 191, 192
Lyon, D . 343, 372, 384-402 Newspaper,
daily 29, 101-7, 196-207
Macdonald, M . 154 Sunday 29, 101, 106
Madonna 235, 239, 246, 303 News
Magazines 134-54, 155, 159, 165 production 250-60
Mars, martians 6-18 values 250, 253-4, 257
Marx, Marxism 21, 53, 339, 378, 387, 388, Nias, H . 182, 185-7, 188
396, 424, 446-52 Nixon, S. 154
Mass, Nobel, G . 188
communication 1, 18, 20-4, 28-41, 173, Nowell-Smith, G . 109
236, 352, 379
culture 18, 24, 240, 379 O'Donnell, H . 101-9
masses 1, 18-27, 3 3 , 3 9 8 , 4 4 2 O'Malley, T 72
observation 24 O'Sullivan, T. 41, 85, 181, 212, 445
society 1, 5, 18, 175-7 Oliver, M . 124
Massey, D. 55, 113,377,378 Orton, L . 445
Masterman, L . 445 Orwell, George 18, 110, 112, 392, 412
Maxwell, R. 197 Osmond, J. 113
McAleer, J. 195
McArthur, C . 113 Palton, C . 133
McCron, R. 173, 181-8 Panoptican 402, 403, 409-12, 414, 420
McGuigan, J. 27, 207, 231, 243 Panorama 260, 261, 267, 270
McLuhan, M 42, 51, 52, 374 'Para-social interaction' 46-51, 57
McNair, B. 207 Payne Fund studies 175
McQuail, D . 17, 18, 31, 41, 180, 360 Peacock committee and report 61, 64
McRobbie, A. 60, 124, 133, 154, 301, 433 Pearson, G . 188
Mealing, S. 328 Percy-Smith, J. 271
460 Index
Perkins, T. 73, 75-85 Soap opera 46, 69, 110, 112, 114, 119, 122,
PetleyJ. 173, 188-95 239, 305-19
Philo, G . 124, 260, 271 Social Trends 30
Pickering, M . 85 Sociology 28
Pines, J. 100 Review 421
Popular Special effects 319-28
culture 1, 24, 164, 196, 234-46, 366, Sparks, C . 199, 207, 245
421-33 Sport 101-9, 165, 171, 367
music 165, 171, 271-89, 289-304, 428-9, Stereotypes 73-164, 178, 439
433 Stevenson, N . 52, 60, 173, 231-48
Poster, M . 388 Street, J. 304
Postman, N . 195, 407, 420-33 Strinati, D. 343,421-33
Postmodern, postmodernism 2, 52, 59, 343, Structuralism, post-structuralism 37, 235,
364, 370, 374, 375, 376, 421-33, 446 448, 449
Possaint, A. 96-7 Sun, The 192, 196-207, 246
Presley, Elvis 47, 283 Surveillance 335, 385, 393, 403, 409, 410,
Prison, prisoners 44-5, 50, 403, 409 417, 420
Propaganda 1, 176
Public Talk Radio 285
service broadcasting 54, 60-72, 277, Telethons 116-18
397 Television 1, 34, 36, 60-72, 91-100, 113,
sphere 62, 238, 245, 402-5, 420 116, 118-22, 164-71, 181, 305-19,
Pugente, J. 445 345-60, 363, 372-84, 403, 407, 409,
420, 426-8, 432, 433, 439-42
Pursehouse, M . 173, 196-207, 246 personalities 164-71
Thatcher, Margaret 197, 198, 201-3, 218,
Quaker, T. 74, 154-64 265, 267, 270, 435
Race, representations of 91-100, 101-9, Thompson, J.B. 5, 28-41, 42, 60, 246
155-7, 244 Thornton, S. 289
Radio 1, 6-18, 44-5, 47, 60-72, 118, 188, Tinkler, P 154
271-89, 408 Tolson, A. 85, 171
1 64,271-89 Tomlinson, J. 360, 372
2 64, 273-5, 279 Tracey, M . 271, 343, 345-60, 361, 365
3 64 Tripp, D. 188,237, 243
4 64 Tudor, A. 18, 173, 174-81
Real, M . 109 Tunstall,J. 260, 271
Reality T V 165, 328-34, 335-42
Redman, P 133 Uses and gratifications 233
Reeves, G . 360, 372
Reith, John 57, 64, 277 Vale, J. 334
Rheingold, H . 343, 372, 402-20 Van D i j k , T 107, 244
Robins, K. 360, 410 Van Zoonen, L. 214, 248
Ross, K. 100 Video 188, 207-14, 231, 328-34, 348
Rutherford, J. 113 nasties 181, 188-95
Recordings Act 189
Satellite television 41, 71, 181, 191,214-31, Virgin Radio 285-6
345, 349-50, 367, 439 Vivian, J. 271
Scannell, P 5, 60-72
Schiller, H . 343, 352, 353, 360-72 Walters, R. 188
Schlesinger, P 260, 271 War of the Worlds 5, 6
Screen 445 Wasko, J. 249, 319-28
Searle, C . 100 Watney, S. 74, 124-33
Seiter, E . 85 Webster, C . 328
Semiotics, semiology 37, 235, 417-18 Webster, F. 410, 420
Shields, R. 113 Weeks, J. 127
Short, Clare 203-4 Welles, Orson 8, 9
Sight and Sound 328, 335 Wells, H . G . 5, 6
Silverstone, R. 216, 224, 231, 248, 378-9, Whannel, G . 109
384 Wilby, P. 289
Simpson, O. J . 91 Williams, R. 1, 5, 18-27, 66, 164, 217, 233,
Smith, T. 328 244, 245, 333, 432
Index 461
Williamson, J . 164, 198 Wollen, T. 328

Willis, P. 182, 185, 188, 216, 223 Women, representations of 133-54, 157-62,
Willis, S. 164 179
Winship, J. 154
Winston, B. 271 Young, J. 133, 260
Wohl, R. 45-8, 375
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Section 1: The Media and Modem Life 5

Section 2: Stereotypes and Representations 73

Section 3: Audiences and Reception 173

17 O n A l c o h o l a n d the M y s t i q u e o f M e d i a Effects 174

Section 4: Producers and Production 249

29 F i l m P r o d u c t i o n i n the I n f o r m a t i o n Age 319

Section 5: Global Media and New Media 343

32 T h e Poisoned Chalice? I n t e r n a t i o n a l Television a n d the Idea o f

The a u t h o r s w o u l d l i k e t o t h a n k Stephen B a r n a r d , Pam Birley, Rinella

ESTHER ADAMS: Selection f r o m Television and the North b y Esther

MARJORIE FERGUSON: Selection f r o m Forever Feminine by M a r j o r i e

GRAHAM M U R D O C K and ROBIN M C C R O N : Selection from The

DOMINIC S T R I N A T I : 'Postmodernism a n d Popular C u l t u r e ' i n Sociology

O n e o f t h e d e f i n i n g characteristics o f m o d e r n social a n d c u l t u r a l life has

e x p a n d e d a n d d e v e l o p e d as a prerequisite f o r m o d e r n i t y , b u t have also gained

M u c h o f this has s i m p l y a n d depressingly replayed older elitist o r p r o f o u n d l y

The Media and Modem Life

O n t h e evening o f O c t o b e r 3 0 , 1 9 3 8 , thousands o f Americans became panic-

ories are b l u r r e d . T h e s i t u a t i o n created b y t h e broadcast was o n e w h i c h shows

reactions. ' M y g i r l f r i e n d a n d I stayed i n the car f o r a w h i l e , just d r i v i n g

'We have so m u c h faith in broadcasting. I n a crisis i t has t o reach all people.

danger. Before w e can u n d e r s t a n d t h e reasons f o r t h e v a r y i n g behavior, t h e

Classifying the listeners

2. Those who checked the broadcast against other information and

' I l o o k e d o u t o f the w i n d o w a n d e v e r y t h i n g l o o k e d the same as usual so I

4. Those who made no attempt to check the broadcast or the event

Why the panic?

c o n s i s t e n t l y r e l a t e d t o the r e a c t i o n , a l t h o u g h a lack o f c r i t i c a l a b i l i t y seemed

Why the suggestion was or was not believed

beliefs r e g a r d i n g t h e e n d o f t h e w o r l d . O t h e r people w e f o u n d h a d been so

Why such extreme behavior?

p a r t i c u l a r race is persecuted i n a distant c o u n t r y because that persecution runs

M c Q u a i l , D . 1994: Mass communication theory: an introduction. London: Sage.

We n o w r e g u l a r l y use b o t h t h e idea o f t h e 'masses', a n d t h e consequent ideas

Masses was a n e w w o r d f o r m o b , a n d i t is a very significant w o r d . I t seems

t h a t w h a t is b e i n g questioned is n o t mass-democracy, b u t democracy. I f a

transmission: that is t o say, a one-way sending. Reception a n d response, w h i c h

t h e m a c c o r d i n g t o a f o r m u l a . H e r e t h e question o f the i n t e n t i o n o f the trans-

cannot visit i t . ' D e m o c r a c y w o u l d be all r i g h t / w e can come t o say, ' i t is indeed

advance o f t h e m i d d l e classes t o prosperity, was a n e w middle-class r e a d i n g

not so sure about the c o n t i n u a l decline i n standards. T h e m u l t i p l i c a t i o n o f

c o n t e m p t f o r m a n y o f these activities, w h i c h is always latent i n the h i g h l y l i t -

Few people w o u l d deny that t h e nature o f c u l t u r a l experience i n m o d e r n soci-

T h e modalities o f c u l t u r a l transmission i n m o d e r n societies have been p r o -

the newspaper i n d u s t r y i n the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries significantly

size o f t h e television audience. T h e n u m b e r o f television licences i n B r i t a i n

eties are increasingly m e d i a t e d b y t h e mechanisms a n d i n s t i t u t i o n s o f mass

are physically present, a n d w h o s e responses p r o v i d e the person c o n v e y i n g the

face-to-face i n t e r a c t i o n : they are extended i n t i m e , t e m p o r a l i z e d , h i s t o r i c i z e d .

p r o d u c e t h e m m a y also seek t o c o n t r o l their d i f f u s i o n i n order t o secure their

T h e capacity o f m e d i a messages t o circulate a m o n g an extended audience is

Analysing mass communication

characteristics: t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n o f producers a n d o f transmission

T h e second aspect o f mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n is t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the m e d i a