THE PATH TO INDEPENDENCE: THE RISE OF NATIONALISM IN EAST AFRICA

Nationalism refers to the rise of consciousness and love for one’s country. In Africa, it was the desire
for independence, self-determination and common hatred to all evils associated with colonial rule.

In East Africa, nationalism was characterized mainly by rise or formation of political parties (UPC, DP,
and in Uganda, KANU, KADU in KENYA, and TANU in Tanzania) and the popular demand for
independence.

Characteristics of African Nationalism in East Africa

It was characterized by rise of political parties. These included Uganda National Congress (which
later became- Uganda Peoples’ Congress (U.P.C), Democratic Party (DP) and Kabaka Yekka (KY) all in
Uganda, Tanganyika African National Union (TANU in Tanganyika , KADU ( Kenya African Democratic
Union) as well as KANU ( Kenya African National Union) in Kenya, among others.

Nationalism in East Africa was led by the few educated Africans such as Julius Nyerere, Milton
Obote, Mayanja Nkangi, Jomo Kenyatta, Tom Mboya, and others.

Most of the nationalist activities were centered in towns like Nairobi, Mombasa, Dar es Salaam,
Dodoma, Kampala and Entebe.

Violent groups were formed to engage the colonialists by force. The most important of these was
Mau Mau in Kenya ( 1952-1956)

There were constant arrests and detention of nationalists’ leaders. Kenyatta was imprisoned in
1953, Obote forced out of Makerere College, Nyerere and many others too were detained several
times.

Nationalism in East Africa had some Africans supporting the whites and hence opposed to ideas like
granting independence to Buganda.

The cold war conflict remained clear among the East African nationalists. Nyerere for instance
adopted the socialist ideology through his popular Ujamaa policy.

The press became a key tool of nationalism in East Africa. News papers like MUNNO, Ngabo (
Uganda), radio stations, magazines were used in the spread of nationalist ideas.

Negotiations also characterized African nationalism in east Africa. Constitutional reforms were
carried out such as the new constitutions in Kenya like the Lennox-Boyd constitution.

Trade unions were formed to call for workers rights. For example the Young Kikuyu Association in
Kenya in 1921.

1
FACTORS FOR THE RISE AND GROWTH OF AFRICAN NATIONALISM IN EAST AFRICA.

The colonial policies led to the growth of African nationalism in East Africa. Evils of colonialism such
as forced lab or, over taxation, land alienation, racial discrimination and forced growing of cash crops
etc. made the people of East Africa hate the colonial masters.

Western education led to the rise and growth of African nationalism. The few Africans who went to
schools like King’s college Budo acquired a common language – English. This made communication
very easy between the nationalists of different races.

The Second World War also encouraged African nationalism. This war which started in 1939 and
ended in 1945 trained some East Africans on how to use guns, exposed them to military weakness
of the whites and also exposed Africans to ideas of democracy from American soldiers.

The rise of two new super powers in the world promoted African nationalism. USA and USSR started
supporting political parties like UPC, TANU and KANU struggling for independence.

The formation of the United Nations in 1945 favoured African nationalism. UNO put pressure on
Britain to grant independence to Tanganyika, Uganda and finally to Kenya.

The Atlantic charter of 1941 helped nationalism in East Africa. W. Churchill (Britain) and F. Roosevelt
(USA) called for the respect of people’s rights to choose a government of their will. This increased
desire for independence in East Africa.

The 1945 Manchester Pan African conference helped African nationalism. Delegates including
Nkrumah etc called for states to use all means to fight against colonialism.

The formation of political parties also encouraged nationalism in East Africa. Parties like KANU,
KADU (KENYA) TANU (TZ) UNC UPC, DP, and KY (Uganda) mobilized the people in demanding for
independence.

The Mau Mau uprising of 1952 – 56 in Kenya encouraged nationalism in East Africa. The courage of
the Kikuyu and other fighters against the British had attracted more demand for independence even
in Tanzania and Uganda.

The rise of able and charismatic leaders such as Jomo Kenyatta , Julius Nyerere, Milton Obote, Abu
Mayanja and others. These led the masses in popular demonstrations and rallies demanding for
independence

2
NATIONALISM IN UGANDA

Between 1945 and 1949, several protests and uprisings were organized especially in Uganda’s towns
like Kampala. These were mainly in opposition to the monopoly of Asians in the cash crop trade, land
alienation among other grievances.

Such action resulted into formation of earlier political associations such:-Bataka party (1946),
Abaganda Abakopi and Uganda African Farmers’ Union (1947),Buganda African Motors Driver
Union(BANU).

Although all these parties were silenced one by one by the colonialists, and their leaders arrested,
the message of resistance and desire for independence had been expressed already.

The Kabaka crisis of 1953 -55.

Following the British introduction of the idea of the East African Federation Kabaka Mutesa II
decided to mobilize the Baganda to reject the Federation. He also went ahead to demand for the
independence of Buganda alone.

This prompted the British colonial governor Andrew Cohen to deport him into Britain on the 30 Nov
1953.

Causes of the crisis

The idea of the East African federation led to the crisis. The Baganda feared that they might loose
their land in the federation as had happened in Kenya.

Mutesa I‘s failure to cooperate with the colonial administrators encouraged the crisis. According to
the 1900 agreement, the Kabaka was expected to work (cooperate) with the colonial administration
in areas of tax collection, law and order e.t.c.

Mutesa’s demand for Buganda’s independence also led to the crisis.

Kabaka Mutesa’s desire to adjust some terms of the Buganda agreement led to the crisis. Kabaka
hated the clauses that limited his authority in Buganda.

The rising sense of superiority among the Baganda encouraged the crisis under Mutesa I. Buganda
increasingly proud of themselves that decided to reduce cooperation with the colonialist.

Withdraw of support from the Kabaka by the Lukiiko also encouraged the crisis.

The transfer by the colonial governor of the nomination of Buganda’s representatives to the Legico
(Legislative council). This decision to give powers to the Lukiiko to nominate representative to the
legico provoked Mutesa II much.

3
The religious conflicts with in Buganda also increased the tension. The Catholics conflicted with the
Protestants and Christians combined against Muslims. This drew in the colonial administration to
take sides.

The new political parties such as Uganda National congress (1952) violently opposed the East Africa
Federation idea. This further promoted the government to exile the king.

Effects of the 1953 Kabaka crisis.

Created a sense of unity among the Baganda as they combined efforts to demand for the return and
restoration of Kabaka Mutesa II.

Led to the signing of the Namirembe agreement. This cleared way for the return of the Kabaka while
also reducing the king’s powers more.

Demonstrations were carried out in Buganda areas like Nakulabye. Men vowed never to shave off
until their king in back.

The colonial government appointed more Africans to the colonial administration.

Encouraged the growth of nationalism in the whole of Uganda. The crisis had showed Ugandans the
determination of colonialists to stay on hence more demands for independence.

Led to formation of new political parties which began by demanding of the return of Kabaka and
finally for independence.

The crisis and the Namirembe agreement affected the position of the Kabaka. His reduced powers as
we approached independence laid ground for his eventual over throw in the 1966 crisis with Obote
.M.

The idea of East African Federation was completely ruled out after the crisis.

Increased the popularity of the Kabaka especially among the Baganda as well as other areas of
Uganda.

Political parties in Uganda after 1950.

A number of political parties were formed or old ones revised after 1950. These were to lead the
way towards Ugandan’s independence by 1962. Such parties included: Uganda National Congress
(UNC) 1952,Democratic party(DP)1954, The Progress Party (PP) 1955, United Congress Party(UCP)
1957,Uganda National Movement (UNM) 1959, Uganda People’s Union (UPU) 1958,Uganda People’s
Congress (UPC) 1960, The Kabaka Yekka (KY) 1962.

4
Role played by political parties in the struggle for Uganda’s independence.

Parties trained leaders who helped to mobilize the masses in the demand for independence.

They sensitized and educated Ugandans on the politics in the country. This aroused political
awareness in Uganda.

Called for independence of Uganda raising Massive support to the independence movement.

Organized peaceful demonstrations, against colonial policies like taxation , cash crop growing
(forced) etc.

Parties sent representatives in the pre- independence negotiations and last minutes constitutional
preparations.

Mobilized funds to finance political activities including campaigns for the pre- independence
elections.

Party slogans and songs became a key symbol of attraction for large gatherings. This made flow of
information about the struggle very easy.

Recruited the youths into active party service thus training a generation that was to lead Uganda to
independence such as Mayanja Nkangi , Ignatius Musaazi .etc.

Violent action organized by the various parties pressurised the colonialists to grant independence.
Boycotts, attacks on foreigners and torching (burning) houses all speeded up the process to
decolonize Uganda.

Factors which facilitated the attainment of independence in Uganda.

Many factors worked in favour of the rise and growth of nationalism in Uganda. It’s these factors
that eventually led to the early independence of Uganda by 1962. They included:

The impact of the Second World War (1939-1945) led to Uganda’s independence. Ex – soldiers came
back with military skills and militant ideas leading to violent action like burning of white owned
houses.

The rise of labour party into power in Britain in 1945 also forvoured Ugandan’s struggle for
independence. This led to the appointment of some Ugandans on the Legico.

The Manchester Conference of 1945 helped nationalism in Uganda. Its call for use for use of all
means including force to fight for independence led to use of strikes in demanding for
independence.

Western education (especially through missionary schools) trained leaders for the independence
movement. Eg Musazi, M. Obote , Mayanja Abu

The roads, railway line and other form of infrastructure proved by the colonial administration helped
the struggle. Nationalists like Obote used these to traverse the whole of Uganda for support.

5
The formation of political parties led to independence. Parties like KY, UPC, DP UNC mobilized the
masses in the demand for independence.

The continued exploitation by Asians and whites of Uganda’s resources like copper in Kilembe
provoked anger among Ugandans.

The development of urban centers such as Jinja, Kampala favored nationalism in Uganda. These
became bleeding grounds for political activities like rallies and demonstrations.

Asian countries like India which had already got independence (1947) helped Uganda too. Some
Ugandan nationalist like Abu Mayanja, Bidandi Sali e.tc. Studied in India or attended conferences
there.

The 1952 revolution in Egypt also influenced nationalism in Uganda Nasser , the new president of
Egypt assisted Ugandans like Ignatius Musaazi of UNC (Uganda National Congress)

The United Nations organization also put pressure on British to decolonize even Uganda.

The British policy of favoring Buganda more than the rest of Uganda. This made the rest of
Ugandan’s unite against the Baganda first and finally the colonialists too.

Ghana’s early independence in 1957 also inspired strong demand for independence in 1957 also
inspired strong demand for independence in Uganda too.

Major obstacles in the struggle for Uganda’s independence

The struggle for Uganda’s independence and generally the growth of African nationalism in Uganda
was delayed/ disturbed by a number of factors.

The high levels of illiteracy in Uganda affected the struggle. The few educated people Uganda had by
1945- 50 were mainly centered around Buganda only. This left the rest of the regions off the struggle
for so many years.

Lack of a common language in Uganda also disturbed the struggle for independence. Luganda ,Acholi
and other languages were used by different groups to push for their tribal interests. This promoted
the divide and rule policy of the colonialists

Trade Union activities were limited in Uganda. The restrictions by colonialists had discouraged
formation of trade unions which would have helped in the demand for independence.

The limitations on the press delayed the struggle. The few news papers such as “Uganda Eyogera”
were in Luganda hence only read by Baganda. This isolated the other Ugandan’s from ideas in the
paper.

Some of the elites were puppets of the British colonial government and hence could not join political
paties like UNC, UPC etc.

6
The delay to establish contacts between nationalists in Uganda and outside Africa also delayed the
struggle. Very few Ugandans had traveled to democratic states like USA to borrow the spirit of
freedom and hence few would challenge colonialism as an abuse of human rights.

The formation of political parties too delayed independence. Active party politics did not come until
after 1950.

Religious divisions between Protestants and Catholics also affected the struggle. Parties never
combined efforts because of the differences in religion.

The common hatred towards the Baganda by nationalist from other parts prevented a united stand
against colonialism. The fact that the British had used Baganda chiefs like Semei Kakungulu to speed
colonial rule to the East made Baganda a target by others.

The secessionist attempts by Buganda delayed the struggle. With much of the infrastructure, the
attempt to break off the rest of Uganda was unacceptable by other nationalist hence preventing a
common front against colonial rule.

There were also ideological differences even within the different political parties. Where the DP
leaders had capitalist sentiments, UNC and UPC were pro- socialist. They thus never combined
efforts against the British because of such differences.

NATIONALISM IN TANGANYIKA

Contribution Of Dr. Julius Nyerere To The Struggle For Tanzania’s Independence

Julius Kambarage Nyerere was born in 1922 at Butiaba near the lake Victoria shores. His father was a
village chief. He attended a Roman Catholic primary school before joining the government secondary
at Tabora and diploma in Education at Makerere College in Uganda before finally attaining university
education in universities outside Africa including Edinburgh University in Scotland.

Nyerere taught in several schools in Tanzania between 1945 and 1952. This spread literacy, which
was needed in the struggle for independence.

He joined TANU (Tanganyika African National Union) in 1955 where he seriously campaigned for
Tanganyika’s independence.

He addressed the U.N.O’s (United Nations Organization) trusteeship council in New York, where he
expressed Tanganyika’s wish for independence.

Organized TANU to elect a representative to the Legislative council (LEGCO).

Nyerere became Tanganyika’s first prime minister in 1961 when Tanzania gained her independence.

He encouraged the unity between Tanganyika and Zanzibar in 1964. This resulted into the
establishing of the republic of Tanzania.

7
Emphasized Swahili language to be the common language Tanzanians were to use. This united them
in the demand for independence.

Nyerere advocated for peaceful means in the struggle for Tanzania independence. This scared
Tanzania of the destruction that happened to states that used violence to achieve independence.

Nyerere as president of Tanganyika African Association transformed (IAA) into TANU (Tanganyika
African National Union) in 1954.

Nyerere called for adult voting rights voting rights in Tanganyika other than the earlier restriction on
to only those who were earning 75 pounds per year or those who were literate.

Nyerere assured the Asians, whites and other foreigners in Tanganyika that they had a future in
Tanganyika. This won some foreigners sympathy towards the independence movement.

Brought TANU close to the UN Trusteeship Council. It’s this that was later to put pressure on Britain
to decolonize Tanganyika.

Nyerere stood down after being elected to the Legico (Legislative Council) complaining of lack of
progress in the move to Tanganyika’s independence.

Reasons for Tanganyika’s early independence

The formation of political clubs/ associations such as Tanganyika African i.e Association (TAA),
Tanganyika African National Union ( TANU).

The spirit of unity that came as a result of the existence of an all embracing Political party- TANU.

The personality of the colonial governors favored Tanzania’s early independence. Governor Richard
Turnbull for example encouraged preparations for Tanzania’s Independence.

The United Nations, supervised preparations for independence in Tanganyika through its Trusteeship
Council.

Racial or tribal differences were greatly limited in Tanganyika unlike in both Uganda and Kenya. This
gave Tanganyikans a united stand in the call for independence.

Political activities were not much restricted by the authority in Tanganyika as was in Kenya and
Uganda. Party activities for instance would be left free.

Tanganyika’s adoption of Kiswahili as a common language promoted unity in the call for
independence.

The able leadership of men like Julius Nyerere who mobilised all Tanganyika’s without discriminating
based on race.

8
NATIONALISM IN KENYA

Conflict and resentment defined the the colonial experience between the white settlers and native
Africans. With Nairobi evolving from a shantytown in the early 1900s into a major urban centre for
East Africa, white settlers slowly migrated to the country lured by the prospect of land. They settled
in the fertile highlands outside Nairobi, an area later dubbed the "White Highlands." Both the Maasai
and the Kikuyu tribes lost large amounts of land to these European settlers. Their resentment grew
deeper with each acre lost and the inevitable conflicts would not fully be resolved until
independence.

Successful large-scale farming depended to a great degree upon an adequate labour force, namely
Africans. They, however, did not see any advantage or gain in working for the European encroachers.
In response, the colonial authorities introduced hut taxes and other laws that forced the Africans
into low-paying wage employment. This marked the introduction of a cash economy into a land
dominated by the barter system.

World War I provided a hiatus in white settlement but after the war Britain gained possession of this
region under the Treaty of Versailles and began a policy of inequitable land distribution that further
fuelled growing African resentment. The government offered land in the Kenyan highlands to war
veterans at inexpensive prices but only white veterans, not African veterans, could take advantage
of this offer. White settlers streamed in and increasing numbers of Kenyans, led by the bitter Kikuyu,
formed political groups whose primary focus was the return of their land.

KENYAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENTS AND THE EMERGENCE OF JOMO KENYATTA

The first pan-Kenyan nationalist movement was led by Harry Thuku to protest against the white-
settler dominance in the government. His party, the East African Association, traced its roots to the
early Kikuyu political groups and was supported by several influential and militant Asians. Thuku was
arrested by the colonial authorities in 1922 and was exiled for seven years. His arrest resulted in the
massacre of twenty-three Africans outside Nairobi's Central police station. He was released only
after agreeing to cooperate with the colonials, a decision that cost him the leadership of the Kikuyus.
This incident united Kenya's African communities and set the stage for the entry of Jomo Kenyatta, a
former water meter inspector with the Nairobi Municipal Council, who stepped in and filled the
leadership vacuum after Thuku.

JOMO KENYATTA

Jomo Kenyatta was born in Gatundu; the year of his birth is uncertain, but most scholars agree he
was born in the 1890s. He was born into the Kikuyu ethnic group. Named Kamau wa Ngengi at birth,
he later adopted the surname Kenyatta (from the Kikuyu word for a type of beaded belt he wore)
and then the first name Jomo. Kenyatta was educated by Presbyterian missionaries and by 1921 had
moved to the city of Nairobi. There he became involved in early African protest movements, joining
the Kikuyu Central Association (KCA) in 1924.

In 1928 he became editor of the movement's newspaper. In 1929 and 1931 Kenyatta visited England
to present KCA demands for the return of African land lost to European settlers and for increased
political and economic opportunity for Africans in Kenya, which had become a colony within British
East Africa in 1920.

9
Kenyatta remained in Europe for almost 15 years, during which he attended various schools and
universities, travelled extensively, and published numerous articles and pamphlets on Kenya and the
plight of Kenyans under colonial rule. While attending the London School of Economics, Kenyatta
studied under noted British anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski and published his seminal work,
Facing Mount Kenya (1938).

Following World War II (1939-1945), Kenyatta became an outspoken nationalist, demanding Kenyan
self-government and independence from Great Britain. With other African nationalists such as
Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Kenyatta helped organize the fifth Pan-African Congress in Great Britain
in 1945. The congress, modelled after the four congresses organized by black American intellectual
W. E. B. Du Bois between 1919 and 1927 and attended by black leaders and intellectuals from
around the world, affirmed the goals of African nationalism and unity.

In September 1946 Kenyatta returned to Kenya, and in June 1947 he became president of the first
colony-wide African political organization, the Kenya African Union (KAU), which had been formed
more than two years earlier. KAU's efforts to win self-government under African leadership were
unsuccessful, however, and African resistance to colonial policies and the supremacy of European
settlers in Kenya became more militant.

AFRICAN AND ASIAN AFRICAN RESISTANCE TO THE BRITISH

The Mau Mau Movement

The Mau Mau Movement began among the Gikuyu who shared the same grievances with all other
Kenyan peoples. At the same time, land shortages among the Gikuyu were particularly bad. There
were many settler farms in Gikuyuland and a lot of Gikuyu land had been taken for European
settlement.

World War II only increased African discontent as Kenyans fought side by side with their colonial
masters. During the five year conflict Africans were exposed to many new influences and developed
an awareness that the white man was far from invincible. Empowered by this new outlook, African
veterans went home to Kenya with the realization that a return to the status-quo was impossible.

From the end of the War in 1945, Africans regularly presented their grievances to the colonial
government in Nairobi and the government in London. Under the leadership of Kenyatta, the Kenya
African Union (KAU) became a national party with wide support from the people. It too, had played
its part in demanding a settlement of African grievances. The Government however, did nothing
except make promises. Meanwhile the white settlers were themselves pressing Britain for
independence under white minority rule. Many Africans were beginning to think that what could not
be achieved by peaceful means might be achieved by violence. After all, the colonial government
had been promising reforms for a long time. Nothing had come of the promises.

10
In 1952 the Mau Mau began advocating violence against the colonial government and white settlers.
Kenyatta did not advocate violence but the colonial authorities arrested him and five other KAU
leaders in October 1952 for allegedly being part of Mau Mau. The six leaders were tried and, in April
1953, convicted.

While Kenyatta was confined the Mau Mau were fighting a guerilla war. Most of the fighting took
place in the Central Province, Aberdares (Nyandarua), around Mt. Kenya and in Nakuru District.
There were attacks on police stations and other government offices as well as on settler farms.

As British troops fought the Mau Mau in the forests, the colonial government took strict measures
against civilians. Many people were detained in concentration camps while others were forced to
live in "protected" villages. It was not until 1955, that the British gained the upper hand against the
Mau Mau, in spite of the much better arms and equipment of the Royal Army and Air Force. Even
after 1955 fighting continued in some areas.

Dedan Kimathi was a feared leader of the Mau Mau guerrillas who rebelled against British
colonialism in the 1950s. After 1955, the most effective weapon used by the government against the
Mau Mau were the 'pseudo gangs' composed largely of former guerrillas which were later renamed
the Special Force Teams. Up to 1955 these units had been led by whites, and were led by loyal
Africans thereafter which would go into the forests on seek and destroy expeditions against the Mau
Mau hideouts.

Kimathi's capture on 21st October 1956 in Nyeri and signified the ultimate defeat of the Mau Mau
and essentially ended the military offensive against the Mau Mau. He was captured in 1956 and
executed in February 1957 - one of about 5,000 guerrillas to die in the struggle, in which 12,000
civilians also perished. Such was the fear of Kimathi becoming a martyr for his followers that when
he died (mysteriously) in prison, his body was buried in an unmarked grave whose location has not
been revealed even up to today.

The Home Guard and Special Force Teams were responsible for undermining and neutralizing the
Mau Mau organization through their spy network and other measures.

Other measures included the setting up of controlled villagers as a punitive measure against areas
suspected of being solidly behind the Mau Mau. By early 1955 some estimate that over a million
Kikuyu had been settled in these villages.

ACHIEVEMENTS OF MAU MAU

The British government in London learned that the colonial government in Kenya could not govern
Kenya properly and then relied on British troops to solve the problems it had helped create.

The British government learned the British rule in Kenya could be maintained only by the use of
massive military force. Mau Mau freedom fighters armed with home made and captured weapons
had engaged thousands of highly-trained British troops. The cost of the war was very high.
Furthermore it was unpopular with many of the conscript troops who sympathized with the aims of
the African nationalists, and also many people living in Britain.

11
Mau Mau made it perfectly clear that the Africans of Kenya knew their rights and were prepared to
fight and die for them.

The emergency brought Kenya to the attention of the world through press and media reports. It
became impossible for the British to continue claiming that most Kenyans were happy and content
under their rule.

The Mau Mau War put an end to the hopes of white settlers for independence under the white
minority rule. As a result of Mau Mau the British government began planning for Kenyan
independence under majority rule.

British Responses

In 1959, freehold titles in large numbers had been issued to Africans, new farm supports were in
place, and a campaign was underway to employ landless people. The growth of the Agrarian middle
class had started to pick up.

During the above time period the Trade Unions were gaining momentum and Mr. Makhan Singh was
prominent. However, Makhan Singh was quickly disposed off by the colonial authorities for allegedly
having admitted to being a communist.

Other Resistors: The Asian African Community

In fact, the Asian African community had long been involved in dissent and political activity against
oppression Kenya. As Kenyan history shows, there are figures such as A.M. Jeevanjee and M.A.
Desai, who continuously and successfully challenged and controlled settler ambitions for their self-
rule in Kenya on the apartheid model of South Africa. Makhan Singh and Pio Gama Pinto spent years
in detention in the struggle for Kenya’s freedom. Pio Pinto, over the 35 years since his assassination,
remains a major influence and national role model for Kenyans. Joseph Murumbi was the voice in
exile of a silenced Kenya during the Emergency, and later Foreign Minister and second Vice-
President.

In law, advocates such as A.R. Kapila, Fitz de Souza, and Jaswant Singh defended Bildad Kaggia, Jomo
Kenyatta, Paul Ngei, Fred Kubai, Achieng Oneko and Kungu Karumba at their trial at Kapenguria
(1952-53). They and others such as Chanan Singh defended in hundreds of Mau Mau Causes and
appeals.

In the struggle for the freedom of the Press, Asian African journalists and publishers also played a
critical part . These included Haroun Ahamed, Editor, The Colonial Times, D.K. Sharda, Sitaram
Achariar (The Democrat). N.S. Thakur, and four generations of the Vidyarthi family. Achariar also
printed the Gikuyu newspaper Muigwithania, (1928) the Kikuyu Central Association (KCA) paper
edited by Achieng Oneko.

Among others that the Vidyarthis published were Sauti ya Mwafrika, the Kenya African Union (KAU)
newspaper, Henry Githigira’s Habari za Dunia, Henry Mworia’s Musmengerere, and Francis Khamisi’s
Mwalimu. The printing of all these papers for the forty years between 1920 and 1963 were direct
challenges to the colonial government which sought to suppress the African voice against
colonialism and for freedom.

12
Independence

After nine years, in August 1961, Kenyatta was freed as Kenya was moving towards self-government
under African leadership. Kenyatta was embraced as the colony's most important independence
leader and he assumed the leadership of the Kenya African National Union (KANU), a party founded
in 1960 and supported by the Kikuyu and Luo. He led the party to victory in the pre-independence
elections of May 1963 and was named prime minister of Kenya in June. Kenyatta led Kenya to formal
independence in December of that year. Kenya was established as a republic in December 1964, and
Kenyatta was elected Kenya's first president the same month.

Growth after independence

Kenyatta knew that independence was not really the end of the struggle, but the beginning. The
hopes of millions of Kenyans for a new way of life and better standards of living would not be easy to
fulfill. On the 1st Madaraka Day, Mzee Jomo Kenyatta reemphasized what he had told the nation a
few days earlier when KANU won the polls. He said that Madaraka was a progressive step towards
the attainment of independence, that constitutional advance was not the greatest end in itself.

Independence was, to the majority of people, expected to be a turning point. The Africans, the
majority expected a reversal of all things in their favor. For the European settlers who had enjoyed
everything in the pre-uhuru governments, there was fear and uncertainty over their future. They
visualized a vengeful African dominated government probably bent on some measures of
retribution. The Asian group also feared as they had enjoyed some privileges and controlled the
young nation's commercial life.

"Harambee" A call towards self-sufficiency

The slogan "Harambee" was given to Kenyan workers for the purposes of national development.
Kenyatta likened the task ahead of the new nation to that of workers with a burden which would
only be overcome by working together to successfully heave up or put together their heavy load.

As president, Kenyatta worked to establish harmonious race relations, safeguarding whites' property
rights and appealing to both whites and the African majority to forget past injustices. "Harambee"
(Swahili for "let's all pull together"), deliberately asked whites and Africans to work together for the
development of Kenya. However, many of his compromise policies over time became unpopular
with radicals within KANU, who advocated a more socialist state structure for Kenya. One of the key
persons in this disagreements was Oginga Odinga.

Oginga Odinga was born in 1911 in Siaya District and was a student of Maseno and Alliance High
School. He then went to Makerere University and in 1940, he returned to Maseno High School as a
teacher. In 1948, he joined KAU and in 1957 was elected to the Legislative Council as member for
Nyanza Central. He was one of the founder members of KANU in 1960 and was its first vice-
president. When Kenya became a Republic in 1964, he was President Kenyatta's first vice-president.

13
However, his disagreement with Kenyatta eventually found he and his supporters being forced out
of the party in 1966.

Odinga formed the rival Kenya People's Union (KPU), which drew much support from Odinga's ethnic
group, the Luo. In response, Kenyatta used his extensive presidential powers and control of the
media to counter the challenge to his leadership and appealed for Kikuyu ethnic solidarity. The 1969
assassination of cabinet minister Tom Mboya-a Luo ally of Kenyatta's-by a Kikuyu led to months of
tension and violence between the Luo and the Kikuyu.

Kenyatta banned Odinga's party, detained its leaders, and called elections in which only KANU was
allowed to participate. For the remainder of his presidency, Kenya was effectively a one-party state,
and Kenyatta made use of detention, appeals to ethnic loyalties, and careful appointment of
government jobs to maintain his position. Kenyatta was re-elected president in 1969 and 1974,
unopposed each time.

Kenyatta died in office in 1978 and was succeeded by Kenyan vice president Daniel arap Moi. Moi
pledged to continue Kenyatta's work, labelling his own program Nyayo (Swahili for "footsteps").

14