COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION AND PEACE BUILDING IN MOGADISHU

SOMALIA

BY
AHMED HASSAN IMAN
REG.NO: MPA\41392\133\DF

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL

SCiENCES OF KAMPALA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY IN

PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR

THE AWARD OF MASTERS OF ARTS IN PUBLIC

ADMINISTRATION AND MANAGEMENT

MAY, 2017
 Declaration

“I declare that this dissertation titled “Community Participation and Peace Building in
Mogadishu Somalia” is my original work and to the best of my knowledge, it has never been
submitted to any university or institution for any academic award whatsoever.”

Ahmed Hassan Irnan

Name of Candidate Signature of Candidate

o
Date
 Approval

This thesis titled “Community Participation and Peace Building in Mogadishu Somalia”
has been produced under my supervision and it is now submitted for examination.

Dr. Ongodia A. Ekomolot

Name of Supervisor

Date
 Dedication

This work is dedicated to my beloved mother, Mrs. Habibo Nor Siyad and my father Mr. Hassan
Iman for their sacrifice, and my brothers Nor Hassan Iman who supported me through my
education and working on this dissertation. To all of you, I say God bless you.

III
 Acknowledgement

I thank the Almighty Allah for enabling me maneuver through all the hard times and trying
moments I have had in life. My dream of this award would not have become true without His
guidance, protection and assurance that all things are possible if you believe in him. I
acknowledge my lovely wife Zainab Hussein Dhuhulow, my lovely daughter Rayan Ahrned, and
the management of Kampala International University. Specifically, I acknowledge my supervisor
Dr. Ongodia A. Ekornolot. and all the respondents for participating in the study.

Furthermore, I acknowledge all my lecturers for having sacrificed their time and effort to ensure
my success during the course of the study plus the doctoral committee members for their endless
counsel. Special regards to my family, who always supported me and wished me all the best for
my life. Words cannot express everything in my mind, nevertheless, I pray that Allah grants you
all the best.
 List of Acronyms and Abbreviations

CSOs Civil Society Organization

HNT Human Needs Theory

EU European Union

FGD Focus Group Discussion

Ku Key Informant Interview

INGOs International Non-governmental organizations

NGOs Non-governmental organizations

PHRNET Peace and Human Rights Network

SN WO Somali National Women Organization

TFG Transitional Federal Government

TNG Transitional National Government

UN United Nation

US United States of America

V
 Table of Contents

Declaration .

Approval ii
Dedication iii
Acknowledgement iv
List of Acronyms and Abbreviations v
Table of Contents vi
List of Figures ix
List of Tables x
Abstract xi

CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.0 Introduction
I Background of the study 1
1 .1 .1 Historical perspective 1
.1 .2 Theoretical perspective 3
1 .1 .3 Conceptual perspective 5
.1 .4 Contextual perspective 5
1 .2 Statement oI’the problem 7
1.3 Purpose oithe study 7
1.4 Objectives of the study 7
1 .5 Research questions 7
1.6 Scope of the study 8
1.6.1 Geographical scope 8
1 .6.2 Content scope 8
1.6.3 Time scope 8
1. 7 Significance of the Study 8
1 .8 Operational Definition of key terms 9
1.9 Conceptual framework 10

CHAPTER TWO 11
LITERATURE REVIEW 11
2.0 Introduction 11

vi
2.1 Theoretical review . II
2.2 Peace building in Somalia 12
2.3 Role of community participation in peace building 14
2.4 Impact of Community participation on peace building 15
2.5 Challenges of community participation in peace building 18
2.6 Research gaps 21

Cl—IAl7I’Eli i~I4l?.EE 23
I~tE’1’iIOJ~O1.,OcF~’ 23
3.0 Introduction 23
3.1 Research I)esigji 23
3.2 Study population 23
3.3 Sample Size 24
3.4 Sampling Techniques 24
3.5 Data Collection tvletliocl 2.5
3.6 Data Collection Tools 25
3.7 Data Management and Analysis 26
3.8 Ethical Consideration 26
3.9 Limitation ofthe Study 26

CIIAP’I’ER FOuR 27
PRESENTATION. ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION OF RESULTS 27
4.0 Introduction 27
4.1 Demographic Information of the participants 27
42 Role ofcommunity participation in peace building in Mogadishu, Somalia 29
4.3 impact of community participation in peace building in Mogadishu, Somalia 31
4.4 Challenges of community participation in peace building 33

CILAP’fER FIVE 36
DISCUSSIONS, CONLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 36
5.0 Introcluction 36
5.1 Discussions 36
5.2 Conclusions 41
5.3 Recommendations 41
5.4 Areas for furthcr research 42
vU
REFERENCES .43
APPENDIX Al 48
RESEARCH INSTRUMENT 48
APPENDIX A2: INTERVIEW GUIDES 50
APPENDIXBI 51
TRANSMITTAL LETTER 51
APPENDIX B2 52
TRANSMITTAL LETTER FOR THE RESPONDENTS 52
APPENDIX C 53
CLEARANCE FROM ETHICS COMMITTEE 53
APPENDIX D 54
INFORMED CONSENT 54
APPENDIX E: TIME FRAME 55

viii
 List of Figures

Figure Page

I Conceptual of Framework 12
 List of Tables

Table Page
3.1 The Sample Sizes 31
3.2 Data Collection Methods 33
4.2.1 Gender ofthe respondents 36
4.2.2 Age ofthe respondents 36
42.3 Education Level of the respondents 30
4.2.4 Years ofworking experience 30

x
 Abstract

The study aimed at establishing the effects of community participation on peace building in
Mogadishu, Somalia. Peace building efforts are increasingly failing in conflict infested areas,
due to non-involvement of interested and non-interested communities. The purpose of this study
was to assess the effects of community participation on peace building in Mogadishu, Somalia.
The research was guided by three objectives that included; establishing the role of community
participation in peacebuilding in Mogadishu, Somalia. To evaluate the impact of Community
participation in peace building in Mogadishu, Somalia. And finally to assess the challenges to
community participation in peace building in Mogadishu, Somalia. The study employed a
qualitative approach. Specifically, a phenomenological research design, using qualitative
methods of data collection. This study was carried out within Mogadishu, the capital city of
Somalia which is situated in Banaadir Region. Specifically the study was conducted in the
district of Hodan within Mogadishu. The sample included 110 participants. An interview guide
and focus group discussion guides were used to identify sociodemographic characteristics and
collect all data required for the study. Major findings revealed that community participation
fosters peace in the sense of preventing violence and wars. The influence of NGOs; CSOs;
including local women and youth groups were instrumental in promoting peace building. This
study provided important insights into community participation and peace building. Community
participation plays a big role in peace building, Engagement of the community is instrumental in
building peace. Community members and leaders alike, will have to continue putting in place
measures that will ensure their participation. Youth and women are crucial partners in peace
building efforts. Undertaking a revision of existing policies to help overcome issues of violence
and youth exploitation that hinder community participation, is key to effective community
participation peace building.

xi
 CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.0 Introduction
This study analyzed the impact of community participation in the promotion and restoration of
peace in Mogadishu, Somalia. In this case, community participation is the independent variable
while peace building is the dependent variable. Peace building involves peace processes that
start before and last after conflicts and the involvement of the local communities is very
important in this respect. This chapter provides the background of the study, problem statement,
objectives of the study, research questions, the scope of the study, significance of the study and
operational definition.

1.1 Background of the study

Under this subheading the historical, theoretical, conceptual and contextual perspectives are
discussed.

1.1.1 Historical perspective

The end of the Cold War and the spirit of cooperation which prevailed in the early 1990s within
the Security Council provided the international community with a historic opportunity to address
the number of violent conflicts and particularly internal conflicts which had been steadily
increasing since the end of World War II. The United Nations (UN) found itself at the heart of an
extremely challenging process of developing new tools to respond to crises. In the early l990s,
separate but related developments led to the establishment within the UN system of new
structures and mechanisms in the area of conflict prevention, peacemaking, peacekeeping and
humanitarian assistance to victims of conflict. At the same time, the concept of peace building
emerged as the combination of efforts by various actors to help war-torn societies avoid a relapse
into conflict and to establish the conditions for sustainable peace. Peace building has, therefore,
been identified as the overall framework in which external assistance to post conflict countries
should be included, encompassing peacekeeping, humanitarian assistance, and development
cooperation. While statistical evidence suggests that the international community has achieved
some progress in curbing the number of ongoing conflicts, it is generally recognized that peace

1
building, as the overall strategy to help countries with the transition from war to lasting peace,
has fallen short (Tschirgi, 2004).
Despite the considerable efforts and resources invested in fifteen years of practice and
during as many international peace operations coordinated by the UN, peace building has not yet
developed the depth of experience, specialization and mission clarity that exists in the areas of
peacekeeping and humanitarian assistance, or to put it more bluntly, the picture of international
peace building strategies pursued throughout the 1990s is one of ad hoc, piecemeal, and
fragmented responses by a multitude of actors without an overall political framework or an
institutional base (Schirch, 2008). While humanitarian and peacekeeping efforts had institutional
homes, peace building was (and still remains) an institutional orphan that found temporary and
tenuous shelter under the roof of development agencies (Posner, 201 1).

In Uganda, Omach (2016) examined the contribution of civil society, notably religious
and faith-based groups, traditional institutions, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), human
rights groups, and community-based self-help groups, in promoting local-level peacebuilding in
northern Uganda. The research found out that civil society groups have had to contend with the
government’s intolerance of their involvement in political activism and advocacy, and yet they
lobby, facilitate negotiations, engage in building cultures of peace, promote reconciliation, and
sustained livelihoods at the local level, and influenced outside peacebuilding interventions.
However, the national context constrained their activities. This article is based on research and
consultancy materials, personal observation, official and unofficial documents from the
government, international organizations, intergovernmental agencies, and NGOs, newspaper
reports, and scholarly publications.

Besides Ethiopia and the warlords, the most important factor that has prolonged the
conflict is a lack of resources. Menkhaus (1998) wrote: ‘It is not simply a lack of goodwill on
the part of the factions that prevents implementation it is a lack of capacity.” Somalia has never
had an effective, self-sufficient government. Most of the state’s resources have come from
foreign aid, mainly as bilateral or multilateral assistance. The civil war has not only destroyed
the internal domestic sources that generated an already insufficient income, but has made the
whole country dependent on foreign aid and remittances. The Cairo Conference and the Arta
peace process in Djibouti both had significant financial problems (Peck, 1998).

2
 Nationally, Somalia has had many internal spoilers. General Aideed, for example,
challenged and effectively undermined the ill-fated UN efforts to restore peace in Somalia in
1993, despite wide support for the UN presence and activities. He wanted to nominate the
agreed-upon Transitional National Council members in the areas he controlled, whereas the UN
endorsed the local people’s wish to elect their own representatives (Smith, 2003). The presence
of internal spoilers who are willing to use violence and intimidation, as well as a hostile
neighbour determined to help or sponsor them, makes forging and implementing an agreement
almost impossible (Tocci, 2008).
The concept ‘community participation’ has been considered as an important aspect in
peace building (Holland & Rabrenovic, 2017). The main objective of this participation is to
empower the people in the community. Participation is a complex issue, and this is particularly
true in peacebuilding initiatives, where a number of multiple factors interact within the entire
participation procedure. Somalia has made a notable delay in progress in a number of areas of
economic and social development. The country does not enjoy a relatively high standard of
living and atmosphere of social harmony. That’s why there remains many economic and social
problems and there is much work to be done particularly peacebuilding.

Therefore, it was imperative to assess the effects of community participation on peace

building in Mogadishu, Somalia. The cultural/religious leaders; Civil Society (CSOs) Officials;
and youths acted as the units of analyses in the study.

1.1.2 Theoretical perspective

The study based on the Human Needs Theory (HNT) which was elaborated by Burton in 1990.
Burton synthesized the main theoretical assumptions of conflict resolution, which are known as
human needs’. This theory operates on the premise that a pre- condition for the resolution of
conflict is that fundamental human needs be met. This theory adopted eight fundamental needs
from the basis of the work by the American sociologist Paul Sites and introduced one further
need of his own. Those adopted needs included control, security, justice, stimulation, response,
meaning, rationality and esteem/recognition. Burton’s additional need was ‘role-defense’ the
need to defend one’s role. Burton called these “ontological needs” as he regarded them as a
consequence of human nature, which were universal and would be pursued regardless of the
consequence.
Experiences to human needs theory came from a variety of disciplines. In the biological
and sociobiological disciplines, conflict is perceived to result from competition over scarce
3
resources as a result of common needs. In social psychology, Henry Murray, Erich Frornm
(1900-1980), and Abraham Maslow (1908-1970) describe needs (some say ‘drives’) as important
in understanding factors for human motivation, Human need is distinguished from ontological
needs; values and interests. Burton distinguishes conflict from the related term of ‘dispute. A
conflict involves an action over these non-negotiable human needs, whereas a ‘dispute’ is over
negotiable values.

The theory is related to community participation and peacebuilding since it indicates a

multidimensional process of progressive social rupture, detaching groups and individuals from
social relations and institutions, and preventing them from full participation in the normal,
normatively prescribed activities of the society, where they live (Spencer, 2005). Individuals or
groups may be discriminated against owing to their age, gender, color/race and class among
others. The result is that affected individuals or groups are unable to fully participate in the
economic, social and political spheres of society. Communities, on account of their gender, face
social exclusion in many forms. For example, the feminist movement of the 1970s was indeed a
direct result of marginalization of white community from the labour force and undervalued house
work (Mitha, 2005). As such, feminists argue that men and community should equally participate
in the labour, public sector and home with due regard to their capabilities. Luchsinger (2010)
argues that in a conflict and post-conflict situation, there is systemic exclusion of community
from the public sphere (and war), which becomes difficult to move out of. This, according to

Luchsinger (2010), is referred to as “The Vicious Cycle of Exclusion.” Communities are

excluded from the process of designing peace agreements and recovery frameworks which
results to insufficient attention to redressing gender inequalities and community insecurity. As
such, the needs of community are not met, and their capacity and potential to participate in peace
building and recovery remains unutilized. MacCarthy (2011) argues that the chances of
achieving sustainable peace are diminished by under participation of community, yet they form a
sizeable part of the population. The converse is social inclusion which relates to affirmative
action to change the habits that lead or have led to social exclusion.

On the basis of this theoretical model, this study proposed that communities were socially
and politically excluded from the peace initiatives that are key to bringing lasting peace in the
city of Mogadishu.

4
1.1.3 Conceptual perspective
This study uses two main concepts, namely, community participation and peacebuilding.
According to Howard-Grabman (2005), community participation refers to a process that can
meaningfully fix programs to people and make them take decisions over such programs.
Whereas Breonne (2009), defines community participation as a program which allows local
people to have a greater say in government decision-making and priority setting, and gives
government officials an effective means for communicating with the people. Muraleedharan

(2006) conceptualizes citizens’ participation in terms of development, as a process of enabling

people to realize their rights to participate in and access information relating to the decision-
making process which affects their lives.

The Brahimi Report from 2000 defined peacebuilding as “activities undertaken on the far
side of conflict to reassemble the foundations of peace and provide the tools for building on
those foundations something that is more than just the absence of war. According Forsyth (2009)
peacebuilding is perceived as the processes that involves conflict resolution and the calm ending
of some social conflict. In addition, Peacebuilding refers to all efforts required for the creation of
sustainable peace (Reychler & Paffenholz, 2001). Such efforts include; strengthening security.
governance, justice and socioeconomic capacities of a state besides military interventions,
negotiations and peace agreements. In this study, peacebuilding referred to a process that
integrates activities that aim to initiate peace after conflict. The elements of this definition have
been borrowed from scholars like Coning, 2013; UN Peacebuilding: an Orientation, 2010).

1.1.4 Contextual perspective

This study was carried out within Mogadishu, the capital city of Somalia which is situated in
Banaadir Region. Specifically the study was conducted in the district of Hodan within
Mogadishu. This district provides the most favorable focus for the study because that is where
most of the inhabitants reside. The area was suitable because the NGOs included in the study are
found in Hodan District. Mogadishu is one of the regions which needs organized peace building
processes to stability.

The international community has insisted on state building as the remedy to the various
issues troubling Somalia, demanding the support to the Transitional Federal Government (TFG).
The original attempt to impose a state was a consequence of the Djibouti peace process, which
created the Transitional National Government (TNG) in Marcal 2012. The promotion of peace
5
and human rights in the present Somalia dates back from the war against Siyad Barres regime in
the I 980s. Mogadishu is the largest urban centre of Somalia and the nations only capital city. It
is located in the coastal Banaadir region on the Indian Ocean (Oluoch, 2010). Throughout the
Somali conflict various militias have been more attracted to and fought for control of Mogadishu
(Lindley, 2009). The war in Somalia has resulted in scores of internally and externally displaced
persons within and outsides Somalia as refugees to the rest of the world and mainly the
neighboring countries like Kenya and Ethiopia. It has led to famine, social breakdown and
lawlessness. Most of the victims are women and children. Besides the country is currently only
supervised by a weak government instituted recently (Bertelsmann, 2012).

Efforts have been initiated to bring about peace, but have not yielded any importance. For
instance, fourteen peace conferences have been held in different cities at different times. Five of
these (Djibouti 1991, Addis Ababa 1993, Cairo 1997, Arta 2000 and Eldoret/Mpegati 2002-
2004) were major conferences to which the international community lent its support. Each
produced some sort of peace agreement and a new government. However, all of the agreements
failed except for the recently concluded Mpegati conference, which faces serious challenges
(Schirch, 2008). Schirch (2008) still strikes a question that why is making peace among Somali
factions so difficult? Why, whenever they sign a new peace accord, do they fail to implement it?

This study therefore suggested that community participation was lacking in the peace
processes. There are growing interests in which community participation can potentially be
utilized as a powerful patent tool to instill positive change in conflict resolution and bring
sustainable peacebuilding. It was requiring for this study to assess the effects of community
participation on peacebu i Id ing initiatives in Hodan, Mogad ishu, Somalia. Although
peacebuilding had been tackled in the past, it had failed to reap fruits because, the people have
not been fully involved in the process.

6
1.2 Statement of the problem
It is a truism that peace building should consist efforts and activities that help any nation
engulfed in conflict, recover from it, and establish a stable civil society, non-coercive
governmental structures and therefore promote peace and stability. Despite its efforts in
achieving sustainable peace such as having transitional governments from 2000, getting a
permanent government in 2012, having a peace keeping mission of African Union since 2007.
Somalia is still in the process of searching for peace (Thomas, 2016). In fact, Al shabab
continues to pose a serious security threat (BTI, 2016), Community participation ensures the
more equitable distribution of benefits and ensures that politically or economically weak groups
have access to the services. Unless we actively engage the local communities through
empowerment, local capacity building, setting the agenda, decision making and planning, peace
building process will continue to be constrained. Peace building in Hodan District of Mogadishu
is a necessity in the community community participation on the other hand is needed to ensure
peace. In Somalia community leaders are involved in the peace making process and in their
involvement they gather the community to join in and overcome insecurity in the region. Hence
the aim of this research was to assess the effects of community participation on peace building in
Mogadishu, Somalia.

1.3 Purpose of the study

The purpose of this study was to assess the effects of community participation on peace building
in Mogadishu, Somalia.

1.4 Objectives of the study

This study specifically focused on three main objectives which included;
(i) To establish the role of community participation in peace building in Mogadishu,
Somalia.
(ii) To evaluate the impact of Community participation in peace building in Mogadishu,
Somalia.
(iii) To assess the challenges to community participation in peace building in Mogadishu,
Somalia.

1.5 Research questions

(i) What is the role of community participation in peace building in Mogadishu, Somalia?
(ii) What is the impact of community participation in peace building in Mogadishu, Somalia?

7
 (iii) What are the challenges to community participation in peace building in Mogadishu,
Som all a?

1.6 Scope of the study

1.6.1 Geographical scope

The study was conducted within Mogadishu, the capital city of Somalia which is situated in
Banaadir Region. Specifically the study was conducted in the district of Hodan within
Mogadishu. This district provides the most favorable focus for the study because that is where
most of the inhabitants reside. The area was suitable because the NGOs included in the study are
found in Hodan District.

1.6.2 Content scope

In content, the study focused on assessing the effects of community participation on peace
building in Mogad ishu, Somalia. Community participation was conceptualized as the process
that involves people’s participation in setting the agenda, empowerment, local capacity building
and decision making in the issues that affect them. Peacebuilding referred to a process of
integrating activities aimed at cultivating for peace after conflict.

1.6.3 Time scope

The study was conducted based on time period of 12 years; that is from 2004 to date, which
means that Somalia is on its way to achieving peace. Based on the activities and events
happening in Mogadishu, Somalia. it is a process yet to be achieved.

1.7 Significance of the Study

The study findings are hoped to benefit relevant institutions and people affected by the persistent
Somali violent conflict as explained below:

The study yields data and information that is useful for understanding the contribution of
community to the conflict resolution in Mogadishu. The findings and the recommendations of
the study will be useful for the community and decision makers of community participation such
as clan leaders, clan conflicts are still prevalent (Thomas, 2016); and local community leaders.

8
 To Somali Government: The new Federal Republic of Somalia may benefit from the
study since the findings will reveal gaps in community participation and peace building domains
such as; security, governance, development and reconciliation, because it is the duty of
government to promote democracy and human rights.

To civil Society organizations: NGOs and CBOs will be motivated by this study to
advocate vigorously for community participation and representation in peace building processes
that affect Somalia.

Contribution to the body of knowledge: This study contributes to the body of knowledge
that will hopefully be helpful to academicians, scholars and can be useful for further research on
restoration of peace in Somalia or elsewhere in the world.

1.8 Operational Definition of key terms

For the purpose of this study, the following terms and phrases are operationally defined as:
Community participation was conceptualized as the process that involves people’s
participation in setting the agenda, empowerment, local capacity building and decision
making in the issues that affect them. The elements of this definition have been borrowed
from scholars like Howard-Grabman, 2005; Bond, 2012; and Thomas, 2016.

Peace is an occurrence of harmony characterized by the lack of violence, conflict

behaviors and the freedom from fear of violence. The elements of this definition have
been adopted from UN General Assembly Security Council. 2012

Peace building is operationally defined as a process that integrates activities that aim to
initiate peace after conflict. The elements of this definition have been borrowed from
scholars like Coning, 2013; UN Peace building: an Orientation, 2010).

9
1.9 Conceptual framework
Figure 1.1: the conceptual framework showing the effects of community participation on peace
bu lid I ng.

Community participation Peace building

o Setting agenda o Stability

o Decision making 0 Reconciliation
• Planning o Human rights
protection

Figure 1 1; Source; 1-luman Needs Theory, 1990.

The conceptual frame work in Fig I shows that community participation(lndependent variable)
was conceptualized as the process that involves people’s participation in setting the agenda,
empowerment, local capacity building and decision making in the issues that affect them. It
affects peacebuilding which refers to creation of structures to promote sustainable peace by
addressing the root causes of violent conflict and supporting indigenous capacities for peace
management and conflict resolution, through creation of stability; reconciliation and human
rights protection.

10
 CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.0 Introduction
This chapter reviews the literature on community participation and peace building. The purpose
was to clarify the problem and the study concepts. To achieve these, this chapter is structured to
include: the theoretical review, conceptual review, related literature and the research gaps.

2.1 Theoretical review

Conflict or violence is not human nature. Throughout the world, there is a notion that
transforming individuals’ attitudes, behaviors, and values will lead to peace (Holland &
Rabrenovic, 2017). This study was based on the Human Needs Theory (HNT), a theory which
looks at the roots of conflict. Often ignored and neglected by peace researchers, HNT may offer
valuable insights into the sources of conflict, and thus possible resolutions. This section will look
at how HNT can be applied to assessing the effects of community participation on peacebuilding.

In order to live and attain well-being, humans need certain essentials. These are called
human needs or basic human needs. Human needs theorists like Burton (1990); Henry Murray,
Erich Frornm (1900-1980), and Abraham Maslow (1908-1970) argue that conflicts and violent
conflicts are caused by unmet human needs. Peacebuilding hopes are shattered when certain
individuals or groups do not see any other way to meet their need, or when they need
understanding, respect and consideration for their needs, and those people are not consulted.

Burton (1990) has been applying human needs theory more actively to current social and
political conflicts. In his work on protracted, social conflicts, he looks at how universal human
needs often are neglected, leading groups to use violence to claim their rights and satisfying their
needs. In what is really a compatibility of human needs, Burton argues that education and culture
make parties manipulate the issues and dehumanizing the other parties. Burton (1990) states that
violence is a tragic expression of unmet human needs, implying that all actions undertaken by
human beings are attempts to satisfy their needs. If we are able to connect with our needs and
those of others, we will therefore be able to look at other ways of meeting such needs, avoiding
violence and destruction.

1].
 In relation to community participation, humans can envision their needs such as control,
security, justice. stimulation, response, meaning. rationality and esteem/recognition, and see the
need to participate. Experiences to human needs theory came &om a variety of disciplines. In the
biological and sociobiological disciplines conflict is perceived to result from competition over
scarce resources as a result of common needs. In social psychology Henry Murray, Erich Fromm
(1900-1980), and Abraham Maslow (1908-1970) describe needs (some say ‘drives’) as important
in understanding factors for human motivation. In Marshall Rosenberg’s approach. human needs
are universal and meeting them is essential to human survival and well-being. Rosenberg groups
the needs in sub-groups, and is open to the existence of needs beyond what he has defined. He
states that our education and culture often alienate us from connecting with our real needs. and
through nonviolent communication, he proposes a model for connecting with our own and
others’ needs, an approach he applies in all levels of society and which he has used in mediation
in several countries.

One of’ the reasons why this study adopted the HNT is its wide applicability to
community participation and peacebuilding. Firstly, it is a tool to be applied in prevention of
conflict or post conflict peacebuilding. It can be used in reconciliation efforts and nonviolent
communication which are key to community participation.
Equally still, it can be applied in all levels of society, for intra- and interpersonal conflict,
inter-group conflict and in an international setting. Secondly, it focuses on the source of conflict,
looking at how best the parties can have their needs met, and those of others. Finding strategies
to meet underlying needs, we may be able to reduce the use of expensive peacekeeping, peace
enforcement and creating of buffer zones, and instead involve the communities. Thirdly, HNT
emphasizes common humanity. In a world context where differences are accentuated, 1-TNT
attempts to unify human beings from different regions and cultures, creating a common
understanding of who we are and how others need and feel the same way we do. This is a pure
community.

2.2 Peace building in Somalia

The continuing controversy over Somali independence raises several concerns relevant to future
peace building efforts. First, it indicates that clan divisions represent serious obstacles to national
integration. Most agree that Somali nationalism is strongest when fomented by external conflict
and weakest when confronting deep-seated feuds between clans. Thus far. Somali heterogeneity,
reinforced by longstanding constructions of clan identity. is not subsumed by nationalism and
remains a practical barrier to peaceful social relations and stable governance (Menkhaus. 2003).
12
 Overcoming such obstacles will require inclusive strategies that integrate traditional clan
structures into conceptions of Somali national identity. It should be noted from a historical
perspective that no single or dominant conception of independence exists in Somalia today.
While Somalis may unite against foreign oppression, or for a unified Greater Somalia, such
nationalist sentiment generates only temporary cooperation and does not end the threat posed by
internal divisions. Thus. at the current time nationalism is not strong enough to mobilize the
majority of Sornalis around a single form of government and a shared vision of the future. In the
absence of a cohesive Somali national identity, peace builders should concentrate on shaping
inclusive institutions that contribute to a stable and viable state. Once a permanent system of
government is in place, a positive form of nationalism may emerge that incorporates multiple
Somali identities and contributes to sustainable peace (Mulupi, 2012).

A number of factors have conspired to perpetuate state collapse in Somalia and to prevent
a solution to the crisis: the legacy of corrupt and abusive political leadership, the emergence of
entrenched political and commercial “conflict constituencies”, the interference of regional
powers and the neglect of the broader international community. Despite the widespread desire of
the Somali people for a return to normalcy, the restoration of central government is a prospect
that continues to divide them more than it unites them (Jama, 2010). The reasons for this
ambivalence are several: a profound public mistrust of political institutions and leadership borne
of past experience; the political manipulation of clan identity; and the dependence of most
Somali political and faction leaders on external rather than internal legitimacy. Together, these
elements add up to a view of government that serves the interests of a select few while being at
best indifferent to the welfare of its public. At worst, such a government has proven abusive and
predatory (Cliffe et al., 2010).

According to a recent Accord policy brief (2010), “inappropriate international

engagement based on inadequate analysis has helped to mobilize militants” in Somalia. To
realize the full potential of a strategic peace building approach, not only the US government but
also INGOs and NGOs need the freedom to engage in dialogue with all parties to the conflict,
including those designated as terrorist organizations. Current US law severely limits such
activities. Material support statutes give the US government the ability to prosecute individuals
and groups who provide money, weapons, or training to terrorist groups that have been listed as a

13
 Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO). After September 11, 2001, the passage of the
Patriot Act “broadened the definition of material support to terrorism to include the provision of
expert advice or assistance” (Joshua 2010).

2.3 Role of community participation in peace building

Community participation is viewed as a discussion or consultancy between the local people and
the local government. Community involvement is not solitary about the affiliation between the
local government and the local community but it is an authorization process given to the local
community for decision making (Holland & Rabrenovic, 2017). The necessity for community to
take part during decision making process are for their own interest in addition to the society’s
broad involvement, since preparation undertakings effects the community lives (Howard
Grabman, 2005).

There are also numerous debates as to why the community participation process is vital in
peace building processes. For instance, Coning (2013) argument is that, it is impossibly difficult
for external peace builders to know which leaders truly represent local needs and interests, and it
is thus best to consult widely. The view of the locals must be taken into consideration so that it
will aid attain worthy decision making process and manage resource competently and
effectively. The professionals in the other pointer has approved that involving the community
might contribute to an enhanced decision making, in fact, community participation also has the
probability to teach and escalate their responsiveness by being more receptive (Hudson, 2010), A
study conducted by Darby & MacGinty (2008) has explained that community participation is a
portion of the democratic system which will permit the locals to express their views on
development matters which will affect their lives in the future.
Community and members cut across the clan and/or regional divisions are found
throughout Somalia. The powerful Islamic Militants that have emerged from the conflict in south
central Somalia have consistently become an obstacle to peace in the country and the region. The

more weakened Somali civil society and the Somali Diaspora are caught up in the task of

Peace building and state building in an extremely insecure Somali political environment.

They are also partly to blame for being partial and partly contributing to fueling the

insecurity crisis in Somalia (Farah, 2010).

14
 The crisis manifests itself in many different forms; civil wars, the violation of

human rights, the suppression of civil liberties, abject poverty, famine, epidemics, debt problems,
population displacement, ecological disaster and disenfranchisement. Marginalized social
groups, including women, children, the elderly, the economically destitute and ethnic minorities.
bear the brunt (Human Rights Watch, 2010).

The Somali community members have been engaged in peace building albeit through
informal and unrecognized processes. In the context of African traditional societies, Somalia
included, a mother is the first and most valuable school in life and peace as educators to children
(Jarna, 2010). As peacemakers. they have responded in a variety of ways depending on the
situation at hand. One notable example is the use of poetry to transmit powerful peace messages
to their male leaders. They have also wielded immense latent decision making power as they
influence their sons and fathers, while being effective family managers. This form of
participation, however, is unrecognized and considered informal.

A substantial factor in determining what types of governance civilians’ demand is their

prior history with the state apparatus. Populations become socialized to the state apparatus they
are exposed to and expect similar benefits and protection from a competing rebel organization.
When a state has established deep administrative and extractive roots in society through
extensive taxation and service provision, citizen demands for governance services will be high
(Mampilly, et al 2007). Conversely, when a state is historically weak, predatory, and has no
established record of providing welfare benefits, health care, and even security, citizens will
demand relatively little from a rebel organization in control of their territory. When states have
been historically weak, it will be easier for alternative groups to gain loyalty of civilians by
establishing their own government structures (Mampilly, et al 2007).

2.4 Impact of Community participation on peace building

The impact of violent conflict and fragility are extensive and far-reaching. The pursuit of
multiple aims concurrently through community-based participation approaches can be an
efficient and effective way to contribute to peace building. Many projects seek to incorporate for
example the aims of fulfilling socioeconomic needs, (re)building relationships and social
renewal, and the development of participatory governance. This view acknowledges the holistic
nature of peace building and the ways in which various elements are connected. In contrast,

15
promoting infrastructure or a health care system without addressing inter-community tensions,
for example. fails to fully restore communities and promote sustainable peace (Raider, 2009).

There are concerns, however, that community-based participation approaches are

increasingly being seen as a panacea to resolve all conflict and development issues. While, such
programs and projects can be effective in meeting some aims, they are unlikely to meet all aims
with the same level of success. Trying to achieve a plethora of high level goals may end up
diluting each specific aim (Kostner, 2003).

A community-based participation approach may not be desirable in all conflict-affected

and fragile contexts, nevertheless it is vital. An assessment should be done to determine whether
such an approach is appropriate and to ensure that some basic conditions are fulfilled before
deciding to adopt it (Cliffe et. al, 2003). A basic level of security is a critical requirement such
that staff can move within the area. Community meetings can be held in safety, and there is
minimal risk of funds being channeled to armed groups to fuel the conflict. In addition, some
basic level of capacity in local institutions is necessary to draw on. In most conflict-affected and
fragile contexts, there are some forms of local institutions that have provided representation and
protection to local populations. In situations where all forms of local leadership have been
abusive, a community-based participation approach may not be applicable (Kostner, 2003).

In order for community participation to be effective, the population at large, needs to

understand the purpose of the programme, how participation and decentralized decision making
works, and their role in the process. Information about rights and responsibilities has been shown
to lessen the likelihood of elite capture and corruption (Strand et al., 2003). Existing local
structures are often relied upon to disseminate information at the start of a project even if such
structures are not subsequently used to implement the approach. Radio, print and other forms of
communications can also be used. Ideally, all community members would be involved in the
design process. Rowever, given the nature of conflict-affected and fragile environments, time
constraints and the need for quick impacts make this difficult.

As such, it is important to hold introductory meetings to get community members on

board with a community-based participation approach and to encourage ownership of the plans
before beginning specific activities (Cliffe et. al, 2003; IRC, 2007). With a view to linking with

16
local government and gaining their support for community-based participation approaches,
sensitization activities should extend to local and national authorities (Robinson, 2004).

Community participation can promote a sense of community ownership over the

institution and can in some cases send a message of non-interference to local elites. In other
cases, representation may be better achieved by working with existing structures that cater to
specific stakeholder groups (e.g. farmers’, youth and community associations) to select
representatives (Kostner, 2003).

While international efforts to restore the central government to Somalia have generally
been high level, peace building on the ground has generally been left to Somali civic and
traditional leaders and a handful of international agencies engaged in civic action, training,
education and a variety of related activities with limited or no linkage to the high-level efforts.

All too often the grassroots’ level achievements have lacked sustainable depth, or been scuttled
by battles between political leaders over actual or anticipated power-sharing arrangements
(Spencer, 2005). Decisions about control of economic infrastructure such as ports and airports,
and the sharing of their revenues between central and local governments are potentially
explosive. Other issues such as demobilization and reintegration of militia and ex-combatants
may be less politically charged, but will require a significant degree of local leadership. For
example, centrally planned and implemented demobilization exercises are not only expensive;
they are also potentially dangerous since they concentrate large numbers of soldiers in specific
locations and create competition among commanders and communities for access to resources
(Keating & Abiew, 2000).

Community participation brings about empowerment, which is instrumental to peace

building. The empowerment approach gained popularity during the latter half of 1990’s.

Apart from the concept of empowerment as the emphasis of individualistic values like capacity
and entrepreneurial skills, there has been an interpretation of it in terms of participation in the
policy making and planning process. Generally two approaches commonly used by development
agencies need to be outlined in the context of empowerment. First, it is interpreted as
empowerment through economic interventions to increase employment, income generation and
access to credit and; second empowerment through integrated rural development programs, in

17
which a comprehensive plan for the overall development of women is envisioned, of which
income generation is a single component (Muraleedharan, 2006).
While empowering citizens, some of the following should be so much considered (Karl,
1995).
a) Capacity building-herein is used to refer to building the capacity of those many
individuals in agencies and communities that directly or indirectly take the lead in
initiating and supporting the many social process strands that support a sustainably
learning society;
b) Source of resources- The empowering unit should be aware of where to get the resources
to use in the empowerment process and participation;
c) The people to be empowered-there is a need for the empowering organization (local
government) to clearly identify the rural people who need to be empowered and be made
to participate in developmental activities;
d) Provide information to the local people-Before people are empowered or participate, they
must be aware of what activities are to take place. In this case the local government
officials should provide all the necessary information to the people;
e) Consulting the local people-people at the grass root level should be regularly consulted
before developing specific initiatives. In other words the development approach should
be bottom-up approach as opposed to top down approach; and,
0 Involve local people in decision making process-It is important for the development
initiators to involve the rural people in decision making about their concerns before
participation take place. Etc.
As such, interveners should be advisers who can facilitate processes in which local actors take
responsibility for changing their own systems in ways that they define themselves; effectively
build coalitions with other like-minded people; take advantage of fair, inclusive forums to debate
and pursue competing agendas; and draw on outside expertise and best practices because they
themselves see the value in using and refining that knowledge for their own purposes. The role
of interveners in peace operations should not be to lead; it should be to empower the local
population take the lead (Kalyvas, 2006).

2.5 Challenges of community participation in peace building

One major challenge facing Somali civil society is the inherent contradiction that exists
in the chosen path of sharing political power long clan lines and the fundamental rights of
women to political representalion. In active conflict cases where civil society is weak, the

18
challenge for outside actors is twofold: address the needs of communities impacted by

conflict, and; work to develop civil society institutions that can serve as the foundation

for sustainable peace building. These may initially appear to be separate objectives, but can

in reality constitute two sides of the same issue. Alleviating the immediate effects of

conflicts may entail engaging the same parties and addressing the same issues that will

likely manifest themselves during the reconciliation process. That is, the search for long-term

sustainable solutions should be taken into consideration at an early stage, rather than through a
series of ad-hoc arrangements (Harpviken and Kjellman 2004).

In the absence of a stable government, however, Somali people have employed their own

resources and traditions of conflict resolution to recreate security in many communities.

Somali-led initiatives have succeeded in Establishing political and administrative

arrangements that in some places are proving to be stable. The northern polities of the

Republic of Sornaliland and the Puntland State of Somalia are evidence of what Sornalis

can achieve. Even in volatile south central Somalia, there has been evidence of the positive

impact that Somali approaches to reconciliation and security management can have (Bradbury

and Healy. 2010).

Incorporating clans into state structures represents one of the more significant challenges
for peace builders in Somalia. Clan kinship provides the framework and social functions by
which Somalis structure their daily lives and interactions. They also serve as the main way by
which Sornalis recognize each other, provide a sense of identity and belonging, and establish
communal support systems. Additionally, they also provide politicians with means of mobilizing
support and are used to determine political representation. These functions, while in many ways
positive, also present peace builders with substantial obstacles to national integration. Oppressive
regimes have used clan identity to target specific segments of the population for political and
economic exclusion and mass killing. Militias struggling for power and resources are organized
around clan lines. A sense that one belongs to a certain clan often entails feelings of competition
and animosity towards other clans and involves the inheritance of long-standing rivalries
(Human Rights Watch, 2010).
19
 As long as clans remain an obdurate part of Somali society, a state will only exacerbate
the issues that cause violence by institutionalizing a new societal paradigm containing two
conflicting sets of people, those with birth-right access to privilege and those without it Childress
(2010). Menkhaus (2003) understands this notion, where land resources were available only to
the politically connected (meaning clan members of Barre), who were then able to utilize their
landlord status to enrich themselves on rent payments from the disenfranchised. Within this line
of thinking, al-Shabaab provides an alternative to the TFG, which has remained a clannish body
in spite of its best efforts to transcend them, by truly operating as a cross-clan organization that
attracts adherents based on alternative sources of identity (Spencer, 2005).

Somalias once-vibrant independent press and community have been decimated by

violence and threats over the course of the past three years. At least six journalists were
reportedly killed in 2009, some targeted for assassination and others killed by the stray gunfire
that has claimed so many civilian lives. TFG and opposition forces alike have been implicated in
threats directed at journalists who produce reporting they dislike (Human Rights Watch, 2010).
In south central Somalia the challenge is daunting. An increase in violence since 2006 has
deepened insecurity for everyone, undermined some positive community developments, stalled
progress towards the formation of a stable government authority, and brought religiously-driven
politics to the fore (Jama, 2010).

Representation in Somalia is highly complex and not easy to understand. The second
Ethiopian invasion of 2006, in December, to remove the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), is an
example of the disconnection between the notions of the global North and those of Somalia itself
in terms of representation. The outsiders argue that any Islamic government is by nature non
representative, while Somalis see such forms of governance as possibilities for finally
transcending the appeal of clannish states. The 4.5 solution of clan participation in the TFG
excludes many Somalis and is less inclusive than the broad Muslim idea of the Uma open to all
believers. Any solution that hopes to achieve positive results must be indigenous, coming from
within Somali society itself. Since the early 1990s, there have been fourteen Somali
reconciliation or peace conferences, yet these have yielded no fruits. In their discussion of peace
accords, Lederach et. al (2011) write that sustaining peaceful transformation in settings of deep
rooted violence must involve a long-term, human-cantered vision that focuses as much on
“building durable and flexible processes” as it does on specific solutions.

20
 In other words, decisions reached at the national level may prove destabilizing on the
ground (especially where signatories have contradicted the expectations or demands of their
constituents), no matter how much energy has previously been invested in peace building. Even
more problematic, ad hoc peace-building initiatives at the local level may produce agreements
that are eventually nullified or overturned by national peace accords, leading directly to
confrontation between local and national level leaders.

It has become conventional wisdom to blame the failure of the peace process on
Somalia’s disobedient faction leaders. This is only a partial explanation and its widespread
acceptance by the international community has meant that there has been little effort to address
the broader social and political dynamics of the crisis. Indeed, by skirting issues like legitimacy
and accountability, past peace initiatives have threatened to restore to Somalia the kind of
political leadership that precipitated the crisis in the first place, awakening deep seated
suspicions and anxieties among the Somali population. Over the years, Somali faction leaders
have successfully played upon their people’s fears in order to perpetuate the crisis and sustain
their own leadership role (Menkhaus, 2003).

Unlike wars between states, civil wars are characterized by a battle for support from the
civilian population within the same state. Whether a rebel organization’s goal is control of the
state or secession. control of territory is a crucial intervening goal, and civilian support is
necessary for territorial control. In addition to providing material support to government or rebel
forces, civilians also represent a wealth of information on the whereabouts and activities of an
opposing group’s forces. They are instrumental in decoding who insurgents and spies are, so
ensuring their loyalty is a top priority of government and rebel forces alike. While civilian
allegiances may be neutral, to the government, or to a rebel organization, neutrality is often an
unviable option when support is fiercely sought and contested (Kalyvas, 2006).

2.6 Research gaps

A review of literature revealed that a lot of research on community participation and peace
building has been undertaken in countries that are engulfed with conflicts, such as Somalia. In
Somalia, however, the review revealed that community members in Somalia should be
empowered and motivated to participate in peace building since it’s their right to do so as
reflected and required by the related international, regional and local rights. Developing
countries in Africa and Asia have carried out similar studies on effective implementation of
peace building initiatives; literature on Somalia is still scanty and cannot offer reasons for peace
21
building. Moreover studies such as Coning, 2013; Omach, 2016; Holland & Rabrenovic, 2017;
have concentrated on community participation and peace building, none have really explored
community participation in terms of involving people in setting the agenda, empowerment, local
capacity building and decision making, a gap which this study sought to fill.
This study was unique, in that it did not analyze any peace building initiatives of the
government, but assessed the effects of community participation on peace building by using a
descriptive methodology which used statistical analyses to accrue conclusions.

Most of the studies generally adopted research approaches such as reviews of relevant literatures
and then validating them quantitatively or qualitatively through questionnaire surveys. This study
sought first hand information from the cultural/religious leaders; civil society organizations
(C SOs) officials, and youths, themselves.

It is noted in the literature that there has been several frameworks for community
participation in peace building and conflict transformation but little progress in reality has been
achieved in the actual participation, this is as a of the fact that the formal political institutions
normally spearheading peace processes tend to perpetuate exclusionary practices and attitudes
that exacerbate the unequal representation of the civil society in decision making therefore
leaving significant stakeholders out of the formal peace processes. This study however, seeks to
bridge the gap and create significant evidence explaining how community participation is
important in the process of peace building in Somalia.

22
 CHAPTER THREE

METHODOLOGY

3.0 Introduction
This chapter presents the research methodology of the study. It describes and justifies the
methods and processes that were used to collect data and these include; the research design,
population, sample size, sampling procedures, data gathering procedure, data analysis, ethical
consideration and limitations.

3.1 Research Design

This study employed a qualitative approach. Specifically, the study used a phenornenological
research design, using qualitative methods of data collection. The study used qualitative and
phenornenological approaches because; they involve participant’s own categories of meaning,
and help in describing complex phenomenon which helps in comparison and analysis. This is
because an ideal number of key informants were involved and pertinent data was collected
through extensive and prolonged engagement to develop patterns and relationships of meaning
(Moustakes, 1994 in Creswell, 2009).

3.2 Study population

The target population was all the cultural and religious leaders, civil society organizations
officials and youths in Hodan District, Mogadishu, Somalia. However, due to the nature of the
study and considering the instability in Somalia, the accessible population included 20
cultural/religious leaders; 55 civil society organizations (CSO5) officials; 75 youths and 30
women (Hodan District Data bases, 2016). That made up a population of 150 minus women. All
constituted the target population because peace building strategies are normally promulgated by
local leaders and communities are directly affected by the activities of CSOs. The local leaders
were targeted because they are the voice of the communities they lead. The youths were
selected because they are the future leaders of the communities in which they live, while the
women are normally left out in the peacebuilding efforts. Due to time, costs and other
constraints, it was convenient to carry out the study on part of the target population, which was
herein called the sampled population.

23
3.3 Sample Size
Due to time, cost and other constraints, it will be convenient to carry out the study on part of the
target population, which is herein called a sample. To increase representation, Collins et al.
(2007) suggested the criteria for sample size in qualitative research are not based on probability
computations but represent expert opinion. Therefore, according to its uniqueness, the study
involved 20 women; 50 youths of the local community and also 40 key informants (Kils) who
included local leaders and CSOs officers. In total, the sample size was 110 participants.
Thus the sample sizes chosen for the chosen sub-populations are as in table 3.1 below.

Table 3.1 s/to wing the d~ffrrent sample sizes for this study.
Designation Total Population Sample Size
Local Leaders
Cultural Leaders 8 7
Religious Leaders 12 8
Civil Society Organizations
PHRNET 30 12
SNWO 25 13
Youths 75 50
Women 30 20
TOTAL 180 110
Source: Hodan District Database, 2016.

3.4 Sampling Techniques

Convenience. Stratified, Simple random and Purposive Sampling as statistical methods for
selecting the sample were utilized for this study. These sampling methods or techniques
simplify the collecting of the sample information. It also reduces on the cost of making a
complete list of all the elements of the sub populations that the researcher is interested in. The
first cluster was of local leaders, the second cluster was of CSOs, and the third cluster was of
youths and women. It was impossible to do an investigation on all the youths and women in
Elodan District, therefore with such a large number within a limited time period and inadequate
financial budget, a multi stage random sampling technique was employed to select an
appropriate sample to evaluate the objectives of this study. Therefore in the initial stage, 2
CSOs were randomly selected out of 15 in the district. These included Peace and Human Rights
Network (PHRNET) and Somali National Women Organization (SNWO). These were selected
because they are key on issues that affect peacebuilding processes. Thereafter, lists of officials
was got from the human resource offices by which simple random sampling was used to obtain
the sample. In the second stage, a convenience sample involving all youths and local leaders

24
was selected to participate in the study. Thus, 110 individuals accepted to participate in the
research and composed the sample.

3.5 Data Collection Method

The study being qualitative in nature employed two methods of data collection. Table 3.2 gives
the summary of the data collection methods.
Table 3.2: Data Collection Methods
Target group Sample size Data collection methods
Youths 50 Focus Group Discussions(FGDs)
Women 20 Focus Group Discussions(FGD5)
Cultural Leaders 07 Key Informant Interview (Kils)
Religious Leaders 08 Key Informant Interview (KIIs)

CSOs leaders 25 Key Informant Interview (Kils)

Total 110

a) Focused group discussions (FGD’s). The researcher carried out 6 FGDs of 7-12 participants
from the local community; 2 of women and 4 of youths for both genders, i.e. Male and female
(Johnson and Christensen, 2004 in Collins et al., 2007). Focused group discussions were
conducted in the local language and responses were translated into English by the researcher
and research assistants who were moderators in the discussions. Focus group participants were
mobilized through community leaders and randomly selected. Focus group discussions
explored perceptions, circumstances, expectations, and strategies relating to community
participation and peacebuilding.

b) Key informant interviews (Kils). This study involved faced to face interviews with 40 key
informant interviews with CSOs officers, cultural leaders, and religious leaders. They were
included in the study so as to get their views on peacebuilding initiatives and their
recommendations on how to fully involve the communities. The interview tool was developed
by the researcher.

3.6 Data Collection Tools

The data of this study was collected using focus group discussion, and a key informant interview
guides. These allowed the researcher to question participants and probe responses with further
questions. The guides were given to content experts to evaluate the relevance, wording and

25
clarity of questions or items in them. Then, they were pre-tested using one focus group
discussion and Key informant interview, and thereafter adjusted for the main fieldwork.

3.7 Data Management and Analysis

The researcher used manual coding on the transcripts to identify the significant statements across
individual interviews. Subsequent readings of the significant statements helped in identifying
sub-themes emerging within the patterns. For presentation of thematic findings, both textural and
structural descriptions were used in the results section. Textural descriptions are significant
statements used to write what the participants experienced. Structural descriptions are the
interpretation of the context or setting that influenced participants’ experiences. For textural
descriptions, the quotes of participants were given in italics with the respondent to whom that
quote belongs marked with type (i.e., CSO officer, or woman activist, or local community
member etc.). The structural descriptions as interpreted by the researcher was provided in plain
text.

3.8 Ethical Consideration

The data collected from the participants was kept as confidential and was used for the purpose of
the fulfillment of the requirement for the award of the degree of Master of Public Administration.
Key ethical issues such as privacy, anonymity of the respondents, and maintenance of the
conditions of the data provided by individuals were given priority. The participants were also
informed of the content of the research and the result of the study will be published to benefit the
participants.

3.9 Limitation of the Study

Some of the participants were not willing to share with the researcher some of the information
that they considered confidential but the researcher promised to keep the information got as
confidential and only to be used for academic purposes. Choice of sample population also was a
limitation, but the researcher tried to choose a sample population that was truly representative in
terms of statistics and large enough to give a true picture of the whole population.
The researcher also encountered constraints to get access to some of the respondents especially
CSOs officials due to their tight, busy schedules arising from their job responsibility and strict
protocol of their offices.

26
 CHAPTER FOUR

PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION OF RESULTS

4.0 Introduction
This chapter presents the analysis of the data gathered and interpretation thereof. It gives the
demographic characteristics of the participants and variables used.

4.1 Demographic Information of the participants

Participants were asked to provide information regarding their gender, age, education level and
years of experience. Their responses were summarized using frequencies and percentages as
indicated below;
Table 4.1.1: Gender of the participants (n~110)

Gender Frequency Percent (%)

Female 38 34.5
Male 72 65.5
Total 110 100.0
Source: primary data, 2016

Table 4.1 I revealed that majority of participants in were male compared to female who were
.

few, this had a significance to the study in that the male always have time to fill and answer the
questionnaires during their free time compared to women who always remain busy even when
they live their offices and they always find it difficult to answer the questionnaires.

Table 4.1.2: Age of the participants (n=110)

Age Frequency Percent (%)

20-25 years
15 13.6
26-39 years 69 62.7
40-45 years 26 23.6
Total 110 100.0
Source: primary data, 2016
With respect to age, results in table 4.2 indicated that participants in this sample were dominated
by those between 26-39years, implying that most of the participants in this sample were youths,
this is important because these youths are always easy to access during data correction just

27
because they are still energetic to handle different responsibilities, therefore the researcher found
it easy to access them since they had the current information the researcher wanted.

Table 4.1.3: Education Level of the participants (n=110)

Education level Frequency Percent (%)

ertificate 42 38.2
Di plom a 46 41.8
Degree 18 16.4
Masters 4 3.6
Total 110 100.0
Source: primary data, 2016

With respect to education qualification, results indicated that majority of participants were
diploma holders and these were followed by certificate holders, degree holders and masters were
few. This implies that participants in this sample had not gone far with education, but since
majority of them had certificates and diploma it was of a greater importance that these
respondents were able to interact in the discussions conducted.

Table 4.1.4: Years of working experience (n=110)

Working Experience Frequency Percent (%)

Below 1 year 23 20.9
1-4 years 42 38.2
5-9 years 41 37.3
10 yearsand above 04 3.6
Total 110 100.0
Source: primary data, 2016

Table 4.1.4 revealed that years of working experience, results indicated that most respondents in
this sample had worked for 1-4 years, this was important because it indicated a relatively
experienced workers in Mogadishu-Sornalia and could provide the correct information. The
dominance of the few years of working experience, is attributed to the lack of jobs in Somalia
and has left many families unable to provide for themselves or even earn a dollar a day. Somalia
being among the top five poorest countries in Africa and the third most insecure country to live
in implies that there cannot be many job opportunities in such an environment (World Bank,
2014). Since the whole country is surrounded by violence, there is a high likelihood that due to
lack of jobs and frustration, conflict escalates.

28
4.2 Role of community participation in peace building In Mogadishu, Somalia
The first objective of this study was to establish the role of community participation in
peacebuilding in Mogadishu, Somalia. The researcher achieved this objective by asking the
question: what is the role of community participation in peacebuilding in Mogadishu, Somalia?
This question was asked during both PGDs and MIs. The responses of the question asked were
summarized as below:

The participants were asked to explain what they understood by the terms community
participation, peace, security and peace building. Some of the participants defined peace as
absence of violence, the presence of tranquility and calmness, and a safe enviromnent to live in.
They also understood what a community was, as a group of people living in the same place.
They also knew what community participation was. One youth participant responded;

“Community participation Is the Involvement ofpeople In a community inprojecta”

FGD youth participant

They also understood security as situations in which there is no fear. However, 36 percent (40) of
the respondents fbrther stated that security relates to when rule of law, order, stability and
protection are available to all. To this end, a majority of the respondents felt that the government
should be responsible for ensuring their citizens are peaceflul and secure.
“To me peace and security means the same thing and are interconnected Without
peace, there can be no security and without security, there can be no peace” KU
female respondent
Female respondents who were 35 percent of the total alluded to the lict that peace provides
an opportunity to demand and exercise their rights and achieve foil potential as equal human
beings.
“...peace and security ie very important to womea It provides us an opportunity
to demand our rights, then Is increased access to opportunities Including
edaion~ employment and we can participate in politics” Kilfemale respondent

When asked to define the term peace building~ two major responses were provided. Sixty two
percent (68) of the respondents defined peace building as a ‘process’ or ‘project’ that builds
lasting peace and in which all groups in society should be involved. The rest noted that peace
building relates to forgiveness, dialogue and recovery in order to build trust, reconciliation and
29
build new relationships. This pointed out that the activities of peace building involved providing
access to opportunities to all groups in societies and in sectors such as economic, political and
judicial sectors.

In order to appreciate the role of community participation in peace building, respondents were
asked several questions: have they played any role as peace builders; what motivated them to
undertake these activities; were they involved in any decision making, planning, setting the
agenda, while undertaking peace building; and whether they transmit a culture of building peace
in their families and communities?

Majority of the respondents acknowledged that they had many roles as peace builders, especially
at community level. They especially singled out activities they carried out in dismantling illegal
checkpoints belonging to different armed militia groups in Mogadishu. Female respondents also
noted that they formed district peace committees consisting of women and youth, with the aim of
ensuring security in the communities. They also noted that on many occasions they succeeded in
bringing the warring parties together, even at the national peace processes.

All the participants stated the following factors as driving them to build peace: they were
adversely affected by the conflict; the warring parties were relatives or family members (wives,
sons, husbands, fathers, uncles); that they are regarded to belong to their father’s clan, hence
possess a dual clan nature; and they felt they owe themselves and families, especially the young
children, to ensure peace and security.

I had to because my involvement in peace building determined my own security

and that of my family” KJI respondent
I participated in a number ofpeace building activities including the Arta
process, because I wanted my country to be peaceful and safe for us and have
afiinctional government” Ku respondent

It should be noted that participants reported that their participation in peace building was
twofold: as individuals, or as part of women/youth groups or organizations. They acknowledged
that groups form the bulk of civil society groups in Somalia, and work in partnership with local
and international NGOs. The religious and cultural leaders also noted that they participated in

30
peace building activities voluntarily, and were not compensated for their time. They stated that
they found such forums useful in enhancing their peace building capacity.

All participants stated that they transmit a culture of peace to their children, family and
community. They noted that they deliver peace messages through radios and billboards, and
educate the public on peace issues. They also highlighted the use of poetry and song to transmit
peace messages. The CSOs officers also noted the importance of acting as peace envoys among
the warring clans and communities. This implied that the local leaders always foster peace in the
senses of preventing wars and preventing fears of war since they are empowered so that they can
have the power and ability to participate and control security in their communities in Mogadishu,
Somalia.

4.3 Impact of community participation in peace building in Mogadishu, Somalia

The second objective of this study was to evaluate the impact of community participation on
peace building in Mogadishu, Somalia. The researcher achieved this objective by asking the
question: What is the impact of community participation in peace building in Mogadishu,
Somalia? This question was asked during both FGDs and Kils. The responses of the question
asked were summarized as below:
The participants were asked to explain what they achieve when they participate in peace building
initiatives.
All participants were on the spot to state that when the community participates, it strengthens
cultural capacities to resolve disputes and conflicts. In addition they conferred that when founded
on the premise that people are the best resources for building and sustaining peace, community
participation will promote peace at a local level, with families, tribes, and communities, where
disputes can potentially escalate to violent conflict, and not wait for the international and
national bodies to intervene. It will be late. Some participants responded;

the government should see us members of non-state actors who are involved in
peace building not as a threat and thus, it does not help. Often, government wishes to
take the activities including peace building over from religious leaders” KU religious
respondent

31
 When I participate, I aim to prevent conflict and achieve conditions which reduces my
communily to be vulnerable to violence ...“ Youth FGD participant
M~v attitude and behavior changes. I come to think ofconjlict as a disaster to
my community. I hope to promote values ofpeace. Youth FGD participant.

When asked how community participation affected peace building initiatives in Somalia,
participants felt that Community peace building aims at developing trust, safety, and social
cohesion within and between communities and as such influences attitudes and behaviors
through promoting values of peace and tolerance. They noted that the conflict has resulted to
deaths of many of their family and community members, while others have been maimed and
were living with the scars and burden. Many have been displaced from their homes, and there
was loss of state and clan protection, jobs and livelihoods.

When asked the impact of community women in peace building processes, only a few of the
participants stated the government of Somalia, acknowledges the contributions of women in
peace building and further encouraged them to participate in the process.
the current government is doing its best to encourage women to play active roles in
peace building. It is worth noting that this government is a government in war. “Ku male
~SO officer respondent.
the government recognizes the important contributions by women in peace building.

They see them as allies. However, ii ~overnment,.) does not provide enough resources to
support women ‘s peace building initiatives. “ K/Ifemale Member ofSNWO respondent

When asked about the influence of NGOs; CSOs; including local women and youth groups,
majority of the participants noted they have played an active part to promote and advocate for
peace. The groups have lobbied and advocated for the inclusion of women by way of
empowerment and provided support, financial, technical or otherwise, to the community
mem bers.

Community j,eacebuilding promotes inclusive partnerships between people,

in.sii/utions, and civil society. It is an ongoing social process that adapt.~ to local
circumstances and seeks to incorporate peacebuilding values, skills, and techniques into
all a,spec/.s of governance and development work. “ (‘So Ku participant.

32
Majority of the participants acknowledged that through extensive networks and collaborations
among youths, women/women groups, peace building processes in Hodan, have been salvaged
when at their lowest point. They also noted that women still face a number of barriers in
peacebuilding, including culture, violence, poverty, access to education and sustainability of
support. However, women are very active in informal peace process, but remain unrecognized
and a link between the local and national processes lacks. Some of the respondents however
alluded to the fact that due to the active lobbying by NGOs, especially those that are foreign, the
impression that gender issues are a western concept being imposed on the Islamic community
has been created. Some of the female respondents pointed out that in some of the Islamic
extremist areas, interaction with the entire community has been denied, and if permitted, only
under the terms agreed upon. They also pointed out that the term gender equality is still
considered contentious. Basing on these results, increased community participation enhances
Peace building in Mogadishu Somalia. The more the community participates in issues of peace
stability, the more peace building is maintained in Mogadishu.

4.4 ChalLenges of community participation in peace building

The third objective was to assess the challenges to community participation in peace building in
Mogadishu, Somalia. The challenges were split into factors, and the findings were clustered and
analyzed thematically.

4.4.1 Theme 1- Patriarchal Institutions (69%)

This theme centered on a broad variety of areas that people found to be hindering community
participation in peace building. Most participants (69%) did associate negative aspects to this
factor. These male dominated institutions continue to be perpetuated through the 4.5 clan
formula, which is based on the clan system, that is a male domain and women and children are
supposed to be led. As one participant reported:

Issues 0/security are considered to be male domains, thus women have no role to
play as they are considered ‘soft. I do have complaints. “Female FGD participant.

“On the contrary, it seems that it has discouraged people to explore new options in life.”
Youth FGD Participant.

33
 It actually led to my quitting ofvolunteer work. I was depressed. “Female FGD
Participant.
Overall, the responses provided by participants described the whole experience and situation as
unpleasant and not beneficial to peace building.

4.4.2 Theme 2-Cultural and religious norms (62%)

“Cultural and religious” emerged as one of the most meaningful theme. As reported by 62% of
the participants, the experience of the way of life built in them hinders the communities from
participating fully in the peacebuilding. They were of the view that cultural and religious norms
are not supportive of women’s involvement in formal peace building activities and decision-
making, and yet they are part of the community. The assurance to perform the tasks is left to me
According to their responses, the clan system as part of the cultural institutions is considered
undemocratic as the decision-making process tends to be male dominated and non-inclusive,
thus. women and youths are denied any leadership roles in formal peace building activities. One
participant explains:
“I became more positive with everything. Not sure, but Ifrel I believe in myself much
more, and frel I am more capable, if Ijoin with my colleagues in my community to push
for peace. However, I cannot becau.ve culture says, am not capable “. Youth FGD
part ici~ant.

As a result of becoming conscious of their own cultural and religious norms, participants then
actively engaged the researcher to discuss the issues that hinder the community from
participating.
“I think our culture gives no confidence. I am always worried. Ifeel scared and anxious.
My Islamic law is very accommodative of women rights, especially on land, property
rights and protection of their status. But the same law, prohibits me from active public
role, and instead, I should be represented by a man. “Female FGD partic1~oanl.

People found in these FGD an opportunity to challenge themselves on specific cultural and
religious domains, at the same time they worked on the management of their own symptoms, as
in anxiety, fear and frustration:
‘Yes. I think so, as it ‘s been helpful in organizing my mind, also problem solving.
Actually, got a bit more conjIdence out of it as well “. Youth FGD participant.

34
4.4.3 Theme 3-Armed Conflict and Insecurity (31%)
Participants were asked for their views of the challenges of community participation to
peacebuilding. Subsequently, ‘Armed Conflict and Insecurity’ emerged as another significant
theme. This category refers to participants’ awareness of the impact of conflict and insecurity to
hindering communities from participating.

Due to conflict and insecurity, community members are intimidated and threatened by
individuals and groups who want insecurity and conflict to continue in their respective
communities, since they benefit economically. Participants said that insecurity has led to absence
of basic economic infrastructure and a lack of social services fuel a high rate of unemployment
among the community citizens, for example 67% of Somali youth are estimated to be
unemployed (United Nations General Assembly Security Council, 2015). Yet the whole
community is full of youths who make up the majority of society but they are completely
excluded from processes of decision-making, even though these very decisions determine their
future. These aspects are reflected in some of the participants’ comments:
‘1 survive to try and earn an income to take care of my family because am the sole
breadwinner. Female Ku participant.
‘Most youths come from orphaned homes. Their parents died in this conflict, how you
expect them to par1ici~a1e in the long peace process. They need money, and they get it
from joining the extremists. “ Cultural leader Ku participant.

In addition to the above, another key informant expressed anger and disgust as indicated below:
cultural leaders and the entire Somali community should be educated on the effects
of conflict. We need to shun these inhuman practices from our midst in the strongest
terms possible. We are in the 21st century and there have never been any advantages of
violence. It has brought pain to people. For how long shall we remain like this? The
world has moved-on and we have been left behind. We need to change our mindset and
get civilized once and Jor all Ku CSO participant.

Another participant expressed a need to be heard has been blocked by insecurity.

“This continued conflict and insecurity has denied us the space and opportunity to build
peace.” CSO Kllparticiftant.

35
 CHAPTER FIVE

DISCUSSIONS, CONLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.0 Introduction
The purpose of this study was to analyze the effects of community participation on peace
building in Mogadishu Somalia. To meet this, three objectives were for this purpose and were
formulated: i) the the role of community participation in peace building in Mogadishu. Somalia;
ii) the impact of community participation on peace building in Mogadishu-Sornalia; and iii) the
challenges to community participation in peace building in Mogadishu, Somalia. In chapter four,
data was generated to address those objectives highlighted and the findings were summarized.
This closing chapter therefore discusses these findings, draws conclusions, and recommendations
are given.

5.1 Discussions
The study discussed the key findings which is done according to the study objectives.
5.1.1 Role of community participation in peacebuilding
The first objective of this study was to establish role of community participation in peacebuilding
in Mogadishu, Somalia. The study found that the community in Hodan, Mogadishu has a basic
understanding of the terms peace, community, community participation, security and peace
building. This can be attributed to the fact that the participants especially key informants were
mainly engaged in peacebuilding activities and a majority (62%) held at least higher levels of
education. Moreover, Somalia is a country that has been in conflict since the 1990s, and there
have been numerous attempts (at least 14) to restore order and stability. As such, a majority of
the leaders in various institutions have had an interaction with external actors through peace
negotiations, workshops and conferences, where many of the issues are discussed.

On appreciating the role of community participation in peacebuilding, Majority of the

respondents acknowledged that they had many roles as peace builders, especially at community
level. They especially singled out activities they carried out in dismantling illegal checkpoints
belonging to different armed militia groups in Mogadishu. Female respondents also noted that
they formed district peace committees consisting of women and youth, with the aim of ensuring
security in the communities. They also noted that on many occasions they succeeded in bringing
the warring parties together, even at the national peace processes. This view is shared by
36
(Muraleedharan, 2006). He said, empowerment should not discard any role for women in
defining their life and future. Some NGOs and action groups seem to be more radical and highly
political in spirit as they build capacity, create awareness and transform women of equal
relationships, increased decision making power in the home and community, and greater
participation in community activities, including peacebuilding. The Somali woman has played a
very important role in peace building in Somali, although they remain largely unnoticed. Their
formal recognition remains low, yet they have undertaken numerous activities towards peace
building.

Being affected by the conflict drives them to build peace. Hodan community members
see themselves as brothers and sisters, even one family, which ensures some relative peace. This
is good, because it worked in Uganda, during the post Kony times. In fact, Omach (2016), has
commented, ~‘in the absence of formal demobilization and reintegration process, traditional
leaders, chiefs, elders and clan leaders under their umbrella group Ker Kal Kwaro and the Acholi
Religious Leaders Peace Initiative promoted the reintegration of former LRA combatants,” They
made sustained efforts to fight stigmatization of former LRA and facilitate their reintegration
into society by promoting traditional and religious reconciliation processes at the grassroots and
community levels (Omach, 2016). They discouraged society from using terms like ‘returnees’,
‘formerly abducted children’, and ‘child mothers’ because of the negative connotation and
because it traumatizes. This encouraged the community to forgive and reconcile with those who
had returned from the LRA and now lived amongst them. That is the power of the community.

There is some evidence to support links between community-based interventions and

progress in governance. Community-based processes can facilitate governance reform by
developing outlets for voice and equipping local communities with the skills and tools to carry
on a range of activities beyond a particular project (World Bank, 2010).

Engaging with local community is of the essence to enhance the legitimacy and thus long-term
effectiveness of conflict transformation policies. The role of community in conflict resolution
and peace building encompasses many areas including development of structural conditions,
attitude and mode of political behavior that permit peaceful, stable and ultimately prosperous
social and economic development (Childress, 2010).

37
5.1.2 Impact of community participation on peacebuilding
When asked how community participation affected peacebuilding initiatives in Mogadishu, the
findings as already noted showed that participants felt that community peacebuilding develops
trust. safety, and social cohesion within and between communities and as such influences
attitudes and behaviors through promoting values of peace and tolerance. This finding is in
agreement with, Raider (2009) who suggested that Community-based approaches may be
adopted to foster and institutionalize elements of good governance. In this situation, inclusive
participation and representation, transparency and accountability, and capacity for local dispute
resolution are seen not as simply means to fulfil immediate needs but also as ends in themselves.

Escalating violence and insecurity Mogadishu, has resulted to deaths of many of the
family and community members, while others have been maimed and were living with the scars
and burden. Many have been displaced from their homes, and there was loss of state and clan
protection, jobs and livelihoods. These aftermath issues develop after conflict. Community
participation can have far reaching effects on peacebuilding. It is a condition for success.
Communities that engage their citizens and partners deeply in the work of community
development raise more resources, achieve more results, and develop in a more holistic and
ultimately more (Raider, 2009). Community participation will then benefit even those seek
fulfillment as a way of participation.

The findings revealed that when the community participates, it strengthens cultural
capacities to resolve disputes and conflicts. Kathmandu (20~2) also showed that community
participation is one of the key ingredients of an empowered community. Participation is the heart
that pumps the community’s life blood into the community’s security stability and development.

It is a principle so important to make active citizen involvement in all aspects of strategic plan
development and implementation a condition for continued participation in empowerment
programs (Kathmandu, 2012). This is based on the premise that people are the best resources for
building and sustaining peace. Community participation therefor promotes peace at a local level,
with families, tribes, and communities.

The impact of community women in peacebuilding processes was also felt. Local women
in Somalia have been more adaptive to the changes arising from the conflict compared to men, as
seen in their increased prominence in the small and micro enterprises and at community

38
mobilization levels for peace, security, education and health (Hudson, 2010). Childress (2010)
indicated that a community can provide the necessary push for peaceflil social change, especially
when the top echelons within a conflict context are unwilling or unable to budge on the
fUndamental conflict issues. This is not to say that Community is always and necessarily a force
for good. Engagement with civil society is not an end in itself, nor is it a solution. But it is vial
to our efforts to turn the promise of peace agreements into the reality of peacefUl societies and
viable sates.

The influence of NGOs; CSOs; including local women and youth groups, findings
revealed that CSOs and NGOs, together with women groups were instrumental in promoting
peacebuilding. In a study conducted in Uganda by Omach (2016) shown that Civil society
contribution to peace is important, but is not a substitute for the role of the state. He continues
and comments that the two must complement each other. Civil society peacebuilding activities
such as those aimed at building local economies and improving livelihoods are merely sedative,
unless efforts are made to redress the structural roots. Engagement by the state is therefore vial.
This is not seen in Somalia due to an unstable governement.

5.13 Challenges of community participation in peace building

This section describes the third objective of the study on community participation and
peacebuilding. The objective was to assess the challenges to community participation in peace
building in Mogadishu, Somalia. Using thematic analysis, three main themes were associated
with challenges of community participation to peacebuilding in Hodan, Mogadishu.

Patriarchal Institutions (theme 1): Patriarchal institutions hinder the level of community
participation in peacebuilding. As such, the existing institutions lack appropriate representation,
fUlling short of affinnative action. There are male dominated institutions which continue to
perpetuate the clan formula, which is based on the clan system, that is a male domain and women
and children are supposed to be led. This theme match previous outcomes within studies on
peacebuilding. In line with KIot’s (2010) study, the results indicated that peacebuilding involves
interventions which include of all stakeholders including women and youths. In fact, peace
processes such as reconciliation and human rights protection that cover peacebuilding domains,
that include, men, women, youths, elderly, will promote security, political governance and
justice (Accord, 2010). This implied that if the entire community participates, regardless of
gender in issues of peace stability, the more peacebuilding will be maintained in Mogadishu.

39
 One of the most meaningful themes, “Cultural and religious norms” highlighted as a
hindrance of community participation in peacebuilding, was seen as an opportunity for
individuals to uncover positive intrinsic aspects about themselves, Cultural and religious norms
are not supportive of women’s involvement in formal peace building activities and decision-
making. The clan system as part of the cultural institutions is considered undemocratic as the
decision-making process tends to be male dominated and non-inclusive, thus, women are denied
any leadership roles in formal peace building activities. In the quest for the formation of a stable
and democratic society, there has been recognition and push for inclusion of women in formal
peace building processes. This was seen for example in the Arta (Djibouti) and Nairobi (Kenya)
peace talks in which women lobbied for inclusion of what they referred to as the sixth clan. Their
efforts have been supplemented by local and international NGOs. Koppell (2009) acknowledges
the inclusion of women has increased the attention to community priorities such as human rights
concerns, and promoted reconciliation and security on the ground, thereby strengthening the
peace building process.
Participants were asked for their views on the challenges of community participation to
peacebu i Id i ng. Subsequently, Armed Conflict and Insecurity’ emerged as another significant
theme. Armed conflict and insecurity hinders the level of community participation in l-lodan,
Somalia. Communities are not armed, but they are also targeted by armed groups, especially
extremists. Due to conflict and insecurity, women and youths are intimidated and threatened by
individuals and groups who want insecurity and conflict to continue in their respective
communities, since they benefit economically. The limitation of movement has especially
affected children and women as they try to earn an income to take care of their families. For
instance, peace operations in Iraq and Afghanistan, and earlier interventions in the Balkans and
elsewhere, have relied heavily on military force, with military actors taking the lead even on
economic and social development activities (World report, 2010). This dependence on military
force has put community participation at risk because military organizational culture is often at
odds with the requirements of community capacity building, local ownership, and sustainability
of peace. In fact, military organizations value swift action and results, which escalate conflict
and do not allow community buildup (Haider, 2009).

40
5.2 Conclusions
To conclude, this study provides important insights into community participation and
peacebuilding. It had three objectives:
The study concluded that that community participation played a major role in
peacebuilding, because the respondents agreed that they have played some roles as
peacebuilders. In the study, community participation was relatively low, despite numerous
efforts by CSOs, NGOs, women and youth groups and the international community. Community
participation is an activity that has to be worked upon for it to be attained since it is not
automatic. As such, community members and leaders alike, will have to continue putting in place
measures that will ensure their participation.
The study further evaluated the impact of community participation on peacebuilding was
fulfilled when findings revealed community participation had strengthened communities’
capacities to resolve disputes. Community participation aims at developing trust, safety and
social cohesion. The impact was felt by participants as they engaged in peacebuilding activities.
These results provide important implications of how effective community participation can have
a facilitating or inhibiting role on peacebuilding.
The study also assessed the challenges to community participation in peacebuilding in
Mogadishu, Somalia. To this note, the study identified several factors that have hindered
community participation as mainly as patriarchal institutions, cultural and religious norms, and
continued armed conflict and violence that targets women. This showed that women and youth
alike continue to face difficulties in the quest to build peace in their own country. Somalia
especially Mogadishu, community participation is hampered owing to the friability of the nation.

5.3 Recommendations
In light of the findings and conclusions, the following recommendations are offered:
It is important for governments to provide support to community participation by creating a
supportive environment for facilitating the inhabitants’ peacebuilding initiatives. The
government should cease to see NGOs, CSOs engaged in peacebuilding as threat but as co-actors
in the same initiative of cultivating for peace.

Communities should participate in peacebuilding activities so that they can raise their
capacity immediately. An establishment a community network is imperative to maintain a grid of
community initiatives. The Government of Somalia should ensure co-ordination, advocacy,
41
collaboration and networking with the various development partners that include both
international, intermediary, local NGOs, the private sector and also increased public/private
partnership that offer more alternative and direct peace building, this can be done by carrying out
transitional justice through providing opportunities for citizens to address past human rights
abuses. In addition, community dialogue is necessary for effective meetings, where a discussion
forum can be established and information shared. The impact of community participation can be
greatly enhanced by a supportive government.

In order to combat the challenges to community participation, establish strong

communities that support the initiatives of women. In fact the government can invest in women’s
education at all levels, improve infrastructure and ease access to opportunities for all. The reality
is that men continue to take the leading role in virtually all formal peace processes and women
are ignored hence diminishing their potential capabilities for peace building (Hudson, 2010).
Ensuring women participate in peace building is not only a matter of women and girls’ rights.

Women are crucial partners in shoring up the three pillars of lasting peace: economic recovery;
social cohesion; and political legitimacy (Luchsinger, 2010). Undertake a revision of existing
policies to help overcome issues of violence and youth exploitation that hinder community
participation.

5.4 Areas for further research

It is proposed that future research be undertaken to replicate the study, to ensure that the ideas,
studies, and methods employed are valid. Like many empirical studies, there are limitations in
the research design, and generalizations of the results to other contexts. Future studies should try
to increase the sample size and probably carry out a quantitative inquiry, since this was
qualitatively done. The researcher suggests further clarification of peace building at all levels of
administration in the local councils and investigation into the perceived importance of
community participation placed on peace building factors. This thesis recommends future work
to examine the peace building potential of women in peace building processes in rural or urban
areas in Somalia.

42
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47
 APPENDIX Al

RESEARCH INSTRUMENT
Section A: Background Variables for all FGDs and KIls
Gender (Please Tick):
(1) Male _____

(2) Female_

Age
(1)20-25
(2)26-39 _____

(3)40-54 ____

(4)55 & above _____

Educational qualification
(1) Certificate_________
(2) Diploma_________
(3) Degree~_
(4) Masters_
(5) PhD_~

Years of experience
(1) Less than /Below lyear_______
(2) 1-4 Years _________

(2) 5-9 years

(3) 10&above ______

Section B: Focus Group Discussion Guide

Role of Community Participation

1. What do you understand by the terms; Peace, peacebuilding, community, community

participation, security.

2. Have you played any role as a peacebuilder?

3. What motivated you to undertake these activities?

48
 4. Do you transmit a culture of building peace in your limily?
5. What drives you to build peace

Impact of community Participation

1. What do you achieve, when you participate in peacebuilding activities?
2. What is the influence ofwomen, youths, local NCIOs in peacebuilding?

ChaUenges
What challenges have you seen and how do they impede communities from participating in
peaccbuilding initiatives?

49
 APPENDIX A2: INTERVIEW GUIDES

Part I: General Information

1. What is your gender?

2. What is your age?

3. What is your education level?

4. How long have you been in your job?

5. Have you played any role as a peacebuilder?

6. What motivated you to undertake these activities?

7. Do you transmit a culture of building peace in your family?

8. What drives you to build peace?

9. Explain the challenges affecting community participation in peace building in your area

10. What is the influence of women, youths. local NGOs in peacebuilding?

50
 APPENDIX Ri

TRANSMITTAL LETTER

OFFICE OF THE DIRECTOR HIGHER DEGREES AND RESEARCH (DHDR)

KAMPALA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY

Dear Sir/Madam,
RE: INTRODUCTION LETTER TO CONDUCT RESEARCH IN YOUR INSTITUTION
Mr. AHMED HASSAN IMAN REG.NO: MFA\41392\133\DF, student of Kampala International
University pursuing masters of Arts in Public Administration and Management.
He is currently conducting a field research for his thesis entitled, Community participation
and peacebuilding in Mogadishu, Somalia. Your organization has been identified as a valuable
source of information pertaining to his research project. The purpose of this letter then is to
request you to avail him with the pertinent information he may need.
Any data shared with him will be used for academic purposes only and shall be kept with utmost
confidentiality.
Any assistance rendered to him will be highly
appreciated. Yours truly, ___________________

Yours faithfully,

Di rectorate-DHDR
Kampala International University

51
 APPENDIX BI

TRANSMITtAL LEflER FOR THE RESPONDENTS

Dear Sin Madam,

Greetings!

I am a candidate of Kampala International University, pursing a master’s degree in Arts of

Public Administration and Management. Part of the requirements for the award is a thesis.
My study is entitled, Community participation and peacebuliding In Mogadishu,
Somalia. Within this context, may I request you to participate in this study by answering
the questions?

Yours Ihithfiilly.

Mr. Ahmed Mohamed Hussein

52
 APPENDIX C

CLEARANCE FROM ETHICS COMMITTEE

Date________________
Candidate’s Data
Name
Reg.#
Course __________________

Title of Study
EthicaL Review Checklist
The study reviewed considered the following:
Physical Safety of Human Subjects
Psychological Safety
Emotional Security
Privacy
— Written Request for Author of Standardized Instrument
— Coding of Questionnaires/AnOflyITIitY/COnfidefltialitY
— Permission to Conduct the Study
Informed Consent
— Citations/Authors Recognized
Results of Ethical Review
Approved
Conditional (to provide the Ethics Committee with corrections)
— Disapproved/ Resubmit Proposal
Ethics Committee (Name and Signature)
Chairperson
Members ____________________

53
 APPENDIX D

INFORMED CONSENT

I am giving my consent to be part of the research study of Mr. Ahmed Mohamed Hussein
that will focus on __________________________________________. I shall be assured of privacy.
anonymity and confidentiality and that I will be given the option to refuse participation and right
to withdraw my participation anytime.
I have been informed that the research is voluntary and that the results will be given to me if I
ask for it.

lnitials: _______________ ___________________

Date _____________________________________

54
 APPENDIX E: TIME FRAME

I 2015 2016

Activities Oct Nov Dec Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep

1. Topic defense
and Approval

2 Conceptual
Phase, Chapter 1

3. Design &
Planning Phase,
Chapter 2-3

4.Supervisor
allocation

5. Proposal
revisions —

6.Proposal defense
&Approval for
Data collection —P

7.Ernpirical Phase,
Data Collection

8.Analytic Phase,
Chapter4-5 —

9.Dissemination
Phase

1O.Final Book
Bound