Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Tang Dynasty 618 907 Sources For Tibetan
Tang Dynasty 618 907 Sources For Tibetan
Tang Dynasty 618 907 Sources For Tibetan
BIANCA HORLEMANN
Introduction
This paper provides an overview of primary and secondary Chinese sources related
to the Tibetan Empire period. Please note that the Chinese primary sources listed in
this essay are neither newly discovered nor unpublished, but that for a variety of
reasons—such as difficult access—some sources have gone almost unnoticed or rarely
used! Recent progress in making searchable online editions of multi-volume Chinese
historical works available on the internet, however, has considerably facilitated
research for the non-specialist as well. Furthermore, standard or recent western
publications concerning Tang China which provide useful comparative perspectives
for researchers of early Tibetan history, have also been included in this essay.1 With
regard to the Five Dynasties/Wudai period (907–960) which followed after the fall of
the Tang dynasty in 907, this era of disunion remains under-studied and the sources
seem to offer very little on Tibet. When the Northern Song Dynasty (960–1127)
emerged in 960, references to central Tibet stopped almost completely. Instead, the
Chinese sources started to focus on the Tsong kha Confederation in northeastern A
mdo. Nevertheless, many of the sources and research tools mentioned in this paper
might also prove useful for the post-Tang era.
Although Tibetan Empire specialists are well acquainted with the Tibet/Tufan/
Tubo2 chapters of the Old and New Tang Dynastic History (Jiu Tangshu, Xin Tangshu)
and Chinese Dunhuang documents related to Tibet, other important Chinese sources
still remain underused, such as the two 11th century works, Comprehensive Mirror
for Aid in Government/Zizhi tongjian and Outstanding Models from the Storehouse
of Literature/Cefu yuangui, as well as the Important Documents of the Tang/Tang
huiyao, the Collected Edicts of the Tang/Tang da zhaolingji, the annals/benji,
* I follow Paul Kroll’s dates for the Tang Dynasty; see Kroll 1987.
1 The Tang Dynasty, being considered the ‘golden age’ of Chinese history, has been comparatively
well studied not only by Chinese and Western researchers but also by Japanese and Korean
scholars. The latters’ works, however—if not translated into Chinese or western languages—
have been omitted in this paper because of the additional language skills required.
2 The Chinese characters 吐蕃 are transcribed either as ‘Tufan’ in the modern Chinese reading or
as ‘Tubo’ in the reconstructed Tang era reading. I use ‘Tufan’ throughout this paper.
2 BIANCA HORLEMANN
monographs/zhi and biographies/zhuan of the Jiu and the Xin Tang shu. Several
anthologies, such as the Complete Collection of Tang Prose/Quan Tang wen, the
Complete Collection of Tang Poetry/ Quan Tang shi and the Song Biographies of
Eminent Monks/ Song Gao Seng chuan or the 9th century geographical work Maps
and Gazetteer of the Provinces and Counties in the Yuanhe Period [806–21]/Yuanhe
junxian (tu)zhi also contain some useful pieces of information concerning imperial
Tibet or the areas under Tibetan domination. All this material adds up to several
hundred pages, but to my knowledge only a small fraction has been systematically
analysed so far.
Admittedly, using Chinese historical sources to gather information on the Tibetan
Empire period, meets with numerous difficulties. For example, finding the relevant
paragraphs referring to Tibet in multi-volume, unpunctuated historical work is already
a major task, and their translation is also beset with many uncertainties since most of
the original texts have been lost. In fact, we often only have later and frequently
revised editions at our disposal, and a number of texts have been retrieved from
encyclopaedias. In the course of re-editing and re-copying, a number of mistakes
have crept into the texts. For example, some Chinese characters have been omitted by
mistake, others ‘misspelled’ or confused, and some texts have been condensed in
such a way that the meaning becomes ambiguous, especially when the original
context is missing.
Fortunately, a fair number of research tools exist which considerably facilitate
work with Chinese sources on the Tang era[,] such as modern annotated and
punctuated editions and compilations especially devoted to Tibet [and] related
material contained in major historical works.3 Furthermore, dictionaries on Tang
administrative units and place names as well as searchable online editions of Chinese
historical texts make Tibet[-]related information more easily accessible.
In addition, a considerable number of important studies on the Tibetan imperial
period have come out from PRC researchers such as Huang Weizhong, Lu Li, Tian
Feng, Wang Duo, Wang Yao, etc. and from the Taiwanese scholar Lin Guanqun/Lin
Kuan-ch’ün. If you search for ‘吐蕃 Tufan’ in the Chinese Academic Journals’ [CAJ]
database, some 2,500 articles by Chinese authors are listed for the period from 1994
to 2010 alone. Of course, not all of them are relevant,4 but a fair number certainly
deserve our attention.
With regard to western secondary sources on Tang China, some works are
convenient reference books for tracing major political, cultural and religious trends
of the Tang dynasty. These include: Sui and T’ang China, 589–906, i.e., volume 3,
part 1 of The Cambridge History of China. Others provide valuable background
3 See, for example, the Tibet related Historical Material in the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in
Government/ [Zizhi] tongjian Tufan shiliao.
4 Included in this list of 2,500 articles are all those which contain the term ‘Tufan’ irrespective of
their actual topic and content.
TANG DYNASTY (618–907) SOURCES FOR TIBETAN EMPIRE STUDIES 3
information on specific issues such as the geography of the Tang Empire, Tang
military history, the role of religion and especially of Buddhism during the Tang
dynasty, etc. These are helpful tools for improving our understanding of important
developments in Tibet or in Sino-Tibetan relations by adapting a comparative
approach. Among the standard works are the historical studies by Denis Twichett,
Howard Wechsler and Stanley Weinstein, which explore politico-religious relations
in Tang-China; the works by Kenneth Ch’en, Paul Demiéville, Jacques Gernet or
Antonino Forte on Chinese Buddhism during the Tang; or Edward Schafer’s work,
The Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A study of T’ang Exotics, on tribute and trade
relations, to name just a few.
Apart from this introduction the essay is divided into 6 parts: The first part
provides a short overview of the range of Sino-Tibetan contacts during the 7th to 9th
century, the second part introduces Chinese historical texts which contain information
on the Tibetan Empire period, and the third part deals with useful dictionaries and
other research tools. Part four lists Chinese secondary sources relating to imperial
Tibet, and part five, Western secondary sources on the Tang dynasty in general. The
list in part five is subdivided according to topics. Part six contains the bibliography,
in which all works mentioned in this article are listed alphabetically without any
further subdivisions. Please note that this is not a comprehensive bibliography but
only serves to provide a general account of the range and availability of often
unexplored Chinese sources for Tibetan Empire studies and to introduce a rather
small selection of secondary literature.
usually en route for several months and also stayed at their respective destinations for
several months if not years, thus providing their members ample opportunity to study
the customs, religion, etc. of their respective hosts.6
Apart from the above-mentioned diplomatic and trade exchanges, the frequently
occurring Sino-Tibetan military encounters along the Sino-Tibetan border also
offered many glimpses of the ‘other’ which can still be studied in a number of Chinese
poems of the Tang era. It should be noted, however, that the Sino-Tibetan border
zone was mostly populated by non-Tibetan and non-Chinese peoples such as the
Qiang, the Di, the Sumpa and the Tuyuhun/’A zha. Sino-Tibetan encounters as
reflected in Chinese poems might thus also describe the aforementioned ethnic groups
under a collective rubric ‘(Tu)fan’.
Last but not least, we know that quite a number of Chinese Buddhist monks skirted
Tibet on their way to India, and many monks lived and taught in the monasteries
along the Sino-Tibetan border. Unfortunately, very few records by monks of the Tang
era have come to light so far which contain observations on Tibet or Tibetans.
The Chinese historical sources in which the above-mentioned Sino-Tibetan
contacts are reflected, are described in more detail below.
10 See Xin Tangshu (1975, repr. 2003). 20 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju.
11 For the slightly differing biographies of Guo Yuanzhen see Jiu Tangshu 2002, vol. 9: 3,042–
3,049 and Xin Tangshu 2003, vol. 14: 4,360–4,366.
12 See Wang Zhong 1958: 60.
6 BIANCA HORLEMANN
zanpu/ ruler sent his high official/ minister Zhang Zantu to go to meet the bride
[literally: woman].’ The commentary in the Zizhi tongjian, 12th entry on the
civil officials, notes: ‘Tibet sent its important leader Sesegao/Saisaigao, Shen
Zanduo, subordinate of Jingao Shen Shang Qinzang, to meet Princess
Jincheng.’ Its comment reads: zanduo, this is similar (in rank) to zuopuye
[assistant supervisor], and qinzang is similar to shizhong [director of the
chancellery]. Thus Shang Zantu should read Shang Zanduo. In fact, Zanduo is
an official title/name of an office, and ‘Shang Zanduo named [= ming 名]
Xila’ is only one person and not two. The entry on polo in the Records of
Things Heard and Seen by Mr. Feng reads: ‘During the Jinglong reign period
[707–710] when Tibet sent its emissaries to go to meet Princess Jincheng,
(Emperor) Zhongzong granted them to watch (a match) of polo at the Liyuan
Pavilion. The Tibetan Zanduo presented a memorial saying: ‘In my delegation
there are several good players, please let them compete with the Han.’ The
Tibet chapter of the Old Tang History reads: ‘Xila had some knowledge about
documents/ record keeping(?). Foremost he came to Chang’an to meet Princess
Jincheng. At that time the whole imperial court praised his skilfulness in
debate.’ Also the Tangshi jishi/ The Documentation of Tang Poetry says that
the one called Xila took part in Zhongzong’s arranging/ comparing Bo (and?)
Liang’s interpretations of couplets. Tibetan historical documents say: ‘An
official was sent who was called Zhang Zanduo Relüjing (Zhang bcan to re
lhas byin).’ See p. 20.”13 (My translation)
The Tibet chapter of the Old Tang History was translated by S. W. Bushell in 1880
as “The Early History of Tibet. From Chinese Sources”. He used the Qianlong edition
which combined both the Old and the New Tang Histories into one text. The Old
Tang History was written in large script, and different or additional information as
contained in the New Tang History was added in small script. In addition, Paul Pelliot
translated the Tibet chapters of both the Old and the New Tang History in his Histoire
ancienne du Tibet into French. Useful information about how the Tang dynastic
histories were compiled, can be gleaned from Denis Twitchett’s The Writing of
Official History under the T’ang. With regard to place names occurring in the Tang
Histories, the Collected References to Toponyms in the Two Tang Histories/Liang
Tangshu dilizhi huishi is quite helpful.
Apart from the comparatively well-known Chinese dynastic histories, numerous
other works exist which are, in some instances, much more detailed than the Old and
New Tang History. One of the most important of these is the Comprehensive Mirror
for Aid in Government/Zizhi tongjian completed by Sima Guang in 1084. It is written
in chronological style and covers Chinese history from 403 BCE to 959 CE. Of its
altogether 294 chapters, chapters 190 to 265 contain material related to Tibet from the
Tang era. Especially useful are the critical annotations which point to and also discuss
divergences from other sources. Useful compilations of material relating to Tibet in
this monumental work are the Tibet related Historical Material in the Comprehensive
Mirror for Aid in Government/[Zizhi] Tongjian Tufan shiliao and the Collection of
Tibetan Annalistic Historical Material/Zangzu biannian shiliaoji, vol. 1. Furthermore,
a Summary of the Zizhi tongjian/Zizhi tongjian gangmu was devised by Zhu Xi (1130–
1200) and, in the late 18th century, translated from its Manchu version into French by
the Jesuit Father J. A. M. de Moyriac de Mailla. His Histoire générale de la Chine, ou
annals de cet empire is an even further-condensed version of Zhu Xi’s edition; vols.
6 and 7 (up to page 116) report on the Tang dynasty. Information on Tibet is available
but, of course, not as plentiful as in the original Zizhi tongjian.
Furthermore, several Chinese encyclopaedic works need to be considered
important sources on imperial Tibet. Entries in these are usually excerpts from other
works rather than articles especially written for a specific encyclopaedia. The texts
are organised under main section headings and many subsections such as ‘land taxes’,
‘currency’, ‘populations’, ‘official markets’, ‘local tribute’, ‘music’, ‘the army’,
‘geography’, ‘foreign lands’ etc. The encyclopaedias are of special value because
many otherwise long-lost texts have survived as fragments or even as complete texts
in different encyclopaedias. The Encyclopaedic [History of] Institutions/Tongdian
completed by Du You (735–812) in 801, consists of 200 chapters of which about
25% concern the Tang dynasty. Du You also included material by other authors.
Unfortunately, his magnum opus already ends in 755. The Tongdian devotes a whole
sub-chapter to Tibet which is part of chapter 190, and covers the origin, customs and
institutions of Tibet, annalistic material of Tang-Tibetan relations, and reports about
the already above-mentioned mission of Guo Yuanzhen to Tibet respectively Qinghai.
It is often more detailed than the Tang Histories and, in fact, it is very likely that the
Old and New Tang Histories also copied information from the Tongdian.14 If you
searched for specific place or personal names, you might find still more entries related
to imperial Tibet. The Continuation of the Encyclopaedic [History of] Institutions/Xu
tongdian compiled by Ji Huang, et al., during the early Qing Dynasty, covers the
Tang dynasty from 756 to the end of the Ming in 150 juan/chapters. It has some 50
entries in the online edition under ‘吐蕃 Tufan’.
The Comprehensive [History of] Institutions/Tongzhi by Zheng Qiao in 200 chapters
and completed in 1149, follows the model of the Tongdian. It covers the whole Tang
dynasty and its online edition lists some 20 entries under ‘吐蕃 Tufan’. The 18th century
Continuation of the Comprehensive [History of] Institutions/Xu Tongzhi by Ji Huang
et al. in 640 chapters is the extended and modified version of the Tongzhi and covers
the period from 907 to 1644. It provides some 300 entries under ‘吐蕃 Tufan’ in its
online edition, and—at first glance—about 70 concern the Tang dynasty.
14 See Zhang Yun’s “The Value of the Historical Material of ‘the Tibet Chapter of the Tongdian’/
‘Tongdian Tufanzhuan’ de shiliao jiazhi.”
8 BIANCA HORLEMANN
poems also exist for Princess Jincheng who married into the Tibetan royal house in
710. Other poems describe the impressions and experiences of officials and poets
stationed or travelling in the border area. In this context, Florence Hu-Sterk’s essay
“Entre fascination et repulsion : regards des poètes des Tang sur les ‘barbares’” is
very illuminating as to what kind of information one can expect to find in Tang
poems. Although the poems are often imaginative and emotional, some still provide
valuable glimpses on political and military issues as well as on cultural differences.
Geographical works such as the (Maps and) Gazetteer of the Provinces and
Counties in the Yuanhe Period [806–21]/Yuanhe junxian (tu)zhi, completed by Li
Jifu in 813 in 40 chapters, contains short overviews of the different provinces and
counties in Tang China and also about those on the Sino-Tibetan border. Geographical
sketches of the so-called ‘Western Regions’ are also found in the fragments of the
late 8th century work Jia Dan sidao ji and the mid-8th century work Du Huan jingxing
ji; both are contained in the above-mentioned Encyclopaedic [History of] Institutions/
Tongdian by Du You.
Miscellanea/biji are collected notes and writings of individual literati-officials
which were often written and published after retirement. Becoming fashionable
during the Tang dynasty, the biji were usually only privately copied and distributed
among friends.15 One of these early biji is the Records of Things Heard and Seen by
Mr. Feng/Feng shi wenjian ji, completed by Feng Yan in 800. It contains observations
on 8th century military institutions, court life, customs and local sights and the lives
of the famous. Among these is an account of a ballgame between Tibetan emissaries
and Chinese court officials which obviously refers to the Tang variant of a polo
match. We have already met a reference to this text in Wang Zhong’s annotation of
the Tibet chapter of the New Tang History.16 It starts with a general remark on the
history of the game and that the Tang emperors were fond of watching it, followed by
a reference to Tibetan emissaries:
During the Jingyun [reign period, i.e., 710–712; this is probably mistaken for
Jinglong, i.e., 707–710] when Tibet sent its emissaries to meet Princess
Jincheng, [Emperor] Zhongzong granted them at the Liyuan Pavilion to watch
[a match of] polo. The Tibetan Zanduo presented a memorial saying: “In my
delegation there are several good players, please let them compete with the
Han.” The Emperor ordered the Inner Quarters to test them, they made several
matches, and the Tibetans won them all. At that time Xuanzong was the Linzi
Prince and Zhongzong also ordered the Siguo Prince Yong, the Fuma/ Horse
attendants Yang Shenjiao and Wu Yanxiu, these four, to compete with ten
Tibetans.17 (My translation)
15 Starting from the Song dynasty, biji were also often printed.
16 See quotation from Wang Zhong’s work above.
17 See Feng 1985: 74–75.
10 BIANCA HORLEMANN
Furthermore, a few interesting travel accounts by Buddhist monks from the Tang
period have survived. For example, the Song Biographies of Eminent Monks/Song
Gao Seng chuan by Zanning contains biographies of Tang monks who travelled from
China to India or vice versa through Eastern Turkestan to the so-called ‘Western
Regions’. Some of these accounts also include short references to Tibet or Tibetans
met on the way.18 The well-known Record of the Western World [compiled] under
the Great Tang/Da Tang xiyuji narrates Xuanzang’s journey between 629 and 645
from China via Eastern Turkestan to India and back. Although Xuanzang’s travelogue
does not seem to specifically mention Tibet or Tibetans, it gives a vivid description
of Eastern Turkestan during the first half of the 7th century and of the role of Buddhism
in the area bordering on northern Tibet. Paraphrased versions of Xuanzang’s report
have been published by René Grousset in 1929 and by Arthur Waley in 1952. A
translation of Xuanzang’s biography has been published by A. L. Mayer in German
and a [full?] translation is provided by Li Rongxi in The Great Tang Dynasty Record
of the Western Regions.
The Memoir of Wukong’s Journey to India/Wukong ru Zhu ji briefly relates how
the monk Wukong travelled from China to India and back between 751 and 790.
Similar to Xuanzang, he gives an account of the role of Buddhism in Eastern Turkestan
and India although not as detailed and as vivid. Tibet is only mentioned once in
connection with a road leading from Kashmir to Tibet.19
An interesting travel account is provided by the (Korean) monk Huichao 慧超/ 惠
超 called [Huichao’s] Record of Five Indic Countries/[Huichao] wang wu Tianzhuguo
zhuan. It contains 2 short paragraphs on Tibet—apparently hearsay from a Kashmiri
perspective—as well as information on monasteries in the Anxi Protectorate, i.e., in
Kashgar and in Khotan.20 Huichao returned from India, via Turkestan, to China
during the early/ mid-8th century.21 The paragraphs on Tibet are not long, but contain
some interesting details about early Tibet.
Then to the northeast of Jiashimiluo [Kashmir], 15 days travel over mountains,
there are Great Bolü, Yangtong and Suoboci [?]. These three countries are
under Tibetan administration. … They have monasteries and monks and
venerate the Three Jewels. But in the very east towards Tibet, they don’t have
monasteries and don’t know the Dharma. [In] these [three] countries [the
people] are Hu, so they are believers.
In the very east is Tibet. Dwelling in a simple manner between ice and snow
mountains in river valleys, they [the Tibetans] take felt covers to live in and
18 See, for example, the biography of the Indian monk Shanwuwei 善无畏 in Zanning 1987, vol.
1: 17–22.
19 Chavannes 1895:356 and The Memoir of Wukong’s Journey to India/Wukong ru Zhu ji 1996:
123.
20 Forte 1992 studied this text with regard to the Great Cloud monasteries in Turkestan.
21 Huichao arrived at the seat of Anxi Protectorate, i.e., in Kucha, in 727.
TANG DYNASTY (618–907) SOURCES FOR TIBETAN EMPIRE STUDIES 11
have neither city walls nor houses. They resemble the Tujue [Turks] and follow
water and grass. Their king/ruler, although he stays in one place, is without
city (or walls), but (also) takes fabrics and felt covers for his residence. The
territory produces sheep, horses, yak and some sort of rugs and coarse cloth.
The clothes are made of woollen cloth and skins. The women are almost bare/
naked. The land is extremely cold, not like in the other countries. The families
often eat roasted cereals, rarely flat bread or rice. The king and the people
generally don’t know the Dharma and don’t have monasteries. The common
people take what they wear as mats to sleep on and they don’t have bedding.
The people are very dark and the fair skinned are very rare. Their language is
different from all the other countries and they are very fond of eating lice,
because the woollen clothes are full of lice eggs. When they catch them, they
immediately fling them into the mouth and thus they [the lice] are not
discarded.22 (My translation)
All of the works listed above contain direct or indirect references to imperial Tibet
and, in sum, add up to several hundred pages. Much of the information might just
reconfirm what we already know from other sources. However, given the scarcity of
Tibetan primary sources, even snippets of new information might shed more light on
certain historical events and developments in imperial Tibet. These numerous Chinese
sources should, therefore, not be neglected.
22 This text has already been studied by Demiéville 1952, Petech 1977, Stein 1989 and others. A
full translation of Huichao’s travelogue which I have not been able to consult, has been
published by Yang, et al. (ed. and trans.) 1984.
12 BIANCA HORLEMANN
Excursus: Dynastic titles, reign titles and dates during the Tang dynasty
While Chinese dynastic titles were bestowed posthumously, reign titles served as
mottos for reign periods of individual emperors, often denoting political goals such
as ‘Yonghe/Everlasting peace’ or ‘Datong/Great unification’. Until the advent of the
Ming Dynasty (1368–1644) it was not uncommon for Chinese emperors to choose
one or more reign titles, but during the Tang dynasty these changes became
inflationary. For example, Emperor Gaozong (reg. 649–684) changed his reign titles
altogether 14 times and Empress Wu Zhao (de facto reg. 684–705)25 even 19 times.
During the Tang dynasty, reign titles also often had a religious connotation—especially
under Wu Zhao—or were connected to auspicious events.26 For example, the period
from 684 to 685 was named ‘Guangzhai’, alluding to the recovering of Buddha relics
in the Guangzhai quarter of Chang’an,27 and the year 701 had the reign title ‘Dazu/
Big foot’ which referred to the detection of foot imprints near Chengzhou in Henan
allegedly belonging to the Buddha.28 The reign titles could be changed anytime
during the year.
In general, references to exact dates in Chinese primary sources are provided in
the following manner:
Jinglong sannian shiyi yue jiaxu Tufan zanpu qian qi dachen Shangzantu lai
ni nü. 景龙三年十一月甲戌吐蕃赞普遣其大臣尚赞吐来逆女。On Jiaxu
day in the 11th month of the third year of Jinglong (i.e., Dec. 27th, 709): the
Tibetan tsanpu sent his high official Shangzantu to receive the woman [i.e.,
the bride of the tsanpu, Princess Jincheng].29
Modern Chinese text editions or anthologies also often indicate the year of an
event according to the western calendar in brackets, but not so for the month
and day. In order to obtain the exact date according to the western calendar,
conversion tables for the Chinese calendar need to be consulted, such as the
one provided by Kairos at http://www.raymondm.co.uk/Kairos.htm.
In order to use searchable online editions of Chinese historical texts, access to data
bases such as Shutongwen 书同文 at www.unihan.com.cn, Darenwu 大人物 at www.
greatman.com.tw or www.cn-classics.com is required depending on the text. These
usually licensed data bases can often be accessed through major libraries or university
libraries using, for example, Cross Asia Virtual Library at www.crossasia.org or
other providers.
31 Not to be confused with the American Journal called T’ang Studies which has been published
since 1982 with about one issue once a year.
32 See, for example, the Tibetan issues of “Tibetan Studies”, i.e., Bod ljongs zhib ‘jug,
which are not available on CAJ. However, the Chinese issues called Xizang yanjiu,
which differ in content from the Tibetan issues, are accessible online.
33 Many of the listed articles are not relevant because of duplicates, wrong links etc., but when
sifting through the list a considerable number of articles remains and deserves attention.
TANG DYNASTY (618–907) SOURCES FOR TIBETAN EMPIRE STUDIES 15
34 Tang Huisheng has published extensively on petroglyphs and other early cultural relics of the
Qinghai Plateau.
TANG DYNASTY (618–907) SOURCES FOR TIBETAN EMPIRE STUDIES 17
languages according to specific topics. These are general studies on the Tang dynasty
and the majority of them does not specifically deal with Tibet or Sino-Tibetan
relations during the Tang.
35 Chen Jinhua has published extensively on a variety of Buddhism related topics during the Sui
and Tang dynasties.
36 Up-to-date biography of Wu Zetian with useful bibliographic references in the chapter “A Note
on the Sources,” 2008: 215–220.
TANG DYNASTY (618–907) SOURCES FOR TIBETAN EMPIRE STUDIES 19
Role of religion, divination, auspicious signs and astrology during the Tang
Barrett, Timothy: Taoism under the T’ang.
Forte, Antonino:42 Political Propaganda and Ideology in China at the End of
the Seventh Century: Inquiry into the Nature, Authors and Function of the
Tunhuang Document S. 6502, Followed by an Annotated Translation.
37 Focus on (trade) missions. Also lists Sino-Tibetan missions according to different sources.
38 This work is helpful with regard to finding0 the different entries concerning Tibet in the Old
Tang History and by providing translations of these entries.
39 Contains Xuanzang’s (600–664) report of his journey to the west as requested by Emperor Tang
Taizong.
40 Mackerras’ work on the Uighurs during the Tang period is an important contribution to Chinese-
foreign relations and invites comparative perspectives on Sino-Tibetan relations during the
Tang. It seems, however, that Mackerras’ work is mainly based on the Old and New Tang
History and rarely used the other sources listed above.
41 Pan’s work deals with the Turks, Koreans, Nanzhao and Tibet. It provides a good overview on
how and by whom Chinese foreign affairs were handled during the Sui and Tang Dynasties.
42 Forte’s publications on the Tang dynasty are highly recommendable. The main topics of his
research are very specialized, but at the same time he illuminates many important and otherwise
much neglected aspects of religious trends and especially of Buddhist practices both at the court
and among the common people.
20 BIANCA HORLEMANN
Zürcher, Erik: The Buddhist Conquest of China: The Spread and Adaptation
of Buddhism in Early Medieval China.
46 This work deals with the eminent Chinese monk Fazang and his role at Taizong’s and Gaozong’s
courts.
47 On Xuanzang; see n. 38.
48 There are several more works by Birnbaum on Wutaishan during the Tang which I have not
listed here.
49 This book is a case study on patronage of Buddhist cave shrines dating from ca. 500 to 755 in
Longmen, near Luoyang. It contains translations of donor inscriptions and provides insights
into the motivations of donors.
50 An art historic account of an important Chinese clan in Dunhuang which is full of insights for
the historian and tibetologist.
22 BIANCA HORLEMANN
This general overview of western scholarship on Tang China is, of course, not
comprehensive but rather eclectic. My aim for compiling these lists was twofold:
on the one hand, to demonstrate that the scope of western Tang studies is also quite
varied, and on the other, to list mostly those works which might be of interest for
comparative studies for tibetologists.
51 The author traces the Buddhist practice of ‘self-mutilation/ abandoning the body’ from its
beginnings in late 4th century China to the early 20th century with a special focus on Tang China
in chapter 5.
52 Ennin (794–864) was a Japanese monk who arrived in China in 835. He stayed for several years
in a monastery in Yangzhou before he moved on to Wutaishan and from there to Chang’an. He
kept a diligent diary and also reported on the suppression of Buddhist monasticism during the
mid-9th century, Ennin was especially interested in the Tiantai school of Buddhism and in
Tantrism.
TANG DYNASTY (618–907) SOURCES FOR TIBETAN EMPIRE STUDIES 23
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