C1 aay) RE cia pale Ske (The Social Contract) Jean-Jacques Rousseau The Social Pact Lassume that men reach a point where the obstacles to their preservation ina stote of nature prove greater than the strength that each erve himself in that state. Beyond this point, the primitive man has to pr condition cannot endure, for then th ehuman nice will perish if it docs not change its made of existence. Since men cannot create new forces, but merely combine and control thase which already exist, the only way in whieh they can preserve themselves is by uniting their separate powers in a combination strong enough to overcome any resistance, uniting them so that their powers are directed by a single motive and act in concert Such a sum of forces can be produced only by the union of separate men, but as each man's own strength and liberty are the chief instruments of his preservation, how can he erge his with others’ without putting himself in peril and neglecting the care he owes to himself? This difficulty, in terms of my present subject, may be expressed in these words: “How to find a form of association which will defend the perion and goods of each member with the collective farce of all, and under which indivi iti ich each individual, while uniting himself with the others, obeys no672 5 though Perhaps never formally stated, they very! it are everywhere the same, everywhere tacitly admitted and recognized; and if ever the social Pact is violated, every man regains his original rights and, Fecovering his natural freedom, loses that civil freedom for which he exchanged it. These articles of Association, rightly under-stood, are reducible to asingle one, namely the total alienation by each associate of himself and all his rights to the whole community... If, then, we eliminate from the social pact everything that is no essential to it, we find it comes down to this: "Each one of us puts into the community his person and all his powers under the supreme direction of the general will; and as a body, we incorporate every member as an indivisible part of the whole." Immediately, in place of the individual person of each contracting Party, this act of association creates an artifical and corporate body composed of as many members as there are voters in the assembly, and by this same act that body acquires its unity, its common ego, its life and its will, The public person thus farmed by the union of all other persons Was once called the city, and is no known as the republic or the body politic, In its passive role it is called the state, when it plays an active role it is the sovereign; and-when it is compared to others of its own kind, itis a power. Those who are associated in it take collectively the name of a people, and call them-selves individually citizens, in that they share they put themselves under the laws of the state. However, these words are often confused, each being mistaken for another, but the >,— OS eH aE, i how to recogni gssential thing is to know how Ognize them when they an te: y their precise sense. The Sovereign This formula shows that the act of @SSOCiation Consist, reciprocal commitment between society and the individual, iy o person, in making a contract, as it were, with himseip, finds jj doubly committed, first, as a member of the Sovereign body in Tata g individuals, and secondly as a member of the state in Telation 10 the sovercign..... Now, as the sovereign is formed entirely of the individuals wig compose it, it has not, nor coud it have, any interest contrary 10 theirs. and so the sovereign has no need to give guarantees to the Subjects, because it is impossible for a body to wish to hurt all of its members, and, as we shall see, it cannot hurt any particular member. The sovereign aby the mere fact that it is, is always all that it ought to be. : But this is not true of the relation of subject to sovereign. Despite their common interesi, subjects will not be bound by their commitment unless means are found to guarantee their fidelity. For every individual as a man may have a private will contrary or different from, the general will that he has as a citizen. His privat interest may speak with a very different voice from that of the ple interest; his absolute and naturally independent existence may snake i regard what he owes to the common cause as a gratuitous one the loss of which would be less painful off others than the psyme™ Onerous for him; and fancying that the artificial person which ens the state is a mete fictitious entity (since it is not a man(, he might Tie '0 enjoy the-rights of a citizen without doing the duties of 8 me Erowth of this kind of injustice would bring about the ruin of Politic.614 Gh agly) Sit cagatlgaas — Hence, in order that the social pact shall not be an empty formula, it is tacitly implied in that commitment— which alone can given force to _all others— that whoever refuses to obey the general will shall be constrained to do so by the whole body, which means nothing other than that he shall be forced to be free; for this is the necessary condition which, by giving each citizen to the naticn, secures him against all personal dependence, it is the condition which shapes both the design and the working of the political machine, and which alone bestows justice on civil contracts — whithout it, such contracts would be absurd, tyrannical and liable to the gorssest abuse..... Whether the General Will Can Err lt follows from what | have argued that the general will is always rightful and always tends to the public good; but it does not follow that the deliberations of the people are always equally right. We always want what is advantageous to us but we do not always discern it. The people is never corrupted, but it is often mesled; and only then does it seem to will what is bad. There is often a great difference between the will of all [what all individuals want] and the general will; the general will studies only the common interest while the will of all studies private interest, and is indeed no more than the sum of individual desires. But if we take away from these same wills, the pluses and minuses which cancel each other out, the balance which remains is the general will. From the deliberations of a people properly informed, and Provided its members do not have any communication among themselves, the great number of small differences will always produce a general will and the decision will always be good, vut if groups, sectional associations are formed at the expense of the iarger association,675 (1 aaghy) Spit algae — the will of each of these groups will become: general in relation fo its own members and private in relation to the state; we might then say that there are no longer as many votes as there are men but only as many votes as there are groups. The differences become less numerous and yield a result less general Finally, when one of these groups becomes so large that it can outweigh the rest, the result is no longer the sum of many small differences, but one great divisive difference; then there ceases to be a general will, and the opinion which prevails is no more than a private opinion. *676. Ch ta hy) Rg dAS cal gaa — UE Be See. (The Social Bases of Politics) Geciak os Ecnomic Development & Democracy Democracy in a complex Society may be defined as a political - hich i ‘ituti : system wi ie suppl 7 regular constitutional ©pporiunities for changing the governing officials, and a social mechanism which permits the largest possible part of the population to influence major decisi \ jor decisions. by choosing among contenders for political office. Perhaps the most common generalization linking political systems to other aspects of society has been that democracy is related to the state » of economic development. The more well-to-do a nation. the greater the chances that it will sustain democracy. To test this hypothesis concretely, | have used various indices of economic development— wealth, industrialization, urbanization; and education— and computed averages (means) for the countries which have been classified as more or less democratic in the Anglo-Saxon world and Europe, and in Latin America. In each cause, the average wealth, degree of industrialization and urbanization, and level of education is much higher for the more democratic eountries,.... If | had combined Latin America and Europe... the differences would have been even‘greater." ‘The main indices of wealth used are per capita income, number of Persons per olor vehicle and thousands of persons per physician, and the a— (Tau) Mia 677 a phones, and newspapers per thousang ni cof rad - In the more de, The 1 are striking © We ie there are !7 persons per motor wehicle compa, Satie European © the less democratic, In the less dictatorial Latin, he oe pa there are 99 persons per motor vehicle versus 274 Tor the lay a Income differences for. the groups are also sharp, trop = from an average per capita income of S695 for the more demog iy countries of Europe to $308 for the less democratic; the corespong difference for Latin America is from $171 to $119, The ranges gy equally consistent, with the lowest per capita income in each bing falling in the “less democratic” category, and the highest in te, “mo, every score, democratic.” Industrialization, to which indices of wealth are of course Clearly related, is measured by the percentage of employed males in agricuttyr, and the per capita commercially produced “energy” being used in the ‘country (measured in terms of tons of coal per person Per year). both of these show equally consistent results. The average Percentage of employed males working in agricultre and related occupation was 2! jn the "more Democratic" European countries and 41 in the “less democratic"; 52 in the "less dictatorial" Latin-American countries and 67 in the “more dictatorial." The differences in Per capita energy employed are equally large. The degree of urbanization is also related to the existence of democracy. Three different indices of urbanization are available from data compiled by International Urban Research (Berkeley, California): the Percentage of the population in communities of 20,000 and over, the percentage in communities of 100 ,000 and over, and the percentage ‘esiding in standard metropolitan areas. On all three of these indices the ote democratic countries score higher than the less democratic for both ‘ OF the areas under investigation.678 (1 aaly) Sg it are SG sleet. jlerrleied ab ' fo s mish rm ong major factor. which has the political correlate of political..... = Eco iconomic devetopment, producing increased income, greater econom icisecurity, and wide- spread higher education, largely dete mines the form of the “class struggle,’ by. permitting those in the im . = tonger time perspectives and more complex ind be the ideology eek A belief in secular reformist gradualism can evidence for this tes % a relatively Welle ton do lower ¢ class. Striking isimay be found: j in the. Félationship perween, the~~ ~ 690 pattems of — (aay) S08 calpain — ‘ '&€1985 political action in differem counties and the INCOME, a Correlation that is almost other cultural, historical, ational fi ‘ a Startling in view of the many ; ‘ind juridical factors which affect the political jife of nations, , not only are communist parties almost Nonexistent but socialist parties hi never been able to establish themselves as. Major forces, Among the ci next wealthiest countries — New Zesland, Switzerland, Sweden, Kingdom, Denmark, Austratia, Norway, apetherlands— all of whom had a per capi ave ight United Bglgium, Luxembourg and ita income of over $500 a year in 1949 (the last year for which standardized United Nations statistics exist), moderate socialism preduminates as the form of leftist politics, Innone of these countries did the Communists secure more percent than 7 of the vote, and theactual corpmunist party average among them has been about 4 percent. In the eight European countries which were below the $500 per capita income mark in 1949— France, Iceland, Czechoslovakia, Funland, West Germanty, Hungary, Italy and Ausiria— and which have had at least one postwar democratic election in which both communist and noncommunist parties could compete, the Communist party has had more than 16 percent of the vote in six, and an over-all average of more than 20 percent in the eight countries as a group. The two low-income countries in which the Communists are weak— Germany and Austria— have both had direct experience with Soviet occupation. x Leftist extremism has also dominated working-class polities in {wo other European nations which belong to the under $500 per capita income group— Spain and Greece. In, Spain before Franco, anarchism an die socialism were much stronger than moderate socialism; while in Greece, whose per capita income in 1949 was only $ e,a HW oi vats have always been much stronger than the Socialists, i wis a 641 serail parties have secured s large vote in recent years, The inverse relationship between national economic developmen as reflected by per capita income and the strength of Communists and other extremist groups among. Western nations is seemingly Stronger than the correlations between other national variables like ethnic o religious factors, Two of the poorer nations with large Communis, inovements— leclandand Fintand— are Scandinavian and Lutheran, Among the Catholic nations of Europe, all the poor ones except’ Austtig have large Communist or anarchist movements. The two wealthiest Catholic democracies— Belgium and Luxembourg— have few Communists. Though the French and Italian cantons of Switzerland are ¢ strongly affected by thé cultural life of France and Italy, there are almost “ne Communists among the workers in these cantons, living in the wealthiest country in Europe. . ‘The relation Between low per capita wealth and the precipitation > of sufficient discontent to provide the social basis for political extremism is supported by a recent comparative polling survey of the attitudes of citizens of nine countries. Among these countries, feelings of personal security correlated with per capita income (45) and with per capita food supply (55). If satisfaction with one’s country, as measured by Tesponses to the question, "Which country in the world gives you the best chance of living the kind of life you would like to live?* Js used as an-index of ‘2 amount of discontent in a nation, then the refationship with economic wealth is even higher. The study reports a rank order correlation of .74 ‘between per capita income and the degree of satisfaction with one's own country. , : This does not mean that economic hardship or Poverty per se is the main cause of radicalism. There is much evidence ta sustain ther Tr es ww eee a r — {1 aaply) Ses algal = « 082, at sumrent thal stable poverty in a situation i in which individuals are not wosed to the possibiliti ent ibilities of change breeds, if anything, conservatism. F jviduals: whose e ‘ Sammon kina conditions being equal, be ¢ level as themselves Will, other setter off but who ate conservative than people WHO M™a¥ be peter way of life. The Hate . the possibilities of securing 4 aposure to the possibili in the situation would seem to be ne As Laie of a better way of life rather than poverty 5 anal aslo ihe ne perceptive passage. “A house may be large ait social demands for pare houses are equally small it satisfies for a dwelling. 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