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To cite this article: James L. Garrett (2004) Bridging gaps: collaboration between research and operational
organisations, Development in Practice, 14:5, 702-709, DOI: 10.1080/0961452042000239850
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James L. Garrett
The authors
Linda Kelly is an independent practitioner who specialises in community development,
monitoring and evaluation, and gender and aid management. Contact details: 37 North Valley
Road, Park Orchards, 3114, Australia. < paulnichols@onaustralia.com.au > . Patrick Kilby
lectures in programme management and empowerment and rights-based development at the
Australian National University. Contact details: Asia Pacific School of Economics and
Government, Crawford Building, Australian National University, ACT 0200, Australia.
< patrick.kilby@anu.edu.au > . Nalini Kasynathan has taught at University Peredeniya in Sri
Lanka and is currently responsible for managing Oxfam CAA programmes within South and
East Asia. Contact details: Oxfam Community Aid Abroad, 156 George St, Fitzroy, Vic 3065,
Australia. < Nalinik@caa.org.au > .
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James L. Garrett
The gap
Despite the apparent benefits, explicit collaborations between research and operational
organisations are not common. Institutional perceptions throw up barriers to working together.
The roots of the problem may be primarily differences in organisational culture and intellectual
approach (Roper 2002). NGOs may see research organisations as too theoretical, too slow, too
expensive, and ignorant of the Real World. On the other hand, some researchers believe that
NGOs are too ideological, too activist, too ‘quick and dirty’, and generally ignorant of what
it takes to generate reliable information.
These perceptions are too stark to reflect reality, but there are differences between the two
types of organisation. Many of these differences revolve around useful parallels. In broad
strokes, research organisations produce information. Operational organisations use it. Research
institutions analyse policies, evaluate programmes, think in general terms, and usually target
higher-level audiences, such as policy makers, donors, and academics. Operational
organisations work under (and may attempt to change) policies, implement programmes, act
more concretely, and target their programmes to individuals and households. These parallels
can provide important commonalities around which actions can fit and shared interests
emerge.
The most outstanding commonality is information: as users, NGO staff want information
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that is practical, provides concrete, specific answers, and gives clear direction for action. They
seek information that adds value to what they already know. NGO staff often have years of
experience. What does a researcher know that they don’t about project design, implementation,
monitoring, and evaluation of programmes?
As information suppliers, researchers must be able to relate their often general knowledge
to a specific context. Any additional research must focus on the specific situation. The research
community, though, pulls researchers in the opposite direction, asking them to draw general
conclusions from their work.
Collaborators should build on these different perceptions, not attempt to remake the other in
their own image. Ultimately, NGOs have a comparative advantage in terms of knowledge
about the design, implementation, and operation of programmes in the field. Research
organisations have a comparative advantage in methods to produce, analyse, publish, and
disseminate information produced by rigorous processes. Researchers can often raise key
questions about programme operation, while implementing organisations often focus almost
exclusively on specific management and reporting issues. For instance, when CARE staff in
Bangladesh identified questions for research, they highlighted personnel and reporting
requirements, not ‘higher-level’ issues of potential design changes to improve impact.
important. Cash-strapped country offices are not likely to support research that generates
‘general knowledge’ (rather than information relevant to a specific project), unless it is for a
new programme area. In addition, country funds are often only for operational purposes. An
NGO’s head office, however, is usually more interested in gleaning lessons applicable across
countries and may be able to assist.
Cross-project synergies can open up possibilities for funding and knowledge generation. For
studies of community-driven development in Madagascar and Zambia, for instance, IFPRI
leveraged funds from a World Bank project looking at the same topic while CARE
headquarters, regional offices, and country missions added their own funds to the pool.
Synergies also arise as the research organisation brings to bear knowledge generated by other
projects. For example, recently completed research from other IFPRI studies on public works
in South Africa shed light on CARE’s experiences with food-for-work (FFW) programmes in
Ethiopia and Peru.
Knowledge gaps
Head office advisers were aware that country offices had limited experience with city-based
programmes or had not yet documented their urban experiences. IFPRI had recently completed
a comprehensive literature review on urban issues. IFPRI and CARE could then match
knowledge needs with knowledge availability and identify gaps to be addressed.
Entry points
Operational organisations often follow a specific project cycle in carrying out programming:
consultation, assessment, formulation and design, implementation, operation, monitoring, and
evaluation. This cycle can provide strategic points of entry for the research, with research
supporting each stage as needed. For instance, in Mozambique and Tanzania IFPRI joined
CARE teams in the diagnostic phase to plan and carry out rapid livelihood security
assessments. In Bangladesh, IFPRI worked with CARE staff to strengthen monitoring and
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evaluation methodologies and train them in field techniques. CARE staff have now adopted
many of these tools for work in other cities, which they carry out themselves.
One danger is that commissioned research will be disembodied, especially when demand
originates in headquarters and not in the country office. Country-level staff may not see how
the research fits and supports their work and view it as an additional burden. To reduce the
burden and promote ownership, IFPRI took advantage of the project cycle to tie research more
closely with project activities and build incrementally on previously planned research and
evaluation. For example, the CARE urban livelihoods programme in Bangladesh needed to
conduct a baseline survey; researchers modified modules in this survey to include data useful
for a number of other studies, including the dynamics of urban livelihoods and the social status
of women.
Dissemination
For a research organisation, dissemination of knowledge is a primary mission. With the
proliferation of information technologies even in developing countries, postings to the
websites of headquarters, country offices, or projects can disseminate information to multiple
audiences (although fairly passively) at relatively low cost. More actively, research from the
collaboration, produced in-house in a number of formats, reaches a variety of audiences
through IFPRI’s extensive mailing list.
Though these general guidelines are fairly concrete, the ‘softer’ aspects of institutional and
interpersonal relations are often the fundamental determinants of success or failure. In the end,
researchers have to think hard about soft things, like personal relations, organisational
missions, and management. These are not skills that come easily to those used to working
independently on research issues they have chosen. Personalities and cultures that mesh or
conflict can make or break the relationship. Flexibility and awareness of the need for
continuous contact and mutual education over time as players and institutional perspectives
change are essential.
Roper (2002) suggests that the organisations need to ‘learn how to learn together’. By
listening with respect and communicating openly and honestly, an organisation can
understand how and why the other does certain things in a certain way. Each can grow to
appreciate the focus of and constraints upon the other. In most cases, this means working
within pre-established structures, standard operating procedures, and conceptual frameworks.
The organisations can then work within those parameters to shape useful processes and
outputs.
Bumpy bridges
The discussion so far makes collaboration seem almost easy. Yet, despite best efforts, attempts
to construct bridges between the two types of organisation are often quite bumpy experiences.
From a researcher’s perspective, chief causes include:
NGOs seldom need information of academic quality, in part because they work in a world
where the academic assumptions of ‘all other things being constant’ do not hold.
Consequently, they are less appreciative and less willing to support academic-level rigour in
terms of money or time. Findings from a few quickly formed focus groups or from more
careful ethnographic research both produce words. Data from a poorly drawn sample or a
carefully drawn one both produce numbers. To many NGO staff the difference in results (or
quality) produced by these contrasting methods is not clear, provided ‘expert consultants’ have
generated them both.
Explaining the concept of quality in data and the importance of methodological rigour is
difficult but necessary. The researcher must be able to show how more and less rigorous
processes affect the confidence the organisation can place in the results of the study, and
therefore the confidence it can place in its actions. At the same time, the researcher must be
careful to weigh precision against need. The additional rigour may not, in fact, be necessary.
An NGO may be satisfied with being confident that 90 per cent of the time the true value is
within 10 percentage points, while academic standards would require 95 per cent confidence.
In qualitative work, a reasonable, if not academically rigorous, selection of groups to interview
may give sufficient insight into community relations to know what the primary problems are,
or whether or not an approach will work. Appreciation of the needs of the other can allow for
compromises that meet the needs of both researchers and NGO staff.
place in USAID’s Title II-funded programmes, but in Bangladesh a new and particularly
unenthusiastic country director arrived just at the time of the initial funding submission. He
questioned any investment in urban issues, particularly research, although this was only a
small part of the overall proposal. After CARE staff took him to see the deprivation found in
urban slums, he changed his mind and supported the work.
One major lesson from these experiences is that the researcher must constantly work with
the project supervisors, staff, organisational management, and donors to ensure broad support
for the research, to create the capacity among stakeholders to see the benefits of such research,
and ultimately use the data and findings. This is often not an easy task.
NGO staff seldom have training in how to apply conceptual models or general knowledge
to their specific situation, or in the use of analytic skills and tools. Instead, they see the money
spent on research as funds that could be used for direct programme support and data as simply
fulfilling reporting requirements. In fact, research represents an investment in improving the
project, and data are the stock of information needed to do that.
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Building the analytical, conceptual, and data management capacities of staff (without
transforming the NGO into a research organisation) is essential to increase the NGO’s sense
of ownership and usefulness of research. On the analytical and conceptual side, effective
collaboration requires that the NGO identify a project contact who ‘buys into’ the research,
who champions it, and who can identify useful outputs. This person should be able to think
‘beyond the project’—that is, understand the value of sharing experiences with others beyond
project staff and of generating information on issues beyond day-to-day operations (such as
studies on governance systems or validation of indicators). This person is usually the project
manager but could be another trusted staff person or intermediary.
On the data management side, staff should learn to access and analyse the data to answer
specific questions about project design and management, thereby continuing to increase
project effectiveness even after the final report has been delivered. In all cases, the research
organisation must be sure to provide information in usable, understandable formats (such as
briefs, presentations, and newsletters).
Whereas the management may previously have balked at paying ‘high’ costs for a one-off
information-gathering exercise, with increased capacity the organisation begins to see the
advantage of commissioning high-quality data-gathering exercises. The costs of producing high-
quality information become more reasonable with continued use of the data. Understanding,
rather than criticising, the organisation’s lack of research orientation leads to a sharpening of the
contributions that both an operational and a research organisation can make.
Reference
Roper, Laura (2002) ‘Achieving successful academic–practitioner research collaborations’,
Development in Practice 12(3&4):338–345.
The author
James Garrett is a Research Fellow at the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI),
where he leads a research programme on urban livelihoods and urban food and nutrition
security. Since 1997, he has worked extensively with CARE on urban programming issues.
Contact details: International Food Policy Research Institute, 2033 K Street, NW, Washington,
DC 20006, USA. < j.garrett@cgiar.org > .
DOI: 10.1080/0961452042000239850
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