Buku Orang Rimba AP in English - Revisi

The True Custodian of The Forest:
Alternative Strategies and Actions in

Social Movement Against Hegemony by Orang Rimba of
Jambi, Sumatra
Adi Prasetijo
i

Alternative Strategies and Actions in
Social Movement Against Hegemony by Orang Rimba of
Jambi, Sumatra
Adi Prasetijo
First published Juni 2015
Cover design:
Layout: Nuridin
Published by
ICSD
(Indonesia Center for Sustainable Development)
Jln. Mampang Prapatan VIII,
Kompleks Bappenas No. 53,
Jakarta Selatan 12790
Phone. 62 21 7989548, 70627506, Fax. 62 21 7989548
E-mail. info@icsd.or.id, icsd.forum@yahoo.com
Website. www.icsd.or.id
and
KKI WARSI
(Komunitas Konservasi Indonesia WARSI)
Jl. Inu Kertapati No. 12,
Kel. Pematang Sulur, Kec. Telanaipura
Jambi 36124 PO BOX 117 Jbi
Phone. 0741 66695, 66678 Fax. 0741 670509
Website. www.warsi.or.id
Copyright ICSD, 2015
Hak cipta dilindungi undang-undang

All rights reserved
ISBN 978-602-71441-1-8
ii
CONTENTS
TABLES OF CONTENTS ~ iii

ACKNOWLEDGMENT ~v
LIST OF TABLES ~ viii
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION ~1
CHAPTER 2
STRUCTURE LOCALITY OF THE ORANG RIMBA AS AN
ETHNIC MINORITY IN JAMBI ~ 39
CHAPTER 3
NOTIONS OF RIGHTS BY THE ORANG RIMBA ~ 65
CHAPTER 4
RESPONSES IN ENCOUNTERING HEGEMONY ~ 113
CHAPTER 5
SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATEMENT OF THE RIGHTS OF THE
ORANG RIMBA ~ 143
CHAPTER 6
THE SOCIAL PLATFORM UNDERLYING
SOCIAL MOVEMENT ~ 163
CHAPTER 7
CONCLUSION ~ 199
REFERENCES ~ 205
iii
LIST OF TABLES
Table 2.1 Jambi Population Based on Ethnic Group ~ 40
Table 2.2 Orang Rima Population ~ 41
iv
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
I
would like to express my gratitude to Almighty God for the
opportunity to get a better education. With His blessing I can also
finish writing this book in a timely manner. I would like to thank
my supervisor, Assoc. Prof. Dato' Dr. Mohd. Razha Abd. Rashid. He has
guided me well, with good guidance and clear direction. I will miss the
discussions with him about anthropology, Marxist theory, Gramsci and
ethnology. I learned a lot from him. I would also like to thank my second
supervisor, Dr. Fatan Hamamah Yahaya. She has supported me a lot
during my time in USM. My gratitude is also due to Puan Soijah Likin
for introducing me to USM and the amazing people in Penang. And also
to my friend of Orang Rimba and WARSI in Jambi for all the support,
and my office, ICSD (Indonesia Center for Sustainable Development).
Thanks also to the School of Distance Education Faculty staff and
universities, as well as the IPS, many of whom supported me during my
stay in Penang. And last all my gratitude to my dear wife “Nina Ulfah N.
Gaffar”, who accompanied me in joy and sorrow. I am aware this book is
the beginning of my journey to become better. Thank you
v
vi
Introduction
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
“Jika halom nio la putih galo, kiamat la tibo”,

Tumenggung Tarib
(If nature has bleached all, this is a period marking that
the end of the world will come)
T
he Orang Rimba who settled live in the lowland rainforest of
Southern Sumatra, mostly living in the Jambi Province of
Indonesia, and are the minority ethnics1 left in Asia which
subsist as hunter-gatherers. The Orang Rimba have suffered much
marginalization by the rulers and marginalization of ethnic minorities
has impacted in the declining quality of their lives. Reflecting on the
ethnic group cases in Southeast Asia, Sponsel (2000) emphasized that
the extinction of ethnic minority groups was caused by marginalization.
He acknowledged that the disregarding of the rights of ethnic minorities
by the state and community groups and the destruction of the ecological
environment of their habitats will drive them into extinction. He believed
that the destruction of the ecological environment was the main threat
1. Louis Wirth (1945, p. 347) defines minority group as group of people distinguished by physical or
cultural characteristics subject to different and unequal treatment by the society in which they live
and who regard themselves as victims of collective discrimination.
1
that the ethnic minority groups have to face to survive. The destruction
and change of land usage is due to a variety of reasons: for transmigration
area, oil palm plantations, conservation purposes, for a national park
logging area, privately owned plantations, etc.
Historically the forest of Jambi, and the people within it has always
been part of wider cosmology, cultural and political. The rain forest of
Jambi, like other rain forest in the region is undergoing transformation
from it being part of ‘common property’ to become ‘source’ of variety of
commodities, raging from animal to timer and pharmaceuticals.
Hence, the forest or ‘rimba’ or ‘hutan’, from the central elements
that modulate the social, cultural, and political life of Orang Rimba. It is
the sources of their sustainance as it defines the parameters of their social
and cultural world. In short, their ethnicity and their history. However,
the forest in by means an independent entity.
The situation worsens for ethnic minorities who do not receive
adequate support from the state. They are losing their cultural ethnic
identity because the cultural identity of ethnic minority groups in
Indonesia, as well as in Southeast Asia, is attached to the geographical
landscape and the ecosystem. If the ecosystem of the ethnic minority
habitat is disturbed, it will affect the lives of those groups. As a subordinate
group, the Orang Rimba suffered injustice by being classed in the low
social structure of society. They are often confined by repression imposed
by the state and corporations alike.
The problems of ethnic minorities mostly have to do with issues
of sustainability, often rendered in academic and discussion along theme
of demographic issues, cultural continuity and the structural locality
of the group within the modern political structure. A significant part
of Orang Rimba history can be described as indigenism, expressed
in the notion of ‘right’ to basic needs, to equitable. Treatment in the
bureaucratic administrative framework of the modern state, right to voice
their grievance and appreatiation and right to be recognised as cultural
heritage asset within the cultural plurality of modern Indonesia.
As in all cases within modern notion suppressed minorities, the
fundamental issue has always been the problem of recognition of their
2
Introduction
rights by the state power. Expression of their right is often articulated in

the form of social action based on the shared understanding of cultural-
ethnic distinctiveness within the specific environment of the rain forest.
This expression of Orang Rimba, ‘ethnically’, has always been a major
theme of their history.
However, the Orang Rimba’s ethnicity within contemporary
history (in modern Indonesia) draws on two fundamental issues: first
the awareness of their relative position as underdog by the oppressive
political structure of the state and its apparatus (including corporation)
and, second, the awareness of their history as an independent cultural
group that wants and needs to preserve its cultural heritage as part of the
cultural plurality of modern Indonesia.
The cultural ecology of the Orang Kubu, or currently the more
contemporary Orang Rimba, is contained within the dynamics of a
complex dialectic of culture and forest, whose identity is defined by the
cultural domain borne out the their abode – the Rimba, the forest, hence,
“Orang Rimba”, literally “Forest People”. Undoubtedly the forests form
an integral part of their culture infused within as told in their myth,
folklore, songs and poetry.
This book will deal with the intricate relation between the cultural
continuity and the location of the group in the modern political structure
that forms part of the dynamic of the cultural ecology of Orang Rimba
modulated by the condition of the forest. This study will discuss the
actual position and social status of the Orang Rimba in the political
structure of modern Indonesia. Indonesian modern political change
requires adjustment. The Orang Rimba would have to adjust their
positions to the new political structure. The problem of ethnicity in this
sense is adjustment of the structural location of the community within
the changing state.
As such it is, the challenge to balance the forest (rimba)-ethnicity
equation, responsive action in the form of concerted and organised and
well articulated alternative action with the assistance of outside ‘agency’
(in Giddens term) constitute the sub-text of articulation alternative
hegemony.
3
Thus, putting the whole complex interrelatedness of forest and

people as saying in simple term is ‘if the forest goes the Orang Rimba
goes’. This thesis dwells on this truism as theme by way of exploring the
extend to which the Orang Rimba empathize with this impending change
as onslaught onto their identity and future their well-being.
The thesis analyses the social movement that was conducted
by the Orang Rimba by using Social Banditry by Eric Hobsbawm and
Gramsci’s theoretical framework, which analyses hegemony in terms of
indigenous people movement. This thesis argued that the Orang Rimba
are undergoing a process of evolution in their social movements. The
previous actions by the Orang Rimba were considered as criminal and
without a clear purpose, they have now moved toward organized social
movements with clear aims. I argue that the actions recognized by
the state as criminal could actually be categorized as social banditry.
Furthermore, according to Hobsbawm, social banditry is an embryonic
model of social movement. From the perspective of the Orang Rimba,
action to oppose to the state and society is counter to the traditions that
have passed from generation to generation.
Social movement in this case is seen as an alternative hegemony
to create a new social platform to fight the hegemony practiced by the
state. The thesis applies the hegemony and counter hegemony approach
to create a model to explain the social movement of the Orang Rimba.
The involvement of NGOs in the social movement of the Orang Rimba
is obvious. They assist the Orang Rimba to move to a different type of
movement, which is more organized and has clear vision. In order to
understand the involvement of NGOs, I use Eric Wolf’s (1969) hypothesis
in “Peasant Wars in Twenty Centuries” which rationalizes that social
movement needs external assistance from a different social class. In this
case, Orang Rimba needs external assistance to support them in locating
their position in the modern political structure of Indonesia.
This study is guided by the main question, which is to
systematically discuss the social and cultural consequences experienced
by the Orang Rimba whose lives have always been under pressure. They
have always been in a disadvantaged position within the social structure
4
Introduction
of modern society, which has a historical heritage since the era of the
Malay Jambi Sultanate and the Dutch East Indies colonial era. This
long process is what made the Orang Rimba helpless in confronting the
injustice they are experiencing.
They are in a transition position because they do not have the
power to elevate their role within the society of Jambi. Therefore, they
do not have strong social status within the social structure of the Jambi
People. As an ethnographic research, this study is necessary for it will
provide an analysis of the social changes experienced by the Orang
Rimba as an ethnic minority to locate their position in the modern
political structure at the local level and Indonesian context.
The relationship between the Orang Rimba and the people of
Jambi and the state can be viewed through an asymmetric or uneven
social relationship because the Orang Rimba are always at the bottom
position. A social relation is understood as a social relation based on
the economic position and social status. The relationship between those
social classes is actually a relationship between the ruling class and the
sub-ordinate class. The sub-ordinate class is always in a position under
the domination of the ruling class. They are always being marginalized
and their resources and labour exploited by the ruling class for the benefit
of the ruling class.
This condition strains and alienates the sub-ordinate class and
they are considered to be unaware of this condition. Instead, they have
undergone a hegemony process in which the ruling class entrenched a
superficial consciousness about their condition so that they would not
demand their rights. This requires someone to raise their consciousness
and help them to create a resistance. The collective action of the Orang
Rimba as indigenous people can be viewed within the social movement
perspective to create alternative hegemony as a social platform of the
hegemony itself.
The focus of this study is to observe the form of action in the
social movement of the Orang Rimba. This involves the spirit of self-
determination of the Orang Rimba and the ways the Orang Rimba
expresses themselves. This is done to gain a position or status within
5
the political structure of the Jambi society. This includes their actions to
strengthen their cultural identity, their effort to survive economically and
the role of outsiders in supporting the action of the Orang Rimba against
the state. This action needs external assistance to raise consciousness
about the marginalization process that is happening to them, which
Gramsci termed as organic intellectual. This debate relates to the role of
NGOs as an external party in helping to raise consciousness and support
of the Orang Rimba to alternative hegemony.
This book was based on my doctoral research was conducted in
the Province of Jambi, Indonesia, where the Orang Rimba lives. Most of
the Orang Rimba live in the province of Jambi, Riau and South Sumatra.
Jambi is considered to be the place with the largest Orang Rimba
population in Sumatra. The Orang Rimba living in Jambi are scattered in
three different ecological regions; (1) lowland forest areas surrounding
the Bukit 12 National Park, (2) the south region of the province of Jambi,
which is located in the area surrounding the highway that cuts through
the Jambi Province of South Sumatra Province to the West Sumatra
Province - Jambi Province border region & South Sumatra, and (3) the
northern region around Bukit 30 National Park - the border area between
the provinces of Jambi and Riau. Each group of the Orang Rimba living
in the area has a different ecological character and lifestyle, which highly
depends on the characteristics of the region where they are located.
Bukit 12 National Park is a geographic centre with the largest
concentration of the Orang Rimba living in the same landscape. This is
different compared to the conditions of the Orang Rimba in the south of
Jambi province where they live in separate places. Therefore, Sandbukt
and WARSI (1998, p. 16) stated that Bukit 12 National Park is the cultural
centre of the Orang Rimba. The Orang Rimba in Bukit 12 National
Park also maintain their social system and culture as a coherent whole,
which refers to the world of conceptual cosmology supported by legal
and political structures that emphasizes the separation and autonomy
tradition of the Orang Rimba. The separation and autonomy tradition of
the Orang Rimba in Bukit 12 National Park implies the maintenance of
cultural identity of the group.
6
Figure 1.1 Orang Rimba Location in Jambi
7
Introduction
Source: Consolidated from WARSI (2008)

In this ethnographic study, I focus on groups of the Orang Rimba

that exist in west part of Bukit 12 National Park and the south region of
the province of Jambi where each group has its own uniqueness. There
are similarities between those groups in two different sites and there
are differences in the characters that distinguish them. Furthermore, I
have interviewed and conducted discussions with informants in Jambi
in order to discover the local government’s perspectives in dealing with
indigenous people and groups like the Orang Rimba, NGO activists,
local Malay Jambi leaders, and others.
Research methodology and data collection process into three main
parts, as follow: (1) Ethno-historical research, which is contain analyse
historical data and ethnological studies. Textual and contextual analysis
of historical documents using content analysis i.e. information and data
rendered narratives as well as peasant movements specific action was
given to historical documents, books, articles and notations by early
Dutch visitors and contemporary reports, and articles by local scholars.
This method was used to locate the underlying social historical events and
episodes that have lead to marginality and peripherality of Orang Rimba.
And (2) contemporary policy analysis, which is contain direct interviews
and the results of interviews conducted by other, as well as written
column within local and national newspapers, speeches, NGO report,
and government reports in thematic study were done. This method was
used to analyse the factors that influence the position of the Orang Rimba
within modern contemporary Indonesia state, and the notions of right by
the Orang Rimba towards the marginalization circumstances. And then
(3) ethnographic methods consist ethnomethodology and participant
observation. The ethnographic method was used to analyse the actions of
the Orang Rimba as an alternative hegemony to the hegemony imposed
by the state.
My experience working with the Orang Rimba for three years
(1997-2000) for an international NGO has improved my understanding
towards the group and that has also allowed me to easily interact and
enter the community. In 2002, I returned to Jambi for several months
to conduct my research for my Masters. I have used my experience of
8
Introduction
interacting with them as the background of the basic life story data on
the interaction with outsiders, and how outsiders view them as Orang
Rimba. Literature study and interviews with the government (Ministry
of Social Affairs and Ministry of Forestry) in Jakarta were done in 2011.
I returned several times to have discussion with the NGOs in Jakarta
(AMAN) and Jambi (WARSI, etc.), and in 2012 I returned for a couple
of months for the purposes of this research.
Ethnomethodological method was applied also to capture
the dynamic life of the Orang Rimba, particularly the process of
marginalization they faced and their reaction to this process. More than
simply capturing the Orang Rimba as ‘exotic impression’, Clifford
(1988) said, my focused on to capturing the dynamics of life dilemmas,
intrigues and conflicts that took place and expressed by the Orang Rimba
themselves regarding their aspiration, expectation and their planned
action.
Primary data collection or the methods of data collection used
observation, participant observation and in-depth interviews. I have
collected data both from the Orang Rimba and the non-Orang Rimba
(others). I have visited and stayed with some groups of people for a couple
of months to gain information about the culture of the Orang Rimba and
observe the interaction between them and outsiders. Primary data also
comes from my involvement with them as NGO project staff. Efforts are
made at to capture in-depth description as represented the Orang Rimba
themselves through the specific local concepts pertaining to anticipated
and appropriate actions, which is considered the most accurate from the
outset over a certain time (Barfield & Barfield, 1997, p. 156).
For this purpose several key figures of the Orang Rimba and non-
Orang Rimba were identified and intensively interviewed on a period
of one year. The key Orang Rimba informants included key leaders of
groups and informants of various backgrounds involved in the issue. The
key non-Orang Rimba informants included NGOs activists, project staff,
the government (represented by the Ministry of Social Affairs), the sub-
district government, the leaders of traditional Malay communities and
several informal leaders of the Malay and other communities.
9
The method of participant observation was based on Denzin

and Lincoln (1994, p. 2) method which also focused on the actions of
individuals of the member group in social interaction, over specific
events and episodes in actual encounters between Orang Rimba leaders
and the respective agencies and department. On another level, I engaged
in daily activities of by the Orang Rimba that were related to their
social interaction with other ethnic groups. The research encompasses a
variety of empirical data collection of case studies, personal experience,
introspection, life notes (life story), interviews, observation, history,
interaction and photographs that describe the routine.
The secondary data was also gained from the sources of literatures
concerning the life of the Orang Rimba, government policy and reports
on indigenous people, the NGO reports and minutes of meeting and
discussion between the Orang Rimba and NGOs, as well as additional
data from newspaper clippings and magazines about the existence of
the Orang Rimba. I collected and analysed all the data obtained and it
provides strong support to the data obtained in the field.
Social Movement as Process of Indigenism.
The Marxian tradition’s point of view sees the social movement

as a social class resistance process between the ruling class and the
subordinate class. The subordinate class is always at the lower position
and under pressure in such a way. Resistance action comes from the
subordinate class because marginalization or domination process always
brings out acts of resistance towards the ruling class (Wolf, 2001). The
question is what kind of action can the hunter-gatherer group such as
Orang Rimba takes to construct their social position so that they have the
power to influence the social structure of the Jambi people.
Wolf (in Hobsbawm, 1959, p. xi) argued that it is resistance of a
modern social movement that is capable of making a change. A modern
social movement is characterized by having an orderly organization,
clear objective vision for the future, and systematic and organized
actions. The question is whether the social movement of t the hunter-
10
Introduction
gatherer group can be categorized as a systematic social movement or

merely just a criminal act. This is important because the main purpose of
this social movement is to return the subordinate or subaltern class to
an equal position with other groups. Criminal acts are considered unable
to change society’s social structure; on the contrary, it could cause some
kind of antipathy of the people towards the movement (Hobsbawm,
1959) .
Hobsbawm (1959), in his book “Primitive Rebels,” stated that
there is always social movement in the history of the world. History
shows that a social movement always finds its own form. In ancient
and medieval times, there was the struggle against slavery, revolt of
the peasants and the emergence of the teachings of liberation while in
modern times, since the late eighteenth century, working class resistance,
ethnic equality struggle and the struggle of the oppressed class have
emerged as social movements. There has been a shift or change in the
social movement. They do not regard the primitive social movement as
a social movement that has meaning and benefits to the revolution. They
believe that revolution can be achieved if a social movement is done in
a modern way.
The requirements, according to Wolf (1969), are organization
movement, strong leadership and myth as the struggling ideology. Thus,
when talking about social movements, one will refer to a massive and
organized movement and not make provision for such a social movement
explanation as that proposed by Hobsbawm, i.e. social banditry. Social
movement such as social banditry is considered not to contribute to the
revolution.
However the opposite happens. Eric Hobsbawm (1959) was able
to show that the social movement known as social banditry - claimed
to be sporadic, criminal, not organized or ideological - is also able to
find its own pattern and have the same vision. He illustrated cases of
some organized crime, such as the mafia and the millenarian movement,
in which they might not to be viewed merely as a crime movement or
social stability troublemakers but be seen as a part of social movement.
According to him, the actions categorized as a social banditry already
11
meet the requirements to be called a social movement. He gives an

example that the actions conducted by the mafia or peasant rebels are
not purely a crime but rather an act of frustration and resistance to the
government and the ruling class regarding the existing situation. Such
actions also have a fixed pattern and, according to him, have the same
vision, although are not well organized.
The Marxian tradition believes that the sub-ordinate class be
made conscious of their rights. In the Marxian tradition, the ethnic
minority group, such as hunter-gatherer groups like the Orang Rimba,
is considered as a primitive community, such as the peasant social class;
they are the people who are extremely loyal to the bourgeois class, hence
that it is very challenging to make them conscious of the real situation.
Slightly different to the active working class, it is very difficult to make
this social class aware of the fact that they have to fight the injustice they
are suffering. The false consciousness that has been embedded in them
and their dependence on the land that is now dominated by landowners
restrains them from voicing their thoughts. According to Marx (in
Lukacs, 1979), it is almost impossible for this kind of people to be made
conscious of their rights.
However, Gramsci had a different opinion. He thought that the
methods that Lenin utilized could not be put into practice with this
group of people (peasants) because they were not just being pressured
physically, but also socially ideologically or by hegemony. For that
reason, alternative hegemony as counter hegemony needs to be created.
Gramsci (1971) explained the role of the organic intellectual that does
that job as part of the civil society – non-governmental, in creating
alternative hegemony.
Gramsci said that each class has its own intellectuals. Then, in
cases of social movement of indigenous people such as the hunter-gatherer
group of Orang Rimba, who is the organic intellectual as described by
Gramsci? What Gramsci meant by organic intellectuals does not refer to
academics, but to those who have the ability to raise consciousness to
their class and organize the masses to resist the ruling class. That is why
it is particularly essential to understand the function and role of organic
12
Introduction
intellectuals in helping the struggle of the Orang Rimba to gain a better

social position and status within society. It is also necessary to observe
the form of the alternative hegemony that the Orang Rimba took towards
the ruling class.
Indigenism itself can actually be interpreted as an ideology that
is associated with all that is related to the indigenous people. Indeed
there is no standard that defines indegenism singly. Rida Ramos (Ramos,
1998) using terminology of indigenism in the context of Indian politics
in Brazil, where she saw that Indian people is marginal that they do
not get a decent place nationally. To overcome these problems, it was
necessary political breakthrough by Indian groups to be actively involved
in practical politics. Indigenism in view of Ramos, more refers to how
indigenous people movements are done in organized, focused, and
complementary - in the political, social, cultural, and economic matters.
Although not necessarily all of it must be done by indigenous people.
Indigenism was a movement that involves all people. She focuses on the
direction of movement that refers to the interests of indigenous people
assign importance to the state and society.
However, mostly the indigenous people movement will refer
to self-determination action to stress their basic right that have been
oppressed by the state. Schulte-Tenckhoff (2012) said self-determination
as mostly seen by indigenous people as a way to address the issue
of injustice that they experienced before. Self-determination will be
acted in several models of varying movement since the 70's, i.e. fight
through physical contact movement openly against the State and other
groups that are considered as representative of the ruling class, then the
indigenous people constitutional movement through practical politics,
then and self-determination cultural movement demanding freedom
culture expression.
Issues they stand well varied also. Starting from demanding the
basic of human rights as indigenous people who had been ignored by the
state, including economic, social, political, and cultural right. Then the
struggle insisted natural resources or their land that had been taken from
their ownership. In certain cases they also claim compensation from what
13
has been taken by the state of them. More important than that is also the
right to regulate of their own lives based on their own culture, which has
always been mostly opposing with the rules of the state.
Afterwards all of the movement refers to anyone who deserves to
be called as “indigenous people”. Some scholar has ended the discussion
on this topic. The discussion is base on what the real indigenous people
movement pursued and addressed. Some scholars question the drive of
the movement to get special privileges as indigenous people compared
to the other groups. Opposed, some say that it is accepted they get
privileges that they are not only indigenous people, as the “first people”
but also for the historical process does not support them. They are widely
experienced colonization and misappropriation process for their rights.
In other hand, some also see that the indigenous people movement is not
a pure act of action the right of self-determination, but some things that
are looking for a practical advantage by bringing indigenous people label
(Niezen, 2003) (Dove, 2006; Kenrick & Source, 2004).
Indigenous people movement itself according Niezen (2003)
actually is a global phenomenon that is well recognized by international
organizations, the UN, and developed countries to well contribute
to involved. They use indigenous people issues to entrance in their
own interests in a global world. In this case, indigenous people issue
is attractive matter that became the talk world issues to the global
community.
Discussions concerning Indigenous People arose in 1989 when
the ILO (International Labour Organization) issued Convention ILO No.
169 as an international instrument that called on countries in the world
to fulfil the indigenous people’s social, economic and cultural rights
based on respect for their cultural identity (ILO, 2009). Previously, the
state always used assimilation and a repressive approach to handle such
groups, but the ILO Convention 169 advised the ILO member countries
to develop new approaches based on respecting the IP rights of the group
as an independent cultural entity.
14
Introduction
The ILO convention 169 formulated the definition of Indigenous

People as follows:
“Those people having an historical continuity with pre-invasion
and pre-colonial societies, consider themselves distinct from
other sectors of the societies now prevailing in those territories
or parts of them. They form at present non-dominant sectors of
society and are determined to preserve, develop and transmit to
future generations, their ancestral territories, and their ethnic
identity, as the basis of their continued existence as peoples in
accordance with their own cultural patterns, social institutions,
and legal systems"(ILO, 2009)2.
In 1992, the UNSD (United Nations for the Sustainable
Developments) conducted the Conference on Environment &
Development and issued Agenda 21 in Rio de Jenerio, Brazil. The
goal of Agenda 21 was to strengthen the commitment and formulate
a framework for human development and the environment (Sitarz,
1993).
One important result of Agenda 21 was a statement that the
state must recognize and fulfil the rights of the Indigenous People. The
awareness of the state’s requirement to fulfil the rights of indigenous
people gained strength in Agenda 21. The rights of indigenous people are
basically defined as their social and cultural rights, including the value,
tradition, the land and their natural resource management. In addition,
Agenda 21 also stated that the state should strengthen and engage the
indigenous people group in the development program according to their
cultural identity.
In 2007, the UN finally declared the United Nation Declaration
on The Rights of Indigenous People (Nations & Rights, 2008). The
declaration emphasized that the state should recognize and respect the
rights of the group, especially regarding the right to the lands, territories
and natural resources.
2. Currently there are 22 countries that have ratified it. Indonesia has not ratified yet the ILO convention
169.
15
“Recognizing the urgent need to respect and promote the

inherent rights of indigenous peoples which derive from their
political, economic and social structures and from their cultures,
spiritual traditions, histories and philosophies, especially
their rights to their lands, territories and resources,”(Nations
& Rights, 2008).
This declaration means that the state must recognize, respect and
protect the rights of Indigenous People, such as economic rights which
means being able to work with their natural resources, social rights
which means being able to live within their cultural values and traditions,
and cultural rights which means living with their own cultural identity
(Henley & Davidson, 2010; Schulte-Tenckhoff, 2012). Hence, the state
is also obliged to fulfil the right of free will or freedom of Indigenous
People to voice their right as other citizens.
Although the UN and transnational agencies gave considerable
attention to Indigenous People, the problem faced by Indigenous People
from year to year remains the same: the issue of self-determination. The
state is still reluctant to provide the recognition and rights that belong
to them. They pursue recognition that the colonialists and state have
marginalized them in the past, and they want to rule themselves. They
want their ancestral land and to develop, their own economy, society
and cultural identity. The cause of most conflict between the Indigenous
People and the state is that of natural resource management, the relation
between the economy and the environment (Hall & Patrinos, 2012). The
interests and goals of state and corporation always overcome indigenous
people’s interests. By reason of social welfare and development, the
State ignores indigenous people’s rights to their territories and lands.
Indigenous people always are in a disadvantageous position.
In these circumstances it is necessary to have an alternative
power to balance the state and support indigenous people and this led
to the emergence of a civil society to work and support the Indigenous
People struggle (Nicholas, 1996). The discussion of the Indigenous
People group movement will mostly refer to the people’s movement in
the sense of political struggle, from rebellion to political participation
16
Introduction
in elections. For example, the Indigenous People movement in South

America, Mexico and Brazil and in the Philippines is very strong and
related to the practical action struggle carried out by armed action and
political participation (Duncan, 2004; Eisenstadt, 2011; Nicholas, 1996;
Ramos, 1998; Singh, 1996).
Although the UN and the state have issued a policy supporting
and protecting Indigenous People groups, violations of Indigenous
People rights still occurred. The state still allows and supports the
exploitation that destroys and disrupts land owned by indigenous
people groups (Mikkelsen, 2013). This situation has encouraged civil
societies, including NGOs, to work with many Indigenous People issues
related to human rights, environment and development issues as well as
organizational development and leadership.
The concept of indigenous peoples had never been previously
thoroughly discussed therefore there were many interpretations of the
definition of “indigenous”. Moniaga (2007) stated that there were some
difficulties in identifying the elements of the opinion about indigenous
peoples between ethnic minority and custom society (Masyarakat
Adat) because there was no formal concept defined in the Indonesian
legal system or public policy. The definitions available are the results of
debates held by academics and NGO activists.
The gap between indigenous and non-indigenous becomes
complicated in Indonesia because the definition given by the state
differs from the definition used by the academics or NGO activists.
The state considers the indigenous people issues as political issues that
are destabilizing the political condition of the state. The state does
not see the further discussion regarding the issue of ethnic minority
or indigenous people. In contrast, the NGO activists confidently use
the words “Masyarakat Adat”, which refers to Indigenous People to
determine the ethnic minority group (Henley & Davidson, 2010; Gerard
Persoon, 1998, p. 11). The use of “Masyarakat Adat” as Indigenous
People actually imparts a political act to the public because it highlights
the alignment towards the ethnic minority condition in Indonesia that is
mostly treated unfairly and marginalized.
17
Indonesian society itself is characterized as a plural society.

According to Furnivall (1948), the emergence of plural society began in
the Dutch East Indies colonial era. He claimed that a plural society is
a nation consisting of various ethnic groups namely European, Chinese
and the locals who are unified by the national political system as a
nation-state. Furnivall observed that the society under the Dutch East
Indies Colony consisted of several ethnic groups, which lived together
but were not integrated as one society. They lived in their own way
and places. Each group had its own way of life, culture, religion and
language. They just met in a public place. Furthermore, Furnivall stated
that each group lived next to one another with political unity by forced by
the colonial government. The colonial government controlled the plural
society under the colony’s control structure. Therefore, this condition
created a dominant situation by the Dutch East Indies government that
required absolute obedience from the whole nation, regarding natural
and economic resource distribution.
Currently, the problem that arises in a pluralistic society is the
relation between the political systems of state and the ethnic groups within
the society. The plural society increases the dynamics of ethnic relations
that deal with political and social issues, which exists both at local and
national levels (Suparlan, 2004). Therefore, the dynamics of the ethnic
relationship are always in high-pressure situations and often cause great
friction between ethnic groups within the society. The changing situation
in the political structure of modern Indonesia has encouraged society to
make adjustments. In the local context, the dominant culture tends to
oppress the presence of the minority culture, in the form of indirectly
forcing the ethnic minority to follow and adapt to the dominant culture,
which is generally the majority ethnic group in the region.
The state in the New Order Era (1967-1998) strongly supported
the national approach to oppress diversities. The state held control of all
aspects of the people’s lives, including the social and cultural aspects of
the ethnic groups. The state penetrated deeply into the lives of families
beyond personal boundaries which resulted in the loss of identity and
diversity (Prasetijo, Sandbukt, & Syaf, 2002). For example, the state
18
Introduction
released the Village Governing Act No. 5 of 1979 that disregarded local
government policy that has existed for centuries in the archipelago
and replaced it with the general formal system (Prasetijo, 2003). As a
consequence, the traditional governing system held by each ethnic group
in the area vanished and formed a single system as a formal village
governing system. This has led to the situation whereby societies have
several different variations of the system, such as the implementation
of the two systems in the customs procedure and regulatory structure,
or a local customary system disappears, merged into the system
administration of the dominant and majority ethnic group.
The state does not actually recognize the existence of the ethnic
minority groups, in either its legal system or policies. They existed before
the presence of a formal nation, taking advantage of the natural resources
in their environment. The government took all the resources they had
and changed their culture system with the formal governance structure.
Hence, when the state government took over their natural resources,
reactions of resentment arose due to the strong oppressive presence of
the government system.
Based on Government of Indonesia records of minority ethnic
groups such as the Orang Rimba in Indonesia, there are 229,479 families
across 30 provinces in Indonesia (Ministry of Social Affairs, 2009). They
live in the countryside with access and facilities development minimal due
to the mainly isolated location and have a culture deemed unable to adapt
to the progress of modern life, especially the modern political structure.
A transition period took place when the Soeharto regime collapsed
in 1998. The state changed a number of corrections in state policies
and governance structures and the provinces and districts became the
central attention for the development program when regional autonomy
was announced in 1999. This situation had no solid-state structures or
policies, which resulted in quite a number of parallel conflicts demanding
independence. The ethnic communities demanded the nation state
acknowledge their existence and their rights.
What happened was the state and corporations committed a
lot of rights violations. The state omitting to act on poverty and the
19
backwardness of indigenous people’s conditions can be seen as forms

of rights violations. The ADB (Asia Development Bank) also exposed
this fact in its annual report in 2002 (Safitri & Bosko, 2002). This report
explained how severe poverty and limited access to public facilities,
such as public health and education, were some of the problems faced
by the indigenous people in Indonesia. Even though the state claimed
that limited access was due to geographical isolation, the reality was
that the state was not capable of organizing its development system in
accordance to local communities’ cultural traits to reach out to those in
the ethnic minority groups. There was a problem of social isolation and
the different treatment received by the community from the society and
the state.
NGO & Indigenous People Movement
In 1999, KMAN (The First Congress of Indigenous People in

The Archipelago), supported by local NGOs and indigenous people
groups assisted by international NGOs, held an indigenous people’s
congress in Jakarta3. This congress was aimed at voicing the indigenous
people’s poor condition. Before this, the state had never recognized the
indigenous people’s existence and did not involve them as citizens in the
development process. One of the interesting outcomes of the congress
was for “Masyarakat Adat” or “custom society” to connect with the
concept of indigenous people. Finally, the congress agreed to establish
a new organization (NGO) to assist indigenous people’s groups in the
archipelago and fight for their rights. The organization was named
AMAN – Aliansi Masyarakat Adat Nusantara (Alliance of Indigenous
People Group in the Archipelago).
It was a long journey for AMAN to reach a common agreement
on the meaning of “Masyarakat Adat” or Indigenous People. The concept
of “Masyarakat Adat” as indigenous people arose in 1993. In a seminar
3. Konggres Masyarakat Adat: Hentikan Hegemoni Itu, in ASP Edisi IV/April 1999
20
Introduction
in Tanah Toraja, Sulawesi, conducted by an NGO that focused on

defending the ethnic minorities, the JAPHAMA (Jaringan Pembela Hak-
Hak Masyarakat Adat) used the terminology of “Masyarakat Adat” for
indigenous people. They divided indigenous people into two categories:
the true or original indigenous people and newly formed indigenous
people (Petebang, 2001). For example, the authentic or early indigenous
people were formed from ethnic groups like the Javanese in Java and the
Dayaks in Borneo while the newly formed indigenous people were defined
as communities grouped by living in a certain area for a long time.
KMAN used the concept introduced by JAPHAMA with the aim
to transform the meaning of the words “indigenous peoples” based on
the ILO Convention 169 in 1989 concerning indigenous people that
focused on the origin of the community and specific territories (ILO,
2009). The customs and historical continuity are the basis for the origin
of a society. They also lived in territories for centuries and their areas
and boundaries can be clearly defined. This is reasonable because the
UN and the ILO refer to indigenous people in a sense that refers to the
racial characteristic. Race, tribe and culture contribute to the various
interpretations of Indigenous People (Gerard Persoon, 1998).
In an Indonesian context, there is no similar definition that refers
to the same situation because the majority of the indigenous people come
from the same race, Austronesian (Bellwood, 2000). The debate then
led to the discourse about ethnic origin or immigrants in the area. The
question refers to which ethnic groups existing in the region was genuinely
inherited. In this case, the issue of indigenous people terminology shifted
to become more political as it involved the social movement initiated by
local NGOs in Indonesia, which utilized the ideas of indigenism as an
instrument for negotiation with the authority (Bunnell, 1996).
The emergence of NGO interest in indigenous people issues was
initially concerned with environmental issues that had been observed in
cases of environmental destruction that left indigenous people groups
severely weakened. Many NGOs then became involved in advocacy
actions to defend the interests and rights of indigenous people and support
and/or establish indigenous people’s organizations (Hall & Patrinos,
21
2012). Their other strategy was to establish a network of NGOs to carry

indigenous people issues to an international level, connecting their issues
with international ones. This phenomenon was also discussed by Sangaji
(2010) in the case of Indonesia.
In this situation, the role of NGO as leader for the social movement
is very significant. Social movements of indigenous people in Indonesia
cannot actually be separated from the role of NGOs. A NGO (Non
Governmental Organization) itself is an independent non-governmental
organization that is established as part of a community’s commitment to
be involved in development (Gaffar, 1999).
The presence of NGOs in society cannot be ignored, especially
in developing countries such as Indonesia, because of the limited
ability of the state to reach every target and every aspect of society.
The role of NGOs is crucial in helping and supporting the acceleration
of development conducted by the government. There are many kinds
of NGOs, from religious, social work and education to NGOs with a
political affiliation. Nevertheless, Indonesians have been familiar with
NGOs ever since the colonial period of the Dutch East Indies to the
period of independence(Israel, 1979) (Ford, 2003).
The relationship between NGOs and the state has not always been
smooth. The role of NGOs in Indonesia is extremely complex. Some
scholars observed the growth of NGOs in Indonesia to be related to the
context of the political condition at the time (Eldridge, 1995) (Ford, 2003).
For example, during the Soekarno era or Old Order period (1950 -1965),
the NGOs were associated with the ideology and practical purposes of
political parties. Many NGOs allying with political parties emerged, such
as Gerwani that was affiliated to the PKI (Partai Komunis Indonesia) -
Indonesia Communist Party, or Lekra – an artist organization that was also
affiliated to the PKI. During the New Order or Soeharto era, the NGOs
were associated with their position towards the state. There was a term
called government NGO or “NGO Plat Merah (Red Plate NGO)” – NGOs
working alongside with the government. On the other hand, NGOs on the
opposition side were intimidated and repressed in various ways, including
violence, because of their opposition to the state (Bunnell, 1996).
22
Introduction
The analysis of the role of NGOs is often associated with the

growth and increasingly strong existence of civil society in Southeast
Asia, including Indonesia(Eldridge, 1995; Gaffar, 1999; Heyzer, Riker,
& Quizon, 1995). The role of the NGO is considered to possess the
potential to highlight civil society because it is able to fill and activate
the role in society left by the state. NGOs are viewed as a faucet or voice
channel of the community that is retained by the state4.
This kind of analysis invoked much criticism from NGO activists
because the benefit of an NGO for the social movement became
questionable. It also ignored the fact that the development programs
undertaken by the state as the ruling class were also instruments of power
to dominate its citizens (Aditjondro, 1991a). NGOs then would lose their
critical functions because the state deliberately made it so that NGOs
lost their critical functions. This is evident when you see how the New
Order regime divided NGOs in Indonesia into two divisions, those that
supported or went against the state5.
The role of NGOs in Indonesia was expected by Gramsci to be the
organic intellectuals that would generate counter hegemony. However
in their study on NGOs, Aditjondro & Budiman (in Eldridge, 1995, p.
42) said that most of the NGOs there did not have the vision and focus
on the project orientation and had no concern about the achievement of
democracy. Furthermore, according to Billah (in Eldridge, 1995, p. 42),
the function and role of NGOs should be viewed in the context of not
only accepting and carrying out development, but also should be able to
raise the consciousness of the marginalized and fight against the ruling
class as counter hegemony. Counter hegemony is not only done towards
the government but also to corporations as part of the ruling class.
Frontal resistance strategies should also be balanced with consciousness
education of the people on their rights as citizens (Aditjondro, 1991b).
4. According to Heyzer (1995), NGOs have various roles in the development of countries in Southeast
Asia. However, it can be concluded that there are three main goals that the NGOs are focusing on
which are (1) to support community empowerment at the grassroots level, then (2) to get involved
in how to increase political influence, and finally (3) to get involved in taking direction and agenda
of the development.
5. The state then divides NGOs into two types – advocacy and development. Advocacy is those that are
against the state and development is those that support the state (see Agus Sumansara, 1998, 123 -141).
23
In case of indigenous people, many of the indigenous people

movements in Indonesia were initiated by environmental NGOs in the
New Order and post-New Order era. Environmental issues were the
central issue of resistance against the government and corporations
because of their extraordinary expansion on natural resources that was
supported by governmental policies that were repressive. Indigenous
people NGOs allied with environmental NGOs because environmental
issues significantly affect indigenous people (Gray, 1998; Li, 2000).
Many of the corporation’s policies and operations, which included
clearing forests and destroying the environment, were jeopardizing the
lives of indigenous people.
The social movement of the indigenous people then shifted to
demanding their rights of land and natural resources that the state had
given to others or to private industrial sectors (Henley & Davidson, 2010;
Li, 2000). It developed into the struggle of the ethnic minority group
or the sub-ethnic minority group against the dominance of the majority
ethnic groups, represented by the dominance of the central state and the
governing elites of the local regions. For instance, Tsing (1993) account
about Dayak Meratus in South Kalimantan who were against the Malay
Banjar. The Dayaks developed a symbolic confrontation by their leader,
Uma Adang, against the dominant ethnic group of the Banjar Malays.
They e found their own way to fight against their marginal status.
The struggle of the indigenous people movement for indigenous
rights reorganization advocated by NGOs places more emphasis on the
political issues than cultural issues (Sangaji, 2010). They focus more on
political representation in the local parliament or supporting the leader of
the local ethnic group in local elections. As Henley and Davidson (2010,
p. 3) said, they have forgotten the main agenda of the indigenous people
movement for tradition revitalization. There are many contexts of the
indigenous people movement that have shifted on claims about rights and
who are more authentic and what do they get after years of independence.
This social movement transforms into a political movement rather than
a cultural movement.
24
Introduction
Li (2000) rationalized that NGOs have a significant role in carrying

the movement of indigenous people to a different level. The precise
combination between indigeneism and environmental issues makes the
issue brought by the indigenous people very worth promoting to get
attention and support from the world’s donor agencies. Nevertheless, Li
also claimed that issues concerning the indigeneity brought by indigenous
people with the support from NGOs were not completely grounded in
the field. She illustrated the case of the Lore Lindu community, which
refused the establishment of DAM and the Lore Lindu National Park in
Sulawesi. Whereby the issue of indigeneity was not totally authentic and
had a certain purpose, which tended to be opportunistic.
For Li (2000), the movement of indigenous people in the NGOs’
frame was actually making use of the “tribal slot” in environmental
politics for the purpose of maintaining or fighting over natural resources.
Indigeneity is the political articulation in the environment performed by
indigenous people to maintain their natural resources (see also Sangaji,
2010).
However, there is a question that was not addressed by Li, i.e.
whether indigeneism politics is the struggle of a social consciousness
that wants to create their own social platform or not. Li does not discuss
this question because she does not focus on this issue. Nevertheless, in
my opinion, the indigenous articulation performed by the Orang Rimba
refers to a struggle of social consciousness to create their own social
platform because the Orang Rimba consciously does it to strengthen
their resistance against the ruling class. By strengthening the indigenous
articulation, they have a strong foundation for striving for the legitimacy
to which they are entitled.
The statement that the land is their property right as they are the
native people who have lived on it from generation to generation gives
legitimacy to what they do, although from the view of the state it is a
wrong or criminal action6. Thus, it can be said that, actually, indigenous
6. See also the other case in Marschke, Szablowski, and Vandergeest (2008)
25
legitimacy has become a power, which is strong enough to be used

as a justification for all acts of resistance by the Orang Rimba. This
indigeneity is the basis for their social movement.
History of Orang Rimba’s Ethnography
In the beginning, a written description of the Kubu (Orang

Rimba) was collected through the fieldwork of the Dutch East Indies
officers. Mostly based on personal experience towards the tribe, it was
generally seasoned with the myths of the Orang Rimba and its origins.
As Hagen (1908), Van Dongen, (1913) and Schebesta (1926), (cited
in Sager, 2008), from Germany described the life of the Orang Rimba
almost as equivalent to the primitive tribal group. Dutch East Indies
officers, like Boers (1838) and Winter (1901) (cited in Sager, 2008), also
wrote about their experiences in dealing with the Orang Rimba when
they visited the area. Forbes (1885) moreover specify the details of the
Kubu existence. Most of their works very much described the life of
the Kubu as primitive. Their interest was mainly in Orang Rimba life
because it was uncommonly different from the Malays, and there was a
need for it to be officially recorded and reported.
The ethnographic works exposing the Orang Rimba were
meticulously written by Hagan (1908)- ‘Die Orang Kubu auf Sumatra’
and Van Dongen (1910) - ‘De Koeboes in de Onderafdeelling
Keboestreken der Residentie Palembang’. Their physical description
of the Orang Rimba was remarkably detailed. Ironically, the purpose of
the works was to determine whether the Orang Rimba was the human
missing link as theorized by Charles Darwin. The comprehension of
evolutionism in Europe during that time presumed that primitives like
the Orang Rimba were people without culture.
Based on the ethnographic research conducted by the Dutch
(Dongen, 1910; Hagan, 1908), they clearly described the Orang Rimba
as an animistic tribal group. The term animistic was given to them as
traditional faith followers. Traditional faith, which is considered as
animistic, is common between the Orang Rimba and other ethnic groups
26
Introduction
in Asia and Africa. Hence, it further supports the theory that there is
no religion in the area. Another significant description of the Orang
Rimba was the result of the physical measure of the Orang Rimba and
Schebesta categorized it as human with Veddoid race (Hagan, 1908;
Schebesta, 1925). The facts further support the theory that they were
human beings who were not yet cultured, in contrast to normal human
life in the western civilization.
In addition, the distribution of the Orang Rimba was temporarily
known in Palembang or within the borders of Palembang and Jambi
(Dongen, 1910). They were typical classified as the settled Orang
Rimba or nomadic Orang Rimba based on their ways of life. Very few
ethnographic experts investigated and observed in detail the existence
of the Orang Rimba who lived in the forest in Jambi at that time. Forbes
(1885) also noted that The Kubus (Orang Rimba) are a nomadic race
wandering about in the forests on the borders of the Jambi Sultanate and
of the Palembang Residency, along the banks and affluent of the great
rivers, the Musi, and of the Batang Hari.
In a Forbes (1885) also noticed that the Dutch government also
foster the process of civilization to the Kubu (Orang Rimba) as follow,
“The Dutch Government some years ago began the attempt to teach these
people something of the art of agriculture, and have, after much difficulty,
succeeded in getting a few families in some of the districts to assume in
some degree a settled residence in villages made for themselves. It was
owing to these partially civilised communities that I am indebted for a
sight of the people”. It shows the fact that the process of civilization
during the colonial era has occurred and lasted for a long time.
In addition to the works of ethnologists in the modern era, the life of
Orang Rimba we can also found in the work of such modern ethnographer
in Oyvind Sandbukt Oyvind (1984) (1988) (1991) (2000),Gerrard
Persoon (1989) , Muntholib (1995) , and in the report research on "Need
assessment of Orang Rimba" by WARSI and Sandbukt (1998) . In the
works of the anthropologists, Orang Rimba situation are more diversified
in some focus issues that are of interest to the researcher. Such as the
writings of Sandbukt (1984) described the cosmology of the Kubu in "The
27
Conception of Reality", where he saw that the basic values of the culture
Orang Rimba located on the separation of the world between the Orang
Rimba and Outsider. Sandkbut also wrote the culture of the Orang Rimba
that base on the tradition of trade or economic base in the "Tributary
tradition and relations of affinity and gender among the Sumatran Kubu"
(1988). Article of Gerard Persoon(1989), an anthropologist from the
Netherlands (better known as an expert Mentawai), also discusses the
relationship between the Orang Kubu with the outside world. .
One of the ethnographic work on Orang Rimba written by local
researchers are Muntholib (1995) dissertation work entitled "The Rimbo:
Structural-Functional Studies, Isolated Communities in Makekal, Jambi
Province,". In this dissertation work, he tried to describe the life of Orang
Rimba on the River Makekal based on structural functional studies by
Radclife Brown, where he also created the term of Orang Rimbo to
replace the word of Orang Kubu. As NGO works with Orang Rimba,
WARSI has also released the reports about Orang Rimba. The report was
the research of the survey of bioregion in Jambi to portraits of Orang
Rimba (2008)
Meanwhile, the existence of the Orang Rimba as an ethnic
minority group and the social movement context is rarely discussed
theoretically. Most ethnographic research on the Orang Rimba rarely
discusses the reaction of the Orang Rimba towards the marginalization
they are experiencing from the resistance point of view. For instance,
Sandbukt (1988) wrote about the marginalization process by the Malay
ethnic group as it influenced their cosmology and religion. Also in the
works of Muntholib (Muntholib, 1995) and other anthropologist. The
ethnography works mainly did not mention the action of the Orang
Rimba’s in social movement. Writings of Amilda (2003) viewed the
actions of the Orang Rimba as a part of respond towards the dominant
Malay ethnic group.. Amilda used James Scoot’s theory to explain the
tension phenomenon manifested by the Orang Rimba.
Even so, my research in 2005 (Prasetijo, 2005) showed that
the epitome of the Orang Rimba ethnic is a response towards the
marginalization they receive from the Jambi Malay ethnic group, not an
28
Introduction
expression of resistance. Sager (2008) similarly considered the Orang

Rimba experience that was dependent on the forest and how their social
interaction had been disrupted by outsiders. Rokhdian (2011) discussed
the actions of the Orang Rimba from the resistance point of view, but
it was limited to one group and did not explain from the perspective of
fighting the ruling class. Therefore it is necessary to examine the social
movement from the point of indigenous people like the Orang Rimba and
the role of intelectuall group.
The other point about literature on the Orang Rimba is that
none discussed the position and the role of external parties, like NGOs.
Mostly the literature discussed the impact of the relation between the
Orang Rimba and the external party, which was an unequal position and
put the Orang Rimba in the advantaged position. For instance, when
Parsoon (1989) analysed the relation between the Orang Rimba with
other worlds, there was little mention about the position of the NGOs.
The role of NGOs in the Orang Rimba was discussed by Rokhdian
(2011) who criticized the role of NGO (WARSI) in supporting the Orang
Rimba. Unfortunately Rokhdian’s thesis does not talk much about the
role of NGOs from the perspective of the social movement of the Orang
Rimba.
Ernest Burch (1994, p. 454) explained that the study of hunter-
gatherer group, alike Orang Rimba, should be correctly improved. If
used to focus the questioning theoretical questions related to hunter-
gatherer group, the study should focus to the depiction of social changes
experienced by the group. Since the focus of the study is too micro - and
there is a tendency to generalize hunter-gatherer societies. For Ernest,
social change and everyday issues, or practical problems that should be
the focus of further studies of hunter-gatherer group. It was said by him
that the study of hunter-gatherer must contribute to the contemporary
social theory.
And all of the literature background on the Orang Rimba makes
the study of NGOs involvement and social movement of the Orang
Rimba have a strategic position in contemporary ethnographic readings.
Then it is the position of this ethnographic study.
29
Alternative Hegemony
This theoretical construct deal with the structural locality within

the overall political landscape of modern state change, particularly
regarding the location of the indigenous people group’s existence in
plural society. The theoretical construct also deals with ethnicity of
minority. Based on Gramsci’s theory of hegemony, we can perceive
ethnicity as counter hegemony to create a new social platform to oppose
the ruling class. The problem of ethnicity in this sense is adjustment of
the structural location of the community within the changing state, which
always needs external help from a different party. It is the background of
the development of the social movement.
Tarrow (1998, p. 13) says rather than seeing social movements
as expressions of extremism, violence, and deprivation, they are better
defined as collective challenges, based on common purposes and
social solidarities, in sustained interaction with elites, opponents and
authorities. The definition of the social movement defined by Tarrow
is actually referring to the collective action notion. Tilly (1978, p. 7)
his book “ From Mobilization to Revolution” noted that the collective
action analysis consist the components of organization, mobilization,
opportunity, and the collective action itself. Over all it, Tilly (1978)
said that collective action is about power and politics; it inevitably
raises questions of right and wrong, justice and injustice, hope and
hopelessness
In the discussion of social movements, then, there are two classic
paradigms underlying the classical theory of social movements, which
are based on the Marxist and non-Marxist tradition (see Tarrow, 1998,
pp. 10 -26) (McAdam, McCarthy, & Zald, 1996; Wilkinson, 1971).
Karl Marx's theory can be described as classical social theory that
discusses the modern social movements. Marx did not define or mention
the social movement, but his thoughts on social class and social class-
consciousness are widely used for explaining the emergence of social
movements (see Bottomore, 1979, pp. 27 - 34). Social movements in
the Marxist view are a collective action that emerges as a counter action
30
Introduction
to the repressive condition of the lower classes (proletariat) against the

ruling class (bourgeois).
This view is very different from the non-Marxist tradition, which
sees the social movement as strategic adaptation to the conditions that
they face. Emily Durkheim (in Tarrow, 1998; Tilly, 1978) mentioned the
social movement as a collective behaviour, as results from the nature of
the individual anomalies towards social organization or disorganization.
The theory of social movements in non-Marxist tradition continues to
the understanding of the resource mobilization theory (Tarrow, 1998).
In view of the resource mobilization theory, social movements are
considered as the output of rational choices to achieve people's goals.
Thus, in this view, the social movement is seen as the convergence of
availability of resources and a group or individual's ability to influence
people to achieve their goals7.
In the view of Durkheimian, social movements were initially
regarded as something negative because they were considered as a
disruption to the harmony of a society, but when the resource mobilization
theory is considered, normal and adaptation strategies must be done to
achieve the goal. This is in contrast to the view of the Marxian tradition,
which holds that social movements are a collective action that must be
done because it is a reaction to conditions of oppression by the ruling
class.
In difference to Marxian tradition & Durkheimian, Max Weber
actually trying to reconcile the idea of them both. He emphasizes the
ability and personal character of the person, and the strength of the norm
or belief that drives a society to change (Tilly, 1978). He saw that the
norm or belief factors that guide was very important in human beings to
make changes. In this context it can be said that the cultural factors have
an essential role in changing or in moving society. Weber gave an example
in his thesis about the Protestant ethic that European society works in
accordance with the Protestant ethic to thrive forward in new civilization.
7. John Stuart Mill and the utilitarians (in Tilly, 1978, pp. 24-25) emphazies that the collective action
as a strictly calculating pursuit of individual interest.
31
Awareness about education and intellectual influential improvement for

Weber was the key to changing society. Ethics or norms are what makes
them go ahead and make the change. According to Weber there are three
important factors that determines the direction of the change: (a) the new
culture or new norms as main reference, (b) the intellectuals - a growing
and emerging from the changes which they support the change itself,
and create a system of bureaucratic organization more efficient, and the
next one (c) is a factor leader or charismatic leader as the role model for
society.
What Weber expresses then inadvertently resemblance to Antonio
Gramsci’s terms it is an alternative hegemony, which is to counter the
hegemony ruled by the state. One kind of power is particularly relevant
to this work-hegemony, a concept that is often associated with Italian
Marxist theorist and political activist, Antonio Gramsci.
Hegemonic power has often to do with the maintenance of social
control by domination group over less powerful group to state and
political institutions. Like most kind of power, hegemonic power can
only exist through acquiescence of those who bequeath that power and
who, lull into false consciousness, accept the worldview of the perpetrator
(oppressors). But hegemonic power is never in the direct form. Gramsci
(Antonio Gramsci, 1972) argues that individuals are not passive agents
and therefore have the potential to resist their ideological colonization in
order to challenge oppressive social structure.
For Gramsci (1971), hegemony is power relations between the
classes that use the nature of political leadership and ideology8. In the
hands of Gramsci, hegemony became a concept of relationship between
social classes, between the hegemonic and non-hegemonic class. Gramsci
(1971, p. 72) described this non-hegemonic class as a class outside the
8. Gramsci borrowed the hegemony idea from Lenin. For Lenin, hegemony was a strategy for the
working class against the bourgeoisie, the Tsar and his cronies; by uniting the working-class group
to become a mass, it was thus able to overthrow the bourgeoisie class. The concept was then used
by Gramsci to explain how the capitalist class gained and maintained its power. If Lenin viewed it
as a strategic alliance of the working class, then Gramsci viewed it as a way of the ruling class to
organize and to maintain its power. Gramsci also saw it as a way for the subordinate class to seize
power by creating their own power or hegemony.
32
Introduction
elite or subaltern class. According to Gramsci, the hegemonic class itself

is the capitalist economy class corporation along with the State, which
he described as an apparatus. He sees the State as an instrument of power
for perpetuating its power. For him, the State is always trying to organize
itself to be in a position of hegemony by having a political leadership
approach that controls and also has a powerful ideology that is supported
by acts of coercion. With this kind of hegemony process, the process
of control by the hegemony class towards the subaltern class can go
on well and be seen as normal. This hegemony is a way the hegemony
class maintains and controls its power through the creation of value
or ideology of power over the subaltern class. Gramsci considered the
State as also a part of the hegemony class that conducts the hegemony
process. He called it ‘State as hegemony armored by coercion’ (Gramsci
in Sasson, 1980, p. 110).
This hegemony process will then lead the rebellion of a counter
hegemony that creates an alternative platform for hegemony resistance
of the subaltern group. This alternative hegemony process is a struggle
of the subaltern group against the ruling class, for Gramsci believed that
the subaltern class must establish its own hegemony to seize power from
the ruling class. The ruling class is always creating a situation, which
Gramsci described as passive revolution, a fake revolution to conceal the
condition of hegemony committed against the subaltern class.
Wolf (2001) explained that we must also recognize power within
the context of a relationship that is structural in nature. He then says
that power does not only work at the individual level, but also at the
structural level, which refers to the ability to manage the position or
status in social relations. This social position or status is strategically
fought by managing power in controlling the actions by “governing
access to natural and social resources" (2001, p. 375). By so doing, the
position and status of the group increases and it has the power to control
other groups.
Wolf (2001, p. 385) called this power “structural power”, which
refers to “the social relations of production” and is intended to emphasize
power to deploy and allocate social labour. Structural power shapes the
33
social field of action in such a way as to render some kinds of behaviour

possible, while making others less possible or impossible9.
According to Gramsci (Sasson, 1980), this condition is a process
of embedding false ideology. This process is conducted in order to
ensure that the subaltern keep on working in accordance with the will of
the ruling class without any resistance. This is what Marx describes as an
alienated or marginalized condition (Israel, 1979, pp. 30-62). According
to Marx10, this alienated condition is a condition in an industrial mode of
production where the working class is not aware that they are being used
by the capital owner class to make production without earning the full
profit of the surplus values from the price of the goods that are being sold
by the capitalists. This is an alienated condition to which the capitalists
always subjected the workers by exploiting their labour resources.
As stated by Wolf (1999), this hegemony process is a process of
ideology planting or ruling through symbol planting, which he describes
as a symbolic work. He thought that this process was crucial in a
movement because what makes a movement more effective and radical
is having a purpose. Wolf’s idea of “power”, “ideology” and “hegemony”
was as tools to observe and analyse the power relations that work in a
complex system.
In order to create an action, the subject must be aware of the ill
fate that they are experiencing. If we refer to what was understood by
Marx, class-consciousness will be gained naturally from the on-going
alienation11 that suppresses the working class; (Israel, 1979). This class-
consciousness will naturally come when capitalism fails to work, which
is when the market can no longer accommodate the mass production
and the price of the product becomes too cheap and no longer profitable.
9. For Wolf (2001), structural power was not only a way that produces real impact but also what he
termed symbolic work. Wolf believed that there is a process to construct an understanding that
everything is running, as it should. Symbolic work goes on behind the curtain to make sure that this
process goes on normally.
10. Marxist analysis of alienation comprises three aspects: (1) religious alienation,(2) political
alienation, and (3) economic alienation. Economic alienation for Marx is the most basic alienation
(Israel, 1979, p. 31)
11. Spivak (1988, p. 7), regarding the subaltern view, defined alienation as a failure of self-cognition of
the subaltern class.
34
Introduction
Under these conditions, the workers become depressed and then aware
of the alienation they are facing. For Marx, class-consciousness was
consciousness of the workers that the capitalist class was alienating them
(see Lukacs, 1979). This consciousness will make them realize that they
have to start to fight to achieve the condition of a non-class society.
Gramsci had a different opinion about class-consciousness; he
thought that consciousness couldn’t happen if you are not made aware
of it. Lenin had a similar view on this based on his experience during the
Bolshevik Revolution, but the difference between Lenin and Gramsci is
about who initiates the consciousness among the working class and how
is it done. Both agreed that a member of their own class should initiate
class-consciousness. The difference is Gramsci's emphasis on the role of
intellectuals among the workers to bring class-consciousness and insight.
Gramsci's thought in this context is in accordance with what has been
thought by Weber on the role of intellectuals in society changes
Gramsci’s notion was that the intellectuals are inside the
civil society that is outside the state and capitalist group. Gramsci
described the intellectuals as an educated group that has the ability
to give enlightenment and consciousness to the workers that they are
being alienated. Lenin rejected Gramsci’s view that intellectuals have
an obligation to establish consciousness in the working class (Sasson,
1980). Lenin argued that it is impossible for the intellectuals to do this
because they are a large part of the capitalist class. Gramsci responded
that there are traditional intellectuals and organic intellectuals.
Traditional intellectuals are intellectuals that are accomplices
of the capitalists or the government apparatus (Gramsci et al., 1972, p.
113). They have become a part of the major plan of the capitalist and
government apparatus. Their work is to firmly root and preserve the
hegemony12. Organic intellectuals are the educated individuals who
bring consciousness to their group that they all are being hegemonized.
The organic intellectual is different to the traditional intellectuals.
12. Furthermore, according to Gramsci traditional intellectuals are the deputies of the dominant group that
evaluates the function of the social and political hegemony of the subaltern class (Gramsci et al., 1972, p. 112).
35
Gramsci described traditional intellectuals as professors, academics and

the educated while organic intellectuals could be anyone and could come
from any group of people, but are concerned and aware of the situation
of hegemony that their people are experiencing, and make an effort to
organize it and initiate a movement13.
Gramsci emphasized the function of the intellectual group as
to raise the consciousness of the subaltern class14. He also emphasized
that it was the task of the intellectual group, with the support of moral
leadership, to determine the consciousness of the working class that they
are living in an acute alienation. He said that, “... the supremacy of social
group manifests itself in two ways, as “domination” and “intellectual
and moral leadership” (Gramsci et al., 1972, p. 57). Resistance against
cultural hegemony is the main duty of the organic intellectual group.
Class-consciousness is done by initiating alternative hegemony or
creating its own hegemony.
This alternative hegemony process can be understood as a social
movement for change of the subaltern class against the ruling class. The
subaltern group conducts the social movement by ordinary methods with
patterns that Hobsbawm (1959) described as social banditry methods.
This is the method that the people used to resist the ruling class, bourgeois,
landlords or slave owners during the era of pre-capitalism or primitive
society. They are methods or resistance patterns that are unorganized in
an organization, sporadic, without any political goal and the tendency of
unlawful or criminal conduct, and have strong social bond for belonging
to the same kinship or tribe. Such methods are considered more effective
and are proven to be able to resist the ruling class.
As Hobsbawm (1959) said, this subaltern class is still resisting
with the same pattern as the social banditry pattern. He said that social
banditry is common among the peasant class to fight the oppression of the
13. Lenin, instead, is more faithful to the thinking of Marx, which says that mass organizing must have
political impact by establishing workers’ organizations and activating the cell system down to the
bottom level.
14. Spivak (1988, p. 7) later restyled class consciousness as ‘subaltern consciousness’.
36
Introduction
ruling class. Hence, this action pattern will always emerge every time a
group receives the same kind of oppression. In Hobsbawm’s perspective,
social banditry is the simplest pattern of a social movement.
In the context of a peasant’s rebellion, Eric Wolf (1999) criticized
those methods of movement. He said that action against the ruling
class or state must have a structure or be organized, have a clear goal
or a clear ideology. A clear organizational structure and ideology will
enable a movement to become a real force of change. This was realized
by Hobsbawm (1959, p. xi) where he said that a movement needs a
“common myth of transcendental justice” that can unite the peasants to
revolt. That is why a social movement does not only need real action and
strong organization, but also an established myth that is the ideology of
the purpose of the movement.
The intellectuals are needed to induce consciousness in the
working class. Gramsci (1971) acknowledged that there are intellectuals
in each class, either in the ruling class or the subaltern class. These
intellectuals manage those classes with their knowledge and power.
He mentioned that there are two groups of intellectuals. The first is
the traditional intellectuals, such as scientists and government officials
that attempt to preserve the domination of the ruling class with their
knowledge. The second is the organic intellectual, which is anyone who
has the knowledge and the will and ability to function as the organizer
in the group. The main role of this organic intellectual is to develop
consciousness in the group.
In his writing, Wolf (1969) said that in the history of peasant wars,
the peasant group was not led or initiated by the people of the same
class. In several cases of farmer’s movements in Cuba, China and several
South American countries, the role of outsiders or other groups in raising
consciousness among the workers or alienated groups is very strong. He
gave one such example as Cuba, which was led by Castro. The group
turned out to be educated people who did not belong to the working class
but came from the wealthier class, such as was also the case with the
Chinese farmers; Mao Tse Tung did not come from the peasant class. In
short, Wolf said that intellectuals from outside the group have the role
37
of bringing change of consciousness to the people. According to him,

class-consciousness can never emerge from the class itself because the
ideology implanting process is so very strong it becomes a culture and
habit that is an accepted reality. Economic and political interests have
dominated social and cultural lives.
Wolf (1969) said that in the adjustment of the structure of modern
politics, the peasant class or subaltern class requires external support that
can assist them to raise their class-consciousness and encourage them
to create a new social platform against the ruling parties. He opposes
Gramsci who said that the intellectual class will emerged or be derived
from the class itself. He believed that the peasant class or subaltern class,
such as indigenous people, always needs external assistance from outside
their social class. They need external help, not only to raise awareness of
the oppression experienced but also to be able to organize the movement
they form. More than that, they need external help to form their own
intellectual group.
In the context of the social movement of indigenous people in
Indonesia, the role of an outsider is particularly essential to initiate their
consciousness. With their unfavorable circumstances and situations, it is
not possible for them to achieve class-consciousness by themselves. That
is why the role of NGOs is valuable. They can be viewed as an outsider
that brings an understanding about class-consciousness and the effort to
initiate the intellectual group and organize it for the social movement.
38
CHAPTER 2
STRUCTURE LOCALITY OF THE
ORANG RIMBA AS AN ETHNIC
MINORITY IN JAMBI
T
he Orang Rimba’s life is highly affected by the social political
condition, both at the local and national level. Their history and
existence as an ethnic minority group are influenced by local and
national political dynamics. Basically, their lives did not change much
between the time of the Islamic sultanate and the Dutch East Indies colonial
period, and then continued to the time of independence during the Soeharto
era (The New Order period) up until the current Reformation Era.
The existence of the Orang Rimba as a minority ethnic group is
embedded in the history of exploitation and rendition. The Dutch East
Indies officers firstly noted them in the beginning of the twentieth century.
However, it is believed that their existence dates far before the Islamic
Sultanate era. They then became an integral part of Jambi Malay society
in the seventeenth century. It is undeniable that the existence of the Orang
Rimba as an ethnic group relies heavily on their relationship with the
Malay Sultanate in Jambi, and Malay as an ethnic group. When Indonesia
proclaimed its independence, the state had to fulfil the basic rights of its
citizens, including the rights of the Orang Rimba as an ethnic group. Their
needs were physical needs, access to social welfare and a development
program, but also the need for the ability to express themselves as ethnic
groups or for self-determination purposes, the need to be acknowledged
39
as ethnic groups that have equal rights as other ethnics. This section will
describe their history as an ethnic minority group in Jambi.
They remain in a situation of marginalization by other groups
considered to be more powerful, whether from ethnic groups, government
or industry. They are always in the position of the lower classes in the
order of Jambi society. This circumstance means they do not have access to
contribute to the policies that affect their lives.
The Orang Rimba In The Plural Society of Jambi
The population of Jambi province in 2010 amounted to 3,088,618

inhabitants with the density of person/km2 50.22 (Badan Pusat Statistik,
2010). Jambi province's population is derived from a variety of social
groups, ethnicity and culture. The biggest number existing and dominant
in the province is the Malays. At this time is not known for certain the
composition of the population in Jambi by ethnic group15.
However, based on the population census by BPS in 2000 (Badan
Pusat Statistik, 2001), almost the majority of the Jambi population is
ethnic Malays Jambi.
Table 2.1 Jambi Population Based on Ethnic Group

No Ethnic Group Number
1. Malay Jambi 994.290
2. Kerinci 254.125
3. Javanese 664.931
4. Minangkabau 131.609
5. Sundanese 62.956
6. Bugis 62.185
7. Others (including Indigenous People Groups) 235.282
Total Population 2.405.378
Source: Jambi in Numbers (Badan Pusat Statistik, 2001).
15. Population survey conducted by the BPS or National Statistic Agency for each of five years does not
contain a variety of information related to ethnicity.
40
Structure Locality of the Orang Rimba as an Ethnic Minority in Jambi
Besides Malay people as the original majority ethnic group, from

the MOSA own records it was noted that there were at least two ethnic
groups as Indigenous People groups, i.e. the Orang Rimba, and Orang
Laut with an approximate total of 8,278 people (Department of Social
Affairs, 1997).
Based on survey results of the KKI WARSI Bio-region in 2008,
the total number of Orang Rimba people in Jambi was smaller than
expected at 3,650 persons (KKI WARSI, 2008).
Table 2.2 Orang Rimba Population

No Area Number
1. Orang Rimba in the South Jambi 1.670
2. Orang Rimba in Bukit 12 National Park (Centre of 1.500
Jambi)
3. Orang Rimba in and around Bukit 30 National Park 450
(North of Jambi)
Total 3,650
Source: Survey Bio-Regional Jambi by KKI WARSI (2008)
The Orang Rimba population in South Jambi comprised 1.670

people, at the north of Jambi, which is the area around Bukit 30 National
Park (border with Riau Province), there were 450 people and in Bukit
12 there were 1,500. The Bukit 12 National Park is a geographic centre
with the largest concentration population of Orang Rimba in the same
landscape. This is different to the existing conditions of the Orang Rimba
in the south of Jambi province where they live in separate places16.
The existence of the majority of migrants, the Javanese, mostly
comes from the development of the transmigration program during
1970’s. The Javanese are known for the transmigration program in
Jambi, which began in 1936 when the Dutch government had a program
of colonization in Sumatra. Most of them had a livelihood in agriculture
16. Sager (2008) notes the number of Orang Kubu (Orang Rimba) has not much changed since KKI
WARSI’s report.
41
and oil palm plantations. They were also concentrated in transmigration

areas in Jambi. There was also the presence of Javanese migrants from
outside who came to Jambi.
There were also Chinese people in Jambi, most of them working
in the fields of trade and economy. Many were also associated with
plantations, agriculture and forestry, such as logging, oil palm plantations,
fisheries, and rubber plantations. Until now there has been no research
that examines their presence in Jambi. However, based on observations
we can see that they were usually concentrated in the city of Jambi. What
is interesting to observe, in the cities at the district level the Chinese
people did not dominate the local economy. Mostly the Minangkabau
people dominated the local economy at the district level. This was due
to the state policy during Soekarno’s time that ordered Chinese people to
move to the capital city.
Although the Chinese have lived more than a couple of generations
in Jambi, they remain marked ascriptively by others as Orang China.
Instead of using physical traits as measure of distinctiveness use cultural
attributes was were apparent. Cultural attribute as the language spoken,
religion (Confucianism, Buddhism, Christianity and Catholicism)
become fused as the salient symbol of culture. Chinese ethnicity in
Indonesia spatially and geographically, they usually live in the distinct
community in the shop houses or urban and suburban are business
premises.
As for the Malays, based on Kennedy (1935) noted in 1935,
the community in Jambi constitute part of the coastal communities
generally referred to ‘Riau Malay’, distributed in the region of Central
Sumatra, the coastal areas is coastal Palembang, Jambi and Bengkulu.
Bellwood (2000, p. 906) also explained that Islamic groups on the coast
of Sumatra, who with a Malay dialect more identified themselves as
Malays with local epithets, which formed homogeneous communities
tended to be around the area of Borneo, east Sumatra and the Malaysian
peninsula.
Meanwhile, Islam is the majority religion in Jambi with the
number of adherents at 98.4%, 1.1% Christians, Buddhists 0.36% and up
42
to 0,117 % Hindu (Badan Pusat Statistik, 2010). Any religion other than
the above was not counted in the survey conducted by BPS. It can be said
that the Malay community has a strong tradition of Islam. They uphold
the traditional values of Islam prevailing in Jambi which states “Adat
besendi syarah, syarah besendi kitabullah, syarah menyanggah adat
memakai”, which means that customary law will base itself on religious
law and religious law itself is based on the holy book the Koran. Legal
religion supports existing customary law. It can mean that the existing
customary law in Jambi Malay society is a reflection of the strong Islamic
religious law.
As the largest population in Jambi, the presence of Malay society
in economic sectors have been the mainstay of the Jambi province,
namely the efforts of natural resource management such as plantations,
agriculture and forestry, especially rubber, coffee, coconut, cloves,
cinnamon, palm, tobacco and oil palm. Data from BPS Jambi 2001
corroborates that assumption. A survey in 2000 (Badan Pusat Statistik,
2001) noted that the majority of the population in Jambi work in sectors
related to natural resource management.
Efforts of natural resource management have long been the
foundation of the Jami economy Jambi, particularly in the plantation
sector. The lowlands of Jambi are relatively fertile for businesses, and
farming estates support this. Also transport along the Batang Hari River
that divides the Jambi region has helped facilitate the distribution of the
produce of rubber plantations and other natural resources. In addition to
the plantation business as described above, an important business income
is the search for the natural resources of traditional non-timber forests
which is still done by rural communities. These include rattan, incense,
resins and gutta-percha, which make fine wood building materials.
The people of Jambi are a diverse community, with a variety
of cultural backgrounds and ethnic groups. With income from natural
resources increasingly limited, there is increased competition and
potential parallel conflicts between communities are higher. The presence
of the Orang Rimba in the majority of the community means they do not
have a position in the local political structure of Jambi.
43
Oral History and The Memory of Plurality
Malay Jambi previously knew the Orang Rimba as Orang Kubu.

The Orang Rimba response to the treatment they received from the
outside can be traced from the origin of the term of “Kubu”, a word
“Kubu” derived from Ngubu which, for the Malay Jambi .has the
connotation of having an intensive life in the forest. This word is still
used by the Malay living in Air Hitam and means living miserably in the
forest to find forest products. They used to do this while living miserably
in the village, without having enough food or a job. In order to find food
and to support their family, they entered the forest for several days. For
Malay Jambi, Ngubu also means to escape to the forest because of life
problems.
I learned the story of the origin of Orang Rimba, from Laman,
a man from the Orang Rimba Mengkekal River and on that time living
in the Air Hitam River. He said that he still sees descendants of Malays
who fled into the forest and joined the Orang Rimba during the Dutch
colonial period. Therefore it is not surprising that he claimed many
brothers in Malay villages. I related this to Datuk Haji Ismail, a son of
the Jenang Bahar, Jenang for the Orang Rimba and Malay adat leader in
Lubuk Jering village. He confirmed Laman’s story and said that during
the Dutch period of time, long before the time of independence, there
was a Malay bujang (youth) named Mangku Mohammed. Because of the
war and being sought by the Dutch army, Mangku Mohammed went to
stay in the woods and joined the Orang Rimba. He then married a gedi
(girl) of the Orang Rimba which strengthened the bond of brotherhood
between the Malays in the villages with the Orang Rimba in the forest.
Bonds of brotherhood we re strengthened and continued, bequeathed to
his successors.
Another origin story of the Orang Rimba paints the same picture.
The Orang Rimba were once considered to be messengers of the king's
army in Pagaruyung kingdom, Minangkabau – West Sumatra, who
helped a queen of Jambi royal descent named ”Ratu Putri Selaras Pinang
Masak”. The story is believed to be the truth by most Orang Rimba in the
44
areas of Kuamang Kuning and Rimbo Bujang (bordering West Sumatra).

The story begins when a king called Kayo Hitam who ruled in the Muara
Sabak, Jambi (Jambi Coastal) attacked Ratu Putri Selaras Pinang Masak
and there was a tremendous battle.
Kayo Hitam was notorious and had great seafaring forces and
the Queen's forces were pressed by the his army. Then Ratu Putri
Selaras Pinang Masak asked for help to fight King Kayo Hitam from
the Pagaruyung kingdom in Minangkabau. The Pagaruyung kingdom
then sent a formidable force and their families to help the queen. But
somewhere along the way, when the troops of Pagaruyung reached the
Batang Hari River, their supplies ran out. The area was still very far away
destination and likewise the way back to Padang was also very far away.
In the end they decided to stay in the dense forest. They then vowed,
“Kemudik dikutuk rajo Minangkabau, ke ilir dikutuk rajo Jambi, ke
atas tidak berpucuk, ditengah-tengah dimakan kumbang, ditimpo kayu
punggur”. It means that if they go back home, back to the kingdom of
Minangkabau, they will be cursed by the King of Pagaruyung because
they did not do their job properly and that if they went to Jambi they
would be condemned by the queen for not coming on time.
Finally they decided to not give in to either of the two kingdoms,
as shown by the seloka ”ke atas tidak berpucuk” (upward not downward)
which describes expectations gone up and ”bagai dimakan kumbang dan
tertimpa kayu punggur” (we eat beetles and wood) which also describes
what it was like living in misery. The area where they lived was the area
between Jambi and West Sumatra, precisely where the Batang Hari River
area is now.
The other story of the Orang Rimba is about Bujang Perantauan,
a man from Pagaruyung kingdom. A man often went into the woods
made a camp there. One day Bujang Perantauan found egg in a forest.
He took this back to hiscamp. In the evening, he inadvertently broke the
eggand out came a princess, Putri Buah Kelumpang. Not long after, the
princess wanted him to marry her. But Bujang Perantauan refused the
request reasoning that no one would marry them. The princess then said,
“Letakkanlah batang kayu, kemudian dikocok kulitnya, lintang diatas
45
sungai, maka kita berdua sama-sama berjalan diatasnya” (take the stem
wood, then whip the skin above the River, then we're both alike and
running on top of it). After hearing what the princess said then Bujang
Perantauan dared to do it, he said “jika kita berdua beradu kepala itu
berarti perkawinan kita sah” (If you met the head of both of us that
means our marriage is valid ).
Their marriage gave birth to four children, two men and two
women. The men were Bujang Mapalangi and Dewo Tunggal and the
women were Putri Selaro Pinang Masak and Putri Gading. According
to Orang Rimba belief, Bujang Mapalangi and Putri Selaro Pinang
Masak then left the forest and lived in the village. They are known as
the ancestors of villagers in the village of Tana Garo. They lived in a
kampong and embraced Islam. Dewo Tunggal and Putri Gading are
known as the ancestors of the Orang Rimba whodecided to live in the
forest. Before they parted, the couples made vows. They would keep
their customs, both in the forest and in the village. They both vowed
abstinence. Thosein the forest would not eat kampong food such as
chicken, eggs, buffalo and goats. And vice versa in the village they
would not touch the food and animals ofthe forest like a wild boar, tapir,
snakes and others.
What is interesting about the story is that it shows a strong
relationship between the Orang Rimba and the Malays of Jambi in that
they are actually brothers. The Orang Rimba have a half-brother and a
mother in the Malays, so the families should not fight each other. This
message is remembered by Orang Rimba elders and repeated by the
Malays. They always try to resolve problems by talking with the Malays
who are appointed by the Sultan of Jambi.
I remember the late Tumenggung Mijah’s words, he said that
Malays always say that we are both brothers and we are the people who
are appointed by the sultan to take care of you, so be good and behave
and follow our words. That is what we have done since ancient times
from generation to generation. We never fight because it would violate
our oath. What they do is avoidance and run into the woods when they
are in trouble with the Malay or someone from outside the forest. It also
46
happened in the Dutch colonial period when they confronted outsiders

coming into their forest. Avoidance and running in to the woods.
Laman also justifies this story. He said that their ancestors always
feared when meeting with outsiders. Images of evil and those who carry
the disease had always been the picture embedded in their memory.
Stories of outsiders kidnapping their daughters caused the Orang Rimba
to make a lot of guidelines to protect their encounters with strangers.
According to him, if they have problems with the Malay patrons (waris/
jenang) who connect them with the outside world, then they would not
dare to openly counter. They just make a mockery of that person with
seloka customs (Malays poem). They do not dare to address the conflict
physically because in addition to fear of breaking the oath, they also
realize their strengths and weaknesses. They are always in a position to
lose.
In her thesis, Amilda (2003) describes the symbolical resistance of
the Orang Rimba. She analyzed Orang Rimba seloka, by using the theory
of hidden transcript proposed by James Scott. She found that many of the
expressions used by the Orang Rimba actually addressed the Malays who
they considered were treating them unfairly. It was especially associated
with the waris and jenang, their middlemen to the outside world. For
instance, in order to maintain the relationship between the Waris-Jenang
and the Orang Rimba in their interaction, references are made to regulate
this. Accordingly, there are regulations in the form of Seloka Adat saying
that the Waris and Jenang act justly and honestly in governing the Orang
Rimba so as to maintain the regularity, such as “Bedacing dua, begantang
dua, besuruk budi, betanam akal, menggunting dalam lipatan”. It means
that the waris and jenang should act justly (bedacing dua, begantang
dua) and honestly (besuruk budi, betanam akal, & mengguntung dalam
lipatan). If the waris-jenang violate this, they swear "Keayik dimakan
buayo, ke darat dimakan rimau” (on water he is eaten by crocodile, on
land he is eaten by tiger). It is expected that, because of this curse, the
waris and jenang will take care to act justly when making decisions. It is
also expected that the Orang Rimba will maintain their relationship with
their waris and jenang.
47
In all the stories of their past there has never been any instance of
Orang Rimba physical action against Malays. The Malays are those who
must be obeyed as a big brother and somewhat as a king. If they find a
problem, the Orang Rimba will usually run into the woods or to other places.
This story is also confirmed by other Orang Rimba sources, who mostly
said that the Orang Rimba rarely used physical force against outsiders. In
addition to fear, they also felt that they did not have the strength to fight.
All they could do was run into the woods. Hidden, life moved on from one
group to another group until the problem was forgotten.
Orang Rimba in The Sultanate Era and Colonial Era
The Malay Sultanate in Jambi was a classical Southeast sultanate

that existed from 671 AD when the word Malay was associated with
Jambi. The first time the word Malay was used was in the account of
I-Tsing who visited the archipelago from Canton, China to a port called
Srivijaya. On his journey to Srivijaya, he stopped in a port called Mo–
lo–yeu located in the middle of the sailing route between Srivijaya and
Kedah (now part of Malaysia) (Lapian, 1992). I–tsing’s story supports the
hypotheses of historians and archaeologists’ opinions about the existence
of the great kingdom called Malay in Jambi in the seventh century.
According to local historian, Budihardjo (2001, pp. 30 -31),
briefly, the history of Malay Jambi can be classified into three critical
periods The first covers the emergence of the word, Malay and its
connection with Jambi in seventh century known as the era of the Malay
Kingdom I. At the time Jambi was a part of the ruling kingdom, Srivijaya,
it then developed into the ruling kingdom replacing Srivijaya. Then, the
Malay Kingdom II era, the period of the thirteenth century during which
the development of the relationship between Malay and Java kingdom
was intense. Finally, the Malay kingdom III period had the impact of
Islam and was formed as a stabilized sultanate until the Dutch East Indies
(Netherland) arrived.
The Sultanate of Malay Jambi is considered as a strong maritime
sultanate that became the core trade centre at the Malacca Straits. The
48
sultanate also functioned independently from the Java influence that was
held by the Mataram dynasty. The influence of Java had increased in
terms of social and cultural aspects when the sultanate of Malay Jambi
was ruled by the Dutch East Indies. The colonial government brought
their political system, including the tax system, to Jambi to control the
sultanate. According to Andaya (1993, p. 14), the influence of Java was
strongly felt by the people in the coastal area, as it was the center of the
Malay-Jambi Sultanate. The influence of Java was not strongly felt by
the people in inland Jambi because the influence of Minangkabau culture
was much stronger in that area.
Tome Pires (in Lapian, 1992, p. 148) presumed that Malay Jambi
was a strong maritime kingdom in the southern part of Sumatra, while the
Aceh sultanate controlled the northern part of Sumatra from the eighth
century AD. The political structure and Javanese culture still influenced
the sultanate of Malay Jambi though they had serious connections with
the Java Kingdom. Milner (1982) and Locher-Scholten (2008, pp. 51-
52) stated that the Sultan of Malay kingdom was remarkably different
from the Java kingdom. The role of the Sultan served as a symbol of
unity of the nation and prosperity of an empire in order to protect the
kingdom from external threats and to be the mediator to resolve the
conflicts within its kingdom. The Sultan’s authority structure or the
governmental system was not centralistic and dictatorial as in the Java
kingdom, but was moreof a patron-client relationship.
The formation of such society was reflected in people's lives in
Jambi. The Jambi people lived more independently, especially those
living in the rural areas compared to those living on the coast. Jambi
society lived in small groups based on the territory along the river of
Tembesi and Batanghari, and then to the Malacca Straits. Haga (1929)
believed that in the sultanate period of Malay Jambi, the society of
Jambi was divided into small groups of a community called Kalbu or
Bathin. Such a category was based on the position and status of the group
within the sultanate of Malay Jambi. Therefore, the polarization of Ulu
(upstream) and Ilir (downstream) group became a structure and formed
a hierarchy.
49
Haga (1929) also added that the sultanate of Malay Jambi

classified the Kalbu based on ancestry status. The classifications were
related to the tasks in accordance with the constitution of the sultanate
of Malay Jambi and involved the rights and roles in the constitution. The
Kalbu had their own land, and this was divided into several villages. The
chief of the village with the titles of lurah, kedemang and temenggung led
the Kalbu. There were at least 12 Kalbus called ’Kalbu nan duabelas‘,
as described in “The History of the Chosen Land” by Raden Abdullah
(1995), a fellow of Malay Jambi. They are:
1. VII Koto and IX Koto.
2. Petajin: carpenters.
3. Maro Sebo: policemen or law enforcement officers.
4. Pemayung: the sultan’s umbrella carriers.
5. Raja Sari or jebus: fishermen.
6. Air Hitam: woodcutters.
7. Awin: the sultan’s guardians.
8. Penagan: fishermen.
9. Miji: the guardians of the bedchamber.
10. Punokawan tengah: fishermen.
11. Mestong Serdadu: gun carriers.
12. Kebulen: fishermen.
Furthermore, according to Haga (1929) the positions of each
Kalbu distinguished between people who undertook mandatory labour
law (Berajo) and the community was imposed with a tax (Jajah) by giving
resources to the sultan). The tax could be material or other products,
mostly natural resources product. This system was known as “Serah naik
jajah turun” or “Jajah naik penuntung naik”. The determination of the
status of the Kalbu is based on their relationship with the sultan, such
as the Kalbu in close vicinity to the Sultan’s court (such as Kalbu awin,
penagan, miji, mestong) and the Kalbu outside the Sultan’s court (Air
Hitam, Maro Sebo and others). This shows the structure of the society in
Jambi was based on labour supply and economic production (Prasetijo,
2005).
50
Tideman (1938) noted that the sultan promoted a Jenang to gather

tax and to implement the sultanate rule at the village level. The jenangs
were chosen based on the Bathin’s recommendations and only those who
were descended from past Jenangs could be promoted to replace the
previous Jenang. When there was a unanimous decision, “Berjenjang
naik”, it would be conveyed to the Sultan to make his decision. The
Jenang implemented the government policies and brought justice to the
community on behalf of the sultan. Difficult cases to be decided would
be delivered to Patih Dalam and Patih Luar to the Sultan, where the
Sultan would form his opinion. The jenang’s role consisted of deciding
on the levy, tax and fee, the “bangun” payments, resolving disputes,
and credit and debt issues, and receiving the “Bungo kayu” and “Bungo
pasir” as tax and delivering it to the Sultan.
With regards to the Orang Rimba, the sultanate had acknowledged
their existence. Tideman (1938) also noted that the existence of the
Orang Rimba in Bukit 12 (Twelve Hill national park) had been noted as
a part of the Jambi population. There were tasks that must be done by
the Orang Rimba based on the orders of the Malay, such as exploiting
the natural resources commonly taken from the forest. The position of
the Orang Rimba living in Bukit 12 was different from the other Orang
Rimba living in Jambi. The sultanate assigned the Orang Rimba in Bukit
12 as part of the Air Hitam social group where they adapted the customs
and traditions of the Malay. The role and function of the Orang Rimba
of Bukit 12 differed from the Orang Rimba in the north and west of
Jambi, which were recognized as the remnants of the Orang Rimba. The
regulations and the obligations of the sultanate were not valid for these
people.
During the period of the Islamic Sultanate, the Malays ruled the
Orang Rimba through economic relationship. The Orang Rimba was
integrated in the political-administrative structure of Malay society and
state in the far recognition of their leaders. The role of the Orang Rimba
was as forest dwellers, of natural resources that served as the supply
of the trading business at the Malacca Strait. The interaction between
the Orang Rimba and the Malays in Jambi was a structural relationship
51
based on the economic production and labour distribution of that time.

This relationship tended to create social status relationship between both
ethnics that permanently placed the Orang Rimba in a lesser position at
the bottom-most level of the administrative structure of the kingdom.
Later on, the Dutch used The Dutch East Indies Company (VOC)17
as a new force in Jambi during the trade era in the seventeenth century
to oppress the sultanate (Budihardjo, 2001). The Dutch Colonials kept
the remaining governmental structure until they excluded the existence
of the Jambi sultanate in 1906. The Dutch colonials divided the territory
of Jambi into 12 “Marga” (Onderdistrict) or social districts. Marga is
defined as the social group based on the customary law or, according
to Tideman (1938), a group of customary laws in territorial boundaries.
The chief, known as Pesirahan, led the Marga. The Dutch colonials
associated the Marga with “masyarakat hokum adat” or the community
who lived under customary law (Adatrectgemeenscha) where it contained
four factors: human integrity, settling in a territory, possessing a leader,
and owning the wealth (Pradja, 1999; van Vollenhoven, 1981). This
arrangement had a severe effect on the lives of the Orang Rimba because
they had to follow the rule of customary law in the Marga, which meant
that they were absorbed into the Malay culture.
The customary laws of the Marga used the terms from IGOB
(Inlandsche Gemente Ordonatie Buitengewestan) (van Vollenhoven,
1981). IGOB is the law used by the Dutch East Indies government for
maintaining the area outside of Java. Those Margas involved included
Onderdistrict Sarolangun (Sarolangun, Pelawan and Batin VIII),
Onderdistrict Limun (Cermin nan Gedang, Datuk nan Tigo and Bukit
Bulan), Onderdistrict Batangasai (Batangasai, Batang Hungemban,
and Pinang river), Onderdistrict Pauh (Batin VI, Simpang III, and Air
Hitam). The separation of some of the regions enabled the colonial
government to control and exploit the people of the territory. Also with
the implementation of this system by the colonial government, it would
eventually reduce the influence of the sultan on his people. The power of
17. Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie – VOC, or United East Indies Company.
52
the sultan was systematically diminished and viewed by the subject as

effectively weakened.
Keuchenius (1912) wrote that the Sultanate of Jambi frequently
attacked Palembang, which was controlled by the Dutch Colonials. In
1833, the colonial government attacked and held the Jambi territory from
Muara Kumpih (Muara Kumpe) where the region was controlled using
the Governor General Law. As a result, in 1834, a contract was made
between the Sultan of Jambi and the Dutch Government, which stated
that the Sultan acknowledged that the sultanate of Jambi was under the
Dutch Colony. When Sultan Taha rose to the throne in 1855, he refused
to recognize the position of the Dutch colonials in Jambi. Consequently,
the Dutch gave an order for a military attack on Jambi, but the Sultan
Taha escaped to the mountains and ruled in exile until 1904. Keuchenius
(1912) also noted that the last sultan of Jambi ascended his throne in
1891 and Jambi then became a Dutch East Indies colonial asset. The
Governor General took over Jambi as the representative of the colonial
government. Following years under the authority of Palembang, in 1906
Jambi became an autonomous residency under colonial government rule.
Under the colonial government rule, Jambi had two different
constitutional laws (Tideman, 1938): the Sultanate customary law that
was used to maintain the socio-cultural life of the people of Jambi
and the Sultanate government and the Dutch colonial law which was
used to maintain external relationships among the countries. However,
according to Tideman (1938, p. 1), the regulations made by the colonial
government also strongly influenced the custom regulation in Jambi, such
as the value and the amount of tax imposed on the Jambi people. The
purpose was to assure the flow of tax from the locals to the sultanate, and
then to the colonial government. The situation led the Sultanate under
Dutch directions, to increase their pressure and control of the inland area
where mostly the Orang Rimba resided. This included the oppression of
the Orang Rimba by the Malays who have then become part of Ducth
capitalistic functional to exploit the natural resources in order to secure
sufficient supply for the economic trade in the Malacca Strait. The policy
applied by the colonial government also affected the governance system
53
within the Sultanate itself as it became part and parcel on colonial rule.
All policies issued by the sultanate were made to support the interests of
the Dutch.
As stated by Haga (1929), at that time the Sultan of Jambi was
chosen by the Sultanate council and the Assembly of XII. The council
was comprised of the people’s representatives in the capital of Jambi.
The representatives consisted of the common people, known as “orang
kecil” (little people), and the noblemen (the Raden) of Jambi Sultanate
and the sultan’s family, which was divided into Kraton, Perban, Kedipan,
Permas and Raja Empat Puluh. The Assembly of XII consisted of 12
members whose position was inherited within the family. All social
groups had a responsibility and position, which determined its status
in the sultanate. It was actually based on labour purpose and social
stratification towards the sultanate family closeness. Haga (1929) also
explained that commoners under the Sultanate with no representatives
were divided into the groups and one small group. They were:
1. Legal community based on the Marga. They were Bangsa XII,
people settled on the edge of Batanghari River from Muarasebo
to Muaratebo and Air Hitam, and, further along the Tembesi
River, the Mersam people, the front part of XI and VII district,
the citizens of which did not belong to the XII.
2. People who lived in Tungkal.
3. Legal communities in Jambi Hulu, such as the Onderradeeling
Muarabungo, Bungo, Sarolangun and some of Muaratebo and
Muaratembesi people.
4. Suku penghulu, communities who lived in the coastal area and
delta of the Batanghari River near Muara Sabak. Comprised of
immigrants and outsiders in which the Sultan chose the leader.
The division of society to secure the colonial government’s
policy is evident at the grass root level. Haga (1929) noted that the
communities who lived in Jambi Ulu (upstream), such as Muarabungo,
Bungo, Sarolangun and some of Muaratebo and Muaratembesi people,
were divided into two categories based on their profession. They were
the communities with a fixed job assigned to them (identified as Berajo)
54
and the communities who collected and paid the tax (identified as Jajah).
Therefore, the Sultanate collected the tax at the village and family level.
The sultanate developed the tax classification and rules that supported
the enforcement. For instance, they developed a regular tax (identified
as Jajah Biak and Jajah Mantap) and infrequent tax collected from the
borders when there was a coronation of a new sultan. The sultanate
even developed the regulation that the sultan gave something (clothes
or natural produce) to the people when the sultan invited the community
members to the palace to be rewarded. This process shows the power of
reciprocity between the sultan and his people and is referred to as “Serah
naik jajah turun”.
The colonial tax policy impacted on the Orang Rimba’s life.
Tideman (1938) noted that the Orang Rimba (who settled in Bukit 12) had
been acknowledged by the governmental system of the Jambi Sultanate.
They included the Orang Rimba in Bukit 12 under the authority of Marga
Air Hitam. It is stated in seloka adat (customary poem) as “Ujung Waris
Tana Garo, Tana Bejenang Air Hitam”. The seloka contains the location
of the boundaries of the Orang Rimba’s territory in Bukit 12, which was
stated as Tana Garo and Air Hitam. The seloka also mentioned the waris
and jenang as the patrons of the Orang Rimba in Bukit 12. This seloka
gave authority to the Malays to control Orang Rimba. Based on this
seloka, the Orang Rimba had the responsibility and obligation to fulfil
the ‘Jajah’ to the Sultanate or ‘Berajo’ because of their territory in Air
Hitam.
The Orang Rimba also experienced violence and coercion from
the Malays. There is evidence that the Dutch (Winter, 1901) even
recorded some incidents where women of the Orang Rimba were taken
violently from their groups by the Malays to be maids in Jambi. Winter
stated that the Orang Rimba were afraid because the Malays abducted
their young girls to work as domestic maids. The Orang Rimba felt
hopeless, as they were not capable of doing anything to prevent it. In
addition, he also mentioned how easily and frequently the Malays were
able to abduct Orang Rimba from the forest and trade them, as they did
not fight back.
55
As stated by Andaya (1993), the interaction between the Malays

and Orang Rimba developed from the tension between the Ulu (upstream)
and Ilir (downstream) society relationship. Ulu society was described by
Andaya (Andaya, 1993, p. 16) as a society rich in natural resources. The
Ulu society was characterized as egalitarian, independent and living in
groups. The Ilir society was hierarchical and always tended to dominate
the Ulu society because it needed to secure the supply of commodities
for the international market at the Malacca Strait.
The dynamic relationship between the Ulu and Ilir society then
impacted the Orang Rimba. As a part of the social group at the lowest
rank in Jambi’s society, the Orang Rimba were forced to work harder for
the Malays where the group was located in order to pay the tax that had
to be submitted to the Malays. This situation essentially left the Orang
Rimba in a weak and unjust position.
Orang Rimba in Post-Colonial Era
After Indonesian independence in 1945, the Jambi Residency

came entirely under the Republic of Indonesia’s government. In the
beginning, it was a part of the Central Sumatra Province, according to
Government Decree Replacement of Law No. 4 of 1950. In 1957, by
Emergency Act no. 19, Jambi became an autonomous regional district,
as the province remains today.
Jambi, one of provinces in Sumatra, has a diverse community
because it used to be the trade centre from the upstream to the downstream
of the Batanghari River. Locher Scholten (2008, p. 42) claimed that
Jambi has many ethnicities despite a low population in comparison to
others. The Malay Ethnic group is the dominant ethnic group in Jambi.
However, there are also other ethnicities, such as Java, Minangkabau and
Chinese. Equally, minority ethnic groups can also be found in Jambi,
these being the Orang Rimba, Bajo and Batin.
The Ministry of Social Affairs (MOSA) characterizes the Orang
Rimba as isolated people (Masyarakat Terasing) in comparison to other
ethnic groups. They identify isolated people like the Orang Rimba as
56
primitive, remote and uncivilized. Consequently, the government sees

them as part of Indonesia’s social problem.
“Isolated people are a part of Indonesia’s social problem
“(Department of Social Affairs, 1981)
The government considers them as a group who are either settled
or nomadic and has less or no access to social, economic and political
development. The isolation includes a geographical challenge to reach
public facilities (Department of Social Affairs, 1981). The government
emphasizes the poor condition of the group based on their limited
condition. The government also considers them as a group that still
utilises subsistence-based natural resources, which has led to them being
extremely poor compared to other ethnic groups.
Based on Presidential Instruction No. 111 (1999), the government
changed the term of isolated people into “Komunitas adat Terpencil”
later known as KAT. The definition of KAT is not much different from
isolated people. The addition is the empowerment program of KAT to
promote prosperity and social integrity (Department of Social Affairs,
2001). However, the program was criticised by academics and NGO
activists because the final aim was to implement a new culture.
During the New Order Regime, governmental systems and
policies were entirely aimed at maintaining the stability of the nation and
were inclined to be repressive. The government considered any different
discourses in society to be contrary to the state and that it should be
eliminated. In this case, the state mandated the MOSA to maintain the
existence of the KAT and for the isolated traditional communities to
become civilized. These communities were considered as vulnerable
groups because they were found to be unstable in the social and political
aspects.
The government continued to label the group, as there was
lack of adequate research to prove otherwise. For instance, the term
“peladang berpindah” (shifting cultivator) was used under the Soeharto
regime for people who created environment problems for the social and
economic structure of the area, such as the forest fire in 1997-1998. The
Ministry of Forestry blamed the nomadic farmers as the main cause
57
of the burning forest and the El Nino effect. The government assumed
shifting cultivators as the main cause of the disaster (see Barber &
Schweithelm, 2000; Vayda, 1999). Therefore, they were included in the
state resettlement program.
This decision was widely criticized by academics and NGOs
activists. One of the academics was Andrew Vayda. Vayda (1999)
referred carbon dating research and claimed this showed that the forest
burning of 1997-1998 at Kalimantan was caused by the long dry season
during the glacial period of that time, as had happened since 17.500
years ago. Forest fire, whether from natural or human causes, does not
spread widely. For the local community, the use of fire is part of life, a
means for “opening” the forest to start agricultural activities. Indeed,
according to the local community, they have their own ways to control
and exploit the fire to their advantage.
The state marginalized the culture of ethnic minorities because
they regard minority groups, ethnic, religious and other social groups, as
unstable and weak and thus prone to be easily influenced by other groups
who go against the state. As a result, the state created the idea of national
culture to maintain and strengthen unity and used the power of politics,
economy and military to strengthen national culture and ideological
legitimacy and marginalized or even banned the culture of minority
groups, including ethnic minority groups (Foulcher, 1990, pp. 301-
302). This policy resulted in many local and minority cultures groups
vanishing because they were assimilated into the dominant culture. The
state apparatus in a region mostly perceives the national culture as the
dominant culture in the area, both ethnic and religious. Thus local culture
that does not fit the values of the dominant culture will be banned or
forced to assimilate into the dominant culture.
National culture was developed and integrated into the local
culture derived from the culture of the majority and dominant ethnic
group of the area. The appearance of the term “Putra Daerah” in the
reformation era supports this fact. “Putra Daerah”18 is commonly used
18. “Putra Daerah” was always related to the original ethnic of the region, a native.
58
to identify the ethnicity of a person based on a region. The local leader or

local representative uses this term to engage their voters in the region. As
a result, the minority group failed and never obtained recognition. This
is related to Edward Bruner’s (1974) elaboration on his hypothesis of the
ethnic dominant culture in Indonesia, that dominance depends on ethnic
population ratio, the strength of the ethnic articulation and the presence
and distribution of power among other ethnic group on the region. From
Bruner’s description, it can be concluded that the enforcement of the
ethnic majority and cultural identity occurred to become the dominant
ethnic group. Dominance is not just related to numbers but also to power
allocation. The ethnic minority either becomes a part of the dominant
cultural or fades away.
In the context of the dominant culture, all development efforts for
the indigenous people conducted by the state are directed to change their
culture and lifestyle in accordance with what was applicable for the main
society. To achieve these goals, the state, through the MOSA, created
a development program called “Proyek Pengembangan Kesejahteraan
Masyarakat Terasing“19 or PKMT (Department of Social Affairs, 1981).
PKMT’s purpose was to conduct the resettlement program for the
isolated people.
The government used the resettlement program as the entry point
to change the life of the Indigenous People. The government assumed
that a permanent settlement of those people could improve their welfare
and allow them to prosper. After that, economic, social and cultural
programs would follow suit.
As indigenous people, the state categorized the Orang Rimba as
isolated people and entitled to enrol in the development program for
isolated people developed by the MOSA. Nevertheless, the program also
had cultural effects on the Orang Rimba regarding the dominant ethnic
culture in Jambi.
Fachrudin Saudagar (1993), a local academic in Jambi, assumed
that the character of hunter-gatherer group such as the Orang Rimba
19. The Development Program for Isolated Peoples Wealthfare
59
was still uncivilized, poor and deemed as stupid. In his writings, he

created the impression that there was no significant change to the Orang
Rimba’s culture over several centuries. The Ministry of Social Affairs
(Department of Social Affairs, 1991) continued to describe the Orang
Rimba as a vulnerable ethnic group because they had unstable livelihood,
poor sanitation and self hygiene, unhealthy housing, did not conform to
a state approved religion and had a different way of life. Stupidity and
an uncivilized lifestyle become their identity due to isolation and their
limited access to resources, education, information, and health facilities.
The Malay Jambi people usually describe Orang Rimba
negatively because of their lifestyle, which is considered contrary to
common practice. This is reflected in some of the writings of the Malay
Jambi concerning the Orang Rimba. For instance, Myrnawati (1993)
gave the impression that the Orang Rimba had improper life and habits
compared to Malay Jambi culture. She described Orang Rimba women’s
menstruating their blood everywhere, children being naked till the age of
8 with inadequate health treatment to match national standards, smelly
or bad odor due to lack of awareness about how to clean their bodies,
children smoking, and malnutrition problem. This interpretation of the
Orang Rimba only highlighted the negative aspects of the Orang Rimba
culture. It was based on the experience she had had with the Orang
Rimba.
Through the MOSA, the government implemented the
development program with the aim of relocating the Orang Rimba to a
place considered as matching government standards. The Orang Rimba
nomadic lifestyle was considered inappropriate compared to the Malay
Jambi standard. The PKMT developed with the aim to shape a new
social institution to standardize the Orang Rimba lifestyle, which the
government had defined. Parsudi Suparlan (1995, p. 400), addressing the
case of the Sakai ethnic group in Riau, said this kind approach consisted
of the integration of a social institution program, including settlement,
social institution, religion and customs, that focused on redeveloping
isolated people as a new community accepted by society in the area. This
was the beginning of a process to marginalize to the ethnic minority.
60
A similar situation also happened to the Orang Rimba in Jambi.

They were taught to adopt and practice the new way of life, which
revolved around the cultural values of Malay Jambi daily life and was
monitored frequently by the MOSA staff. The government expected that
they would have the good life with PKMT’s program. In this context, the
government internalized the Orang Rimba to change their lifestyles and
cultures through the development program. This resulted in leading the
Orang Rimba to gradually lose their cultural identity.
Conclusion
In a plural society context, ethnic minority groups are the

marginal people. An ethnic minority group has nothing to do with
limited population numbers but is more about the subordinate positions
or marginal status that is inherent to a certain faction of a dominant
group (Smith, 1986, p. 192). Smith (1986, p. 177) stated that marginal
can be interpreted as the position of a group that had restraints and was
marginalized economically, politically and socially by other groups that
were considered more dominant. As an ethnic minority, the Orang Rimba
is in a marginal position based on their ethnicity.
Since the Jambi sultanate period, the Orang Rimba’s position has
not changed much. The society in Jambi always positioned them at the
bottom of the social structure of a plural society in Jambi. Their presence
is always in a marginal position.
The Orang Rimba were demographically very little compared to
other ethnic groups that existed in Jambi, a plural society comprising
people from various ethnic and diverse socio-cultural backgrounds.
This situation is very vulnerable to inter-group conflict if not managed
properly. Mismanagement of natural resources has been a driving factor
of competition between groups. As an s ethnic minority, the Orang Rimba
is in disadvantaged position.
During the Sultanate of Jambi, the relationship between the Orang
Rimba and the Jambi Malays was governed by a structure based on the
economic relationship between them. The relationship was based on the
61
transfer of tax to the ruling class (Jajah), from the Orang Rimba to Jambi
Sultanate. The pattern of this relation between the Malays and Orang
Rimba developed from a background of the relationship between Ulu
and Ilir society in Jambi. The pattern then led to an understanding of the
Malays about the settled Orang Rimba and nomadic Orang Rimba in
regard to the concept of civilized or uncivilized.
During the Dutch East Indies colonial period, the existence of
the Orang Rimba did not experience much change. The colonial policy
applied two laws, customary law (for internal) and colonial law, as well
as further strengthening of the tax law, which resulted in making people's
lives more difficult. The position of the Orang Rimba became increasingly
marginalized as the colonial tax policy was strictly implemented and
affected Malay Jambi lives.
There was a change in the form of involvement of the Orang Rimba
from the Malay Islamic sultanate era to the Dutch East Indies period.
Initially, during the Islamic sultanate era, they supported the Malays and
the Sultanate's economy, mainly as partners in the international trade
through the Malacca Strait. The colonial political situation during the
Dutch East Indies colonial period changed their (Orang Rimba) function
and role, as labour for the Malays with the aim of helping people pay
their tax to the sultanate and the colonial government.
In the Indonesian administration, the Orang Rimba’s status as an
ethnic minority remains unchanged. The state categorizes Orang Rimba
as “isolated people”. In this category, the Orang Rimba is considered
as a vulnerable group, which experiences social problems. The state is
supposed to support them and ensure the rights of all groups are met,
including addressing the issue of ethnic minority rights. Instead, they
create a process of marginalization of the ethnic minority with their
development programs.
These ethnic groups had essentially existed long before the nation
state system. They lived before the existence of a state taking advantage
of the natural resources in their environment. The government then
took all the resources they had and also changed their culture system
with a formal governance system. Thus, when the national government
62
took over their natural resources, resentment occurred due to the

strong oppressive presence of a government system. Although system
of government and society has developed in Jambi, the role and status
of the Orang Rimba remain in a disadvantageous position. They have
undergone a process of continual marginalization for many centuries to
establish a cultural identity of their own.
63
64
CHAPTER 3
NOTIONS OF RIGHTS BY THE
ORANG RIMBA
”Alangkah kejamnya orang kampung ini.

Dianggap anjing kami.” Syargawi.
(How cruel this villagers. We are seen as a dog).
T
he society has violated Orang Rimba human rights since the Islam
Sultanate was in power in Jambi continuing through the Dutch
East Indies colonial era to the present day. Not only the violation
of economic rights, but also social and cultural rights. Although times
have changed, the Orang Rimba are still in the lowest social position and
structure of Jambi society.
The process of violation of human rights was carried out through
the marginalization of the Orang Rimba. The marginalization was
not only made by the state but also Jambi society, especially the most
dominant ethnic group, namely Malay Jambi, and corporate or industrial
circles in Jambi. The process of marginalization was performed in various
ways, including violence, cultural and attitude changes, and the process
of Islamization, which has to do with the ideological issue. The biggest
impact was expropriation of land and exploitation of natural resources
belonging to the Orang Rimba.
65
In addition, the process of environmental loss also supports the

decline of quality of life of Orang Rimba. Forests not only as a source
of their livelihood but also their cultural resources. As a source of life,
the forest is seen as a place to base their livelihood. They take a lot of
non-timber forest products for sale to the market. On that basis they also
perform preservation and protection of the forest, which they belong.
However, the forest now has a different function. The forest is seen not
as a source of life, but as an asset by the state and it must be maintained
and processed in such a way. And it supports the acceleration process
of marginalization experienced by Orang Rimba. This chapter will also
discuss how the state and the corporation marginalized them and what
the social impacts for the Orang Rimba were.
Marginalization at The Past Era
There is a saying that if one wants to control a society, controls

its natural resources and thus the people will collapse and concede. It is
a social phenomenon that has actually occurred in Jambi. Competition to
control the natural resources between groups has colored the history of
Jambi society.
Jambi is not a region considered to have abundant natural
resources. Jambi was a colony of the Srivijaya kingdom and finally
became independent as a sultanate of Malay Jambi. Nevertheless, as a
result of the rapid growth of river transportation access and population,
Jambi developed rapidly. The large rivers in Jambi, such as the Batang
Hari River and Tembesi River, are the soul of its economic trading. They
were inexpensive and effective transportation routes for groups of people
living on the bank of the rivers. Batang Hari River and Tembesi River
witnessed a flow of natural resources from the remote area of Jambi to
Jambi City, which were then distributed to the Malacca Strait. Jambi then
became a highly regarded trading centre of natural resources of that time.
The exploitation of the natural resources has supported the
economy of Jambi people since the early days, particularly the plantation
business. The plain of Jambi also supports it, as it is relatively fertile
66
Nations of Rights by the Orang Rimba
for plantation and agriculture. Transportation along the Batang Hari,

which cuts across the Jambi region, has also facilitated the distribution
of rubber plantation and other natural resource produce (Budihardjo,
2001, p. 4). In addition to the aforementioned plantation business,
another important livelihood is exploiting non-timber natural resources
existing in the forest, for example jelutong (Dyera costulata) sap, rattan,
incense, resin and gutta-percha, and the exploitation of quality timber
for building materials, such a ironwood (Eusideroxylon zwagerii), wood
garlic (Scorodocarpus borneensis Becc.), petaling (Ochanostachys
amentacea), tembusu (Fagraea fragrans), and so on. As recorded by
W.K. Keuchenius in 1912 (Keuchenius, 1912), the forest products
exploited and exported to foreign countries were rubber, gutta-percha,
jelutong, rattan and ironwood.
Jambi’s natural resources are highly regarded natural potentials
for regional trade. In “To Live As Brother” (1993, p. 3), Andaya stated
that the name of Jambi was not really well known in the trade in the
Malacca Strait prior to the sixteenth century. It seemed to sink under
the shadow of the grandeur of Palembang. In the regional trade it only
played a minor role compared to Palembang, which entirely controlled
the trading routes in the Malacca Strait with its plantation and forest
products. However, the expansion of pepper as a popular plantation
plant during the sixteenth century gave Jambi important value in the
international trade and attracted the Dutch and English East India
Companies to establish their trading posts for the first time in 1615.
In the colonial era, rubber became a new commodity, which
made Jambi and the Dutch Colonial government prosper. According to
Lisbeth (2008, pp. 321 - 323), in 1900 forest products contributed 94%
of the total exports, specifically rattan, gutta-percha and rubber with a
total value of 653,000 gulden. Rubber was first introduced in Malacca
in the 1890s, and then the Chinese traders imported the seed planted in
Sumatra and Kalimantan. At the beginning, it was planted sporadically,
but cultivated massively in 1910-12 and in 1918 rubber plantations and
cultivation became common. Moreover, a boom in rubber cultivation
occurred in the 1920s. The plantations needed rubber tappers coming
67
from Java because a laborer class did not exist in Jambi. Families or
owner, who had their own rubber, regarded it as golden rain.
In addition to plantations, another important livelihood was
searching for non-timber natural resources existing in the forest. Such
activities were important because their scarcity led to a high price. For
such searches, the brokers relied on the capability of people living in
the remote areas (including the Orang Rimba) in order to find them. The
brokers (toke in local language) would buy such forest products, pay the
price after calculating the cost of the seekers and sell them to the traders in
the City (Jambi) at a high price. Traders in the city would then sell them
to intercity traders. Such a trading route had been established since the
sultanate era. This connected the upstream (ulu) people, as the seekers and
village-level traders, and the downstream (ilir) people as the brokers. Such
trading patterns are still used for commodities such as rubber sap, rattan,
and even illegal timber selling, which involve more extensive parties.
In the era of the Islam Malay Sultanate, the commodity trade
became the basic economy of the Jambi people, not only those who lived
on the coast of Jambi, but also in the hinterlands. Even in 1616, Jambi
was considered as the second richest after Aceh. Not only in trade, Jambi
was also regarded as playing a significant role in international politics.
Elsbeth Locher-Scholten (Locher-Scholten, 2008, p. 44) even stated that
the power of the Jambi Islamic Sultanate in 1670 was equal to that of
Palembang and Johor.
However, the golden era of Jambi did not last long. In the 1680s,
the main pepper port on the east coast of Sumatra collapsed after clashing
with Johor and because of internal conflict between the upstream and
downstream factions. The colonial government also changed. England
decided to leave Jambi in 1678, as did VOC in 1680. Nevertheless,
VOC returned to Jambi in 1688 and captured Sultan Jambi and detained
him in Batavia, resulting in an open conflict between the upstream and
downstream. Sultanates appeared in the upstream and the downstream.
Jambi never dominated again, although it was re-unified in 1720. Pepper
price had gone down and was no longer the main commodity, replaced
by gold. The Sultan no longer had the highest authority. Moreover,
68
the Minangkabau people controlled the upstream area. According to

Andaya (in Locher-Scholten, 2008, p. 45), the Minangkabau people
migrated massively to upstream of Jambi. The main attraction was gold.
Therefore, by the end of the eighteenth century, according to Andaya in
Elsbeth, Jambi became a vassal state of Minangkabau in Pagaruyung.
The glorious era of Jambi had reached the end of the line.
The open system of the Jambi sultanate enabled one group
to dominate others. The Malay sultanate system was different to the
kingdom system in Java, which exercised a total control over its people.
In the Malayan concept, the sultanate led by a sultan was a symbol of the
state’s unity and prosperity. The sultan or king was regarded as god’s
representative, a mediator between the macrocosm and microcosm,
between the worldly and the divine. The success of the sultanate was
indicated by the prosperity of people, how he could nurture people and
resolve conflicts between them, and represent them to the outside world
(Locher-Scholten, 2008, p. 51) (Milner, 1982, pp. 109-129). Although he
theoretically had a central role, the sultan had limited authority in practice.
He delegated his authority to the officials or people he appointed as a part
of the sultanate governance, either drawn from the sultanate family or
outsiders. In such context, the people of Jambi was seen as source of
labour as asset commodity. A patron-client relationship was used in order
to bind them. It was a relationship that bound the sultan and his people.
The process of patron-client was applied in the relationship between
the Malay people and the Orang Rimba. In such a case, the position of
the Orang Rimba was unfavorable. Jambi society was a heterogeneous
society, but the majority was the Malay Jambi ethnic group, a Malay
ethnic group residing in the Jambi area. In addition to the Malay ethnic
group, there was also the Kerinci, Bathin, Javanese, Minangkabau and
other ethnic groups. A major ethnic group, Malay ethnic was identified
as living on the banks of Batanghari and Tembesi River, the Orang
Rimba living nomadically in the forest and the Bathin people living in the
upstreams of rivers. Each had their own occupations and duties.
The structure of Jambi society placed the Orang Rimba in the
lowest structure of the Malay people. Social interaction between the
69
Orang Rimba and the Malay people was realized in the structure of a
relationship that regulated each social status in accordance with their
roles and functions, referring to the concept of “Serah Naik Jajah
Turun” (The tax goes upstream, the tribute comes downstream). It was
a regulation relying on the control of economic and tax (jajah) channels
by the upstream people to the downstream people in the era of the Jambi
sultanate. In the structure of “Serah Naik Jajah Turun”, there existed the
waris and jenang whose role was to collect taxes from people, including
the Orang Rimba, and distribute them to the sultanate. The existence of
Orang Rimba in the area of Bukit 12 was different to other Orang Rimba
in Jambi. According to Tideman (1938), the Orang Rimba of Bukit 12
were regarded by the sultanate as a part of the Air Hitam clan, to which
the customary laws and principles of the Jambi sultanate applied.
The acknowledgment of the Malay people of the existence of
Orang Rimba in Air Hitam was by admitting their wandering area in
Air Hitam as seen in a traditional saying (seloka) that ”Pangkal waris
Tanah Garo, Ujung waris tanah Serengam, Air Hitam tanah bejenang”.
According to this saying, the Orang Rimba admit that they have a waris
in Garo Land and Serengam Land, and a jenang in the area of Air Hitam.
Pangkal waris is interpreted by Orang Rimba as their home range and
ujung waris as the wandering area for the Orang Rimba, especially when
they wander (melangun) to the area of Serengam River, and Air Hitam
where they have jenang. In addition, they also believed that this area
was the border of their wandering, roaming and melangun. Tana Garo
is located in the north and west of Bukit 12, Air Hitam in the south, and
Serengam area is in the east of Bukit 12.
The existence of seloka adat gives a legitimacy of power and
authorization to the position and status of the waris-jenang of the Orang
Rimba. According to the Orang Rimba, a waris is Malay people who are
regarded as having a hereditary relationship with the Orang Rimba or
their family. According to Sandbukt (2000, p. 11), waris refers to people
who have rights to the natural resources and manpower of the Orang
Rimba living in the hinterland. The waris is appointed by the Malay
Jambi sultanate as the person in charge of the Orang Rimba. Therefore,
70
their position in the area of Bukit 12 is in the mouth of the Makekal River
in Tabit and the mouth of the Serenggam River in Tembesi.
Unlike waris, the position of jenang was more hierarchically
structured because he was appointed and acknowledged by the king.
The position of jenang nowadays is understood by the Jambi people
as an innate hereditary position or status. It is unnecessary to have a
kinship with the Orang Rimba. The function of jenang is more about
collecting jajah (tax) from the Orang Rimba for the Jambi sultanate. In
such cases, jenang plays a role as the mediator between the Orang Rimba
and the world outside that is the Jambi sultanate. He is regarded as the
person who represents the interest of the king or sultan. Malay people
or Orang Terang20 who want to enter the area of Orang Rimba must
receive permission from the waris and jenang. Orang Rimba living at
the hinterland will ask them whether they have received the permission
from the waris and jenang. If they do have not, then the Orang Rimba
have a right to expel them. However, the Orang Rimba also have to obey
the orders of the waris and jenang when they say that outsiders have got
their permission. Moreover, they have to help those outsiders and the
waris and jenang will be angry with them if they learn that the outsiders
received inappropriate treatment from the Orang Rimba.
In actuality, the nature of the waris and jenang refers to the
concept of controlling the natural resources and manpower of the Orang
Rimba for the benefit of the Malay people, based on the values or myth in
history. Laman (Orang Rimba from Sungai Tengkuyungan, Air Hitam)
argued that their relation to the waris was different from that to the
jenang. According to Laman, a waris is a sibling (dulur) who has an
obligation to take care of them while a jenang is an individual appointed
by the sultan who has duties to manage them. The primary task of jenang
is to ensure the process of serah naik jajah turun21 can go smoothly. He
20. In the cosmology of the Orang Rimba, they classify the world in two, the world of the Malays and
the world of Orang Rimba. The Malay world is defined as the world of the Malays where they are
characterized as people who live and lived in villages, as well as being Muslims. They call it “Orang
Terang” (Ø. Sandbukt, 1984).
21. All goods given by the sultanate, such as cloth, salt, agricultural equipments and tobacco to the
people, is paid back (suntung naik) by the people in the form of jernang, agricultural products,
balam sap, animal’s gligo (animal bone), elephant’s tusk, etc.
71
has to collect tax (jajah) from the Jambi people, including the Orang
Rimba. With such a position, jenang is more likely to be a form of power
legitimacy given from the sultanate and the king to himself. For the
Orang Rimba, the position of jenang is actually a symbolization of the
king’s power. In such context, the Orang Rimba also has to pay a tribute
to the waris-jenang, a form of reward for what they have done in taking
care of the Orang Rimba. The offering of forest products became the
custom. If they violated such custom, the waris-jenang would fine them
as much as 100 pieces of clothes. The forest products, which directly
became the rights of the waris-jenang, included red balam (Palaquium
spp), white balam, jernang (Daemonorops sp) and honey. In terms of the
exchange value, 1 kati22 of balam sap equals 1 gantang23 of rice, while
2 katis of white balam equals 1 gantang of rice (size of gantang 12). The
value of jernang sap equals red balam sap.
For the Orang Rimba, Waris is an individual considered to have
a hereditary relationship with them. The Orang Rimba also supports
the context of the waris’ existence by referring to the stories of their
origin, which give a strong impression that they belonged to the same
descendants as the Malay people. The stories include Bujang Mapalangi
and Putri Selaro Pinang Masak, originating from the escape of the Malay
people into the forest. Accordingly, the position of waris may be regarded
as the only individual who has the right of waris and is in charge of
protecting people under his waris. It can be seen from the seloka adat
of the Orang Rimba that ‘waris dipintu hutang’, which means that it is
the waris who solves all problems encountered by the Orang Rimba. By
maintaining their relationship with the waris, the Orang Rimba feel that
they receive protection and attention when they face problems dealing
with the outsiders. They maintain such a relationship by routinely paying
tax (jajah) to the waris, or the so-called turun ke waris. It is expected
that if they pay the tax more frequently, they will be remembered by the
waris and the waris will help them whole-heartedly. The more frequent
22. 1 kati equals 20 ounces avoirdupois

23. 1 gantang equals 8 ounces
72
they turun ke waris, the more they will be remembered by the waris.
Furthermore, the waris will enthusiastically help them.
This also applies to jenang. When the Orang Rimba pay their
jajah, a jenang must pay the serah to them. The serah usually take the
form of cloth, sugar, rice or things that will not be found in the forest
(matches and metal tools). The Orang Rimba must give several things
considered important by the sultanate, such as elephant’s tusk, sunguk
(rhino horn), culo tupai (male squirrel’s genitals), cunding (rear part of
female elephant), mustika guliga (a hard substance like stone existing
inside an animal’s body), jata jati (jewelry-naturally shaped gold), and
semambu ulung (black rattan) (Tideman, 1938).
In such cases, the Orang Rimba used to expect the serah from
jenang because at that time the goods included in the serah were difficult
to find in the forest. In addition, they did not have enough money to buy
them. The exchange process was carried out secretly between them and
the Orang Rimba. They usually put the goods in a mutually agreed place
and then hid behind the trees and bushes. Shorty after, jenang or his
envoy would come to take the goods and substitute them with a number
of goods that had become the serah.
For the Orang Rimba, the waris and jenang have an obligation
to solve any problems that they encounter with the outsiders or other
problems between the Orang Rimba, which cannot be resolved by their
tumenggung. The Orang Rimba will report their problems to the waris
and jenang. This also happens when the Malay people have problems
with the Orang Rimba. For example, the problem encountered by the
Orang Rimba with a logging company24, which entered the area of
Bukit 12. The waris and jenang had the right to determine the value
of indemnity that should be paid by the logging company to the Orang
Rimba whose trees were felled by the company’s logging activities.
The logging company was instructed by the waris and jenang to pay as
much as five million rupiahs and 500 pieces of clothes (kain batik)25.
24. Commonly known as HPH (Hak Penguasa Hutan) or Logging Forest Concession.
25. For fines, Orang Rimba have a value for all things. Including human life, valued as 2500 pieces of
clothes. The value is not fixed and depends on negotiation.
73
The money was paid to the Tumenggung of the Orang Rimba who had
been affected. Moreover, the company was obliged to pay a monthly
salary to the leaders of the Orang Rimba, the amount of which differed
in accordance with their level of position.
In order to able to solve problems between the Orang Rimba and the
Malay people or Orang Terang, the waris and jenang not only had strong
social status in the eyes of the Orang Rimba, but also within Malay society
itself. As the legitimacy of the custom was received from the sultanate of
Malay Jambi, the social status of waris and jenang was great in the eyes of
the Malay people of Bukit 12. They are regarded as having a strong role
and the task of entering the world of the Orang Rimba and forests existing
in Bukit 12. Without their permission, the Orang Terang cannot work
peacefully and will be disturbed by the Orang Rimba. The government
also acknowledges their role and function as the mediator between the
Orang Rimba and Malays and they always ask for the waris and jenang’s
helps in socializing development programs for the Orang Rimba.
The status of waris and jenang is also an honor for most Malay
people living in Bukit 12 and surrounding the Orang Rimba’s camp.
They have their status from birth and it will never disappear. They will
not only be highly respected by the Orang Rimba, but also by the Malay
people. The status of waris and jenang is an important position, equal
to the social status of a pesirah (leader of marga). A villager of Lubuk
Jering village, Malay, told me that it is comfortable to live as a jenang.
Being a jenang, he could make money with no effort. Resource materials
from the forests will be given by the Orang Rimba as a means to persuade
him and if the Orang Rimba do not come and give the materials, he can
reprimand them. Furthermore, a jenang will receive other money from
the companies entering the forest to log or open a palm plantation.
For the Orang Rimba, the strong social position of waris and jenang
in Malay society will strengthen their dealing with the Orang Terang.
They will feel strong if their waris and jenang are highly respected by the
Orang Terang. For example, Jenang Bahar has served as a village head
during his lifetime and his son (Datuk Mail) also served a village head.
Being a village head, they were regarded by the Orang Rimba as having
74
a strong social position within the Malay people. Likewise a family of a

waris living in Tana Garo. The family of the late Rio Sayuti, who served
as waris in the north of Bukit 12, have a strong social position in their
village and dominates economic and political activities so that the Orang
Rimba and Orang Terang have to be in contact with them, whether they
want to or not.
In addition to what has been previously mentioned, the Orang
Rimba’s interest to the waris and jenang also includes the acknowledgment
or legitimacy of their status or position, especially in the rank system.
After an Orang Rimba is appointed to be a new tumenggung by his group,
he should obtain the legitimacy and acknowledgment from the waris
and jenang, whether the waris in Tana Garo, Serenggam or the jenang
in Air Hitam. Without such legitimacy, a new tumenggung will not be
respected by his group or may even be considered to be illegitimate.
This also occurs when the waris and jenang do not give their approval
or acknowledgment of the elected candidate. Orang Rimba who want to
run for tumenggung usually will ask for acknowledgment and legitimacy
from their waris and jenang. The waris and jenang will consider the
behaviour and character of the candidate and usually will announce who
the candidate is before the election process. This, of course, will make
the candidate more confident and the Orang Rimba in his group will
think about him carefully.
In reality, the waris and jenang do not always act fairly to the
Orang Rimba. The Orang Rimba often compare the fair behaviour of
waris A and waris B, or waris A and Jenang B. It is about how waris
A treats them well compared to waris B, who treats them badly. Or it
is about Jenang A who does not pay attention to the life of the Orang
Rimba any more, as they can tell from the jenang’s unconcerned attitude.
They consider that waris A is a person doing something bad (jehot) to
them. A direct contact between them and the waris and jenang usually
takes place in the house of the waris or jenang when they pay jajah (tax).
Or if the Orang Rimba does melangun26, it is an obligation for the jenang
26. Melangun is the Orang Kubu tradition to leave their camps because someone has died on the land.
75
to help them. Talking about the Orang Rimba jenang from Air Hitam,
Pak (Mr.) Tarib said that Jenang Bahar was considered a good man
because he never prohibits them from selling the forest products (rattan,
jenang, manau, balam, etc.) to the Orang Terang, even though they are
obliged to give it to the jenang. In contrast, the waris of Tana Garo tends
to prohibit Orang Rimba Mengkekal people from selling their forest
products to other people. Even rubber products are prohibited, which is
actually not regulated in their custom.
With their status as the mediator between the Orang Rimba and
Malay people implying they connect two different worlds, the waris
and jenang have a very dominant power over the access of the Orang
Rimba to the outside world. Orang Terang or Malay people who want
to enter the world of the Orang Rimba must obtain permission from the
waris and jenang who have the right to determine which individual or
institution is entitled to enter the forest within the Orang Rimba area
of Bukit 12. The Waris and jenang’s words are orders, which cannot
be refuted by the Orang Rimba. The outsiders often use this, either
personally or institutionally (company and government) to enter and
carry out activities in the forest located within the Orang Rimba area
of. Using the waris and jenang’s legitimacy, they can freely perform
various activities, for example, the takeover of the Air Hitam area for
transmigration and plantation location in the 1980s. The Orang Rimba
in Air Hitam did not believe that they were informed in advance by their
jenang of their village and thought that the jenang had treated them
cruelly. They only found out when suddenly there were many outsiders
coming to their forest. Their forest disappeared within years. However,
they realized that it was the jenang’s right to determine them. They were
also convinced that what had been done by the jenang was for their
best interests. Moreover, they also received money and salary from the
company as an indemnity for their plants.
Having such access control, the waris and jenang can control
all forest resources taken and sold by the Orang Rimba to outsiders. In
order to strengthen their position and legitimacy, the waris-jenang make
additional regulations that oblige the forest products obtained by the
76
Orang Rimba to be brought to the waris-jenang. The regulation is based

on the seloka adat, which serves as the reference for Orang Rimba and
Malay culture. For instance, there is a rule that Orang Rimba are not
allowed to sell rubber or other forest resources to another toke, only to
their waris and jenang. The regulation only covers non-timber forest
products, such as jernang sap, balam sap and jelutung sap, but in reality
the Orang Rimba are also ordered to tap their rubber and sell it to their
waris. The price given to the Orang Rimba and Malay people is, of course,
different. This is what the Orang Rimba in Tana Garo experienced. The
price for 1 kg rubber at the farmer level was Rp1.700.00, but the waris
in Tana Garo valued Orang Rimba rubber sap at only Rp1.300.00. On
another occasion at a routine meeting in upstream Mengkekal River, a
waris from Tana Garo reprimanded a Kubu under his waris because he
sold rubber to another toke in the nearest village because of its closer
location and a higher price.
The aforementioned regulations place the Orang Rimba in an
exploited condition. The regulations are supported by the traditional
regulations, which contain the oaths of the Orang Rimba to obey their
waris and jenang. If they do not obey what is ordered by their waris-
jenang, the Orang Rimba will be cursed by with “kebawah ndak
berurat, keatas ndak bepucuk, ketengah ditebuk kumbang, mati ketimpa
pungguk”(going down is endless, going up is topless, eaten by beetle
in the middle, dying due to collapsed wood). The Orang Rimba are
apparently frightened of the curse’s punishment and believe that if the
waris-jenang says the curse, the cursed Orang Rimba will soon die and
the group will experience disaster. The curse is still believed by some of
the Orang Rimba in Bukit 12, particularly in the middle and downstream
of the Mengkekal River. One example is the case that befell Tumenggung
Bedinding Besi in 1999. Tumenggung Bedinding Besi was a tumenggung
in the Upstream Mengkekal. He was brought to trial by his waris in Tana
Garo because he was accused of selling his land to Malay people who were
not Tana Garo people (Ulang Kemang Village). When his waris came to
him, Tumenggung Bedinding Besi’s face, which had previously looked
angry, suddenly became pale. Tumenggung Bedinding Besi was well
77
known as a resolute and strong tumenggung because he was courageous

in rejecting the coming of foreigners who entered his area. The waris of
Tana Garo said the seloka adat, as was traditional, and reminded him that
if Tumenggung Bedinding Besi did not obey the words of his waris, he
would be cursed; that he would die by “ketimpa punggur kayu” (a big tree
branch would collapse on him) and meeting a rimau (tiger), Tumenggung
Bedinding Besi suddenly looked frightened and admitted that he had sold
his lands to people of Ulak Kemang Village.
The Orang Rimba’s judgment that the waris and jenang did not
always act justly to them is due to the fact that the jajah (tax) given to the
jenang in the form of balam sap, jernang and honey was not equal to the
amount of the serah they should actually receive. It was difficult for them
to find such materials in the forest due to its deteriorating state and they
had to go farther into the forest in order to obtain them. Additionally, the
value given by the jenang was sometimes not based on the market price.
According to the Orang Rimba, there were many others who gave a higher
price for their goods than that of the serah given to the waris and jenang.
Bepak Pengusai told me that he once gave two jerrycans of honey and
several kilograms of jernang fruit to Jenang Bahar. He expected that the
jajah (tax) he paid would get a return or serah according to the price
existing in the market. However, he only received iron filings to light a
fire, some packs of cigarettes and money that he did not think equal to the
market price. With the knowledge he had got from his socialization and
trading with the outsiders, Bepak Pengusai knew that the market price of
the material he gave to the jenang was higher than that which he received
from the jenang. What happened to Bepak Pengusai has colored the
relationship between the waris and jenang. In order to maintain this, the
waris and jenang made new regulations which continue to bind the Orang
Rimba to their waris and jenang. For instance, they are not allowed to sell
rubber sap to others, but only the waris and jenang’s families.
Moreover, the waris and jenang can also mobilize the Orang
Rimba to work in their fields or rubber plantations. They usually ask the
Orang Rimba to work for them for a minimum payment. For example,
when the waris and jenang want to open a new field, they will ask the
78
Orang Rimba to open it but they will only be paid half of a Malay
labour’s wage. Malay people are paid Rp 15,000.00 to Rp 25,000.00
per person/day to open a new field, depending on the width. However,
the Orang Rimba are paid only Rp10, 000.00. Sometimes, the waris and
jenang only pay them with cigarettes and basic needs. The Orang Rimba
cannot object to this because they are not courageous enough to say “no”
because they are afraid of the curse of their waris and jenang.
This relationship gradually replaced the role of their previous
waris-jenang. Another interaction includes the relationship with toke
who collect the forest products obtained by the Orang Rimba. The toke
will get benefits from this kind of relationship. The appointment of the
jenang is carried by the Orang Terang and receives an acknowledgment
from the Orang Rimba. To strengthen such appointment, a new jenang
tries to obtain acknowledgment and legitimacy from the local village
head or subdistrict head. However, outsiders who have stakes in the
Orang Rimba, such as illegal loggers, companies or forest squatters,
appoint an Orang Rimba as tumenggung in order to maintain their stakes.
By appointing a tumenggung, they expect the Orang Rimba to guarantee
their business in the forest, or guard their business against other Orang
Rimba. They are rewarded by money from the outsiders. One example
is Tumenggung Jelitai in the area of Kejasung Besak (Besar) and
Tumenggung Ngamal in the area of Kejasung Kecil. Tumenggung Jelitai
was actually appointed by a timber toke who carried out logging in his
area. He then proposed the legitimacy to the local village head. So did
Ngamal, a group leader in the Kejasung Kecil River. Due to frequent
contact with people from Sungai Ruan Village who carried out the
logging in Bukit 12, they finally appointed him as a tumenggung. He
was rewarded by bungo kayu (timber tax) taken from the logger group
coming from Ruang River.
Such relationships cannot be separated from the stakes of Orang
Rimba’s elites who want acknowledgement of their power by the Orang
Terang. This acknowledgement is very difficult to obtain by an Orang
Rimba who wants to extend political power from the waris – jenang
existing in Tanah Garo, Serengam and Air Hitam. Their waris – jenang
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only acknowledge that the position of Tumenggung is a hereditary

position. A close interaction with the Orang Terang has caused the roles
of their waris-jenang to diminish little by little until today and it continues
to do so. According to Amilda (1999), the relationship between their
waris- jenang will eventually be replaced by an economic relationship
with the toke, their forest product collector. This collector finally gets the
term “jenang”.
The Malay Jambi people always carry out domination of the Orang
Rimba’s natural resources and manpower by using norms as the basis of
reference for their relationship. There are myths serving as reference for
their relationship. The ruling class, which represses and influences the
Orang Rimba, always uses the myths. The concept of waris and jenang is
one of commodity and manpower domination, which is always carried out
and repeatedly reminded by the ruling class to the Orang Rimba. Although
waris and jenang have transformed to toke, the model of domination still
exists. The Orang Rimba have not become free of the myths.
Prejudice and Stigma concerning Orang Rimba
Jambi society, especially Malay Jambi, stereotype and stigmatize

the Orang Rimba. Most of them have a negative perspective of the Orang
Rimba. They consider the Orang Rimba as uncivilized or primitive people
because they still live and roam in the forest. Nomadic life patterns and
extraordinary habits are the reasons why they are considered so. The
Orang Rimba are also associated with crime. Conflict between Malays
and Orang Rimba is often triggered by the Malay’s suspicion that the
Orang Rimba have stolen something.
The conflict between the Orang Rimba and Malays has dramatically
increased recently. According to WARSI (2008) , five cases of conflicts
between the Orang Rimba and villagers have occurred since 1997. In the
five, only one case was brought to trial and the doer was sentenced to death.
Other cases of the murder of an Orang Rimba have been ignored or ended
peacefully. Some conclude that the conflicts are triggered by suspicion of
Malays about the Orang Rimba, leading to cases of molestation.
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The examples include cases of conflict between Orang Rimba and

Malays in the Pamenang area, villages with ethnic-Malay majority and
some Javanese transmigrant villages. This case occurred in September
2011. It began from a misunderstanding when an Orang Rimba child was
crossing a river through a hanging bridge. He met a villager in the middle
of the bridge. Unfortunately, he fell into the river. He then blamed the
Malay man. This issue caused anger among the villagers who saw it. It
turned out to be an ethnic reaction against the Orang Rimba and they
eventually murdered the Orang Rimba they met.
The villagers’ anger against Orang Rimba had reached a peak.
It is admitted by Syargawi, an Orang Rimba leader in Pamenang, that
suspicion among the villagers, especially Malay people, is very strong. He
admitted that some Orang Rimba committed thefts. However, they did so
because they did not have anything to eat. After their forest disappeared
and their land was sold, they did not have any livelihood. The only hope
was hunting wild boars that infested the oil palm plantations.
According to Syargawi, even boar has become extinct. Syargawi,
living in Sidodadi village, said that the wild boar started to become
extinct in the 2000s. It takes one week to hunt a wildboar and the best
hunting result is a piglet weighing 10 kilograms. They usually sell it to
the market for Rp5, 000 per kilogram. It means that they get Rp50, 000.
This is then divided by four because the Orang Rimba always hunt in a
group. If four people divide it, each person will get Rp 12,500. “It is not
even enough to buy cigarette!” said Syargawi.
So it is just natural, he said, if Orang Rimba in Pamenang
committed a lot of theft. What is stolen is not precious or the like, but
plantation products, fruits or chicken, to be consumed. He recalled how
his children stole something simply because they were hungry and had
nothing to eat.
“Even if we ask for it, they will not give it. For whatever it is, they
will not give it. So, the only way is stealing.”
According to him, the perceptions of Malays and other ethnics
about the Orang Rimba are different. Malays like to accuse them of
stealing anything, but only goods like vegetables, fruit or the like that
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can be eaten or sold. Mamat, a Malay living near Pamenang Market,

remembers that Orang Rimba started to steal in 1995- 1996. They usually
walked through behind the house, in a group consisting of women and
their children, taking anything. They stole one or two chicken and
then sold them to the market. The traders usually bought them due to
being a lower price than the market price. However, when Mamat was
questioned whether things at home or motorcycles had ever been stolen,
he answered spontaneously:
”Never”.
I had one experience of such stereotyping, about how Malays
treat Orang Rimba when I worked as an NGO (WARSI) staff in the
1998s. I was in a long house located in a log pond in KM 24, Ruan River
Village. We named it KM 24 because it was located in an ex-camp built
by PT. Intan Putra Dharma and located in KM 24 of the logging street
cutting across Bukit 12 forest. Many illegal loggers from the surrounding
villages put their logs in this log pond before they transported them to
Tembesi River and flowed down to Jambi through Batanghari River. At
that time, there were only two of us, I and an Orang Rimba friend, Njalo,
serving as a guide while crossing the forest of Bukit 12. Our duty was
very hard, mapping the forest resources belonging to the Orang Rimba
in the Kejasung Kecil River. After several days of walking in the forest,
we arrived at the log pond.
An old couple had been living there for around five years, looking
after the logpond. In order to support their lives, they opened a field
behind the house and opened a rubber plantation is several places. We
called them Pak (Mr.) and Bu (Mrs.) Usman. They were Malay from
Ruan River Village, an old village located on the banks of the Batanghari
River. As guests, we were invited to enter the house. Pak and Bu Usman
were already known me as I had previously been to this log pond along
with a friend while doing a survey on the Orang Rimba.
Being invited into the house by Bu Usman and feeling thirsty, I
hurried in after taking off my shoes and putting my backpack in the house
terrace. However, Njalo remained on the terrace of the long stage house.
He did not enter the house and just sat on the wooden floor drinking tea.
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I looked at Njalo outside, sitting on the floor and smoking a cigarette

that I had given him. Pak Usman was talking to him about what we were
doing in the forest and the obstacles we had encountered there. We were
then invited to have meals. Ibu Usman served rice and side dishes put
on different plates. I asked Njalo to enter the house (guest room), and
have a meal with us. However, Njalo refused saying, “Hoppy kakok.
Akeh disini bae. Makonlah” (No brother. I’ll just sit here. Have your
meals). Ibu Usman then went out taking plates containing rice and a side
dish, and a plastic glass, and gave them to Njalo. And both of us ate with
gusto.
The aforementioned story would not be significant if I didn’t
know that Ibu Usman always differentiated plates and glasses for the
Orang Rimba. They always kept different plates and glasses that were
only used by Orang Rimba. I found this out by accident when, in the
evening, I went to use the plates used by Njalo in the afternoon. Ibu
Usman stopped me and substituted with another plate. I asked her why it
needed to be changed because I thought it was clean. She said in whisper
that the plate was only for Orang Rimba. Pak Usman then told me that it
was the custom of the village. They would never use plates and glasses
touched by Orang Rimba. The plates and glasses would be stored and
used again when they received Orang Rimba guests.
The reasons expressed by Pak and Ibu Usman was that they were
afraid of being defiled and that this would make their prayers invalid.
It was because the Orang Rimba was an unbeliever who ate pork and
other forbidden animals. If they used the plates and glasses for eating
and drinking, these would be defiled by Orang Rimba saliva. Several
people living in other villages where the majority was Malay reinforced
this opinion also. They even felt disgusted about those plates and glasses
so it was no surprise if they were thrown away, or washed seven times,
sometimes with sand or detergent. It is similar to the way a Muslim
removes filth stuck on his body due to dog’s saliva or a pig.
“You know how it is with Kubu, right “, was the answer Ibu Usman
gave to me. It seemed that such an occurrence was a habit they always
performed when they met Orang Rimba. However, when I asked Orang
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Rimba about such phenomenon, they answered that they were actually
offended by such treatment. Laman, an Orang Rimba of Mengkekal
River, said that he felt offended at being treated like that. They often
experienced it they were in the kampong. Laman felt that they, the Orang
Rimba, were treated like a dog. However, they could not do anything.
“We could only follow,” Laman told me. “We were only stupid people
who did not know anything about this world.“
Syargawi also felt the same thing. He told me about an experience
when he, along with his friend, hunted a wildboar. They usually did
this in the evening. It was raining hard at the time and the poison they
had brought would not function if it was wet. They saw a small hut in
the palm plantation and took shelter t. Shortly afterwards, a villager
came and rebuked then, saying: “Go away from here. This is a place
for praying. How dare you sit here? Go away.” Hiding his emotions,
Syargawi immediately left, he could only say,”Alangkah kejamnya
orang kampung ini. Kito dianggap anjing, dak papolah.” (How cruel
this villagers. We are seen as a dog).
The Orang Rimba commonly experience different treatment when
they are in a village of Jambi people. Such treatment is also practised in
public, for example, if there is a crowded event such as a ceremonial feast
in the village. It usually includes a single organ and invites dangdut singers.
Despite a thirst for entertainment, Orang Rimba children were expelled
immediately when they came close. “Apalagi kalau kondangan kami
datang, bisa hilang selera makan mereka jika kami datang. Boleh dibilang
Orang Rimba tak pernah diundang dalam pesta-pesta orang kampong”,
(If we came to a feast, the guests would lose their appetite. It can be said
that we were never invited to the villagers’ parties), said Syargawi.
The Orang Rimba also experience bad treatment from traders
and middlemen (toke). According to the Orang Rimba, they were often
cheated about the price. This was what Orang Rimba felt when they
shopped at Malays living in Malay villages. It is no secret that the sellers
at the stall or shop charged a different price to the Orang Rimba, higher
prices for cigarette or basic necessities. For example, the price of brown
Gudang Garam cigarettes is usually Rp 3,500.00 but increases to Rp
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4,000.00 if bought by Orang Rimba. The same with rubber sap or rattan.
Rubber sap owned by the Tarib group is bought by Haji Saha from Lubuk
Djering. He usually pays Malays Rp1, 700.00, but for Orang Rimba it is
Rp1, 000-Rp1, 300.00. He told the Orang Rimba that the price of rubber
sap in the market is decreasing because of the monetary crisis, so that he
cannot pay expensive prices. Ann Orang Rimba, Melimbu, asked him
why the price of rubber in other places was different, and could be four
hundred times higher than his place; he said that the rubber sap of Orang
Rimba was not as clean as the villagers’. He said there were many types
of dirt, such as wood, leaves and coconut shell in the sap container. He
said that the villagers’ rubber was cleaner so the weight shown by the
scale was equal to its real weight. For Melimbu, Malays always have
reasons to treat them differently.
The conflicts between the Orang Rimba and other ethnic groups
are usually related to land encroachment or illegal logging without
previously asking permission of the Orang Rimba. If there is such case,
the Orang Rimba will ask for indemnity off the person concerned. They
will first discuss with the Malays in order to determine the fault and the
indemnity. However, many unexpected problems arise. First, the amount
of the penalty is not suitable for the current context. For example, the
illegal logger cut down the trees, which have a traditional value for the
Orang Rimba. The value of a log is Setebung Adalah Sebangun Nyawo
(Equal to a human life) and valued at 500 pieces of cloth. Currently, the
value of 500 pieces of cloth is equal to about Rp2 millions, which does
not reflect the selling price of the tree. Second, the Malay concerned
does not obey the rules or the penalty decided by Orang Rimba tradition.
The Malay does not want to follow the customary law for many reasons,
but mostly they do not take it Rimba seriously, except when they have a
particular interest. For example, a Malay from Manawa Village bought
land around the location of Tengkuyungan, near Laman’s location in Air
Hitam. If they do not obey the law they will be disturbed by Laman
and their plants plucked. Therefore, they are forced to obey the penalty
imposed by Laman. However, in the case of an illegal logger, they do
not obey the prevailing laws in Orang Rimba so that conflicts frequently
85
occur between them and end in violence. On the other hand, they do not
receive quick formal legal justice from the government for their cases.
Violent conflict can occur when a Malay does not want follow the
regulations stipulated by the Orang Rimba. This usually occurs in the
activity of illegal logging. For example, two Orang Rimba murders were
committed by illegal loggers in the Kejasung river area, making almost
all of the Orang Rimba in Bukit 12 frightened and anxious. The police
and the regional government have still not legally concluded the two
cases. The Malay carried out the two murders sadistically and such cases
cause deep trauma for the Orang Rimba. They are afraid of the presence
of the Malay in the forest, especially those related to illegal logging27.
In the case of Bungkah and Ngambur (Orang Rimba killed by
villagers of Ruan River), the murderers have not identified by the police28.
They killed two Orang Rimbas, by ganging up upon them, because they
had asked for money at the gate provided for them to collect money
from those who take logs in the forest of Bukit 12. This case was not
solved because the police did not find sufficient evidence. The second
case was the murder of an Orang Rimba using a homemade single shot
pistol (kecepek), which also happened in the area of the Kejasung River.
The regional government attempted to stifle the matter by applying the
law of Orang Rimba to the Malay, the penalty of 1,060 pieces of cloth.
Many Orang Rimba still feel the matter has not been resolved.
They see the murderers still roaming free in their neighborhood. It is
expected that the police or village apparatuses should resolve such cases
in accordance with the customs, a negotiation between the Orang Rimba
and the murderer’s family.
Jambi people admit that the Orang Rimba are a strange and
uncivilized people. They believe this is because the Orang Rimba do not
want to follow the common norms prevailing in society, such as living
27. Commonly, when the Orang Rimba have serious problems or conflict with the Malay and think that
they cannot resolve it, they will move to another place considered safer, i.e. the upstream area. It is
far away and difficult to be reached by the Malay. This is common among Orang Rimba when they
face problems.
28. See Aritong, R., & Taufik, E. (1999). Membela Nasib Bertaruh Nyawa Alam Sumatra dan
Pembangunan Edisi Vol 2/No: 6 September 1999.
86
in the village like normal people; why they should live in the forest
and wear cawot29! Jambi people think that their treatment of the Orang
Rimba has been according to their customs. Another reason why Jambi
people treat them differently is that Orang Rimba are not Muslims. The
combination of being non-Muslims and living in the forest makes the
Orang Rimba look dirty and disgusting to the Jambi people, especially
Malays, because they deal with filthy and dirty things. For example, they
often eat pork, do not take a bath, sleep on the ground, do not wear
clothes, and so on. What was interesting was when I asked Jambi people
whom I met in the village about why they treated other non-Muslim
ethnic groups differently, such as Batak people whom they met in the
transmigration village. They also eat pork and have their own rules that
are different from Malay.
“Batak people are a different case. They are just like us. Although
they are all unbelievers and eat pork, but they live cleanly. They
don’t live in the forest like those persons (Orang Rimba).”
Therefore, the different treatment is because the Orang Rimba are
considered dirty individuals because of living in the forest. The Orang
Rimba are identified with dirtiness and uncivilization because they live
their life differently to other people.
The Orang Rimba believe that the different treatment that they
receive from Orang Terang is something widespread. In principle,
the Orang Rimba classify their world into two clearly distinguished
classifications, namely Malay world and Orang Rimba world (O.
Sandbukt, 1984, p. 86). Malay world is defined by Orang Rimba as the
world of the Malay who live in villages and embrace Islam.
In the Orang Rimba’s view, the Malay people bring diseases. This
can be observed, for example, when they return from a village or other
Malay area, they are obliged to do besasading’on (self isolation) for a
few days in order to remove the residue of diseases acquired from the
village. Although the distance between them and the village is very close,
this custom is still implemented. Sandbukt (1984, p. 94) also mentions
29. Cloth to cover genitals.
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that there is a strong association between the concept of Me-layu and

natong-layu (porcupine). Natong layu or porcupine is an amazing animal
for the Orang Rimba because of its sudden appearance and they believe
all plants will die from its quills if it passes through. Sandbukt noted that
the word layu in natong-layu for the Orang Rimba is a derivation, which
means an object, or thing that causes something to layu or to die. The
Orang Rimba use the characteristics of natong-layu to define the Malay.
There is a similar connotation and explanation between natong-layu and
the Malay in that the meaning of Me-layu for the Orang Rimba refers to
people who bring diseases or disaster. It is evident in some prohibitions,
which try to restrict physical and spatial interaction between the Orang
Rimba and the Malay.
The Orang Rimba associate the Malay with the Orang Terang, or
people who live in the world that is always bright and lit by the sun. That is
to say, people living outside the forest. In the Orang Rimba’s description,
the world of the Orang Terang is full of luxury, crowded communities,
developed and located in the mouth of a river. It is such a contradictory
world for them. They say that Dunia Terang (the world of the bright),
a place where the Orang Terang or Malay live, is a true description of
halom dewo (the God world). It is a place where everything good (beik)
exists. On the other hand, the world of Malay is also regarded by the
Orang Rimba as genoh penyakit, a place where all diseases originate
because diseases come from the mouth of a river or sea.
In the Orang Rimba’s view, their world is full of dirtiness and
stupidity. It is different from the world of Orang Terang, which they
define as the world of well-educated people or, as they call them, smart
people. It is different from the world of the Orang Rimba that they
describe. For them, their world is a dark (kelam) world or the world
of the insiders (Orang Delom), people who live in the forest. It is a
world contradictory to the one of the Orang Terang. They say that their
world is the world of the inside, full of stupid people like them. They
understand why they are called as stupid people because that is what
they are. They know that their bodies that smell bad and they are never
considered clean. According to Daud, a Pamenang transmigrant living in
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Pelakar Jaya village, the assimilation of the Malay and Orang Rimba is
just limited to words, but they still cannot fully accept it. The problem
that weighs on their mind is cleanliness.
“Setiap hari mereka mandi tetapi entah kenapa tetap saja aroma
tubuh mereka berbeda. Sehingga saya tidak terlalu menyalahkan
orang kampung.”
“They take a bath every day, but why is their body odor still
different. That’s why I don’t blame the villagers too much.”
Orang Rimba understand why the Orang Terang often
underestimates them. They understand why the Orang Terang will value
their rubber sap lower than that sold by the villagers. They believe that
it is all because they are stupid. What they can do is behave as well as
possible in the village or in the world of the bright so as to be accepted
by them. There is a change of attitude exhibited by the Orang Rimba
depending on whether they are in the forest, outside the forest or in the
world of the bright. They think that if they are the inside, they should use
the norms existing in the forest.
The different treatment received by the Orang Rimba is actually
not that dramatic if it refers to the interaction between them and other
ethnic groups, such as the Java ethnic group, a major ethnic group in the
transmigration area located around the settlement of Orang Rimba. In the
Orang Rimba’s view, the Javanese have a more tolerant treatment towards
them. The Javanese understand why Orang Rimba behaviour is different to
other community groups. An example is the interaction between the Orang
Rimba and Javanese in the transmigrant area of Air Hitam. A villager of
Pematang Village said that when the Javanese first began living in the
transmigrant area they were afraid of the Orang Rimba.
”We used to be afraid to meet those people. How could we not
be afraid of them? They took knives and spears everywhere. They
rarely smiled. Once I was really frightened. They took a banana
and coconut directly from the garden. Then after some time we
started to get along well. Sometimes they came to ask for rice.
Asking. The most mischievous was when they stole some thing
from the garden. We also often asked for help. Mr. Tarib is able to
89
cure people,” said Mbak (Miss) Pur about the Orang Rimba. She
is a villager of Pematang Kabau Village whose house is close to
Mr. Tarib’s house, the chief of the Air Hitam Orang Rimba group.
In the case of conflict between the Orang Rimba and the Malay
resulting in the death of an Orang Rimba, they were forced by the local
government to make peace by proposing their requirements. Although
Syargawi was pushed to take revenge by the Orang Rimba, he was
insistent that it was useless for them to fight. “I told my brothers, don’t
fight, we will definitely die. They have state apparatus. What about us,
what kind of state apparatus can we use? What we fight is not one against
one. We fight against state apparatus. We will die within the range of 100
meters. We have to think about our children. After all, this is just our
destiny”.
After completing the negotiation, they proposed to value one soul
equal to one buffalo, 100 kgs of rice, 100 coconuts, and selemak manis
(honey). According to Syargawi, it was estimated that the total was Rp
12 million. Therefore, the total indemnity was Rp 35 million divided by
three victims, each of whom received Rp 10 million and one other who
received Rp 5 million. Similar cases relating to the conflict between the
Orang Rimba and the Malay also occurred in other areas. There was a
gentle but forceful pressure on the Orang Rimba to accept peace.
The Orang Rimba realize their position and status in Jambi
society. They realize their disadvantaged position and status. The
process of domination is carried out by the Jambi people, particularly
the Malay, through values and knowledge implanted through hereditary
tradition about how to treat the Orang Rimba. On the other hand, the
Orang Rimba also think that they deserve such treatment. They are used
to living unbearably and being forced to give in to the Malay. “Kami
sering kalah. Belum ketemu caranya sampai sekarang sejak dari zaman
nenek kami dulu.” (We often lose. We have not found a way since our
ancestors until now), said Syargawi. They feel they are in a subordinate
position and that they should accept such reality in order to survive in
this world.
90
Marginalized By The State
The government has started to introduce a program called the

Isolated People Resettlement (PKMT) to the Orang Rimba in Jambi.
The preliminary PKMT program for the Orang Rimba was the PKMT
program in Air Kampung village, Air Hitam area. The program covered
199 persons from 33 Orang Rimba households in 2002. This location is
close to the settlement of Air Hitam Transmigration. There were also
other programs in and around Jambi. They received houses and a one-
year allowance from the government. They also received an oil palm
plantation allotment of as a means to earn a living.
Initially, the MOSA approached the groups of Orang Rimba living
in Air Hitam. At that time, the late Besiring served as Tumenggung Air
Hitam. According to Mr. Sapuan (an official of the MOSA), they started
the program through elucidation carried out at Bukit Suban’s main
village. The chief village of Bukit Suban informed Orang Rimba in Air
Hitam that officials of the MOSA from Jambi or Bangko would come to
give elucidation about welfare and development. The elucidation said
that a permanent residence was better for their life. In the elucidation,
the officials also distributed the allowance, consisting of rice, fish and
sugar for each family head. The allowance was given to entice the Orang
Rimba to move to the PKMT location provided by the government. They
would also have given cattle for the Orang Rimba in the TSM location of
Kampung Air Panas. However, the Orang Rimba did not wish to receive
such help because the officials of the MOSA sold them. Even if they had,
it would not really have helped because cows were a Malay livestock and
they were forbidden to eat it.
According to Sapuan, no Orang Rimba rejected the given
allowance. However, based on the data of the MOSA, only the Besiring
group in Air Panas and Miring group received the program. Meanwhile, the
Tarip group, Laman group and other Orang Rimba groups in Mengkekal
River rejected the PKMT program because it was not compatible with
Orang Rimba tradition. It was in accordance with the development model
of isolated people settlements, which was an in-situ development or a
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development carried out in the existing area of the community group so

that they did not need to move too far. They cooperated with the Ministry
of Transmigration as the owner of the location and PT SAL (Sari Aditya
Loka) as the company owning the palm plantation surrounding the area.
In order to encourage the Orang Rimbato settle, the MOSA attempted to
provide palm plantations for them like other villagers. Sapuan said that
many Orang Rimba were interested although most of them were from
the Besiring group.
Like with other Orang Rimba groups, there was no obligation to
join the PKMT program. However, they realized that their lives were
getting more difficult because there was no space to live or to hunt. As
a result, they went to the government offices. The Orang Rimba had sold
their lands and that they did not have any more. Responding to such cases,
the officials usually recalled the mistakes of the Orang Rimba, as expressed
by Siagian, Head of Social Welfare Empowerment Division of Manpower,
Transmigration and Social Affairs Agency, at Merangin Regency. He
said that the difficulties encountered by the Orang Rimba were because
of their own actions. The Bandung group in Limber Village, Pamenang
Barat Subdistrict is an example. For two years they had worked on the
villagers’ land, cultivating rubber and applying a profit sharing system.
This was because they had sold their own lands in the past. “He cried
when I reminded him of that because he remembered his descendants,”
said Siagian.
In the PMKT program for Air Panas, it is clearly seen that government
was trying to change the Orang Rimba from Air Hitam in the way they
wanted. The efforts were not only carried out physically by building the
settlement, but also by giving intensive elucidation and guidance. They
invited religious teachers to the villages in order to change their belief
into what was suitable to the religion of the Malay. They also introduced
village norms to the Orang Rimba by describing the villages of Malay
communities. They introduced a new livelihood pattern (palm planting),
which was appropriate to the usual livelihood pattern of the Malay. It was
expected that they could transform totally from wild Orang Rimba to tame
Orang Rimba, and could be organized in the way the Malay imagined.
92
According to research conducted by the MOSA on the Orang

Rimba, they divided the Orang Rimba into two types based on the
characteristics of life pattern and culture, namely Wild Orang Kubu
(Orang Kubu Liar) and Tame Orang Kubu (Orang Kubu Jinak)
(Muntholib, 1993; Nasruddin, 1989) also called Kubu Rimba and Kubu
Dalam (Palle & Roni, 1993). The tame Orang Kubu means not wild, not
cruel and not fierce, and also having a non-stubborn and non-offensive
attitude. Being tamed had the connotation that the behaviour of the
Orang Rimba could be changed from wild and stubborn, particularly by
the Malay, into docile and non-offensive Orang Rimba with new values.
The characteristics of tame Orang Rimba, according to Nasruddin
(1989) and Muntholib (1993) were those who lived in huts and cultivated
seasonal plants such as cassava, taro, sugar cane and so on. In addition,
according to Muntholib, the main feature was that they did not live in the
forest any longer, roaming the forest and entrusting their life to seeking
out forest products. They would live in a permanent location, have
their own village and their children would be willing to go to school30.
Meanwhile, wild Orang Rimba, according to Muntholib (1993), were
those who lived in groups in the forest, sought fruits and often robed
or carried away other’s goods. They were also described as still being
an isolated community, living in the forest and on the riverbank, which
people seldom met31.
The classification of “Wild” Orang Rimba and “Tame” Orang
Rimba presented by government scholars is an accurate description of
how the government and Jambi people perceived the existence of the
Orang Rimba. In daily life, Jambi people thought that permanently
resident Orang Rimba would be better and more civilized that those
who still lived in the forest. In the Jambi people’s view, the tame Orang
Rimba were those who had obeyed the prevailing common norms, i.e.
30. According to Muntholib (1995), tame Orang Kubu could be found in Tanjung Katung, Serasan
(Pidjon) Tembesi outfall, Pinang Tinggi, PKMT Jangga (Muara Bulian), PKMT Jeruk (Singoan),
Kilangan River (Muara Bulian), Jebak River (Muara Tembesi), Pemurisan (Sarolangun), Sekamis
(Muara Tembesi) and Orang Kubu in Lubuk Kepayang (Air Hitam)
31. As stated by Muntholib (1995) , this type of Orang Rimba could be found in Oleh River, Air Hitam,
Ngai River, Arai River (Batanghari), Senamat River and Tabir River.
93
the culture of everyday society. For example, they would be willing to

be settled in the village and to change their lifestyle according to the
lifestyle and culture of the Jambi people, and would be willing to change
their religion to Islam. Jambi people thought that living in the forest was
an inappropriate life for the existing norms.
The MOSA think the word “Kubu” is not human because it
reflects something bad and improper. The Orang Rimba are actually
ashamed of using the word “Kubu” in public places. They would rather
be called sanak (brother) or other terms such as Orang Delom. Even
Orang Rimba whom I met in the west part of Jambi province no longer
think of themselves as Orang Kubu. They are ashamed of being called
Kubu because they will be considered a stupid, poor and backward
person.
”Kamia kemaluon kakok dikato orang, Orang Kubu. Kubu yoya
bodoh, terbelakong uji orang terang. Kamia hoppi dikato bodoh”
(We are ashamed of being called Kubu. Orang Terang say Kubu
means stupid and backward. We don’t like to be called like that),
was said by Penggunang Leman, an Orang Rimba from Orang
Rimba Rasau, regarding the term of Kubu.
Responding to such instances, the MOSA tried to introduce a
new term to replace the word Kubu. The chosen term was Suku Anak
Dalam (Anak Dalam Ethnic Group). It was derived by the MOSA from
the words “Anak Dalam”, which, according to the Orang Rimba, means
led by a leader called Anak Dalam similar to Lurah, head of village in
Javanese terminology (Sitepu, 1993).
The concept of Suku Anak Dalam itself more or less has a bias
because it does not refer to the Orang Rimba ethnic group, but more to
social category based on the characteristics of a minority ethnic group in
Jambi. That is a different characteristic of ethnic group from the culture
of the majority ethnic group in Jambi. They are considered to have the
same characteristics, namely nomadic life pattern, living in the forest,
not embracing or considered to insufficiently understand Islam, isolated
and far from the settlement s of ordinary people in Jambi.
94
Photo 3.1 Resettlement for Orang Rimba in Kampong Air Panas
Photograph by Heriadi Asyari (KKI WARSI)
The definition of Suku Anak Dalam is strongly associated with

the characteristics of the minority group. It can be seen from what
was written by Fachruddin Saudagar (1993, p. 32), a researcher of
Jambi University who included the ethnic group of Talang Mamak and
Orang Talang into the category of Suku Anak Dalam. He argued that
the difference between the ethnic groups of Orang Talang and Talang
Mamak and the Orang Rimba was the external influence received by
each of these ethnic groups. He say that both ethnic groups (ethnic group
of Talang and Talang Mamak) had been influenced by external culture
compared to the Orang Rimba. It means that the Talang and Talang
Mamak ethnic groups were considered more modern and civilized than
those of the Orang Rimba. The Talang and Talang Mamak ethnic groups
live in Riau and have a life pattern similar to the Malay, namely living
permanently and cultivating on the riverbank, they are usually known as
”Petalangan”.
A similar categorization was also carried out by the MOSA on
another ethnic group, Batin Sembilan Ethnic Group, designated by the
government as Suku Anak Dalam Batin 9 (Sembilan). Based on WARSI’s
research in 1998, they were an ethnic group of Batin Sembilan (Sandbukt
& WARSI, 1998) but they were actually a sub-ethnic group of Malay
95
Jambi who had separated or isolated themselves from society because of

their poverty. As the result of the poverty, they adapted themselves to the
outside world and decided to live in the forest by opening fields so that
they could meet their needs properly.
The government (Department of Social Affairs, 1981) classified
the aforementioned community groups as an isolated people32. Based
on the Decree of the Minister of Social Affairs of the Republic of
Indonesia No. 5/1994, an isolated tribe is a group of people who live
or roam in places that are geographically remote, isolated and socio-
culturally alienated or more backward than Indonesian people in general
(Department of Social Affairs, 2001).33
The MOSA considers isolated people with the aforementioned
characteristics, such as the Orang Rimba, as a community prone to various
social problems otherwise known as social-prone, which means their
condition is considered unstable or it has social-political instability which
may invite social problems because their culture is no longer deemed
suitable to the current era due to geographical or cultural isolation. Even
in some statements regarding the problems resulting from the minority
ethnic group issues, it is clearly seen that the MOSA regards them as
social troublemakers and that such social problems would interfere with
the image and process of development. As seen in the technical guide
book, the MOSA stated that this minority ethnic group had not fully
integrated with other society and had not fully implemented the even
distribution of development for all people, which decreases the image of
32. The MOSA mentions characteristics of a community group which belongs to “isolated people”,
namely: (1) having similar physical, socio-cultural and residential characteristics; (2) living
remotely, nomadically, separately and in small groups; (3) in general living by gathering, farming,
hunting fish and cultivating traditionally and nomadically; (4) having a very low healthy life
behaviour regarding self health and environmental health; (5) having improper settlement with poor
environment condition; (6) being bound to their own cultural system; (7) using social system,
ideology and technology that are very simple, static and traditional; and (8) not - or little - reached
by the development service.
33. In 1999, Presidential Decree Number 111 of 1999 appeareds to replace the term of isolated people
into the Isolated Tribe Community (Komunitas Adat Terpencil). It was defined as a socio-cultural
group living locally and separately and not involved in the network of social, economic and political
development (Presidential Decree Number 111 of 1999)
96
national development success and may invite a chain of events that will
disturb national security, particularly natural conservation, such as slash
and burn, although at a small and slow pace (Ministry of Social Affairs,
2000).
Furthermore, in one of the reports, the MOSA (2000) tried to
classify the isolated people into two groups or categories based on
their condition of residence, development level and living. The three
categories included (1) wandering; (2) temporary residing; and (3)
residing. The wandering group was an isolated people whose daily
residence was always nomadic, relying on their source of livelihood
and backward living conditions. The temporary residing group was an
isolated people whose residence was permanent in a simple village, but
sometime they liked to be nomadic, relying on their source of livelihood
and simple living conditions. The residing group was an isolated people
whose livelihood and residence was permanent in a village, but whose
living conditions and life was still very simple.
Regarding the Orang Rimba, based on the classification made by
the MOSA, Fachruddin Saudagar (Saudagar, 1993, pp. 30-32) tried to
classify them into three different group levels, namely wandering level,
a half of wandering level and residing level. The wandering level was
an isolated people whose livelihood and residence was still nomadic,
their condition and life was very simple, and had a strong melangun life
pattern. In the wandering level, the Orang Rimba had characteristics like:
melangun life pattern, in groups of 3-5 households or 5-10 households,
living relying on nature, hunting, without clothes and wearing only wood
bark, house of only tadah angin, dominant role of jenang and closed
communication with outsiders.
The next is a half of wandering Orang Rimba. A half of wandering
Orang Rimba was defined as Orang Rimba who had permanently resided
within a relatively short period and had a simple life pattern. Their
characteristics included living with melangun pattern, living in groups
of 10 to 24 households, living by depending on nature but being able
to manage it, earning their living primarily by gathering forest products
and secondarily by hunting, having worn clothes, weakening the role of
97
jenang, having started to have limited communication with outsiders,

starting to recognize and need modern equipment such as radios,
watches, jewellery, nails, etc., loving coffee and tobacco very much. The
last was temporary residing. Here the Orang Rimba was deemed to have
livelihood and permanent, but temporary, residence. Their characteristics
included living permanently, starting to leave the culture of melangun,
living in society of more or less 30 households, living by still relying on
nature, starting to recognize cultivation, all kinds of tubers and breeding,
limited role of jenang, opening communication with outsiders and
starting to use modern equipment. All of the proposed characteristics
were categorizations based on the perspective of the majority and
dominant group in Jambi.
According to Fachruddin Saudagar (1993, pp. 2-3), the strong
characteristics of minority groups such as the Orang Rimba, included
poverty, ignorance and backwardness. They were categorized as a poor
group by the MOSA because they belonged to a pre-prosperous family.
The indicators of such family were that they did not have fixed income,
their residence was not healthy, they did not embrace any religion
recommended by the government at that time and they did not have a
life pattern appropriate to health and feasibility standards as applied in
other normal communities34. They were also identified with ignorance
and backwardness because they did not have capability and did not know
about education, health and life deemed proper by ordinary people. For
example, the healthy behaviour of the Orang Rimba was considered
inappropriate with health principles.
34. According to the National Coordination for Family Planning Agency (BKKN) , a pre-prosperous
family is a family that has not been able to meet the minimum basic needs, such as the religious
teaching, food, clothing, residence and health. The indicators include : (1) The family members
practice the embraced religion; (2) all family members eat at least twice a day; (3) all family
members have different clothes at home, workplace/school and for travel; (4) the largest part of the
house floor is not made of soil; and (5) if the child and other family member is sick, they are brought
to hospital/healthcare workers( Cahyat, 2004, pp. 4-5).
98
Photo 3.2. Orang Rimba begging on the street in Jambi
According to the MOSA, poverty, ignorance and backwardness

occurred as the result of the Orang Rimba’s culture which does not
support change into the “normal’ life as an ordinary community (Palle
& Roni, 1993, p. 31). The strong commitment of the Orang Rimba to
their tradition is considered one of main factors, which causes them to
be poor, ignorant and backward. In a seminar on the Orang Rimba and
its culture held by Jambi Social Affairs Agency and Jambi University on
December 1993, some values and cultural pattern of Orang Rimba were
revealed and deemed to hinder development by the government. They
were melangun tradition, culture of laziness and nomadic life pattern.
Melangun tradition is a tradition held firmly by the Orang Rimba that
they would immediately leave the settlement location after one of the
brothers in the group died. In the government (the MOSA)’s view, such
tradition inhibits the advancement of the Orang Rimba because they will
always move to other places (Sitepu, 1993).
According to the MOSA, one of the measurements of community’s
life advancement is a stable life as indicated by a permanent settlement
pattern. The nomadic tradition of the Orang Rimba is to keep moving in
99
order to seek natural resource that exists in the forest. The MOSA argues
that such tradition makes the government difficult to advance Orang
Rimba life because one of the fundamentals is place them in a permanent
settlement.
In addition, the MOSA also observes that the Orang Rimba have a
strong culture of laziness. Such impression emerges from the evaluation
of outsiders, either the government or people in general, when they
see the behaviour of the Orang Rimba as deemed not to be diligent in
working. Such ideas emerged when they saw what the Orang Rimba did
was only to keep walking in the forest to go melangun, to hunt searching
louk, or to earn other livings. Outsiders think that such activities are
insignificant because they do not generate money to meet daily needs.
The government believes that the impression of laziness culture
plays a significant role in obstructing and means the aids given by the
MOSA cannot be used appropriately (Palle & Roni, 1993). In order to
resolve such problems, the Orang Rimba should be guided and directed
so as to live properly like other community groups. The MOSA think
that the inhibiting factors of the Orang Rimba should be eliminated and
changed into a new, better culture. The question is how to eliminate Orang
Rimba’s melangun tradition35, change their nomadic life into a permanent
life pattern and to change their belief into other religions. One of the
government’s programs is a permanent settlement through the PKMT
program, which is an suitable effort to develop Orang Rimba life in order
that it can be proper, focused and normal like other ethnic groups in Jambi.
The development strategy for this “isolated people” is conducted
through a social settlement system which is realized in the form of
settlement type in the place of origin and settlement type in the new place,
development of social facilities and infrastructures, and development
of cooperation between the related institutions and communities. In
order to carry out such guidance, the PKMT was created. Using such
an approach, the government fully determines the indicators of success
and the scope of development (physical and non physical aspects). The
35. Budaya melangun Suku Kubu Sulit Dihilangkan (the culture of melangun the Kubu hard to omitted),
Source: Independent,17/10/1997
100
most outstanding, visible and quantifiable indicator of success is “the

settlement”, because the results are in the form of settlement village,
number of houses, number of settled people, number of Islam-converted
people, etc., all of which are statistical data.
The PKMT program is aimed at re-settling the group (Department
of Social Affairs, 1981). The resettlement of the isolated people by the
government serves as the success indicator of the development. Such a
program becomes a kind of “entry point” in which the scope of its success
includes the entire development results. It seems that the government
believes that the permanent life is a stable and steady life, real evidence
of prosperity. It is clearly seen in the objectives of the settlement through
the resettlement program and collection of separated community within
one location, which is expressed as a first step toward social, economic
and cultural stabilization.
In the cases of Orang Rimba living in Air Panas village or other
PKMT settlements in Jambi, it can be said that, based on the main
characteristics, the Orang Rimba have changed in accordance to the
culture of the Malay Jambi people. The main characteristics include
a stable village social system, a proper belief or religion system, a
modern-oriented cultural system, and a life pattern that reflects the
advancement of local and national civilization (Prasetijo, 2005). Those
four characteristics serve as a guideline for the government in carrying
out the development program.
A stable social system is defined as a realization of the village’s
formal norm system like other Malay villages. Physically, it is realized
in the development of a similar settlement pattern like the form of
village norms, the shape of houses, settlement patterns and a mosque
and community hall in the middle of the settlement. The mosque and
community hall function as a place for villagers to gather and to mobilize
people for doing activities instructed by the MOSA. In addition to
physical development, a formal norm of the village is also introduced
which functions to regulate their life and to mediate the interest of the
government, such as village head, religious scholar and other officials.
In the event that there is no religious scholar, as in the case of Air Panas
101
village where the Orang Rimba of Air Panas are considered not totally
Islam, the MOSA will bring a religious teacher from a Malay village.
The next is a belief system that is considered proper. This is realized
in the introduction and teaching of Islam to Orang Rimba in the settlement.
According to the MOSA (Mr. Sapuan), Orang Rimba belief is animism,
the worship of gods in the forest. He argues that Orang Rimba’s belief is
not a proper religion and not suitable as the religions acknowledged by the
government at that time (the New Order Era)36. Therefore, it is appropriate
that the Orang Rimba should be directed to embrace one of the religions
acknowledged by the government. Islam is always the main choice. He
said that Islam is a major religion in Jambi so it will be easy for them to
teach and socialize it. One of the methods to socialize the religion is by
constructing a mosque in the settlement location and placing a religious
teacher in the Orang Rimba location. This is what happened in TSM37 Air
Panas Village; a religious teacher from a Malay village was placed in Air
Panas village to teach the villagers about Islam. One of the indications that
the Orang Rimba have converted to Islam is that they change their name to
an Islamic name, such as Besiring to Muhammad Ali.
The third change is a cultural system, which reflects an advanced
civilization. Orang Rimba’s culture, according to the MOSA, is one, which
reflects backwardness and alienation that is not suitable to the times and is
not parallel with other ethnic groups’ culture. Therefore, it is appropriate
to expect that the Orang Rimba can abandon their traditions, which are
considered to obstruct development to advancement. One is the Orang
Rimba tradition of melangun (leaving the settlement location because
one of the relatives died). By abandoning the tradition of melangun, it is
expected by the MOSA that the Orang Rimba can live permanently and
reside at the constructed settlement in order to be more developed.
The last change is a life pattern, which reflects an advanced
civilization. The Orang Rimba life pattern of living nomadically in the forest
36. There are five official religions acknowkedged by the government of the New Order, namely Islam,
Christianity, Catholicism, Hinduism and Buddhism
37. TSM (Transmigrasi Swadaya Mandiri) – Independent Transmigrant Program that is not supported
by the government
102
is considered inappropriate at the present time. In the view of the MOSA,

such nomadic life will not make Orang Rimba civilization more developed.
The key is living permanently like other community groups. Therefore,
they are obliged by the government to stay permanently in the settlement
provided by the government. By following advice and programs created for
them by the MOSA, the Orang Rimba will experience advancement and
stabilization of social life as appropriate to other ethnic groups.
Using such a development model, the government wants to
change the life of the Orang Rimba to make it suitable for the culture of
ordinary people in Jambi. The government’s program does not open their
access to development, but it is more about changing the personality and
character of the Orang Rimba. For example, there was a news item stating
that the Orang Rimba received different treatment from the government
because they could not access the Unconditional Cash Transfer (BLT-
Bantuan Langsung Tunai). BLT fund is a fund resulting from the fuel
subsidy, which was then distributed directly to poor people. The amount
of the cash was Rp100, 000.00 and distributed for three months, so that
they received a total amount of Rp300, 000.00. People who received the
BLT were those who were categorized as poor. One of the requirements
to receive the BLT was showing a Residence Identification Card (KTP).
However, the Orang Rimba did not have that card so were not able to
access and receive the BLT38.
Some of the facts above indicate that the government has failed
to fulfil the rights of the Orang Rimba as citizens as stated in the
international human rights declaration and National Law regulation No.
39 Year 1999 of Human Right (UU HAM No. 39, 1999). The state
allowed discrimination and marginalization to occur to the Orang Rimba.
They were still considered not normal because they had a culture, habits
and lifestyle different to others. The government’s program is a process
of marginalization, or smooth compulsion to get the Orang Rimba to
change their life so as to match with other communities.
38. See Prastiwi, S. D., W., R., & Angkawijaya, B. (2006). Bantuan Langsung Tunai (BLT), Dan Orang
Rimba Terlupakan. Alam Sumatra dan Pembangunan edisi 1 tahun V, January- June, 43-45.
103
Environmental Loss and Its Impact on the Orang Rimba
Deforestation in Jambi is mostly caused by the expansion of oil palm

plantations. At the beginning, the oil palm plantation was developed along
with the transmigration project initiated by the government. The government
supported oil palm plantations in order to maintain the life of transmigrants
that mostly came from Java. In the 1970-80s, the government, particularly
the Ministry of Transmigration, asked the transmigrants to focus on
agricultural production. However, the fundamental problem of agricultural
development for food in Jambi was the lack of dryland irrigation. Even if
the food agriculture could be well maintained, another problem appeared, an
infestation of wildboar. It seemed impossible to stop because its population
actually increased with the opening of forest for the settlement. Slowly but
surely, the oil palm plantation companies took over the land.
The development of the oil palm industry in Jambi can be traced
to the beginning of the 1970s. Anna Casson (1999) argued the oil palm
industry was a leading factor in Indonesian economy, increasing 20-fold in
plantation areas and showing 12% of the average annual increase in Crude
Palm Oil (CPO) production. The area of plantation had increased from
106,000 hectares in 1967 to 2.5 million hectares in 1997. Jambi is one of the
largest oil palm plantation areas in Indonesia, along with North Sumatra,
Riau, South Sumatra, West Kalimantan and Aceh (Casson, 1999, p. 10).
According to the Forestry and Plantation Agency of Jambi Province,
the contribution of the palm oil sector to the regional income in Jambi is
relatively huge considering that the current width of the oil palm plantation
in Jambi province has reached 515,300 hectares (Salmi, 2012). Although the
growth of the oil palm industry has contributed important economic benefits,
it has posed an increasing threat to Indonesia’s natural forest cover. According
to recent data, Sumatra is the area in Indonesia most suffering from the
plantation. From 1985 to 2007, Sumatra Island has lost 12 million hectares of
natural forest, or a loss of 48% in 22 years. In 2007, Sumatra had only 30% of
natural forest cover (around 13 million acres). The damage is due to clearing
land for agriculture, settlements (transmigration), plantations, timber for paper
and wood. However, the most damaging factor is the oil palm plantation.
104
Photo 3.3. Deforestation at Orang Rimba location surrounding Bukit 12

National Park
The impact of oil palm plantation managed by a big company

(corporation) does not only change the area belonging to its concession,
but is also an opportunity for independent farmers to open the remaining
forest area. Such activity led to an uncontrollable forest encroachment.
The oil palm company used a scheme of plantation area control, in which
the management was totally controlled by the company or cooperated
with the transmigration program in order to provide land and palm
plantation for the transmigrant farmers, which also could be managed.
However, the company and the government could not adequately control
the expansion of oil palm plantation carried out by the independent
farmers. In order to meet their needs, local people opened the forests
located on the border area of the national park, and even the area, which
served as living and roaming habitat of the Orang Rimba.
The large-scale oil palm plantations have also displaced local
communities, which result in social conflict. According to Aritonang
(2009), since the middle of the 1970s there have been approximately 28
logging companies exploiting forest in Jambi, encompassing a concession
area of approximately 2.6 million hectares, of which 14 companies are
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located in the living and roaming area of the Orang Rimba. This situation
has caused growing conflict.
“ ... A massive exploitation without control has been carried out on
purpose in this plain area, which was followed by the next objective that
was a function shift of the area to transmigration and plantation areas.
Currently, there are almost no more forests remaining in the plain. The
condition has been badly damaged.” (Aritonang, 2009, p. 7).
What Aritonang said is true. The massive change of the forest
into plantation, settlement, Industrial Plantation Forest (HTI) and public
plantation made the Orang Rimba more and more suppressed. According
to a survey conducted by WARSI (2008), the Orang Rimba had to compete
with all land suppression. This did not just occur in a few groups, but
spread widely across all groups existing in Jambi. What the Orang Rimba
did to respond to the situation was different. Some groups moved to find
remaining forest area in the good river basin, upstream of the Merangin
River, Tabir River and Batang Bungo River. Some of them remained in
the oil palm plantation owned by either the company or villagers. Some
other groups, like Orang Rimba living in the area of Singkut, chose to
move and stay at the temporary settlement provided by the government.
Some Orang Rimba groups living along the Sumatran Eastern
Highway experienced a pitiful life. They kept moving to areas as far as
Jambi City. Unlike other groups, these groups consisted of small groups
that had a high mobility because they did not have land to cultivate.
Unlike groups that still had land, although limited, some of the Orang
Rimba living on the Sumatra Eastern Highway did not have land at
all. Their choice was either to move to the settlement provided by the
government or keep moving to find food. This is the group considered
a troublemaker because they often steal villagers’ crops or palm owned
by the plantation and they sell them for the capital they need to move to
other places. Orang Rimba living in the border area with the companies,
including the palm company and Industrial Plantation Forest (HTI), as
well as the Forest Concession (HPH) also experienced similar problems.
Most forests in which they used to live and wander were now others’ oil
palms plantations and fields.
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WARSI’s report (2008) emphasized that land conflicts in Jambi

occurred because the government did not acknowledge the traditional
communities and always gave permission for the company to manage them
as they wished. The company used violence to expel villagers. The frequent
conflict was caused by the exploitation of forest area for purposes such as
oil palm plantation, Industrial Plantation Forest, plantation, transmigration
and mining. The development of Trans Sumatra Highway also contributed.
The development of the Trans Sumatra highway, resettlement,
forest industry and large-scale oil palm plantations are four main causes
of deforestation in Jambi. As mentioned, this affected the resources of
local people who depended on forests. In addition, there had been an
increase in population as a result of placement in Jambi, transmigration
and plantations39 that had an effect on agricultural land and put pressure
on the remaining forest. This situation exacerbated damage to the forest
in Jambi. The existence of conversion forest deficits in many parts of
Sumatra partly explains why large areas of production forest and limited
production forest are now being allocated to plantation companies in Aceh,
North Sumatra, Riau, Bengkulu, Jambi, South Sumatra and Lampung
The impact on the Orang Rimba is terrible. They do not have land
to live on and wander. Many were forced or intimidated to move to other
areas. Even if they did move, they did not receive adequate indemnity.
For example, Orang Rimba houses in Bujang Raba area were evicted but
they received only Rp200, 000,00 per household while the land taken by
the company covered an area of 30 thousand hectares. Bujang Raba is a
buffer zone of Kerinci Seblat National Part (TNKS) forest. There were
four companies exploiting Bujang Raba forest in order to make a palm
plantation area. This affected the life of the Orang Rimba in that area,
who were expelled and remained nomadically in the villages surrounding
the area and now live relying on the mercy of the villagers who pay
them for the work they do. The Orang Rimba now live separately in
39. Casson (1999, pp. 44 - 45) said the oil palm investors prefer to establish estates in these regions
because Sumatra possesses the best climate and soil conditions in the country for cultivating oil palm
and has the necessary infrastructure for palm oil processing already in place. Companies also prefer
to invest in Sumatra because the estate workers (primarily Javanese in origin) are used to plantation
life and culture and work harder than the indigenous peoples of Kalimantan, Sulawesi and Papua.
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small groups. The family of Bujang Rancak, one of the members of

Tumenggung Salim group, who lived in that location previously, had a
rubber plantation of 10 hectares on the evicted hill
The impact on the Orang Rimba is the loss of their livelihood. When
compared with a few years ago where the dense forest, they say that it is
now very difficult to find the animals in the forest. Wild animals such as
deer are very rare they get. Grip, Orang Rimba on Bukit 12 National Park
told me, that it is very difficult now to get a deer at this time. He said that
once to get the deer at least once a month he would get it, but it's been over
a year he did not see the deer in the forest. Similarly, the wildboar. Usually
once to get a wild boar often within a few days or a week two times for
sure they will get it. But now very difficult to obtain on a regular basis.40
Similarly, the pattern of subsistence that they did. If once they could
farm for two years and then they store the results, but now it is very difficult
to do so. They are difficult to open the field because the limitation of land.
Forest has narrowed. And they have to compete with others. To get staple
foods such as rice they have to buy in the market in villages nearby. Grip
also told me that in such a situation is rare for them to eat rice. All they can
do now is to cultivate their own land with rubber trees, so that the sap can be
taken and sold. W " hat can we do now is be diligent to plant rubber because
that is later to be the source of our livelihood,"said Grip. Rubber for him is
a sensible choice because they understand how to care for and have a clear
channel to sale. Choice of living in the forest he thinks now becoming more
and more limited when compared to the time it used to be.
The same thing also expressed by others tha i interviewed. Especially
the elder of Orang Rimba. Several Orang Rimba told me now it is difficult
for them to make a living in the forest. Some non-timber forest products
commodities are now no longer salable. Such as jernang sap, resin, and some
other commodities, although it is mostly found in the forest but cannot be
sold like the past. Similarly, the cult wild honey in sialang tree, to search for it
should go deep into the forest. They feel season of fruits in the forest has now
also been changed. If before, season fruits in the forest can be harvested for
40. See Prastiwi, S. D., W., R., & Angkawijaya, B. (2006). Bantuan Langsung Tunai (BLT), Dan Orang Rimba
Terlupakan. Alam Sumatra dan Pembangunan edisi 1 tahun V, January- June, 43-45.
108
several months during the year, but is now just a month or no more than once
a year only. Nangkus, an Orang Rimba also said to look for rattan and gaharu
(aquilaria) in good quality they have to go into the forest for days.
Another way that can be done by Orang Rimba to address their situation
is to do a find and ask for a job to someone else. They work irregularly and
do what they can do. However, discrimination makes it difficult to get a job.
Syargawi’s experience is an example. He met with the manager of PT Kresna
Duta Agroindo – one of the oil palm plantation companies – to ask about
clearing the grass in the plantation. He was happy to be paid Rp1,000 per tree.
However, the manager rejected his request because the number of employees
was sufficient. “Pekerjaan ringan apa saja kami siap. Entah itu memupuk,
menerbas, memungut berondolan. Itu saja ditolak.” (We were ready to do any
work. Be it fertilizing, cutting or taking the bunch of oil palm fruits. But that
was rejected). He believes that they were rejected because they were Orang
Rimba.
The stigma that they are thieves and stubborn has strongly stuck. The
work they do now is mostly paid work but it is an uncertain income. For
example, hunting wildboar on the oil palm plantation. The company considers
the wildboar an infestation and only the Orang Rimba knows its detailed
behaviour. However, it has started to become extinct since the 2000s. It takes
one week to hunt a boar. They usually get a piglet of 10 kilograms, which they
can sell to the market at Rp5, 000 per kilogram. This means that they get a total
of Rp50, 000, but this is then divided equally between four persons because
they always hunt in a group. If it is divided by four, each will get Rp12, 500.
“Buat beli rokok pun tak cukup!” (It is not even enough to buy cigarettes) said
Syargawi.
This issue also invites a deeper social problem. There are many Orang
Rimba leaving their homes and leaving their area not just for hunting, but
also for begging on the street and in the settlement (Yulis, 2010). They even
go as far as the capital of Jambi. Those who beg always open a camp in the
plantation near the settlement. They live in the camp for a few days, and even
weeks or months, then they move again because their behaviour causes them to
be expelled by the villagers who are not comfortable seeing them (Sukmareni,
2007). In addition, they also commit crime. What they often do is steal a bunch
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of palm from the plantation and then sell it to the toke. This is high-risk job
because it will provoke violence from the officials and the plantation owner.
Not all Orang Rimba want or can do this activity. Syargawi said that they do
not dare take the palm bunches anymore because the company threatens to
fine them Rp5 million. “Kalau kami dapat seember kemudian denda Rp 5
juta, dari mana kami bayar? Lebih baik kami mati tidak makan, daripada
bayar denda itu. Kalau kami mati tak mikir lagi. Tapi kalau kami dipenjara,
kami masih mikir anak istri”, (If we get a bucket of palm, but are fined Rp5
million, how can we pay? We would rather die than pay the fine. If we die, we
will think nothing. But if we are jailed, we still have to think about our wife
and children), said Syargawi, expressing his experiences.
One thing they agree on is that they have no chance to improve their
condition. They have to accept the same conditions that their ancestors also
experienced.
Conclusion
The Orang Rimba have been subject to the process of

marginalization for centuries. The Malay people created myths to bind
and deceive them. The bond between the waris and jenang has shackled
their minds so that they need outsiders or Orang Terang for survival.
They need an intermediary (middle man) to connect their lives with the
outside world. The concept of waris and jenang deals with the mastery
over the commodities and manpower that they own. Such a situation
makes the Orang Rimba feel subordinated to the ruling group.
As an ethnic group, they are also subject to cynicism and suspicion.
They realize that their position is beneath the Malay community. The
cosmological separation between them and the Malays through the
concepts of Orang Terang and Orang Delom remains – Orang Terang
with their kindness and Orang Delom with their deliberate dirtiness. This
dichotomy is very durable, not only for them but also for outsiders. They
believe this dichotomy will never merge even though they have followed
a way of life like the general public.
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The State should advocate for and serve its people, not destroy
the rights and identities of the Orang Rimba as an ethnic group. With
the development programs currently being run, the identity of the Orang
Rimba is becoming eroded and will eventually be lost, absorbed into the
dominant culture. Major issues such as the protection of their natural
resources as a place to live and make a living are not even considered
as the main focus of the government program. The government only
focuses on how to change the habits and culture of the Orang Rimba into
those of the dominant community.
An environmental NGO in Jambi, WARSI (Tambunan, 2008)
reports that there are about 2.3 million hectares of exploration areas of
Orang Rimba territory in Jambi province that have been turned into oil
palm plantations, acacia plantations, forest concession rights areas and
migrants’ settlements. As a consequence, the Orang Rimba have more
trouble in finding food sources in the forest that also serves as their
shelter. They have difficulties finding edible natural resources because
they are basically a nomadic tribe. Palm oil companies together with
companies under HPH (Forest Concession Rights) and HTI (Industrial
Plantation Forest) have transformed the natural landscapes regardless of
the existence of the Orang Rimba. There is a gradual eradication of this
ethnic group.
The Indonesian National Human Rights Commission believes
the state is still avoiding fulfilling the basic rights for these kinds of
ethnic group; this is construed as etnosida violation. They said there is
indication of coercion by government policy towards the Orang Rimba
for living with the outside world through the transmigration program.
The government needs to improve in order for etnosida policy not to
happen (Tambunan, 2010).
The big change that occurs is how society and the state, including
the corporation, to make sense of the forest itself. Forest for the Orang
Rimba is not just a place to make a living but also a symbol of cultural
identity. But the state and society is now looking the forests are assets
that must be secured. This is clearly different from the Orang Rimba
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to see the forest, as a source of living, and for its existence they must
maintain and preserve to take the forest product.
The process of marginalization according to James Eder
(1987) is a process of de-tribalization, which is not only a process of
physical extinction but also a moral imperative by the outsider. The
marginalization process stresses more on the mental and cultural aspect
while the de-tribalization process stresses more on making the role of
the ethnic minority group less prominent within the society and the state
political arena. They are not entitled to claim their rights as citizens and
owners of their own properties. As a result, they become marginalized
and do not have access to make any form of contribution in the society.
Then the absence of forests means the Orang Rimba have to be
able to adapt to the changes, not only in nature but also in social life.
The forests where they live now have become settlements, oil palm
plantations, roads and plantations owned by residents. Nothing is now
no under their rights. The lands that were their main hope have had to be
sold in order to survive. Now, they can only rely on the mercy of others.
In this circumstance, potential conflict cannot be avoided.
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CHAPTER 4
RESPONSES IN ENCOUNTERING
HEGEMONY
T
he Orang Rimba has received unfair treatment from the state
and society for centuries. Sandukt (2000) argued that there is a
cultural process which causes the position and status of the Orang
Rimba to always be below other ethnic groups in Jambi. Nevertheless,
such marginalization process is not always accepted silently or without
resistance. The Orang Rimba have developed their own ways to meet
any action they face.
This chapter discusses the Orang Rimba’s various actions, which
may be categorized as a reaction to the marginalization processes to
which they have been subjected. Such actions are varied and largely
based on the context of the areas where they live and their interaction
with other groups living in those areas. They are also based on the state’s
policy and the pressure of external society groups on them.
Their action is related to their self-determination as Orang Rimba.
They further strengthen the traditions and define the boundary between
themselves and other groups. They use tradition and taboo as well as
social and physical boundaries between themselves and other groups.
This action further strengthens their movement as a collective action as
a social movement.
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Maintaining The Customs of Nenek Poyang
According to the Orang Rimba, the Malays are those who bring
diseases. I remember when I was in contact with Orang Rimba for the
first time that there was a group of Orang Rimba who did not gather
directly with the other groups. It seemed that they lived isolated by
making their own tent. I asked Laman, an Orang Rimba who served as
the leader of group in which I lived, and he said that they were Orang
Rimba who did besasading’on. Apparently, Orang Rimba who have just
returned from a Malay settlement or village cannot directly gather with
other Orang Rimba. They have to isolate themselves from the group until
the influence or diseases from the outside disappear. Afterwards, they are
allowed to gather again with other Orang Rimba.
The tradition of besasading’on or temporary self-isolation is
carried out by the Orang Rimba to avoid the negative influence of the
Malays on them, or even to eliminate diseases, which are usually in
the area of the Malays. Otherwise, the diseases will come and attack
them. ”Au kakok, kelolah hoppi besasanding’on, ujinye ketakotan kamia
penyakit orang terang” (Yes brother, if we are not living separately,
we will get disease from the foreigner), Laman told me. The distance
between their camp and the location of the Malays’ settlement is close.
Sandbukt (1984, p. 94) argued that there was a strong association
between the concepts of Me-layu and natong-layu (porcupine). Porcupine
or natong-layu in Orang Rimba is an amazing animal for them because
it usually appears suddenly and all plants will die or wither struck by its
sharp quills. For Sandbukt, the word layu in natong-layu, is a derived
word, which means object or something that causes something to die
or become withered. According to Sandbukt, the Orang Rimba use the
characteristics of natong-layu in defining the Malays. There is similar
connotation and explanation between natong-layu and the Malays in
which the meaning of the word Me-Layu for the Orang Rimba refers to the
people who bring diseases or disaster. It is also indicated by prohibitions
that try to restrict the physical and spatial interaction between the Orang
Rimba and the Malays.
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Responses in Encountering Hegemony
The basic concept of Layu or Me-layu itself can be understood as

a condition, which refers to the quality of life close to the stage of death.
Accordingly, the Orang Rimba believe in its contagious or spreading
characteristics that results in withering or death for others. Therefore, it
is very important for the Orang Rimba to maintain the withering cycle
or to break its cycle in such a way as to prevent contagion. They give an
example of how flowers taken from the tree or leaves from the branch
will cause them to wither and then die. Cutting the top of rattan or manau
rattan will make the tree wither.
The fear of the Orang Rimba about withering is also indicated
in the process of farming. When they are farming, it is a taboo for the
Orang Rimba to bring a withered rattan or manau rattan because they
believe that it will wither the paddy in their farm. Therefore, the rattan or
manau rattan is not allowed to be brought to the paddy-planted farmland
until 4-5 days after being cut. The Orang Rimba believe that the paddy
will also wither and die as the result of the withering influence brought
by the rattan or manau rattan. Addition likewise, a rumbai leaf, which
is similar to paddy, is not allowed to be brought to the field because the
paddy might wither or die. The paddy must not be cleared away before
it reaches calf height, because the paddy will wither together with the
withering weeds yanked out.
Similarly, it is not allowed to pour hot water in the field because
it will make the paddy wither. It is also not allowed to pour boiled water
under a fruiting tree because the fruit will wither, die and fall. It is not
allowed to cut Situbung tree, from which leaves are taken to be used
as the marker of budak ibung (baby) and where the placenta is buried.
Otherwise, the tree will wither and die, and that will affect the child, the
owner of placenta buried under the tree, who will also wither, meaning
that it results in death. It will wither the life spirit of the child. Death is
also called withering by the Orang Rimba (Aritonang, 1999).
The belief that the Malays are people who bring diseases or
disasters influences the actions of the Orang Rimba in their interaction
with the Malays or Orang Terang. In order to avoid diseases or disasters,
they fortify themselves with various prohibitions or taboos, which
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are aimed at limiting their interaction with the outside world, or try
to maintain the purity of their region by placing the Malays or Orang
Terang in the downstream area of their settlement site. It is assumed that
the Malays will not infect their river with the diseases. Other prohibition
includes protecting Orang Rimba women from being contaminated by
the outside world by restricting interaction with it.
Principally, the Orang Rimba, = who still live in the forest or still
maintain their customs, such as the Tari and Nyai group, classify their
world into two different worlds, the Malays’ world and Orang Rimba’s
world. Sandbukt (1984, p. 86) said that the Malays’ world is defined by
the Orang Rimba as the world of the Malays who reside and live in the
village and embrace Islam. They are called Orang Terang or people who
live in the bright world or nature always illuminated by the Sun. In other
words, they are those who live outside of the forest. As described by
the Orang Rimba, the world of Orang Terang is a world full of luxury,
lively, advanced and located at the mouth of the river. It is a picture of a
world is deeply contradictory to their condition. They state that the world
of Terang in which Orang Terang or the Malays live is a real picture of
halom dewo. It is a place where something beik (good) exists. On the
other hand, the world of the Malays is also perceived as genoh penyakit,
a place in which all diseases are thought to have originated because the
diseases originated in the mouth of the river or sea.
In analyzing the condition of Orang Rimba’s two worlds,
Aritonang (1999) also said that when the Orang Rimba are in contact
with their divine world, or halom dewo, they use a parallel analogy, that
halom nio is an imitation of halom dewo. On the other hand, in reality
when Orang Rimba perceive the relation between their world and the
world of Orang Terang, which is closely similar to their halom dewo,
they have inverted the analogy, which generates strong contrasts. It can
be seen, for example, how Orang Rimba perceive the Malays that bring
diseases or disaster by associating them with the concept of withering.
Accordingly, they think that the Malays are the carrier or the cause of
the withering. The reason is that genah or the place of diseases is in
the downstream of the river or sea and they perceive the residence of
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the Malays as usually by the sea or downstream of the river. The sea
is conceptualized as the mouth of the river and a meeting point of all
rivers. They believe that dewo of all diseases are located in the sea and
will reach their genah (place) through the river brought by the Malays.41
It runs from the downstream or the mouth of the river to the upstream
of the river. They may bring such diseases when they go to the area of
terang and return to the forest bringing the diseases. In order to prevent
diseases from infecting the others in the forest, they conduct the custom
of besasandingon.
The classification of the world of the Orang Rimba and Orang
Terang also has implications in characterizing the basic classification of
the Orang Rimba regarding the Orang Terang. In my opinion, the visible
signs or symptoms and the basic values of the Orang Terang, which then
serve as the main characteristics or attributes of the Orang Rimba in
identifying Orang Terang or the Malays, include (1) environment in the
forest (representing the world of the Orang Rimba) and open settlement
area (representing the world of the Orang Terang); (2) a life pattern
that is different from the Orang Rimba’s, that is living in the kampong
or village (bekampung) along with its accompanying behaviors or
habits, such as manner of dress, dining etiquette, etc.; (3) non-nomadic,
permanent settlement pattern and permanent housing; (4) Islam as their
religion and religious practice and behaviour reflecting a Muslim; (5)
a livelihood model appropriate to common occupation in the village,
such as farming, working as employee, etc; (6) Not consuming any food
prohibited by Islam and all animals in the forest; (7) for Orang Rimba,
Orang Terang are the rich so it is proper that they share their cigarettes
and money; (8) Orang Terang are smart and intelligent people, so that
what they say should reflect truth; and (9) Orang Terang also come from
the area of pembewo penyakit (sources of disease)(Prasetijo, 2005).
Meanwhile, the Orang Rimba perceive themselves as (1) people who
live in the forest; (2) have a life pattern suitable to the forest environment,
41. If there are outsiders (Orang Terang) who stay near them, the outsiders will be placed in the
downstream area.
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such as wearing only cawot (a loincloth) for men and kemben (a breast
cloth) for women; (3) live nomadically, impermanently; (4) believe in
religion taught by their ancestors; (5) have a livelihood model according to
the forest environment, such as hunting, collecting and cultivating; and (6)
consume all food available in the forest(Prasetijo, 2005).
In the Orang Rimba’s view, their world is the world full of dirtiness
and ignorance. It is different from the world of Orang Terang, which
they characterize as the world of smart educated people or what they call
intelligent people. It is different from the world of Orang Rimba they
describe. For them, their world is a dark (kelam) world or the so-called
world of Orang Delom (inside), that is people who stay and live inside
the forest. It is a world that is exactly opposite to the world of Orang
Terang. For eexample, they call their world the delom world, which is
full of ignorant people like them. They are aware that if they are called
ignorant people that is just how they are.
Responding to my question regarding his view about the world of
Orang Terang and his different world, Tumenggung Tarib said: “Kamia
orang bodoh bepak. Apolah awok kami jika dibanding Orang Terang,
Kamia hoppy sekola. Orang hoppy temtu beik. Orang kafir kami nioma”.
(We are just ignorant people, Sir. We are nothing compared to Orang
Terang or village people. We don’t go to school. We are certainly not
good people. We are unbelievers.)
For Tumenggung Tarib, it does not really a matter if an Orang
Rimba makes a mistake in Orang Terang’s eyes because they are ignorant
and do not have any manners. It is a different case if the Malays make
the mistake. For Pak Tarib or most of the Orang Rimba, the Malays are
like rajo42 who deserve to be worshipped and obeyed. It is uncommon
for them to make a mistake because they are intelligent people (Orang
Rimba term for clever).
The Orang Rimba give the designation of rajo itself to the
Malays or Orang Terang who have the position considered as a rajo.
42. They sometime call Orang Terang who have a high social position, such as Subdistrict Head or
Regent, Rajo. Even, nowadays they call rajo to toke who can give them benefits.
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Such designation is commonly given by them to Orang Terang who are

considered as representing the king’s interest or those who currently
represent the government’s interest. For the Orang Rimba, such
designation has requires the individual called rajo to give pembujuk
(persuader) for them.
One day when I was in the area of Kejasung Kecil River, an
Orang Rimba asked me for a cigarette. Since I had not brought any, I
could not give one to them. Then the Orang Rimba said to me ”macam
mano rajo hoppy ado rokok, rajo hoppy katek sen” (How can a king
not have a cigarette. The king does not have money). Thus, there is an
image in Orang Rimba’s eyes that it is proper for me as Orang Terang,
a representation of a “king”, to have money and it is proper for me to
give him money because the obligation of a king is to take care of his
followers.
The following figure demonstrates the profile of the world of
Orang Terang and the world of Orang Rimba in accordance with the
insight of the Orang Rimba:
World of Orang Rimba World of Orang Terang
· Coming from the area clean from · Coming from the source of disease
diseases area
· Existing in the upstream of hinterland · Existing in the river mouth/ sea
· Believing in ancestors · Embracing Islam
· Living in the forest · Living in the village
· Taboo on consuming the Malay’s food · Taboo on consuming Orang Rimba’s
· Intelligence food
· Customs of Orang Rimba · Ignorance
· Customs of the Malay
Source: Modified by the author (2002)
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If we look at the chart, we can see that the world of the Orang
Rimba and the world of Orang Terang have a strong dichotomy. There
are strong limitations constructed by the Orang Rimba in perceiving the
relation with Orang Rimba. The world of the Orang Rimba exists in the
forest and the world of the Malays or Orang Terang exists in the village.
Orang Rimba will feel uncomfortable in the outside world (the world of
Orang Terang). In order to maintain both worlds smoothly in accordance
with their nature, the Orang Rimba establish pantong’on (taboos). In
this context, Orang Rimba’s taboos or pantang’on can be apprehended
as their efforts to become the real Orang Rimba in accordance with the
standards set in their culture. These standards refer to the classification
of the world of Orang Rimba and the world of Orang Terang, along with
their accompanying attributes. These taboos function as regulations for
the Orang Rimba to keep their lives in line with each world’s different
characteristics and to keep each world going well and not get jumbled.
Therefore, any Orang Rimba who breaks these taboos is called a person
who mencampok adat or violated the customs. It means that the person
has abandoned his/her old customs and turned to the other customs, the
customs of Orang Terang’s.
Although there are strict restrictions between the world of Orang
Rimba and the world of Orang Terang, there is always a way that Orang
Rimba can enter the world of Orang Terang, and vice versa. There are
a number of rules that have to be followed by each ethnic group so that
they will be accepted in the opposite world. For instance, an Orang
Rimba has to dress like Malay if she/he should ever go to the village or
world of Orang Terang. They consider it improper to remain wearing
cawot in the village. Another example is instead of speaking the Orang
Rimba’s language; they would use the everyday Malayan language that
the Malays understand.
Similarly, so do the Malays or Orang Terang who enter their
world. There are many taboos set by the Orang Rimba upon Orang
Terang who enter their world, namely the forests. For instance, Orang
Terang is not allowed to stay in the areas on the upstream of the river,
unlike the Orang Rimba. They have to live in the areas on the downstream
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of the river in order to avoid diseases or the taboo of the Malays seeing
Orang Rimba girls and women. The same thing applies to Orang Rimba
who have returned from a trip to the world of Orang Terang as they must
isolate themselves for several days in order to eliminate the diseases and
smell of Orang Terang.
For most of the Orang Rimba Air Hitam who still live in the
forest, becoming Orang Terang is considered an easy way of life, as they
do not have to work as hard as the life of Orang Rimba. They do not have
to go into the forest every day to search for louk and work in their fields.
In their mind, becoming Orang Terang who live in a kampong means
that they must live the way others who live in kampongs do. They must
have a job, house, garden and the like, as the other Malays do.
According to Mawang, it is the government’s obligation to
support their life if they are willing to move to a kampong because they
are the ones who invited them to reside and settle there.
”Kata Orang Melayu hidup kami adalah hidup yang kotor dan
menjijikan. Selalu berjalan-jalan saja didalam hutan, tidak mau
hidup menetap, dan melakukan semua yang Islam pantangkan.
Untuk itulah mereka menyuruh kami untuk bediom (berdiam).
Kalau bediom samo bae (sama saja) kami menjadi orang dusun. ”
”The Malays say that our life is dirty and disgusting because we
always walk around in the forest, we do not want to settle in one
place and we do everything prohibited by Islam. That is why they
ask us to reside. If we reside, it means that we become the member
of the village.” said Mawang.
For them, it is very difficult to live in a kampong with the customs
and etiquette the way the Malays practice. For them, living in a kampong
or village is full of taboos and restrictions, a life full of regulations and
less free than their life in the forest. Mawang states that the government
has to give them a monthly allowance and palm plantations, as well as
building them rumah tembok (the term they use for a permanent house,
constructed with brick), and giving them proper jobs like those given to
Orang Terang. The point is that the government must support every one
of them if they must be moved into a kampong, because they consider
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becoming and living as Orang Terang is very hard, since they have to
follow the customs of Orang Terang. According to them, there are so
many restrictions in the customs of Orang Terang or the Malays that it
is a difficult thing to do because the consequence is campok adat (being
cast away) from the adat society of Orang Rimba and having to follow
all of the customs of Orang Terang or the Malays, which they consider
hard to do.
”Upamano bisa’a kamia hidup macam no. Bengun pegi kamia
harus sembahyong. Siang kamia harus sembahyang jugo. Sore
malom sembahyang jugo. Semua makonon jugo dilarang. Macam
mano kamia mencari louk”.
(How are we supposed to live like that? When we wake up in
the morning, we have to do the prayers. We also have to do the
prayers at noon. In the afternoon and at night we also have to do
the prayers. All foods are prohibited. How are we supposed to find
something to eat?)
In Mawang’s view, the life of Orang Terang is an easy and
prosperous life in terms of financial security. This view is the result of
his evaluation of the Orang Terang living in the village near Air Hitam,
where he uses the values existing in his culture. He sees that the life
of the Malays or Orang Terang there is easy and luxurious. They have
permanent houses, palm plantations and a lot of money that they can
use to buy this and that. Furthermore, it is exactly the idea or image of
the life of Orang Terang that has existed for a long time. On the other
hand, Mawang understands that that kind of life is characteristic of the
life of Orang Terang they have known, whose customs and etiquette are
different from those of the life of the Orang Rimba.
According to Mawang, the difference between the lives of the
Orang Rimba and the Malays is not only regarding their religions
and customs, but also the understanding of different ways of life and
livelihood. The Orang Rimba gain their livelihood in the forest while
the Malays works in the kampong. Bediom or living permanently in a
kampong does not only mean converting to a new religion and customs,
but, in Mawang’s understanding, also means following the Malay’s
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means of earning a living. He thinks that Orang Rimba who have become
Orang Terang, like Orang Rimba Air Panas people, should not keep on
doing their activities inside the forest. This perspective is in accordance
with the values in the customs of the Orang Rimba that divide their world
into two different parts, namely the world of Orang Terang and Orang
Rimba, each with strong and different characteristics.
Pak Tarib’s group admitted that they still follow the customs
and traditions of their Nenek Poyang (ancestors). Out of four pesaken
in his group, almost none of them were willing to convert to Islam. In
spite of this, it turned out that Pak Tarib’s own son from his first wife,
Mrengkuh, has stated that he had converted to Islam. Mrengkuh is now
living in the Air Panas kampong. Pak Tarib regrets what has happened to
Mrengkuh. For him, Mrengkuh is no longer like his son. He frequently
received complains about frauds committed by Mrengkuh or collections
of Mrengkuh’s debts from the people living in the transmigration area.
He does not understand why Mrengkuh behaves in such ways after
converting to Islam and berdiom in the village. For him, one should
become a better person and free from duso (sin) after converting to
Islam, not the other way around. His son, on the other hand, gambled
and got drunk even more freely now, and he sold Pak Tarib’s land.
Pak Tarib said that Islam is, in fact, a good religion to atone for
one’s sins, and Orang Rimba are drenched in sin because they break
many of the taboos set by the religion, in accordance with its halom
(world), which is the halom tiru’on of an ill-bred nature. He sees Islam
as the religion of the Malays who, in their cosmology, are the people who
have a connotation as gods (halom dewo). He sees Islam as agamo dewo,
a religion of the people who cosmologically live in a different world
from that of the Orang Rimba, the ill-bred and impure people. He thinks
that converting religion in order to menebuy duso will destroy the order
of the halom. He said that Islam clearly belongs to the customs of Orang
Terang or the people living in the village. For him, Islam does not belong
to the customs of the Orang Rimba. He mentioned that Orang Rimba who
converted to Islam had violated the customs or mencampok adat for they
had tried to mix the world of Orang Terang and the world of the Orang
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Rimba. In the past, there was a clear distinction between the village
people and the Orang Rimba’s place; for instance, the Orang Rimba’s
place was in the forest while the village people lives in the village. That
was where the terms Orang Terang and Orang Rimba originated.
However, such distinction no longer exists in the present; Orang
Rimba can enter the world of Orang Terang and, Orang Terang can
enter the forest. He used the case of the Orang Rimba’s betino-betino
(women) as an example. In the past, the betino could not see the world
of Orang Terang. Whenever a jenang came, the betino must be hidden
from sight. They would run into the forest. Now, quite the opposite, they
show themselves. Orang Rimba Air Panas people even move into the
transmigration area. “Kinia becampur, kemano bae ndok nglebot, betemu
Orang Terang, halom lah becubo aduk.” (We are now mixing. Orang
Terang came in the forest, and the Orang Rimba live in the outside).
Pak Tarib’s statement means not only that the Orang Rimba’s
conversion to Islam has ruined the order of the relationship structure
among them, but it would also ruin the cosmological order between
halom dewo and halom tiru’on that they believe is true. Islam, for Pak
Tarib, is a religion full of restrictions. He used the diet restrictions and
the foods considered haram or forbidden by the Muslims as examples.
How can we live like that when we are only allowed to eat lamb, beef,
chicken and eggs? What if those foods can no longer be found?
”Apolah yang kamia makon. Beiklah macom kamia sekarang.
Ketemu bebi dimakonlah bebi. Ketemu tenuk, dimakonlah tenuk.
Kalau ketemu ruso, dimakonlah ruso. Ketemu ulat makonlah ulat.
Kalo awak dirimba’e apolah segelonye ketemu dimakon. Ndak
ado batay. Kalaulah didusun, berpantong-pantong, tiado boleh
makon lauk hangit”.
(What are we supposed to eat? It is easier with the way we live
now. We see a pig, we eat it. We see a tapir, we eat it too. We see
a deer, we also eat it. We see a snake, we eat it as well. In the
forest, we can eat anything. There is no restriction. If we live in
the village, everything in life is forbidden. We will not be allowed
to eat the meat existing in the forest)
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There are many other restrictions that the Orang Rimba consider
to sometimes make no sense, such as the one Laman mentioned as an
example; that one of the customs in Islam oblige husband and wife to
take an obligatory bath after intercourse, usually done in the morning. By
performing such a thing, for the Orang Rimba, it means that other people
will know that they have just had intercourse. According to Laman, such
conduct must be hidden instead of being showed off.
“Kalau tidak mandi ujinye beduso. Macam manolah orang dusun
ini. Belum lagi kalaulah mandi pagi keno domom. Domom kito
dibuatnye. Ndak telok kami tekukung labuhnye”
(If we do not take the bath, they say it is sinful. What is it with
those village people? If we take a bath in the morning, we will
catch a fever. We are not strong enough to do it.) ”.
I believe that the religious behaviour of the Orang Rimba is, in
fact, a manifestation and reflection of their interpretation of the religion
or a set of rules and regulations that arrange the relationship between
humans and the spiritual world, especially with their God. In interpreting
and understanding the meanings that lie in the religion, they use their
own culture as the reference.
The Orang Rimba themselves believe in the existence of spirits
in the world, whom they believe can be gods, the spirits of the dead or
that whom they call malaikot (angel) and silom or ghosts. The Orang
Rimba also believe in the existence of two halom (world) bounded by a
thin curtain. The world that distinguishes between their life and that of
the gods’. Regarding this, the behaviour of the Orang Rimba in Nyai’s
groups still holds firm to the values reflecting their belief. They hold firm
to their customs and perform the traditions they consider to be inherited
from their ancestors. They still refuse to eat foods from the village
people’s livestock, such as their chicken, lamb, eggs and beef. They
still perform tegak balai whenever any of them gets sick, or tegak balai
perkawinon whenever any of them gets married. They also still perform
melangun whenever any of their relatives pass away and they still bring
women who are giving birth to tano peranok’on. Pak Tarib himself, as
the tumenggung of the subgroup of Orang Rimba living in Air Hitam,
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admits still performing besale. These behaviors, for Orang Rimba who
still conform to their customs, are not only religious activities, but also a
reflection of their identity as Orang Rimba.
Pantang’on: Taboo as Ethnic Boundary
Basically, the life of the Orang Rimba always involves pantang’on

(taboo). Taboo is generally interpreted as prohibition in the form of
punishments that have something to do with things, people or certain
activities. Usually, it will have something to do with certain food, sexual
intercourse with certain people (incest taboo), and relationships with
certain groups. Taboo can be understood as one's efforts to adjust to
something else. Mary Douglas (in Barfield & Barfield, 1997, p. 464 )
uses a symbolic approach to see that an object or a particular person
would be in violation of restrictions or Taboo when it fails to conform to
the standard classification symbolic of their culture.
Orang Rimba taboos are varied. These taboos apply from the
simple to the most complex things. They range from restrictions on food,
maternal behaviour, cutting down certain trees and determination of the
cottage to the most complex of kinship and custom taboos. Compared
to other taboos, a kinship taboo is considered to have the biggest
consequence for those who violate, that they are going to be charged
with hukum bunuh43.
Orang Rimba who violate pantang'on in kinship are also said to
be sumbang or be regarded as a depiction of the events and feelings of
embarrassment in that it is difficult to be forgiven because it involves
self-esteem and dignity. If someone did sumbang, he would be ostracized
and not get a place at a variety of occasions. It means that his position
in the social system of Orang Rimba will also be questioned, especially
when it comes to someone who has authority (tumenggung, depati,
43. Hukum bunuh is actually a metaphor which means that a person gets the right to be able to determine
other people's lives because of the degree of mistake done to him or his relatives. The determination
of a person's right to live can be expressed in a number of specific items that have the same value
that is equal to 500 pieces of fabric.
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menti, tengganai and so forth). His existence will be recognized again

if the parties concerned carry out the punishment given. The event of
sumbang will be the source of daily talk (gossip) among group members.
Sumbang will also serve as the source to assess whether a person can
lead the group. A leader for Orang Rimba must be the one who obey the
customs. For example, when the news spread that Tumenggung Tarib
married his child, Nitis, to his second child’s ex-wife (Mrengkuh), who
has not been officially divorced, some Orang Rimba of Air Panas village
considered this event sumbang because it involved marrying siblings
(melebung delom) and marrying another man's wife (mandi pancoran
gading). The issues then become source reason for the Orang Rimba of
Air Panas village to question the leadership of Tarib in Air Hitam as a
leader who truly enforced the customs.
The Orang Rimba’s prohibitions primarily refer to customary law,
which they call
“Pucuk undang nan delapan, empat diatay, empat dibewoh”, and
“Pucuk undang delapan, teliti dua belas, empat di atas, empat di
bawah”.
It means that there are eight regulations or primary legislations
consisting of four regulations or what they call the top four that are the
primary regulations that cannot be broken. If they break the regulation,
the punishment will be very hard and there is no compromise. The
punishment is the death penalty or equal to sebangun nyawo44. Next
is the bottom four, which means the four rules containing negotiable
punishment if there are things that can help the law-breaker. The first
four regulations include the taboos closely related to kinship taboo.
According to the Orang Rimba, the first four regulations contain non-
negotiable degrees of misconduct. If someone breaks the regulation
of the first four regulations, the punishment is the death sentence. The
regulations include (1) prohibition for parents on having sex with their
children (mencarak telu), (2) prohibition against marrying with siblings
(melebung delom), (3) prohibition against marrying with another one’s
44. Considered to represent a human being worth the price of 500 sheets of cloths.
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wife (mandi pancoran gading), and (4) prohibition against having sex
with one’s mother (menikam bumi).
Meanwhile, the last four regulations or “empat dibewoh” (four
at the bottom) are taboos related to customs such as prohibition on
murder, prohibition on burning another’s hut (siobaka), prohibition
on challenging to a fight (tantang berkelahi) and prohibition on
poisoning people (tabung racun). Anyone who breaks the regulation
will be subject to sanction in the form of a fine, which is sixty to
eighty long cloths. Sanction will be imposed upon the person who
breaks this taboo in the form of a cloth fine. In addition to the
aforementioned prohibitions (undang nan delapan, empat diatay,
empat dibewoh), the Orang Rimba have other taboos related to how
Orang Rimba should behave in their world. Those taboos can be seen
as their attempt to adapt to the standards of value existing in their
culture. Those standards of value relate to how the Orang Rimba can
keep their existence in the world order, which, on the other side, also
has much contact with the outside world and Orang Terang or the
Malays.
In this case, in my opinion, those taboos function more as the
protector of regularity between their world and the world of Orang
Terang. On the other hand, such taboos also function as an ethnic
boundary between them and Orang Terang, such as taboos related to
food and where to live.
Food taboo functions as the signs for Orang Rimba living
their life as real Orang Rimba in accordance with their life in forest
and keeping it from the influence and contamination of the world
of Orang Terang. It includes food taboo and custom. Pantang’on
on certain foods is like prohibition on consuming food made out of
animals kept by the Malays, such as chicken, egg, goat, cow and milk.
For the Orang Rimba, such food represents the life and world
of Orang Terang. They regard such food as harom or forbidden.
This taboo includes other food identified with the outside world.
One example from my own experiences was when I brought an Oreo
biscuit and opened it to be eaten together with them in the Kejasung
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Besar area. This kind of biscuit is rarely found at stores in the village,
so it aroused their suspicion by its shape for this food may contain
milk and egg. They did not eat this biscuit because it was considered
as food containing milk and egg. However, when I explained that
the biscuit did not contain milk and egg, they eventually ate it. With
a laugh, they said it is ok if the elder does not know about this. In
my opinion, the food taboo functions as the protector of boundaries,
which differentiate between themselves and Orang Terang. For
example, they are happy eating pork by saying that this food is the
most delicious food in the forest. The villagers will never taste such
delicious food because they just eat foods from their livestock. They
say that this is their difference from Orang Terang. Proudly while
comparing himself to Orang Terang, Ngrip said;
”Beiknye makon bebi. Nioma makonnon kamia uje Orang
Rimba. Orang dusun hoppi makon makonnon macam nioma.
Orang dusun makon hayam, sapi, kambing, telur. Kamia
Orang Rimba yoya makon segolenye dihutan nioma. Tiado
pantong’on.”
“It is better to eat pork. As people who live in the jungle, this is
what we eat. Villagers do not eat this kind of food. The villagers
eat chicken, meat, lamb and egg. We are Orang Rimba; we eat
everything available in the forest. No taboo at all.”
Another pantong’on (taboo) related to the ethnic boundaries
is that related to the livelihood model of the Orang Rimba, which is
mostly in the jungle; for example, opening fields, hunting and cutting
certain trees, which is different from that of Orang Terang.
One day, I asked Mawang (the late) again, Tumenggung
Tarib’s little brother, about his point of view of being Orang Terang.
In his view, being Orang Terang is having a good life and not living
in difficulties like they are living now. He compared it to my life,
which he thought was a comfortable and good life, having a house in
the city with a good occupation. As an example, he said that I could
earn sen (money) easily, just by writing some words on a piece of
paper and returning to the city, then that paper would become a lot of
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money. How was that kind of life not considered as a good life? Good
and easy work, which does not need to use a lot of energy, unlike
what they have to do in work every day; they must go to the field
and search for louk (side dish) in the jungle and also menakik getah
(tapping sap) from the morning until the afternoon.45
However, when I asked him why he did not just become Orang
Terang like Orang Rimba in Air Panas who had already settled down
there and converted to Islam, he spontaneously answered: “Hoppy
ndok kamia menjadi Orang Terang macam yoya” (We do not want
to live like how Orang Terang live there). He explained again that
being Orang Terang means that it is proper for them to have a good
and easy life, unlike their hard lives. However, according to what he
sees in Orang Rimba Air Panas people, they are very far from living a
good and easy life. He thinks that Orang Rimba Air Panas people still
suffer in their lives, just like them. He means suffering in terms of
everyday Orang Rimba life. They should have left behind all attitudes
associated with Orang Rimba, not only their religious belief, but also
their customs, lifestyle and livelihood. But what he sees of Orang
Rimba Air Panas people is the other way around. Orang Rimba Air
Panas people still do farming and still search for woods in the forest
from time to time, just like them. The Orang Rimba of Air Panas also
still eat cassava, just like them. He thinks that as Orang Terang they
should have eaten rice every day. If that is how they live, what is the
difference between them and us who are still living in the forest?
Mawang’s statement of fact is a solid express of the distinction
between their identity and the Orang Terang. By implementing the
taboo there will be apparent boundary between their world and the
world of Orang Terang. Taboo here then works as a strengthening
of identity between them and the Orang Terang, which is, another
ethnic group.
45. Although I know that Mawang does not really menakik getah, instead he asked his children and
in-laws to do it because of his handicapped legs. Orang Rimba does not menakik getah karet until
the evening, as the Malay and the Javanese do. They only do it from 9 o’clock in the morning until
around 12 o’clock.
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Reinforce the Boundary Between The Forest And Village
Bukit 12 National Park with an area of 60,500 ha is a conservation

area was established in accordance with the interests of the Orang
Rimba as one of the establishment considerations, in addition to other
conservation considerations. Regarding such considerations, it is
expected that the Orang Rimba’s attempt to maintain their living area
can be well accommodated.
Previously, as referred to in the result of a research by WARSI
(Sandbukt & WARSI, 1998, pp. 7-8), it is known that the development
program (transmigration and oil palm plantation projects) in the area
around the Bukit 12 National Park has not yet touched the life of the
Orang Rimba. In addition to having eliminated the forest resources in the
area near the Bukit 12 National Park, the transmigration project has also
converted their land into oil palm plantations and residential locations
without a clear indemnity, so that their lives have become marginalized.
In that study, it is also revealed that the main problems encountered
by the Orang Rimba are the loss of their forest resources and the property
rights over the land they inherited traditionally and from generation to
generation are not acknowledged by the government. Land conflicts and
the complexity of relationship between them and other communities
living around the Bukit 12 National Park tend to increase because they
are not involved in the area management in terms of policy, practice and
security.
There are actually two main objectives to be achieved by the
establishment of Bukit 12 National Park, namely the conservation and
protection of the customary rights and living area of the Orang Rimba
that have not been a major concern of development. Utomo (2001) said
that by establishing the Bukit 12 National Park, it is expected that the
existence of the Orang Rimba in this area can be recognized and their
natural resources protected.
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Photo 4.1. Camp of Orang Rimba in between forest and village
About 23 villages with different levels of interaction surround

the Bukit 12 National Park area. These villages consist of native Malay
villages and transmigration villages with diverse socio-economic
conditions. In the area around the Air Hitam, there are approximately
five villages with a population of approximately 9,717 people according
to WARSI’s Survey in 2000 (KKI WARSI, 2008). In these villages, there
are various interest groups in the access to natural resources, such as
land, timber and non-timber forest products. There is a lot of allotment
of land for agricultural cultivation activities in the buffer zone around
the Bukit 12 National Park, such as several palm oil plantations and
timber production areas. Another fundamental problem is the abundance
of communities’ farmlands within the National Park. Utomo (2001) said
that the existence of the farmlands owned by the village community has
led the area management efforts to always intersect with the interests of
village communities
The problem of land availability is experienced by most immigrant
communities, who are mostly from Java, especially by the next-generation
immigrants who come voluntarily or are invited by relatives who came
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in advance to this area. Their arrival will certainly have implications for
the replenishment of the population, and it definitely requires residential
lands, cultivated lands and new oil palm plantation lands (KKI WARSI,
2008; Sandbukt & WARSI, 1998).
The declining level of the rural community’s economic condition,
particularly of the Malays, further complicates some of the land problems.
In contrast to the transmigration community whose livelihood relies
on oil palm plantations, the Malays living in the villages surrounding
the Bukit 12 National Park relies on the natural rubber plantations and
collection of non-timber forest products (rattan, balam sap, etc.). Because
non-timber forest products are increasingly difficult to obtain, they have
returned to depending on the natural rubber plantation in which a lot
of trees have become old and difficult to produce, thereby making the
village community look for other alternatives (Kurniawan, 2001).
One of the alternatives is bebalok (illegal logging) done in the
area of Bukit 12 National Park. The bebalok activity will eventually
reach worrying level for the life of the Orang Rimba because it is
performed on a large scale and does not pay attention to environmental
and social impacts. In addition to bebalok, they also do encroachment
or forest clearance in the National Park. According to WARSI, a forest
area of approximately 1,000 ha has been cleared by communities living
around the National Park, and is mostly used as farms for horticulture46.
Indonesia’s unstable political situation, economic crisis since 1998 and
corruption and collusion among forestry bureaucrats have weakened the
law enforcement on illegal logging activities (EIA & Telapak Foundation,
2001).
Orang Rimba who live in the area of Bukit 12 National Park consist
of several groups. One of the groups is Orang Rimba Air Hitam who
lives in the south. Their life is not that favorable. The bad condition of
their lands gives them no choice. This situation then leads to an uncertain
situation in the area which is then utilized by the brokers (toke) to take
46. See Kompas, 27/7/2001, Irigasi Tak Berfungsi: Penduduk Rambah TNBD
133
advantage of the local communities in their management, including

the Orang Rimba themselves. In addition to illegal logging activities,
another activity that disturbs the relationship between the Orang Rimba
and the Malays is an extensive farming pattern carried out by the Malays
since they need more lands to open new rubber plantations. On the other
hand, the alternative available land options located in the area around
the Bukit 12 National Park belong to the living area of the Orang Rimba.
Juandaru (2001) also said that due to economic (simple and inexpensive)
consideration, the village communities are able to open farmlands in
the surrounding area of the National Park and take advantage of the
existence of the Orang Rimba by purchasing their land.
The location of Tumenggung Tarib’s group is not far from the
village. It only takes 30 minutes from the village of Pematang Kabau.
To reach the location of the rubber plantation, we have to go through a
dirt road in the direction of the transmigration settlement and then enter
into a secondary forest for about 10 minutes to arrive at the edge of their
rubber plantations. Under this condition, there is no natural obstacle that
limits their settlement to the village community settlement.
The Tarib group living in Paku Aji River generally opens farmlands
and plants rubber trees on the border area between the national park and
the area of rubber and oil palm plantations owned by the transmigrants
which they refer to as behuma (settled). Each year this group always
clears forests to plant rice, yams, bananas, taro, pepper and sugar cane in
addition to the rubber trees. In addition to their own consumption, they
also sell those crops to the transmigrants. The area they usually open to be
farmland is the secondary forest (former farm that has been abandoned).
Almost all pesaken (family member) of Pak Tarib’s group have their own
rubber plantation with an average age of 4-5 years. The rubber plantation
owned by each member of Pak Tarib’s group has an average area of three
fields with more than 1000 young rubber plants. Their plantations mostly
include the land area in the national park because the land outside the
national park is no longer available.
The Orang Rimba of Pak Tarib’s group living in Paku Aji River
quite actively interact with Orang Terang. The interaction begins with
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the trade between them and toke Sori, toke rattan or another toke in the
village of Pematang Kabau. Such interaction is also established between
them and the villagers when they go to the market to buy something
related to their basic needs in Pematang Kabau Village or Bukit Suban
Village. On Fridays, they more often go down to the market located in
Pematang Kabau Village because its location is close to their settlement.
They seldom go to SPI market in Bukit Suban village because they
can meet some toke here, like Alisman, whose house is near the market in
Bukit Suban Village. Usually they will ask for money for the rattan they
sell or owe money to Alisman’s shop. They also do not hesitate to go to
the health center in Pematang Kabau village for treatment.
At the beginning, the health center officers felt uncomfortable
and were reluctant to treat them because they did not understand what
the Orang Rimba said and the Orang Rimba were not willing to take
treatment at the health center because they considered it too expensive.
Moreover, they felt intimidated when the officers asked about their ID
cards. Finally, after discussion with WARSI, the local health department
issued a regulation in which the Orang Rimba did not need to bring
ID cards, but should mention the group from which they came and be
charged a minimum fee. Since then, a lot of Orang Rimba have been
interested in getting cheap treatment at the health center.
Furthermore, the social interaction between Pak Tarib’s group and
Orang Terang is also established at the children’s level. In contrast to
other Orang Rimba groups who consider school as something taboo, Pak
Tarib allows his children to attend school in the village. However, the
school is different from the ordinary one in that it is only for the Orang
Rimba s children in Bukit Suban Village. Indeed, for some Orang Rimba,
school is still considered as violating custom because they assume that it
is a tool to introduce them to the way of living of Orang Terang.
Pak Tarib thinks that studying at school is important in order to
ensure that the Orang Rimba are not cheated again by Orang Terang.
By attending school, his children can read and write so that outsiders
will no longer deceive them. He allows his children to go to school on
the condition that the school must be really specified for the children of
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Orang Rimba so that other children will not insult them. Currently, not
only Orang Rimba students but also some Javanese and Malay children
attend the school from Air Panas village. Such an interaction means Pak
Tarib’s children can get along with the transmigrant children better.
In Pak Tarib’s group, the Nyai group lives in Sungai Semapuy,
which takes about two hours from the location of Pak Tarib’s farmland.
Currently, there are 13 pesaken or families who live at that location.
Compared to other Orang Rimba Air Hitam People groups, Nyai group
is living at a location far enough from the outside world. They live by
constructing some susudongan at that location.
At the Semapuy River’s upstream, they also have some rubber
plantations, but the trees are still young so they have not yet been able
to cut. To meet their basic needs, they make a livelihood by collecting
rattan, jelutung sap and opening a little farm. The Semapuy River’s
upstream is located at the foot of Bukit 12 that has not been explored
by the outsiders. It is also adjacent to the wandering area of the Orang
Rimba of Mengkekal Hulu (Aik Behan River). As a meeting area of
some river upstream in the hilly areas, this area is well known of the
richness of its forest resource and hunted animals. It is not difficult for
Nyai’s group to look for rattan in this area. The main problem is related
to the long time spent to take the rattan away to the village because the
remoteness of this area.
According to Nyai, they rarely interact with outsiders. There are
several reasons that they put forward. However, basically, they are trying
to limit the contact with Orang Terang by staying deeper in the forest.
When I asked them why they choose to go further into the forest, which
their area is actually not that far from the transmigration settlement, they
said that it is not good to frequently live together with Orang Terang in
the settlement area. Nyai said,
”Hoppy beik, hidup bersamo-samo orang dusun. Ujinye kamia
berpenyakito’on”.
(It is not good to live together with the villagers. Later we will
suffer from diseases).
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They say that it is not good to often go to Orang Terang’s place

because later they will get infected. They still believe that disease
originated from the Malays. Although some health programs are
conducted by WARSI, such as regular checks on their health, it still does
not reduce their belief that the disease is brought by the people outside.
They can handle it if they reduce the contact with outsiders. Nyai said
again,
”Beiklah WARSI ada lokoter masuk kemari. Budak-budak hoppy
domom lagi. Tapi kamia percayo penyakit dibewo orang dusun.
Lokoter mengobati bae. Kamia balik ke dusun keno jugo ”.
(WARSI does take doctors here so that the kids do not get fever
again. Then we believe the villagers bring such a disease. The
doctor just cures it. If we go to the village we will get sick again)
This reason is also used by the Orang Rimba to forbid Orang
Rimba women to interact with Orang Terang. Women in Nyai’s group
only stay at home. They never make contact with outsiders. They usually
only interact with other group members living near the location of their
farmlands. Women in Nyai’s group are responsible for the daily food
needs of their families, but they never do other work such as rubber
tapping or looking for rattan. After searching for foods, they usually
make mats or look for resin together with their little children. This
activity is done in-group along with members in the sub-group.
However, when examined more deeply, the issue of disease
is actually not the single reason of why they keep living in the forest.
Another reason is that they are the Orang Rimba whose living place must
be in the forest. If they live in the village, they are sure that they will not
survive. They make their livelihoods in the forest such as searching for
foods, establishing camps, growing plants, etc.
”Kalo kami hidup dirimba yoya. Kamia hoppi butuh sen.
Segolenye ado dirimba yoya. Mumpamano kamia hidup macam
nio kalo hopi tado sen didusun.”
(We will keep living in the forest. Everything exists in the forest.
We do not need the money. How can we live in the village if we
do not have any money?).
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Thus, they actually feel comfortable living in the forest. They think
that there is no demand for money to fulfil their daily needs. However, if
observed closely there are several reasons why Nyai’s group rarely interacts
with the outside world. They usually get information or anything relating to
the outside world through Pak Tarib’s group. There are several reasons why
they decided to settle in the upstream of the river, i.e. their three fields47 of
rubber plantations have entered the harvest period so it is not likely to be
left. If they leave this location and move to another area, then the rubber
trees will soon die because no one will take care of them. In addition, Nyai’s
group perceives that their living area, which is located in the upstream of
Semapuy River, is an area that has an abundance of forest resources of non-
timber forest products like an easily obtained variety of hunted animals.
As a result, they do not need to look for animals over a wide range. Almost
once a month they get a wild boar or other animals such as deer and napuh.
However, this group also makes contact with outsiders if they go
to the market to buy staple goods or simply meet the toke. Sometimes,
there is a transmigrant that visits their living place to buy cassava or
other crops. Also, they now sell their rattan to Pak Tarib who also serves
as a toke. Therefore, he functions not only as a Tumenggung, but also as
a toke for them. By having a relationship with Pak Tarib, they can reduce
their contact with the villagers and avoid diseases.
Basically, the life of Orang Rimba Air Hitam living in the forest,
like the groups of Tarib, Nyai and Laman in Tenkuyungan River, relies
on subsistence activities, aiming at fulfilling basic needs independently
from the result of activities in the forest and on the rubber plantation.
They can meet the staple food requirements such as rice by farming. In
order to meet the need for protein, they obtain it from the side dish as
a result of hunting and searching for fish. In addition to meeting other
needs like cigarettes, clothes and fabric48, they can get them by selling
47. One field is roughly equal to 2.5 hectares.

48. Cloth (koin) has important value for Orang Rimba because it functions as an exchange of fine when
someone is considered as violating the custom. All customary sanctions of Orang Rimba have the
value of tcloth. For example, sebangun nyawo or the worth of one human soul when someone is
accused of killing another is worth 500 pieces of clothes. The cloth also functions as a bride price
when someone gets married.
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the forest resources. Those activities color the life of Orang Rimba every
day. In their leisure time, they spend the time just relaxing and going to
the market in the village when market day comes.
When I asked them why they are proud of being Orang Rimba
rather than Malays, the answers would be similar, that they are proud
of being able to practice the tradition of life inherited by their Nenek
Poyang. It is the life of tradition that tries to revive the meaning of being
Orang Rimba. Preserving the life of tradition reminds them about the
nature surrounding them as well as the forest that has important values
for them. Although living in the forest is getting harder and harder, most
of the groups think that living like that does not really a matter because
this is their life, which should be preserved.
I see that the tradition is preserved all day long within their daily
life. In the morning, for instance, they get up 6 or 7am without taking
a bath or washing their face, and at about 10am the men perform their
activities in the forest. The men go to the forest to hunt animals, to check
plants in the farmland during the planting season, to tap the rubber sap
in the rubber plantation, or to do other activities based on their needs,
such as finding rattan or other forest products. It happened when I lived
near Laman’s house. He went to collect wild rubber seeds growing in
the plantation of the villagers in order to be planted in his plantation. As
a result, he worked all day long to collect hundreds of stems. The male
(jenton) Orang Rimba will be considered diligent if he can manage to earn
a living every day. If they keep silent, not working, they automatically
will not get any food or side dish to eat. Additionally, this will determine
someone who will semendo to the family of the female whom he will
marry.
Rice is something luxurious for the Orang Rimba. They only can
eat rice if they do farming. For the next two to three years, they have
to open new farmland where they are or move to another place if they
still want to harvest the field rice. Rubber is planted in many farmlands
as the sign of land title and future investment. They sometime eat rice
only once a week or several days in a month. Meanwhile, the women do
several activities at home or find the staple food. According to Orang
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Rimba custom, the woman is responsible for finding the staple food.
The obligation of men is to find the side dish. This rule is not really
strict. Sometime I met some Orang Rimba women joining their husbands
to find fish in the river by fishing or catching (ngakop). If they have
farmland, it is the obligation of women to keep the paddy and harvest it .
Otherwise, they will find tubers in the forest to be consumed.
The men who go hunting will return at about noon. If hunting
during the day, they will find it difficult to get louk godong (big animals)
such as wild boar, deer, etc. They only hunt small animals such as
squirrel, rat, frogs and birds. They also lay traps and see the results the
following day. Then, the women and girls clean and cook them and they
eat together. Nevertheless, sometimes for several days an Orang Rimba
family only eats cassava and tubers. This happens when they have just
come to a new place due to melangun or other things, so that it is difficult
for them to find staple food or louk. It will take some days to adapt to
the new location. They usually ask for cassava at the closest plantation
or just take it from the garden. Also, they sometimes receive meat from
their relatives. There is a bulih concept in Orang Rimba culture that if
someone gets a big louk godong, it is necessary for him to share with the
entire group members, especially those who are his waris. For example,
nakan (nephew) to his mamok (uncle). Nakan is obliged to give a thigh
or other particular part of the big hunted animal he got.
While waiting for their father working to find louk and their
mother finding cassava, Orang Rimba children spend their time playing.
Orang Rimba children under five years old will follow wherever their
mothers go. If they are more than five years old, their sister will guard
them. Orang Rimba children usually play with objects available in their
surroundings. They usually play with leg-tied insects (grasshoppers) and
make them fly, or break their legs and make them fly. Teenagers will help
their parents searching for louk in the surrounding area. They usually
hunt for rats or find for fish in the river for their lunch and dinner.
While waiting for the evening to come, they usually have a
chat, talking about things near their susudong’an and smoke handmade
cigarette. They talk about events that occur around them. At this time,
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parents usually tell the customs and traditions of their ancestors which
should be obeyed by children. Between 5 to 6 p.m they start to have
dinner, a leftover of their lunch.
When the night comes, Orang Rimba men leave for hunting.
Meanwhile, the women and children wait at the settlement. They usually
sleep at 7p.m. The men usually go for hunting in a group of three to four
persons from the same group. Even one person is enough if he dares
to do it. They leave by bringing kecepek and kujur in hand. The Orang
Rimba men are considered good (padek) at hunting if they often get the
animals. They usually start hunting at 8p.m. and return at 10 or 11 pm
if they do not get the hunted animals. However, if there is an animal on
target, they will keep following until morning and hope that they can
bring the hunted animal home. If so, they will share it equally among
the members of the group. Those who did not join the hunting will also
receive a share.
It is the women who distribute the meat according to the
allocation. The biggest portion is usually given to the leader of the group
and then to all members of the group. It is taboo for the hunter to keep
the meat for himself. He will be fined if he does not share the meat with
other members of the group or other groups that belongs to his waris.
Meanwhile, the remaining meat will be preserved to keep it durable for
the following days. This is done by dry baking (sale). Because the louk
godong is available, they can keep the supply of louk for the following
days. Quite often they only eat meat without rice or cassava. The
interesting thing is that the Orang Rimba can eat meat the day after the
animal has died and in which maggots have grown. When the meat has
run out, they will start hunting animals again in the forest.
Basically, although their circumstances are difficult with less
forest in which to make a living, they still persist with their tradition.
They tried to maintain the tradition that has been carried from generation
to generation since the days of their first ancestors. They hope that by
carrying on their traditions they can sustain their identity with other
groups, still living in the forest and following the tradition they want to
survive.
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Conclusion
Orang Rimba have their own ways of responding to any external

repression that they encounter. According to the explanation in this
chapter, it can be said that the Orang Rimba’s ways of responding to
changes are varied. Regarding the aforementioned cases, it seems there
are some differences. For example, Tarib’s group living in the area of
the national park is more accommodative in facing the changes, but still
wants to maintain their identity as Orang Rimba by preserving their
ancestor’s customs and not limiting interaction with the outsiders. They
are using Taboo and tradition as tools to determine indigenity identity.
It is fact, for example, that they allow their children to attend
school in the village. Tarib’s role as a leader helps him to connect groups
in the forest and the villagers. Therefore, he has more space to negotiate
with the changes he experiences. The customs are still preserved as
guidance for them in order to determine whether or not they are Orang
Rimba. The next is Nyai’s group. This group is actually a part of Tarib’s
group, but has different ways of responding to the changes in that they
isolate themselves from contact with outsiders. They try to limit their
interaction with outsiders by employing Tarib’s group as the mediator
with the outside world. They apply the customs and values as a reference
to legitimize their action regarding the existence of Orang Terang as the
origin of diseases.
These actions can be interpreted as a self-determination action
to form their own identity. They are using Taboo and tradition as self-
determination action as Orang Rimba. They further strengthen the
traditions and make a boundary between themselves and other groups.
As well as tradition and taboo they use social and physical boundaries
between themselves and other groups. Emphasizing their Indigeneity
will further strengthen their effort to locate their position in the modern
political structure.
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CHAPTER 5
SOCIAL AND POLITICAL
STATEMENT OF THE RIGHTS OF THE
ORANG RIMBA
I
t is not impossible that Orang Rimba take up a physical fight. Although
previous literatures observed that they are an ethnic group who always
tries to avoid violence in their opposing actions, it now seems that
they have a different opposition pattern. There are some cases whereby
Orang Rimba physically fight against the corporation, government, and
wider community in Jambi. One of their actions is to set a roadblock by
making a gateway on the driveway. They will then occupy the land or
claim the disputed land so that the company and the government cannot
expel them. There is also a case of theft involving Orang Rimba, which
later led to a conflict between them and the villagers. The actions taken by
the Orang Rimba do, of course, lead to high tension or conflict between
them and other community groups in Jambi. However, it can be seen that
their actions are actually the accumulation of their disappointment and
frustration due to the situation in which they are trapped.
The annexation of their lands by either company or village
communities makes them powerless against the company’s superiority
and the general public in Jambi. When they file a complaint about the
matter to the government, they are then defeated because occupying the
land is not considered legally valid. As a result, they must take those
actions since; according to them they have no other solution for solving
their problems. Therefore, with regard to the issues above, this chapter
will discuss the Orang Rimba’s actions, which can be classified as an
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opposition against the ruling class. Moreover, this chapter will explain
the modus operandi of such actions along with the causes as well as the
implications for the Orang Rimba themselves and other groups.
Roadblock
Roadblock is the common action taken by the Orang Rimba, as

occurred to some logging and plantation companies, i.e. PT. Tebo Multi
Agro (TMA), PT. Lestari Asri Jaya (LAJ) and PT. Wira Karya Sakti
(WKS) (WARSI, 2011) located around the Bukit 30 National Park. PT.
WKS is a subsidiary of Sinar Mas Group, a palm oil, paper pulp and
forest industry group holding company. It is one of the biggest paper
pulp companies in Indonesia with hundreds of companies throughout
the country. The conflicts occurred in April 2011. The case of the
Orang Rimba blocking the entrance to the company site represents the
culmination of their anger and resentment towards the company that was
not willing to negotiate and solve the problems.
The conflict between the Orang Rimba and the company in the
form of road blocking occurred from May 30th to April 2th, 2011.
They prohibited the company’s trucks from passing through the road.
On March 31th, 2011, the police came to intimidate Orang Rimba into
getting out of the area. The case then turned into an attack and the legal
case remains unfinished.
Based on the report by WARSI (2011), the Police, the Forest
Service, PT. WKS and PT. TMA came to the disputed land in six cars.
Three were from the PT. WKS carrying the Forest Service officers and
WKS’ security staff and the other three cars were from the Police. Their
presence was estimated at 30 people. They were armed with guns to
evict Orang Rimba located along the road corridors. The presence of the
Bujang Kabut Group was as a pilot deterrent for Orang Rimba and other
cultivators. Shortly after, another police car came equipped with guns
and fired warning shots. They also intimidated some Orang Rimba with
guns, as there were a lot of children and women at the location. Later
they arrested two people and damaged the temporary houses occupied by
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Social & Political Statement of the Rights of the Orang Rimba
the Orang Rimba. When being arrested, several Orang Rimbas attacked
the police officers. Then the police officers fired warning shots, but these
were ignored and the Orang Rimba chased after the police officers who
were shooting into the air and caught the Department of Forestry officials.
The police officers eventually ran away when they were attacked and
chased. Feeling threatened, the police officers finally returned firing
warning shots into the air. The Orang Rimba gave up because they had
no weapons to fight them. Finally, the police, the Forest Service and the
PT. WKS and PT. TMA left the location, taking Sitinjak and Sihombing
and the evidence. After that, the Orang Rimba, supported by an NGO,
Laskar Merah Putih, took up the fight by reporting the case to the Social
Services, but this did not work. They also went to the Forest Services but
also did not get a satisfactory answer49.
An Orang Rimba said that they did what they did because of
what they were entitled to fight for. "What are we fighting for our rights,
brother. Land occupied by the company belonged to us. It's known ours
is a sedentary life. Suddenly our land was appropriated by the company".
Other cultivators who were there also approved it. They say that the land
was the land of Orang Rimba from a long time ago.
The Orang Rimba group involved in the conflict was the Bujang
Kabut group, living in the Senamat River, Pemayungan village, around
the Bukit 12 National Park, the Jambi and Riau border area. The conflict
began when the Orang Rimba claimed that the 10,000 ha-company’s land
was their right. However, it is believed that there were some actors behind
the claim incident who drove the Orang Rimba and influenced them to
fight over the land and then sold or shared it in part to them. The Reverend
Sihombing claimed that he had assisted the Orang Rimba and also later
Antoni Panjaitan from the Laskar Merah Putih counselled the Orang
Rimba in Pemayungan village so as to have the rights to some of the land.
The problem was that the land of 10,000 ha was still within the coverage
area of PT. TMA, PT. LAJ, and PT.WKS. They argued that it was the Orang
49. Conflict between the Orang Rimba and corporate at the Bukit 30 National Park. Source: Report of
KKI WARSI, One Conflict with one Thousand of Interest in the South Part of The Bukit 30 National
Park (TNBT), April 2011
145
Rimba who were entitled to their customary land owned by the companies.
Even some groups of Malays in the village of Lubuk Mandarsah had paid
10 million (1.5 million per hectare) to the Bujang Kabut group for 100
hectares. Therefore, it can be seen that there were many groups that took
advantage of the Orang Rimba in the possession of the land.
The complexity of the land conflict is increasing due to the
issuance of the Regent’s Appeal Letter No. 522/702/Dinhut/2010 dated
29 September 2010, which prohibits Orang Rimba from carrying out any
activities within the companies’ area. Open conflict later broke out when
the Orang Rimba created a barrier to block trucks carrying the company’
timber. This case demonstrates that the interest of the Orang Rimba is
very vulnerable to be affected by other groups. They take advantage of
the Orang Rimba to fight against the companies by using the issue of
customary land, to which they entitled.
Orang Rimba also practiced roadblock in the conflict with an oil
palm company named PT. Asiatic Persada (AP) in 2005. The case quite
appalled the Jambi province at the time because it was so rare that the
Orang Rimba fought openly. At that time, the Orang Rimba blocked the
company’s trucks bringing out the palm fruits and it was feared that the
palm fruits would rot within a week if not transported to the factory to
be processed into CPO (Crude Palm Oil). The Orang Rimba who took
blocking action were from the Roni & Maliki bin Alam Seli group and
from Padang Salak. They demanded the oil palm land since the area of the
company was located in their territory; therefore they felt entitled to get the
part of the company’s lands. They then occupied the land of HGU (Land
Use Rights) of PT. Asiatic. At that time, there were 100 families that had
established houses and cottages in the village in the company’s area, i.e.
along the Beruang River (60 families) and Tanjung Johor (40 families).
The company had actually provided land of 1200 ha for the
Orang Rimba but many more came from outside of the area, such as
from the Lilin River, Palembang, therefore the area and the settlement
were no longer sufficient. They asked the government and the police to
resolve the problem but there was no response. Finally, on October 15th,
2005, the Orang Rimba held a demonstration against PT Asiatic and 14
146
Orang Rimba were arrested by the police. This problem has remained
unresolved since 2001. According to the company, there was an actor
behind the case because there were some Malays who claimed to be
Orang Rimba to ask for allotment of the oil palm plantation.
Demonstration
It is obvious that most cases are concerned with prosecuting the

land rights for the oil palm plantation. Many Orang Rimba claim that
they have some rights to these lands as the delegation process of the
land to the company was done without their involvement or permission.
Nevertheless, this claim is not one hundred percent correct. Many cases
show that Orang Rimba demanding of the company were not from the
local area.
They were usually members of other Orang Rimba or were even
prompted by the Malay community to fight on behalf of the Orang Rimba
because they were considered to have a more powerful legitimacy, e.g.
the case of Orang Rimba in the Air Panas village area in Bukit Suban
village in early 2000. It was the beginning of the story known by the
public about the case of demonstrations done by Orang Rimba.
Although Orang Rimba have gained palm plantation lands in
Block G, they are still demanding compensation for the expropriation of
their ancestral lands with oil palm plantations located in the Air Panas
area where the oil palm plantations belong to PT. SAL. They claim that
the land used as the oil palm plantation owned by PT. SAL was their own
land, that of pusaron or grave of their ancestors.
In addition, they were also less satisfied with the condition of the
existing oil palm plantation area in Block G; they thought that the quality
of plantation crops was very poor and it was distant from the settlement
area located in the Air Panas village area. They felt the management of
PT. SAL had treated them unfairly because they were given oil palm
plantations located in Block G. Therefore; it is very common that they
demand what have become their rights as the indigenous community in
the Air Hitam area, as Suku Anak Dalam.
147
They came together to the office and factory of PT. SAL located
in the SPC area. They rode motorcycles in tandem, even renting a truck
to transport almost all the people living in Air Panas village, including
the community members from other ethnic groups. They filed a lawsuit
against the company in order to realize compensation for their oil palm
plantations in the sense that the oil palm plantations are also given to all
residents in the village of Air Panas including non-Orang Rimba. The
demonstration was not on behalf of the demands of the Air Panas village
people, but the Suku Anak Dalam.
They made speeches and unfurled banners that essentially rejected
the presence of PT. SAL. They called PT. SAL as Orang Rimba land
grabbers. Toha told me that that PT. SAL established oil palm plantations
on their ancestral lands. They had just watched and did not accept the
results. It was time they took that to which they were entitled. When I
asked why this took the form of demonstrations like this in droves to the
factory, Toha said," This is what we saw and copied from someone else.
We see also from the television. We were initially scared but when we
came together we became not afraid".
For some, it is believed that there is a peculiarity to their demand,
e.g. it can be seen from the Orang Rimba themselves. According to Pak
Tarib, when the Orang Rimba of Air Panas claimed the land of pusaron
nenek moyang (ancestors’ grave) located in the oil palm plantation owned
by PT. SAL as a customary right, the real Orang Rimba were those who
actually deserved the compensation right. They did not consider Orang
Rimba of Air Panas as real Orang Rimba. They were considered to have
left the customary life or thrown away indigenous tradition by turning into
Malays, so how could they then claim that they were like the real Orang
Rimba?. Even if they eventually got it, Pak Tarib would ask PT. SAL to
also give indemnity to the whole of the Orang Rimba living in the Air
Hitam area since most of their ancestors were buried there.
According to information from PT. SAL, as told to me by its field
officer, the demand of the Orang Rimba of Air Panas is strange because
they had already received the replacement of oil palm plantations in Block
G. They had signed it and had received the results (from the plantation
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production). Then they hired it out again to the people in Pematang

Kabau village and Bukit Suban village. Under the agreement, it was not
allowed to sell oil palm along with the process results to others. They must
complete the mortgage and sell their palm oil directly to PT. SAL but now
they were suddenly demanding the company’s core oil palm plantations.
According to him, the demand of Orang Rimba of Air Panas was a result of
the provocation of people who wanted to take advantage of the conflict50.
PT. SAL also admits that the land acquisition process occurred when
the company entered the territory of the Air Hitam area in the 1980s as the
opening of the region as a transmigration site. They entered through the
jenang of the Air Hitam area and had paid all compensation in accordance
with the request of the jenang and Orang Rimba at that time.
Mr. Sapuan, an official of the MOSA in Bangko who became the
companion of the Orang Rimba of Air Panas, also agrees the understanding
that there was someone behind the demand of the Orang Rimba of Air
Panas. He sees that the Orang Rimba’s claim on the oil palm plantation
owned by PT. SAL located at the south side of Air Panas village did not
purely arise from the Orang Rimba. There was a provocateur behind this
incident. It is proven that, according to him, many non-Orang Rimba
villagers of Air Panas village also asked for the oil palm plantation.
The interesting part of the case of the Orang Rimba claim to the oil
palm area owned by the company is that they tried to present themselves
as the actual Orang Rimba. They stressed that they were the indigenous
ethnic group existing in the area, which was really entitled to the
compensation for land acquisition taken by the company. Several other
ethnic groups fighting against the company then also used legitimacy.
Some of the above cases of conflict show that the involvement of
outsiders is very obvious. On the other hand, their need for land is high.
By living in the midst of the general public, their needs are also increasing.
The desire to live decently, fitting in with the general public, is also felt
by them and expressed in ways such as buying a motorcycle, building a
50. In several conversations between them about how their demand could be granted by PT. SAL, I
saw that the role of Mul Sinaga, a Bataknese living not far from the village of Air Panas, was very
prominent. He gave advice on how Toha, Nugra, or Ngelam (Orang Rimba at Kampong Air Panas)
set a strategy to fight PT. SAL.
149
permanent house, buying a TV and so forth. They perceive that the oil palm
plantation now has a high strategic value. They have already seen how
oil palm plantations can alter the state of the economy of migrants living
around their neighborhood. This is different from the Malay community in
which many of them are still dependent on the rubber plantations.
In addition, getting valuable oil palm plantations is difficult
today. The selling price per plot is quite high, up to 20s millions. One
way to get such a worthy livelihood is to claim the oil palm plantation
that has shown a good fruit production. This is because they themselves
admit that it is very difficult to take good care of the plantation like the
migrants. As a result, it is reasonable that they need to get a more settled
livelihood rather than just hunting and gathering.
Steal to Eat
The conflicts with the villagers are mostly caused by thefts

committed by Orang Rimba. The theft cases then cause various
problems for not only the villagers, but also other parties. Some of the
thefts are usually related to those of agricultural products from the rural
communities, TBS or Tandan Buah Segar (Palm Fruit Bunches) from oil
palm plantations and timber or illegal logging within the protected forest
areas owned by the government or company. As a result, these theft cases
lead to a feeling of suspicion and resentment of outsiders towards Orang
Rimba. In certain cases, thefts committed by Orang Rimba spark outrage
and violence against them.
The main reason for the thefts committed by Orang Rimba is that,
according to them, they have no more forest for living. The thefts then
spark outrage among rural communities. Many theft cases are associated
with the theft of natural resources for food or processed food. They
sometimes take items without paying, as in an incident in Bukitbungkul
village, Pamenang sub-district. They came in groups and looted items of
the shop. The shop owner then reported the incident to the police51. “We
51. Source: Kubu jarah Toko Manisan (The Kubu have looted the shop), Jambi Ekpres, 29/01/2005
150
are now very anxious, Sir. The Suku Anak Dalam members began looting
our shops,” said Rio Abdullah to the Chief of Police and the Regent of
Bungo district. The villagers said that they were afraid and did not know
how to react. According to them, they were dealing with people who did
not understand the law. “The residents are frightened, Sir. It is because
many of them (Suku Anak Dalam) do not understand the law. This
condition greatly harms us,” said Abdullah. “The goods stolen by the
SAD were not expensive, but still the residents were disadvantaged by the
theft,” added the Sekdus (secretary of village) Satrio. He also admitted
that the Orang Rimba did not take items other than foods. “Items such
as laptops and other electronic devices are not taken. They only steal
for something they can eat,” said Satrio. The Orang Rimba admits this.
They said that they had serious trouble finding food because their land
was gone. In addition, the usual foods they get from the forest, such as
root crops, have also been difficult to obtain due to the disappearance of
the forests where they used to wander.
The Orang Rimba do understand that the theft they committed is
wrong. Nevertheless, they have to do it since there is no available food
to eat while working to earn money is difficult because no one wants to
hire them. “We know stealing is wrong, Brother. Then what should we
do. The forests have been depleted. Where else can we find foods?” said
Cerinai when I asked him about Orang Rimba who stole in the villages.
Such a reason is also justified by most of the Orang Rimba. They also
understand that their actions will get impunity because they are deemed
not to understand the law. According to them, the police will not dare to
arrest them because they are Orang Rimba. The Orang Terang’s law does
not apply to them. Nugra, an Orang Rimba living in the Air Panas village,
told me, “The police will not dare to arrest us. They have no reason to
do that. See, it doesn’t matter to bring kecepek52. It is different from the
villagers; once they hold kecepek they will be immediately arrested.53”
52. A homemade firearm for hunting

53. I have confirmed this with the local police, and they say that Orang Rimba are not allowed to carry
kecepek everywhere. They are allowed to carry kecepek because it is used for hunting, but there
is no reason for the villagers to use kecepek because they are not hunters. Therefore they will be
arrested if they are carrying kecepek in public and villages. Kecepek is only permitted to be used in
the forest.
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The Orang Rimba admit that they were not prepared for this
situation. There was a time when they sold their rubber lands to meet the
needs of their daily life and the desire to buy other goods. The things that
once they regarded as luxurious now frequently appear in front of them.
Motorcycles, for instance. In the past, they could not imagine buying a
motorcycle. But by selling two or three acres of land, they can buy. The
need for such things is very confusing for them because they see them
used by the villagers every day. As a consequence, they are interested in
buying them. Mobile phones, motorcycles, televisions and radios are no
longer luxuries for them but are considered as day-to-day needs.
“Ai capek kakok, jika kamia berburu jauh ke dalam perkebunan
sawit tanpa pakai motor” (We’re tired, Brother, if we have to hunt deep
into the oil palm plantations without a motorcycle), said a young Orang
Rimba when I asked him why he rode a motorcycle everywhere. They are
no longer dwelling in the forest, isolated from the settlement and hustle.
Their Sudung (camps) are now only a dozen meters from the busy village
roads. Thus, it is natural then that they pay attention to another way of
life. They feel powerless to face the fact that their lands and forests have
been converted into oil palm plantations and settlements. Meanwhile,
they themselves still live by moving from one oil palm plantation to
another one and from one rubber plantation to another.
Eating is also used as a reason for other theft cases such as illegal
logging. This usually occurs among the Orang Rimba tribe groups who
are still living in the forest, such as those living in the area of Bukit 12
National Park and Bukit 30 National Park.
The involvement of Orang Rimba in the timber cases began in
the 1980s and 1990s when the forest clearing activities for oil palm
plantations and transmigration settlements were rampant. Most of the
illegal loggings were done by groups of people who belonged to Malay
ethnics. In contrast to the migrants that lived off the oil palm plantations,
the Malay people, living in the villages surrounding the Bukit 12 National
Park, relied on the plantation of natural rubber and non-timber forest
products (rattan, balam’s sap, etc.).
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According to Kurniawan (2001), non-timber forest products

were difficult to obtain. This situation led the Malay villagers to start
seeking for an alternative livelihood, i.e. illegal logging. To return
to their rubber plantations was not possible because many of the
plantations were old and were difficult to produce, so they strongly
relied on the bebalok (illegal logging) in the Bukit 12 National Park.
Eventually, the illegal logging reached a level of concern for the lives
of Orang Rimba tribesmen because it was done on a large scale and
did not pay attention to environmental and social impacts.
Many Orang Rimba were engaged in those logging activities,
starting off as recipients of the timber tax, guides in the forest,
surveyors or timber carriers, some even became chainsaw workers to
cut the timbers. Their knowledge and skills were redundant when the
forests began to be cleared. They returned to live in the woods and no
longer received the previous wages. “We used to work in the forest as
initially ordered by the waris and jenang. We did it. Then we worked
for those companies. We used to be very rich,” said Laman recalling
the days when he was young.
The presence of a toke gave them various roles to assist in the
theft of timber. Each Orang Rimba has different roles in this logging
activity. Some only get IDR 200,00054 for one chainsaw, which is
called land tax, as a compensation for the land where they earned a
livelihood. This amount will be divided throughout the Orang Rimba
members in the group. Then they get the results as surveyors of timber
with an income of IDR 200,000 per location. This calculation is based
on the economic value of timber surveyed. The money raised is also
distributed to the Orang Rimba officials, added with IDR 15,00055
per truck for the right of the Tumenggung. All expenses are borne by
the toke.
Most types of the timber taken are meranti (50-80 cm in
diameter) and ulin (Borneo ironwood) since they are considered to
54. It is about 20 $
55. It is about 1.5 $
153
have more economic value. The modus operandi of timber sales is

as follows: if the river used to flow the timbers is large enough, the
type of timbers will be more diverse. Not only float timbers flowed
through the river, such as meranti (Shorea sp.), Medang (Litsea sp.),
Jelutung (Dyera costulata) and balam (Palaqium gutta), but also sink
timbers such as Kempas or singgeris (Koompassia malaccensis), amra
(Spondias dulcis-Anacardiaceae), sapot (Lithocarpus sp.), temberas
(Eugenia sp.), amber (Shorea acuminatissima), tembesu (Fagraea
fragrans) and durian.
The thefts of timber were very rampant during the political
transition in Indonesia after the reform era when the political and
legal conditions were unstable. By using the reason of needing to
eat, the residents looted timbers in the state’s plantations and forests.
They also conducted an encroachment on the forest to open oil palm
plantations in lands owned by the state and company. Indonesia’s
unstable political situation, the economic crisis since 1998, and
corruption and collusion among forestry bureaucrats have caused
weak law enforcement on illegal logging activities (EIA & Telapak
Foundation, 2001).
The toke or brokers usually financed and hired villagers living
in the surrounding areas to steal the timbers so that if the police
arrested them, they would say the timbers were their own property. The
government, represented by BKSDA (The Conservation Unit – Ministry
of Forestry) once identified three people as the suspects of an illegal
logging, one of whom was an Orang Rimba, namely Nanteng. He was an
Orang Rimba from Tebo Ilir, Muaro Bungo district. He was considered to
be the timber broker who financed and gave permission to the people to
steal the timbers there56. Many knew that the real culprit was not Nanteng
because they believed that he did not have the financial ability to fund the
illegal logging operation.
56. Source: BKSDA tetapkan warga SAD jadi tersangka, Jambi Independent, 6/10/2004
154
The Orang Rimba did not stay silent. They were well aware that
the forest timbers were looted and taken from their forest, which was a
living place and symbol of their cultural life. Each tree has a meaning
and significance. The Setubung tree, for instance, is a marker tree where
the baby’s placenta is planted and each Orang Rimba tribesman must
have a setubung tree as a marker of his life. The Sialang tree, a giant tree
where the bees set their honeycomb and produce honey, is a priceless
treasure for them. But no effort they made was strong enough to face the
onslaught of the illegal loggers.
In the case of a murdered Orang Rimba, e.g., in the case of
Bungkah and Ngambu (Orang Rimba who were killed by the residents
of Ruan River village), since 2002 the killer has not been disclosed by
the police57. The villagers killed two Orang Rimba by beating them when
they collected the money for the gateway set for the Orang Rimba who
took timbers in the Bukit 12 forest. The police have not solved this case
because there is considered to be ‘lack of evidence’.
The second case is the murder of an Orang Rimba using a
homemade firearm (kecepek), which also occurred, in the Kejasung
River area. The government tried to close this case by imposing Orang
Rimba’s law on the Malays involved, i.e. by fining 1060 pieces of cloth.
Many Orang Rimba feel that these cases have not yet been resolved. Such
cases also create fear and trauma among the Orang Rimba. They see the
killers still at large in their neighborhood. So it is not surprising then if
they become apathetic and look to follow the illegal logging activities
happening in front of their eyes. An Orang Rimba once told me, “Instead
of the timbers being lost, taken by other people and we do not get the
advantage of, it is better that we take and sell the timbers ourselves. Well,
we will get more benefits than the others,” a rational thought.
57. See Aritonang and Taufik (1999), Membela Nasib Bertaruh Nyawa dalam Alam Sumatra dan
Pembangunan Ed. Vol. 2/No: 6 September 1999.
155
Claiming What Belongs to the Orang Rimba
The land acquisition or land claim is a sensitive issue because

of the complex problems of land in Jambi. Many cases of land disputes
between the Orang Rimba and other parties are related to land claims
made unilaterally by Orang Rimba. In fact, the issue of land claims by
Orang Rimba is not a stand-alone issue but the impact of the issues of
land annexation by the government, company and villagers upon Orang
Rimba’s lands or forests. As we know, the state does not recognize such
lands as the Orang Rimba’s indigenous lands or their ancestors’ lands.
The state only recognizes lands that have been certified, legitimized. This
problem becomes more complicated because then the state, company
and villagers take over the lands and make them legal before the law.
This condition makes Orang Rimba hard-pressed.
The cases of land annexation by companies have destroyed the
Orang Rimba’s livelihood. The cases mostly occur in northern Jambi, i.e.
in the Riau Province’s border area. Forests as the living and roaming area of
Orang Rimba are wedged between the Bukit 30 National Park and several
plantation companies. This situation subsequently leads to complicated
land conflicts that are not favorable to the life of the Orang Rimba.
Based on WARSI’s report (2008), there were several Orang
Rimba demands to the local government concerning the right of their
lives and the lands annexed by PT. WKS (Wira Karya Sakti). The
demands of the Orang Rimba were never responded to, leading them to
occupy the land and claim that it was theirs. Another case mentioned in
WARSI’s report (2008) included a production forest tenure plan by PT.
WKS for the activities of industrial plants with a total concession area of
approximately 15,000 hectares.
Since 2007, PT. WKS itself had also started pioneering and
surveying the concession area in which several thousand hectares of
land belonged to the forest area where Orang Rimba lived and wandered.
Furthermore, the prohibition regulation by the Department of Forest
Services to explore the Merangin production forest, which was the former
HPH of PT. Serestra, was specifically addressed to the Orang Rimba who
156
were deemed to be still living in the woods. Lastly, there was anxiety
among some Orang Rimba groups about the government’s plan to build
transmigration settlements in the area where they were now living.
The case of land annexation, which then leads to a land claim
by the Orang Rimba, occurs not only between the Orang Rimba and the
companies, but also between the Orang Rimba and the villagers, e.g. a
conflict between Orang Rimba and the KUD Sinar Tani of Sialang Pungguk
village that occurred in 200558. The main problem of this conflict was the
Orang Rimba claim of 1600 hectares of oil palm plantation in the village
of Muarasingoan. They claimed the oil palm land owned by the villagers.
This problem became more complicated since the villagers insisted that
the land did not belong to the Orang Rimba but it was a forest that had
long been abandoned. The villagers saw that after turning it into a palm oil
plantation, the land was then suddenly claimed by Orang Rimba. This case
was eventually resolved when the government assisted in the mediation
and attempted to settle this incident peacefully by asking the farmers
(villagers) to give a sum of money as indemnity to the Orang Rimba.
Similar cases also occurred elsewhere. A land claim made by the
Orang Rimba later resulted in a beating by the villagers. This occurred
in Pulau Baru village, Batang Masumai sub-district, Merangin in 2012,
wounding three villagers and causing them to be hospitalized59. The case
began when a villager was cleaning his durian farm. Suddenly, he found a
group of six Orang Rimba in the farm. In fact, they had been living in the
farm for about a week. Then the villager tried to drive out them but they
did not want to leave and insisted that the durian farm was theirs. At first,
they only had an argument, but the situation got tenser once the Orang
Rimba started brandishing their kecepek causing a fight to be inevitable.
As a result of this incident, news about persecution by the Orang Rimba
spread throughout the villages. Then, the villagers mobilized themselves
and sought the Orang Rimba. Some then ran away into the forest. The
situation was terrifying. The villagers carried out speed checks in the
streets to find the whereabouts of the Orang Rimba.
58. Source: Jambi Ekspress, Wednesday, 3/11/2005. Pemkab Fasilitasi Pertemuan KUD ST & SAD
59. Source: Edition of Saturday, 02 June 2012 09:46, SAD Bentrok dengan Warga
157
Cases of land claim have occurred several times and Orang Rimba
most often make them. This problem then leads to a complex and parallel
clash once their claim involves the villagers. Some of their claims on the
company’s lands are successful, e.g. a claim on the customary land located
in Air Panas area delivered to PT. SAL. As a consequence, the company
is very careful in approaching them. Nevertheless, the problem and its
impact is different when it is associated with the village community.
The cases of land claims are often found in the Orang Rimba groups
existing in southern Jambi where the forests have been fully converted
to plantations and transmigration settlements. The remaining lands are
subsequently converted by the villagers to rubber plantations. The case of
land acquisition and encroachment by the Malays is related to a cultural
phenomenon that, according to Mubyarto, Soestrisno, and etc (1990), is
called the “boom & bust” situation of the oil palm plantations occurring in
the 80-90s. They argue that the “boom & bust” situation refers to a mental
culture of “opportunists,” i.e. a mentality that attempts to take advantage
of a type of business that is “booming” and leave a type of business that is
considered no longer profitable.
At that time, the Jambi community saw that the result of their oil
palm plantations was more stable and more expensive than those owned
by the migrant communities. In addition, compared to rubber plantations,
oil palm plantations were more profitable. This understanding, according
to Mubyarto, made the Jambi community rapidly convert the forests to
become oil palm plantations without considering the risks, because an oil
palm plantation requires a large area to earn a hefty profit. As a result, the
farmers in Jambi sporadically carried out a massive forest clearance.
The Orang Rimba also admit to blindly converting the forest to
rubber or oil palm plantations. Many of them sold their lands to the villagers
at a low price, as admitted by Penggunang Leman, leader of the Orang
Rimba from Pamenang. He said that a lot of lands had been bought by the
Malays at a price they thought was quite expensive. This understanding
was actually based on the context of a spatial condition when the Orang
Rimba did not own the lands thus they did not know exactly what was
going on at that time. Now, he’s aware of what was happening, he is sorry
158
about selling his lands to the villagers. “If we knew the situation would be
like this, we wouldn’t have sold the lands, Brother. At that time, we thought
we still had a vast area of forest, so it was okay to sell a little of the lands.
Now there is no more land remaining for us.”
When I asked Nugra, Orang Rimba in Kampong Air Panas, what
he thought about the land claims made by the Orang Rimba that caused
conflicts in some locations of the Pamenang area, he made an interesting
statement. He said that, like it or not, this is what they should do:“The land,
which was once seized by the Malays remains our property. Is it wrong if
we now want to take it back? If that is not quite enough, do not blame us if
we do it by any means, including violence. Our life has been oppressed.”
Conclusion
In 2008, WARSI (2008) conducted a study concerning the bio-

regional condition of conservation areas in Jambi. One of the interesting
findings was that the tension of conflict between Orang Rimba and other
parties was increasing. The study also found that existing conflicts were
much more connected to issues of land grabbing, thefts committed by the
Orang Rimba, debt problems and other such cases.
A paper written by Abdul Rahman (2008) also reported that the
conflict between the Orang Rimba and other parties was almost half
(41.6%) of all Orang Rimba conflicts. This was followed by internal
conflict among the Orang Rimba themselves (25%), between the Orang
Rimba and companies (20.8%), and, finally, between the Orang Rimba
and the government (12.5%). From the results of the study, it can be
concluded that the main issue underlying the conflict between the Orang
Rimba and other parties is specifically related to land grabbing. This
issue is particularly sensitive because it raises parallel conflicts between
the Orang Rimba and the general public in Jambi.
The Orang Rimba’s opposition, including road blocking,
demonstration, theft and land occupation or land claim, were not
isolated unrelated actions. They were actually triggered by the effect of
previous incidents. In a wider sense, it can be seen that land availability
159
is increasingly limited because of the process of land acquisition by

the government and companies for establishing settlements, roads and
other infrastructures that cause the Orang Rimba to lose their lands. The
process of forest clearings also causes acute deforestation meaning the
tribe also loses their living place and the wandering area for looking
for food. The forest serves not only as a place to find food, but is also a
cultural symbol of the Orang Rimba.
The cases related to theft also raise complicated social problems
such as the potential of parallel conflicts between the Orang Rimba and
the villagers. Many incidents are preceded by a trivial action, which later
leads to disputes and fights. It is undeniable that there are still negative
stereotypes and stigma among the Jambi people about the Orang Rimba,
which then contribute to widespread conflict.
As a community which considers itself as having a higher position
than the Orang Rimba, the Jambi people thinks it is improper that they be
treated in such a way. They also view the Orang Rimba as a community
group that makes trouble in their territory; therefore they deserve to be
expelled. In contrast, the Orang Rimba insist they are entitled to the
resources that exist in that region because they are the former owners
and consequently the feeling of being deceived and misled in unfortunate
circumstances, leads them to take opposition action.
From some of the above phenomena, it can be seen that such
actions are done sporadically and are not well organized. Violence and
conflict occur across many of the Orang Rimba’s locations in Jambi but
they do not show regular patterns. However, they represent the shared
vision that theirs is a grave situation, a life without resources with a bleak
future outlook. The change from a hunting and gathering lifestyle that
depends on nature into a life without natural resources for their livelihood
has made them frustrated and alienated from the broader Jambi society.
The Orang Rimba actions opposition are not organised or under
any central command. Actions are taken spontaneously as a reaction of
the repressive and intimidating acts of others. Thus, it is quite reasonable
to say that the Orang Rimba’s opposition is a cumulative response to an
undesirable situation.
160
Hosbawm (1959) argued that the opposition have shown by

peasant or subordinate class may demonstrate a primitive similar pattern
because they are all part of a common reaction. Their actions also show a
similar pattern of modus operandi. They are reactive actions, such as road
blocking, demonstrations, land occupation or theft of others’ properties
and can be categorized as a crime. In addition, they demonstrate a similar
pattern in occurring spontaneously as a common understanding of the
manner of dealing with the injustices they perceive. The reasons they
give are that the same as their major objective, to take back their assets
and to survive. Thus, the Orang Rimba’s actions can be classified as social
banditry, an opposing action taken against the ruling class by committing
a crime. This situation then creates the alternative hegemony as a social
platform for the Orang Rimba against the state and the corporation.
Their opposing collective actions are road blocking,
demonstration, land occupation, and theft, which in my opinion can be
classified as actions leading to a social movement. The Orang Rimba’s
criminal actions seem sporadic and disorganized but they share the
same movement pattern and the same vision - to revolt against the
state and the ruling class over the conditions they have to suffer and to
obtain a situation with guaranteed assurance of life and availability of
food and livelihood resources. This vision emerges in response to the
powerlessness in dealing with their surroundings. Instead of providing
protection and guidance, the state imposes marginalization by forcing
cultural change through its development programs.
161
162
CHAPTER 6
THE SOCIAL PLATFORM
UNDERLYING SOCIAL MOVEMENT
T
he collective action of the Orang Rimba against the state has
attracted other parties’ interest in assisting them. Their actions
against the injustice they encounter are related to other
issues that have emerged in Jambi and are in line with the change
of Indonesia’s political structure, which has shifted to transparency
and the decentralisation of power away from central government to
provincial and regional regency government. Such a situation invites
chaos that causes political instability, which, in turn, creates a change
of local political structure and invites new political strata in the
region.
The Orang Rimba have always been in a disadvantaged position
within the social structure of modern society and this has made them
helpless in confronting the injustice they are experiencing. They are
in an underdog position because they do not have the power to elevate
their role within Jambi society and therefore do not have strong social
status within the Jambi social hierarchy.
The most discussed and correlated issues concern the existence
of the Orang Rimba and their loss of environment. Uncontrolled
development programmes and palm plantation expansion programmes
have caused a faster deforestation in Jambi affecting its indigenous
163
people, including the Orang Rimba. Conflict arises not only between
the Orang Rimba and the state and the ruling class, but also among
the ethnic majority in Jambi (the Malay). Access to natural resources
and land have been raised as the main issues. On the other hand, some
of the Orang Rimba’s problems also concern the violation of human
rights in that the indigenous people should have received equal rights
as citizens. Here, the state is considered lacking in addressing these
rights and treating its citizens properly.
Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) have emerged as a
result of a more powerful civil society in Indonesia. The existence
of NGOs has increasingly thrived as Indonesian politics has become
more open since the Reformation era of 1998, which has allowed
people to gather and to express their voices freely. The existence of
NGOs is considered to strengthen the capability of breaking down the
bureaucracy and communication blockage of the state.
The Orang Rimba need to locate their position in the new
political structure. The problem of ethnicity, in this sense, is an
adjustment of the structural location of the community within the
changing state. Originally, their actions were regarded as social
banditry because of their sporadic and disorganised characteristics:
this has now changed.
Wolf (1969) adds that adjustment always needs external
assistance from another party. The Orang Rimba need external
assistance to support them to determine their position in the modern
political structure. The NGO can be seen as the external assistance
in this case. With support of the NGOs, the Orang Rimba are able
to locate themselves in their proper position in today’s political
framework. The last sub-chapter will tell us how Orang Rimba
resisted WARSI, the NGO that has been helping them. This proves
that the awareness of Orang Rimba to group and organise resistance
has grown.
164
The Social Platform Underlying Social Movement
The Politics of Identity of the Orang Rimba
Kubu has negative connotations for the Malay Jambi. It means

stupid, stingy or ignorant (Sitepu, 1993). It seems that it is related to
the prominent characteristics of the Kubu which are identified with
backwardness, ignorance and poverty (Saudagar, 1993).
Stupid, poor, backward and even disgusting are features that
were established long ago. In some literatures, Dutch researchers who
wrote about the Kubu expressed their impression about such humiliating
features. For instance, Loeb (1972, p. 15) stated that the Kubu were
people or individuals who eat everything, including unclean food, stay
inside the house, let their bodies get dirty because they don’t like water.
Loeb considered the Kubu to have a lower character than the neighboring
ethnic group, the Malay.
The Orang Rimba stopped calling themselves Orang Kubu.
Even Orang Rimba whom I met in a location in the western part of
Jambi Province did not admit themselves to being Orang Rimba. They
were ashamed of being regarded as stupid, poor and backward people.
Regarding the term Orang Kubu, Penggunang Leman, an Orang Rimba
from Orang Rimba Rasau, said:.
”Kamia kemaluon kakok dikato orang, Orang Kubu. Orang Kubu
yoya bodoh, terbelakong uji orang terang. Kamia hoppi dikato
bodoh”
(We are ashamed of being called Orang Kubu. Orang Kubu
according to Orang Terang means stupid and backward. We don’t
want to be called that).
The MOSA believe that the word Orang Kubu is not humane
because it reflects something bad and improper. The Orang Rimba are
also ashamed of using the name Orang Rimba in public places. They
prefer to be called sanak (brother) or some other term such as Orang
Delom. Responding to the idiom Orang Kubu, the Ministry of Social
165
Affairs tried to introduce a new term to replace it. The chosen words were
Suku Anak Dalam (Anak Dalam Tribe). The term Anak Dalam Tribe was
obtained by the Ministry of Social Affairs from the words Anak Dalam;
according to them, the Orang Rimba were led by a leader called Anak
Dalam, like a village head (Sitepu, 1993).
However, the words Suku Anak Dalam have a bias, which I think
does not refer to a specific ethnic group like the Orang Rimba. Instead,
it refers to minority ethnic groups existing in Jambi that have distinctive
cultural features. They are considered to have similar characteristics,
that they live nomadically, live in the forest, do not embrace or are
considered not to have sufficient understanding about Islam, and are
isolated and far from the settlements of the general communities in
Jambi. This can be seen from the writings of Fachruddin Saudagar
(Saudagar, 1993), a researcher from Jambi University, who included
the Talang Mamak Ethnic group and the Talang Ethnic group into the
category of the Anak Dalam Tribe. According to him, the difference
between Talang & Talang Mamak Ethnic groups and the Orang Rimba,
was the external influence received by each group. He said that the
Talang and Talang Mamak Ethnic groups had received influences from
the external culture.
In addition, there is also the Batin 9 ethnic group in Nyogan
village in Batanghari Regency, which was claimed by the Ministry of
Social Affairs as an example of successful PKMT for the Orang Rimba.
A survey conducted by WARSI in 1998 (Sandbukt & WARSI, 1998),
indicated that they were not Orang Rimba, but Bathin 9 people. They
are actually a sub-ethnic of Malay Jambi who separated or isolated
themselves because of their poverty. Due to their poverty, they could
not adapt to the outer world and decided to stay in the forest by opening
agricultural fields. As a result, they could meet their needs properly. Up
to the present day, the Ministry of Social Affairs calls them Anak Dalam
Tribe of Bathin 9.
WARSI opposed such definition. They used the Orang Rimba to
replace Kubu and Anak Dalam Tribe. The concept of the Orang Rimba
initially emerged when Oyvind Sandbukt popularized it in some of his
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research results (see Sandbukt & WARSI, 1998; Ø. Sandbukt, 2000).

However, it was clearly used by WARSI to replace Orang Rimba and
Anak Dalam Tribe, which were considered incorrect. According to
Sandbukt (2000), the main reason of using this concept was that the
forest had been inseparable part of the Orang Rimba, as seen in their
cosmological and cultural systems, so it was not surprising if the concept
of the Orang Rimba was a representation of their relation to the forest. In
addition, this concept was also believed by the NGOs as one of the ways
to honor their ethnic identities because the term was how they referred to
themselves in their own language, which strongly involved their human
rights. This concept was then used by NGOs.
The naming of Orang Rimba as the Orang Rimba brings a
consequence of image that Orang Rimba are people who conserve their
forest. By using such a name, it can be clearly seen the concept that
Orang Rimba are close to their forest.
“The naming of Orang Rimba as the Orang Rimba is not
meaningless. In addition to that they call themselves the Orang
Rimba, it also confirms their strong identity with the forest. For
Orang Rimba, the forest does not only function economically,
but also culturally”, said Robert Aritonang, WARSI’s Project
Coordinator for Orang Rimba Project
The concept of “Orang Rimba” is preferred and supported by
environmental NGOs because it supports the movement of environment
protection. The existence of Orang Rimba will bring a strong legitimacy
that the development process has affected them because the government
did not pay attention to those tribes.
Tania Muray Li (2001) wrote that a very strong image was caught
by the cameras and the media when some Orang Rimba, wearing only
cawot, walked together with members of the environmental NGOs
and other customary communities holding a demonstration in the HI
Roundabout, Jakarta in 1999. Li saw the Orang Rimba as indigenous
people who were highly influenced by a romantic sense of primitive
indigeneity whose life is close to nature. The media did not see the real
problems encountered by Orang Rimba.
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Photo 6.1. Orang Rimba in Jakarta
Orang Rimba with other Indigenous People Group on First Archipelago Indigenous
Community Congress (KMAN I) held on 15 March 1999 (Source: KKI Warsi 1999)
A symbol of customary community like the Orang Rimba is needed

for the struggle of NGOs engaging in environmental issues because
it gives strong color and legitimacy to the direction of environment
advocacy. The articulation of indigeneity is strong and consistent when
combined with environmental issues (Li, 2000) (Li, 2001). Similarly, the
romanticism of primitiveness is also marketable for the sake of media
advocacy. The image of indigenous people like the Orang Rimba will
legitimize the struggle of victims of development and deforestation.
Thus, the legitimacy of the NGOs is questioned as the party receiving the
impact. They are seen as the external parties acting as agent provocateurs
of an issue.
I remember when we, from WARSI, held a meeting in 1999 with
all the Tumenggung (a leader) of Orang Rimba who living in Bukit 12
area. There were at least 50 Orang Rimba from the entire area of Bukit
12. Shortly afterwards, an official of the MOSA, Mr. Sapuan, came in
looking infuriated and angry because we were considered to have gone
above his head. He said that we should have asked his permission to
assemble the Orang Rimba. He immediately shouted at the Orang Rimba
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in the meeting room and told them to leave. He dragged an Orang Rimba
by the arm and asked him to leave. He told the Orang Rimba that WARSI
was an organization that would just make them miserable.
This was what most Jambi people thought at the time. Since 1998,
WARSI has worked actively for the Orang Rimba and advocated issues
related to them. Such issues are sensitive for the Malay because they
still consider them as the lowest part of society. Therefore, Malays were
apathetic about programs for the Orang Rimba. For example, why were
only Orang Rimba cared for, not the Malay poor.
In addition, another issue appeared in relation to the WARSI’s
focus of on forest conservation and protection of its natural resources.
This gave the impression that they were only interested in the environment
around the Orang Rimba, not the life of the Orang Rimba themselves.
This attracted attention when the WARSI was criticized by the Jambi
government who said their objective was to turn the Orang Rimba into a
museum piece, not to make them developed.
This turned into a hot issue because there were differences in the
objectives of Orang Rimba development between WARSI, society and
the government.
“The objectives of WARSI are to save and protect the primary
natural resources of the Orang Rimba, namely the forest. Because
if this forest disappears, their life will be disturbed”, said Robert
Aritong, the project Coordinator.
The main objectives for developing Orang Rimba set by the
government was to make them civilized by changing them to become
like other ordinary communities. One of which was to make them
embrace Islam. Therefore, the Jambi government and the Ministry of
Social Affairs unhesitatingly support the NGOs’ activities designed to
change Orang Rimba behaviour, as conducted by NGO KOPSAD-Anak
Dalam Tribe Lovers Group.
In the aforementioned context, the meaning of “Orang Rimba” is
very important and appropriate to the existence of the Orang Rimba who
live and rely for on the forest their life. I remember what Tumenggung
Mirak said to me:
169
”Rimba yoya sepanjong halom Tijok’a. Merubuh Halom samo bae

kiamot”, (This forest exists with this nature, Tijok60. Destroying
the nature means doomsday for us)
Another problem is what to do about the Orang Rimba who do not
live in or choose to live out of the forest, such as the Orang Rimba living
in Air Panas village, Pamenang village and the area of east Trans Sumatra
street. Do they call themselves “Orang Rimba”? From the conversation
I had with them, they do not really care about being called Anak Dalam
Tribe or Orang Rimba. It has no consequence for them.
According to Penggunang Leman, they have no problems with
how they are called. They are used to being called Anak Dalam, both
by the government and public, or Sanak by the Javanese. It is only
WARSI who calls them the Orang Rimba. They think that WARSI
does not pay much attention to them. They rarely receive any aids from
WARSI. However, they admit that WARSI involved them several times
in meetings related to the joint program with the government.
Toha, an Orang Rimba living in Air Panas village, also expressed such
complaints. He also complained that WARSI paid little attention to them.
”WARSI hanyo membentu Suku Anak Delom yang tinggal
dirimbo. Kami hoppi dianggop sama WARSI. Kamia dibuang
samo WARSI’a. Karena kamia sudah masuk dusun. Berislam.
Jadinyo tidak sesuai lagi sama tujuanyo WARSI,”
(WARSI only helps Orang Rimba living in the forest. WARSI
do not care for us. WARSI has abandoned us because we have
lived in the village, embraced Islam, so we are not in line with the
objectives of WARSI)
Similar to the Orang Rimba living in Pamenang, Orang Rimba living
in Air Panas also do not care if they are called Anak Dalam Tribe. Toha said,
”Ya Memang karena kami berasal dari Suku Anak Dalam. Sejak
nenek moyang dahulu kami dipanggil Orang Delom. Panggilan
Orang Rimba adalah panggilan orang luar untuk kami. Jadi tidak
mengapa kami dipanggil sebagai Suku Anak Dalam.”
60. They called me Tijok
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(Yes, because we are originally from the Anak Dalam Tribe. We

have been called Orang Delom since our ancestors. Orang Rimba
is what outsiders call us. So, it is all right for us to be called Anak
Dalam Tribe).
Anak Delom - or the insiders – comes from the way outsiders call
those who live in the forest. It is related to the way they call those who
live in the upstream and the downstream, they are divided into groups
based on their place of living. For example, people living in the village
are called villagers and those who live in the swamp are “swamp people”
(Sager, 2008, p. 4).
It is true that WARSI has few programs for the Orang Rimba
living outside Bukit 12. When I confronted WARSI with this, they said
that it was true that they mainly focused on the management of Bukit
12 National Park along with the Orang Rimba living therein because,
according to them, it was the last fortress of the Orang Rimba. If Bukit 12
National Park was encroached and disappeared, the culture and identity
of Orang Rimba would also disappear. Then they said that they did not
ignore Orang Rimba living outside the Bukit 12 National Park. But they
focused on the management and protection of Bukit 12 National Park
because it took so much energy.
The problem of managing Bukit 12 National Park is, according to
them, very complex. The problem did not end with obtaining the status of
Bukit 12 National Park. It is complex because the lives of people living
around the Bukit 12 National Park still rely on the Bukit 12 National
Park, resulting in many cases of encroachment and illegal logging. The
following was Robert Aritonang’s explanation of when I interviewed him:
”It doesn’t mean that we ignore the existence of the Orang Rimba
living outside of Bukit 12. In fact, they live separately. We choose to
focus on the Bukit 12 National Park because we think that Bukit 12
is the last fortress for the existence of the Orang Rimba’s identity. If
the forest of Bukit 12 disappears, I think that the Orang Rimba will
also disappear. Their identity, as the only ethnic group associated
with the forest in Indonesia, even in Sumatra, will immediately
disappear. You can see the existence of Sakai People in Riau who
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have lost their identity because their forest has disappeared. It is

Ok if they want to change as long as it is the Orang Rimba’s choice.
Then the government should also support those who want to live in
the forest. It doesn’t mean that we don’t want them to be better. We
just want them to live according to what they want”.
It is undeniable that there is a functional relationship between the
Orang Rimba and WARSI. It can be said that the identity given by WARSI
to Orang Rimba is one based on how they call themselves. However, it is
still debatable because not all Orang Rimba call themselves that way. The
Orang Rimba I met who call themselves the Orang Rimba were mostly
from Bukit 12. This possibly because the area of Bukit 12 is known as
the special area for Orang Rimba. It was even recorded in the tract of the
Malay Sultanate and supported by a strong sultanate system. The authority
of Orang Rimba on this area is obvious and has a strong legitimacy.
Therefore, to call Orang Rimba as the Orang Rimba has a strong basis
On the other hand, the identity given by WARSI is in line with the
interests of WARSI as an NGO engaging in environmental issues. This
identity is suitable for the expectation and life of Orang Rimba who do
not want to move to the settlement made by the Ministry of Social Affairs.
The identity of the Orang Rimba, for them, is appropriate for a life that
preserves the customs and tradition identified with the forest. However,
the more important thing is that they feel comfortable with the approach
adopted by WARSI so that it does not invite problems and compulsion,
as the government did to other community groups. The speed and model
of WARSI’s approach then led to the suitability of interests for them.
If we refer to the context of discourse analysis, the use of the
Orang Rimba by WARSI, and then other NGOs, is identical to the
political interests and objectives of the actors who develop it. The use
and choice of “Rimba”, or jungle articulation, are strongly related to
the political interests and objectives of WARSI for conservation. The
articulation of the term’s usage and word choice in the discourse analysis
is very important to be accentuated because it is related to the ideological
politics existing behind it. This articulation will create an image of
identity, which will be socialized and accepted by other people.
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The selection of words Orang Rimba by WARSI is a form

of awareness of their identity as the people who live in the forest.
Articulation in this context is defined as 'any practice establishing a
relation among elements such that their identity is modified as a result of
the articulatory practice'. Discourse is the structure of totality resulting
from this articulation practice (David R. Howarth, Norval, & Stavrakakis,
2000, p. 8). There is a continuous process of confirmation so that such a
term is accepted as a custom and its truth is accepted. In this context, a
chosen term is not a neutral matter, but a political matter because it does
not exist in an empty space. So does the term of “Orang Rimba”.
The Existence of Bukit 12 National Park
WARSI achieved its objective when the status of Bukit 12

National Park was granted, replacing Bukit 12 Biosphere Reserve. The
status of Biosphere Reserve was not strong enough to protect the area as
a special place for the Orang Rimba because it was based on the concept
given by UNESCO. However, that concept was not admitted under
Indonesian forestry law. In fact, the designation of Bukit 12 area as an
Orang Rimba area was actually proposed in 1984 when Governor Jambi
proposed Bukit 12 area as the roaming area of the Orang Rimba. The
idea was embodied in Jambi Province’s Spatial Plan as the Biosphere
Reserve covering 29,485 ha pursuant to the Decree of the Minister of
Forestry of the Republic of Indonesia dated 12 February, 1987 No.46/
Kpts-II/1987. In 1988 Bukit 12 area was recommended as a conservation
area to be called Bukit Kuaran Natural Reserve. The Directorate General
of Forest Protection and Nature Conservation (PHPA) proposed Bukit
12 as a conservation area in the form of a Wildlife Reservation. The
Natural Resource Conservation Agency (BKSDA) of Jambi proposed the
increase of the area to 30,000 ha because Bukit 12 Wildlife Reservation
represented lowland tropical forest.
In 2000, based on WARSI’s proposal, Governor Jambi proposed
the expansion of the Biosphere Reserve area to 65,000 ha and on 23
August 2000 the Minister of Forestry changed the status of Bukit 12
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Biosphere Reserve into Bukit 12 National Park and expanded the area to
60,500 ha. This was based on the Decree of Minister of Forestry Number
258/Kpts-II/2000 explaining that the purpose of the area’s designation
was as the roaming and living area of the Orang Rimba. The President
of the Republic of Indonesia at that time, President Abdurahman Wahid,
declared the establishment of Bukit 12 National Park on 26 January
2001. The media reported WARSI as stating that that their success in
obtaining Bukit 12 National Park was a ‘little victory”.
The designation seemed the peak of WARSI’s advocacy struggle
because the existence of Orang Rimba in Bukit 12 area had finally been
acknowledged by the state. However, Bukit 12 area is a poor lowland
forest area lying between Batang Hari River and Air Hitam River (branch
of Merangin River) with a few hilly areas called Bukit 12 in the southern
part. Although it was protected by the customs of the Malay Jambi as the
roaming area of Orang Rimba, outsiders’ penetration was high in this
area. A Forest Concession (HPH) company, PT Intan Petra Putra Darma,
opened the forest according to its concession.
Additionally, the opening of a transmigration site located in the
south, west and east of Bukit 12 meant the remaining forest remained
was concentrated only in the hilly area of Bukit 12. Although it had been
changed into a national park, it was still under threat of forest tenure and
illegal logging. However, the designation of Bukit 12 National Park has
made the area and forest of the Orang Rimba legally protected. The next
challenge is how to make a proper area management model, which will
satisfy the stakes of all the conflicting parties, not only the Orang Rimba,
but also the villagers and other parties.
One of the prominent things achieved by the WARSI was the way
they took the Orang Rimba’s struggle to a different level. They used to
struggle within their individual groups but the WARSI unified them and
helped move their struggle in a better direction. It was not easy to gather
the groups of Orang Rimba living in Bukit 12 National Park. WARSI had
been making efforts since 1997. However, it was very difficult to reach
an agreement at that time due to conflict among the Orang Rimba. The
meeting was usually facilitated by the waris or jenang when there was
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an important announcement.61 While preparing a strategy for achieving

Bukit 12 National Park in 1998, WARSI made the representatives of
Orang Rimba meet in the WARSI’s office in Bangko in order to discuss
important matters. I remember that at that time some of the Orang Rimba
still seemed afraid and worried about the preliminary meeting. They were
worried about the opinion and comment of their waris, particularly the
group from Mengkekal River. They frequently asked whether the WARSI
had asked permission of their waris and jenang. ”Upamano kakok, ujinye
waris samo Jenang kamia” (What did our waris and jenang say, brother).
All of the activities were facilitated by a NGO called WARSI.
WARSI was a local NGO, initially a consortium of several NGOs in
Sumatra engaging in the environment and community empowerment. It
was established in 1992 with the aim of protecting nature and strengthening
local knowledge. It used to be a consortium of several NGOs, which had
assisted areas in the Kerinci Seblat National Park, Kerinci, located in
several provinces, namely Jambi, Bengkulu, West Sumatra and South
Sumatra. In 2002, the institutional model of WARSI changed from a
consortium of NGOs into an individual membership system, later called
KKI WARSI or Indonesian Conservation Community – WARSI.
Quoting from its official website, the objective of KKI WARSI
was to attempt to create sustainable development which could meet the
needs and prosperity of human life in the present time without threatening
the fulfilment of the life needs of future generations. Accordingly, KKI
WARSI has the motto: “Conservation with People”. Its mission and target
are to revive the conservation principles of the indigenous people and to
promote the development of the conservation area management model in
Sumatra in particular and in Indonesia in general. The programs conducted
by WARSI include: (1) conservation and community empowerment, (2)
policy and advocacy program, (3) community-based Communication,
Information and Learning of Natural Resources Management Program,
and (4) Institutional Independence Program.62
61. The result of my interview with Bepak Ternong & Bepak Pengusai
62. Source: http://www.warsi.or.id, by WARSI, accessed on 31 October, 2012
175
It is clear that NGO WARSI aims at conserving the environment

by reviving the local methods or principles that used to be developed
by the community. This can be seen from some of the projects they
have handled so far which indicate their strong commitment and action
regarding conservation. For instance, the CBFM (Community Based Forest
Management) received fund assistance from the Ford Foundation for
community-based forest management. Another example is the Rewarding
Upland Poor Environmental Services (RUPES) project, a project that
developed a reward mechanism for poor people for their role as environment
service providers for environment service users.63 It was conducted
through training, comparative study and model project development which
combined agricultural and plantation patterns with high economic values by
conserving biodiversity. There were also other community activities related
to conservation. In addition, KKI WARSI also developed NGO networks
nationally and internationally as they had strong relationships with donors.
In 1997, they conducted a research on the Orang Rimba funded by
the RFN (Rain Forest Foundation) of Norway. This marked a milestone
in the long-term project that has run from 1998 until the present. The
project is called “Habitat and Resource Management for The Orang
Rimba”64. It is aimed at protecting the Orang Rimba’s natural resources,
namely the forest, which not only functions as a place to shelter and to
earn their living, but to maintain their cultural symbols.
WARSI approached the Orang Rimba differently compared
to other NGOs working in the community at that time. I remember
when I came to Bangko, the headquarter of WARSI in Jambi, for the
first time in December 1997 when the preliminary projects began. We
were assigned to stay with several groups of Orang Rimba. The staffs
were required to stay in one group of Orang Rimba and to observe
and record them until the final week. We then presented our results of
observation and research. Everyone worked and observed in accordance
with their own fields and interests. At that time, I worked as a member
of environmental and cultural education providing understanding and
63. Other of the WARSI’s activities can be seen on its website

64. The project was initiated by Dr. Oyvind Sandbukt and then conducted by WARSI under his supervision.
176
knowledge about the environment and culture of the Orang Rimba to the
public. An understanding about the Orang Rimba and their surrounding
environment, having a place to live, was very important for me, and
served as the materials for disseminating information.
WARSI took a rigorous approach to the media in securing routine
news reports about the Orang Rimba in Jambi. Colleagues in WARSI
admitted that they conducted an intensive public advocacy to the media
at that time. The objective was to change the status of Bukit 12 Biosphere
Reserve and to expand its area, which was no longer relevant to the
Orang Rimba. However, there was a complicated problem in that PT
Inhutani Jambi, the concession holder of the Industrial Plantation Forest
area in the northern part of Bukit 12 Biosphere Reserve, was planning to
convert the northern part of Bukit 12 Biosphere Reserve into an area of
the Industrial Plantation Forest. For reasons of a water revitalizing area,
an Orang Rimba roaming area and a conservation area, the government
finally designated Bukit 12 Biosphere Reserve as Bukit 12 National Park.
WARSI had a stake in changing public opinion in Jambi regarding
the Orang Rimba because the Jambi people generally believed that most
suitable development program for the Orang Rimba was to make them like
other communities. WARSI took a different approach, by conserving the
forest, which was considered their roaming area and home. For WARSI, it
was important to conserve Bukit 12 as a legally protected area in order to
make sure that the government guaranteed their rights. By protecting their
forest, WARSI hoped that the Orang Rimba would have a strong foundation
to face change without changing their identity into Orang Terang.65
WARSI was now a big local NGO with hundreds of employees and
had a focus and educational specification according to their scope or works.
Its coverage area included Jambi but also West Sumatra, Riau, Bengkulu
and South Sumatra. It covered a wide variety of community groups, from
villagers to the Orang Rimba in Jambi and the Talang Mamak people in
Riau. However, its main program was an assistance program for the Orang
Rimba living in Bukit 12 National Park and Bukit 30 National Park.
65. See the article of Kembalikan Bukit 12 Pada Orang Rimba, in ASP Vol. II No: 6/9/1999
177
However, the objectives of the development program proposed by

WARSI invited great suspicion from Jambi people who believed that WARSI
wanted to make the Orang Rimba more like museum pieces than to develop
them. Many scientists and officials of the Ministry of Social Affairs frequently
made such accusations. They thought that by protecting the forest this would
automatically mean the Orang Rimba would live therein a cycle of poverty.
When Pak Tarib, an Orang Rimba living in the forest and usually considered
uncivilized, appeared in Jakarta with all his attributes, was the moment that
reflected the emergence of the Orang Rimba as an ethnic group which had its
own identity and could stand equally with other ethnic groups.
The interesting thing is that when I asked to Pak Tarib what his
opinion to WARSI and the other organizations that are trying to help the
Orang Rimba, such as NGOs, and the Ministry of Social Affairs, Pak
Tarib said, “whoever the actor is, the most important thing is that those
organizations are able to take care of Orang Rimba as best as possible”.
However, he sees that the WARSI members are able to go into the forest
to live together with them. In a sense he feels that the WARSI people are
able to take care of them. He also said:
”Kalo jenang hoppi telap menguruynye, bia’lah warsi menguruynye”
(If jenang is no longer able to take care of them, just let WARSI do it).
This statement is very powerful for the OR because seeing
WARSI role that is so powerful influence on the life of Orang Rimba. For
them, its easier and comfortable dealing with WARSI compared to other
institutions. They look WARSI have powerful resources with national
and international networks capable of solving the difficulties. More than
the function and role of waris and jenang, as well as the state that it
should have an obligation to help them.
When I asked whether they thought that evidence WARSI have
a strong position, in line with Pak Tarib, Ngrip replied that he admitted
that the presence of Bukit 12 National Park more shows to them about
the power of WARSI. Ngrip said, "A lot of progress brought by WARSI.
In the past we did not know the school and do not know how to deal with
outsiders. But more important than that all is WARSI help us to maintain
forest legacy from our ancestors. Because there all our wealth comes”
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The WARSI applied an approach usually conducted by

anthropologists, like an ethnographical approach to understanding the
way of thinking of the people. Such an approach was different at that
time. Not only did the NGOs seldom work specifically for the Orang
Rimba, but also they were mostly engaged in environmental and political
issues irrelevant to such a minority ethnic group. The contact between
WARSI and Dr. Oyvind Sandbukt brought an anthropological color to
the WARSI’s way of working. Previously, they used to work through
participatory assistance, such as with the other NGOs.
I remember they were very happy to meet because they seldom met
other groups, although they were actually related to each other. They greeted
each other and talked about how their bothers were. But they were still afraid
to express their opinions. One of the items on the agenda of the meeting was
to determine who would leave for Jakarta and the 1999 First Archipelago
Indigenous Community Congress (KMAN I). They agreed to appoint
Tumenggung Tarib and some other group representatives. The capability
of Orang Rimba to discuss and argue had been honed in their customary
meetings discussing daily problems such as violation of prohibition and
conflict between groups. The WARSI applied those capabilities to more
substantial concerns regarding the real problems they had encountered,
namely the threat of deforestation and disappearance of their forest area.
Moreover, WARSI had successfully established the Orang Rimba
Forum aimed at giving input to managing the area of Bukit 12 National
Park based on the Management Planning of Bukit Dua Belas National
Park (RPTNBD), which aimed at protecting the forest resources of the
Orang Rimba. In practice, WARSI considered there was a need to create
a forum for the Orang Rimba groups in Bukit 12 in order to make the
coordination easier; the forum was called Bukit 12 Orang Rimba Forum66
and its formation made the struggle of Orang Rimba more formal and
structured than they could have imagined.
Protection of forest areas for indigenous people izs a common thing
done by NGOs, but it's also not something that is free from controversy
66. Source: Ade Chandra: Partisipasi Orang Rimba dalam pengelolaan TNBD, alam Sumatra edisi 2/th
VI, 2007
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(Sodhi, Acciaioli, Erb, & Tan, 2008). Forest protection and forest resource
area belonging to indigenous people is seen by the conservasionist and
NGOs as one important way to protect resources indigenous people as
a source of life. Forest protection with the establishment "national park"
is considered as an ideal way to not only protect the environment, but
also fulfill the rights of indigenous people. Strategies such as these then
become a problem when the state law is not in accordance with the rules
desired by the indigenous people in accordance with the rules based on
their cultural norms. Here then arises a conflict between the indigenous
people and the State, as well NGOs as carrying the idea of conservation.
Development Programme
Health and education programmes were created by WARSI to

answer the issue that WARSI was focusing solely on protecting the forest
of the Orang Rimba. Initially, in 1998, WARSI developed educational
programmes to bring teachers into the forest: they developed a literacy
programme for Orang Rimba’s children.
The programme did not begin smoothly and has faced many
obstacles since its inception. Orang Rimba initially rejected the school
programme. Therefore, they denied the existence of the school. I still
remember when, with a friend, Yusak Andrian Hutapea - an educational
facilitator - we notified the Tumenggung Bedinding Besi (a leader of
Orang Rimba at Mengkekal river) that we would go into his territory to
introduce literacy education programmes for children in the group.
Tumenggung Bedinding Besi, at that time, in 1998, firmly rejected
the offer. According to him, the ‘sokola programme’ represented a demon
that came from outsiders. Therefore, the programme had to be rejected.
The incident indicated that the educational programme was initially
getting a tough challenge from Orang Rimba, especially by the elderly
who considered that an educational programme was a product of the
outside world. They are suspicious of educational or literacy programmes,
considering them activities not in accordance with their customs. By oath
or covenant, made by their ancestors, they occupy a different world and
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are separated from the life of other Malays. They live in the forest as the
Orang Rimba, and those living in rural Malay are viewed as outsiders.
However, the importance of literacy education for the next
generation has been significant to them. I remember the early days when
Yusak entered the Pengelaworan River area, in the Mengkekal upstream
region in 1998. When literacy education programmes were initially
introduced Yusak to groups and to Bepak Pengusai and Bepak Ternong,
they did not indicate whether they would agree or not. They wanted to
see what kind of progress would be made, what kind of activities would
be entailed and so on. Would the programme have an impact on their
children, and on the customs that they uphold?
They considered literacy programmes important, as they did not
wish to be deceived by outsiders. As it is understood, they often sell their
rubber and forest products to outsiders, sometimes through waris and
jenang. Initially, they used a barter system to carry out the process of
buying and selling. The Orang Rimba exchange what they earn with items
in the village. They sometimes perceive this process as an unbalanced
system. For example, some expensive bags of jernang are exchanged, only
by waris or jenang, with an iron sharpener or a machete. A lot of their items
were replaced or bought with money. At first, they did not comprehend but
over time they understood the money system. In this context, according to
Bepak Bepak Pengusai, it is important for them to be able to understand
literacy in order to be able to know the real exchange rate.
It is the same case regarding Pak Tarib. Unlike the other Orang
Rimba that prohibited schooling, Pak Tarib allowed his children to attend
school in the village. Unlike ordinary schools, this is an establishment
devoted to the Orang Rimba in the village of Bukit Suban. Pak Tarib
considered that school offers an important education ensuring that Orang
Rimba people cannot be cheated by outsiders. With schooling, children
can read and write, determining that they are no longer vulnerable to
deception by anyone outside the area. Schooling should be really special
for Orang Rimba so that children do not suffer slurs or insults. Currently,
the school is used not only by students from Orang Rimba but there are
also some Javanese and Malay pupils from surrounding villages.
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Photo 6.2. Education programme by WARSI
Photograph by Lander RJ (KKI WARSI)
The Orang Rimba feel that they are often duped in the buying and
selling process; for example, when purchasing market staples. Often they feel
that costs are rigged by traders who feel they can manipulate prices because
the Orang Rimba are not considered to be literate. As Bepak Pengusai states,
"Yes, indeed, we sometimes feel that we were cheated by traders about the
price, because we could not read. So between the talk and the amount of
money that we receive, we do not know. We just believe it. But slowly we
began to learn the value of money with the colour and the shape of the money."
Similar deception occurs if they sell rubber to toke in the villages.
They feel that they do not get the appropriate price. Such events cause
them to then rethink the education programmes WARSI offers.
Another programme concerns bringing healthcare facilities to the
forest. The programme initially began in 1998 when WARSI recognised
that Orang Rimba did not receive the maximum healthcare from the
government. Many reasons were put forward. These ranged from a lack of
identification of Orang Rimba, limiting their access to the health facilities
in the country; the perceived prejudices and stereotypes of Orang Rimba
rendering health workers reluctant to touch them and Orang Rimba's own
health knowledge being limited, due to their own health standards.
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A Residence Identification Card (or ID card system) is very

important in modern society. The ID card confirms a person's identity, and
this has consequences for a citizen’s obligations and rights. Orang Rimba
were never originally recorded and given ID cards, by the government,
so it is difficult for them to gain access to public facilities where ID cards
are essential; for example, the local health facility. They are not accepted
because they cannot present ID cards. This situation has gradually made
Orang Rimba more reluctant to visit a local health facility, because of the
certain rejection. One member of the Orang Rimba told me that he was
reluctant to go to the nearest facility in villages due to a fear of injections,
having no money for treatment and many other reasons.
In 1998, WARSI tried to recruit a doctor to come to the Orang
Rimba in the forest. The programme was well received by Orang Rimba,
because there had been no health plan or doctor going into the forest to
serve them before. Their enthusiastic response to this programme was
remarkable. During periods of sickness, they relied solely on drugs derived
from forest. Moreover, the Orang Rimba’s concept of pain is closely
connected with the disease made by silom, or an illness that emanates
from the outside world, so that in this context a shaman (or wise man) is
seen only to repel outsiders, rather than healing the tribe members.
In the view of the Orang Rimba, there are two kinds of diseases;
those that come from the sea or from the outside and the disease caused
by a supernatural attack by the guardian spirit (silom) for violating the
existing ban. Some diseases are identified by Robet Aritonang (1999) as
coming from the sea; among others domom (fever), selemo (flu), campok
(smallpox), betuk (cough), glira (diarrhoea) and merancong (cholera). In
fact, the concepts of these diseases are difficult even for the Orang Rimba
to explain, because it is hard to distinguish physiological symptoms. The
disease they fear most is a type of smallpox, because it can be fatal.
Orang Rimba believe in silom as invisible guardian spirits. Some
silom often bring disease, so-called silumon jehat; for example, silum suban
or payau, silum kuman. Silom is also deemed to have the power to injure by
firing an object (bendo silom) at the victim. Such missiles could be a bullet,
wire, a shard of glass, fishing hook, or intruding objects such as dog fangs into
the body. Typically, after conceding bendo silom, the patient will not be able
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to survive. If a shaman cannot take objects quickly from the victim's body,
the patient will die. The heart or liver of the patient can be damaged. The
symptoms of a person with silom disease are characterised by the vomiting of
blood (muntah deroh), a sense of choking or bone pain. Shamans will appeal to
the gods to remove the disease from the body of the patient. Having removed
the object, it was then shown to the patient and his family. If the object was not
successfully retrieved, then the patient would die.
To cure these diseases required a shaman. Shamans will try to cure the
disease by way of ritual bebalai, by doing bedeki; uttering a prayer to the gods
asking for healing. However, the shaman must know the sources of the disease
first, whether it is caused by silom or exposure to the outside world.
Regarding such a concept, it can be understood that the Orang Rimba
are resigned to a disease without understanding the symptoms. If they
encounter a sick person, then usually they will let go, and wait until the person
dies, or they will restrict the patient to another location to contain the disease.
It is no wonder the death rate is high in the families of the Orang
Rimba. Until now there has been no research on the health status of the Orang
Rimba. In the beginning, however, before the outreach health plan programme
(or what they refer to as lokoter) was initiated by WARSI, it is not surprising
that 2 or 3 children died in each family.
The entire programme continues to this day. Education programmes
for Orang Rimba were not limited to literacy, but also helped the Orang
Rimba to access government educational facilities. WARSI then attempted to
cooperate with the provincial education office, in order to bring educational
access to Orang Rimba. This started with the construction of the elementary
school near the site of Orang Rimba so that they were not too far away if they
wanted to attend. WARSI also facilitates Orang Rimba children who want to
enter public school in Jambi, as well as helping to create the curriculum for the
elementary school in Jambi, educating the pupils about the existence of Orang
Rimba. For example, a book was created about the story of Orang Rimba’s
myths associated with nature. WARSI even facilitated the establishment of
associations or forums of school teachers with children of Orang Rimba in
their school (Sukmareni & Yulis, 2014). WARSI’s hope is that the stereotype
and prejudice around Orang Rimba can be reduced.
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Photo 6.3. GIS Traininng for Orang Rimba
WARSI education programmes are increasingly widespread. Initially

accessing only a few specific areas on the Bukit 12 National Park, they are
now reaching all areas within the park. The programme reaching Orang
Rimba in the south is located at the highway road of Sumatra. The existence
of the southern area of the Jambi programme is very important because the
development of such programmes is rarely carried out by the government:
the educational programme is of significant importance for the Orang Rimba.
These days, WARSI has facilitated an Orang Rimba child, Besudut,
to be able to complete public school level education and successfully pass
a college entrance exam in the Jambi. This is a remarkable achievement
because there are no precedents.
The health programme is also going well. WARSI works together
with the local health office to introduce the customs and culture of the
Orang Rimba to the local health workers. The goal is to reduce prejudice
towards the Orang Rimba. It is expected that misunderstandings about
the Orang Rimba can be reduced and the health workers can serve the
community well. WARSI is also working with a local health agency to
develop a health programme for the Orang Rimba. They can be treated
185
without showing ID cards in their local health facility. These programmes

are already running and well received by the Orang Rimba community.
Regarding the education programme, WARSI records state that
there have been 410 children who have attended the literacy programme, 53
children who have finished primary school, 12 children who graduated from
junior high school, and 1 child who graduated from high school (Sukmareni
& Yulis, 2014). One person attended college. The percentage of Orang Rimba
children who attend the programme is very slight, but the important thing is
that WARSI has increased the potential of the Orang Rimba to a different level.
Concerning education, a story emerged of how reading helped Orang
Rimba to face the outsider. Diki, a WARSI staff member, heard the story of
a group of Orang Rimba, in Mengkekal Hulu, being amazed by the ability of
a boy being able to read a letter, the contents of which were contrary to what
was disclosed by the carrier.
The story begins with a meeting between a group of squatters and
Orang Rimba from the Mengkekal River regarding the border of the forest
and village. Each party thinks they are entitled to that area. Orang Rimba
believe that the squatter group has opened a field too far in their forest areas.
The squatter group denies that they have gone too far into Orang Rimba’s
forest region. The squatters claim that they are opening a field that remains
inside the customary Malay’s land.
A member of the squatters group presents a letter, which, according
to them, is an official letter from the king in Bangko, permitting them to clear
land in the region. The letter also contains details of boundaries that may be
opened to the fields. The letter was shown to the Orang Rimba with the hope
that the community will be afraid and retreat because it is an official letter
from the government in Bangko. Orang Rimba then call a child who can read.
The child has attended the WARSI literacy programme. The Orang Rimba
child reads the letter aloud, and it is discovered that the ‘letter’ is simply a
regular resident certificate for travel. Instantly, the meeting became silent.
Everyone was shocked but especially, the people from the squatter group.
They did not imagine that Orang Rimba could read the letter. The Orang
Rimba elders were also surprised: they became aware of the power of the
knowledge of reading from a young child.
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The story then spread to several groups of Orang Rimba. The story has
provided legitimacy for the Orang Rimba to receive educational programmes.
By being able to read and write, Orang Rimba can realise progress in the
world beyond them. They can read the news in the newspapers, the Internet,
and books. They have mobile phones and can communicate well with
everyone. These conditions gave rise to a new awareness from the state of
the Orang Rimba and their position in society. They are now able to process
transactions with outsiders without feeling cheated. Education has helped
raise a new consciousness of the intellectual capacity of the group who are
now aware of their rights.
Tarib as Emerging Leader
Monday, 12 June 2006 was a memorable day for Pak Tarib. We

called him Pak (Mr.) Tarib, but his actual title in Orang Rimba was
Tumenggung Tarib, Head of the Orang Rimba group living in the area of Air
Hitam. On that day, he received a Kalpataru67 Award from the Indonesian
government because he was regarded as a hero of the environment. Pak
Tarib was declared an environmental saviour as he was considered to have
contributed towards saving the forest located around him. He conserved
the forest of Bukit 12 National Park by making hompongan68.
The year 2006 was very memorable for Pak Tarib because it meant
he had now met two different presidents of the Republic of Indonesia. He
met President Susilo Bambang Yudhono in 2006 and had previously met
President Megawati, in 2000. He was really proud of his achievements
and looked as though he was bursting with happiness as he told the story
to me. It is understandable: the average person does not find it easy to
meet a president and shake his hand, let alone an Orang Rimba.
67. Kalpataru is an award granted by the government of Indonesia (Ministry of Environment, Republic
of Indonesia) to an individual or institution that has made an outstanding contribution to preserving
the environment.
68. Source : warsi: http://www.warsi.or.id/news/2006/News_200606_Kalpataruphp?year=2006&file=Ne
ws_200606_Kalpataru.php, uploaded – 26 June 2006, accessed on 31 October 2012 or sukmareni,
warsi, Hompongan Antar Tumenggung Tarib ke istana, alam Sumatra, January –June 2009,
187
In addition to the 2006 Kalpataru Award, two other events marked

a turning point for Pak Tarib and involved travelling to Jakarta to meet
some important people to tell of his experiences and the problems
encountered by the Orang Rimba.
The first event was his participation in the First Archipelago
Indigenous Community Congress (KMAN I) held on 15 March 199969.
The second occasion was the Kehati Award given on 31 January 200070.
He was understood to support environmental conservation with his
hompongan programme. Hompongan in Orang Rimba language means
‘dam’. Pak Tarib’s programme, along with his group, was to connect
agricultural fields to each other in the border area of Bukit National Park
in order to inhibit the process of forest encroachment carried out by the
Malay people.71
Pak Tarib’s three activities demonstrated a great improvement in
the Orang Rimba’s struggle, on different levels. Previously, they had only
dealt with villagers or the local government, but now they were dealing
directly with the leaders in Jakarta. In addition, they had previously met
in the house of the village head, located near their settlement, where
they were invited to meet the guests, but now they met directly with
rajo godong (the big king) in Jakarta. This was a great leap in the Orang
Rimba struggle to keep their land and forest.
For the First Archipelago Indigenous Community Congress
(KMAN I) in 1999, NGO WARSI believed that it was important to take a
group of Orang Rimba to Jakarta to attend the congress because it would
be a significant moment for them to make their life public and to present
the problems they encountered. The hompongan eventually received
the award initiated by NGO WARSI to counter the encroachment of
outsiders towards the forest belonging to the Orang Rimba.
69. Konggres Masyarakat Adat: Hentikan Hegemoni Itu, in ASP Edisi IV/April 1999
70. Orang Rimba Peroleh Penghargaan Kehati Award 2000, Suara Pembaruan,1/2/2000
71. The Hompongan program itself was not initiated by Mr. Tarib. The original idea of the program
came from WARSI and was offered to Mr. Tarib’s groups and other Orang Rimba groups. WARSI
assisted the funding for the groups of Orang Rimba who wanted to do hompongan by giving
compensation.
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At both events, Mr. Tarib was able to meet President Megawati

and other important officials. It was easy for Pak Tarib to go to Jakarta.
He had to fight against all the myths he had heard about the world of
Dunia Terang. Initially, he did not want to join the WARSI’s friends
who had invited him. He said that he was afraid of dying and being
neglected. If he died in Jakarta, who would pray for him and where
he would he be buried?. So many things crossed his mind. Jakarta was
not only a big city, but, for Mr. Tarib, Tumenggung Air Hitam, also a
representation of halom dewo, a world where the gods resided. If he
usually found out the world of gods through his dreams (kemimpi’on),
now he would see the world of gods directly. He wasn’t thinking
about Jakarta but how he had to cross the sea, which, according to
his belief, was the place where disease originated. However, with his
strong will, he eventually decided to join the other Orang Rimba and
the team.
His journey to Jakarta had an extraordinary impact, not only
on the Orang Rimba, but also on people living in Air Hitam. Many
did not believe that Mr. Tarib, an Orang Rimba who usually lived
in the forest, could really go to Jakarta and meet the president of
the Republic of Indonesia. Many perceived the event cynically and
mocked it. How could a person who usually lived in the forest go to
Jakarta!
Additionally Mr. Tarib’s face frequently appeared on the
television screen, reaching a wider audience. It was such an exciting
event for people living in Air Hitam, even throughout Jambi. The
intensive reports about the existence of the Orang Rimba, on television
and in newspapers, made the Jambi people pay attention. Previously,
reports in the mass media about the Orang Rimba had been mostly
related to their difficulties in life or their existence, and the public was
unaware about matters such as their claim to their land, their suffering
caused by logging activities and so on.
However, now the reports were different. Several times it was
reported in the papers and shown on television that Mr. Tarib, along
with other Orang Rimba, walked around wearing only an ordinary
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cawot, without any clothes, and held a demonstration at the Hotel

Indonesia Roundabout. In the congress, Pak Tarib claimed the rights
of minority ethnic groups like the Orang Rimba. The second incredible
occurrence was how an Orang Rimba, like Mr. Tarib, could again
go to Jakarta to receive the Kehati Award in consideration of having
supported conservation activity. He had also met and shaken the hand
of Megawati.
The exhaustive reports about the Orang Rimba were not
unintended; neither was the participation of Pak Tarib in the two events
held in Jakarta. It was WARSI who proposed Pak Tarib to be nominated
as one of the candidates for the Kehati Award. It was a strategy. WARSI
itself had a stake in the Orang Rimba, in line with the institution’s
objective to engage in conservation. Along with the Orang Rimba, they
struggled to conserve the forest. It was good news for WARSI that the
Jambi people paid a great deal of attention to Mr. Tarib and the Orang
Rimba’s problems in Bukit 12 National Park, showing their support of
WARSI’s struggle.
Another intriguing aspect of Pak Tarib was his role as a rattan
toke (trader) for his fellow Orang Rimba living in Air Hitam. This is
an interesting finding because there are hardly any tokes coming from
the Orang Rimba. Most of them are Malays or other outsiders. He buys
rattans from other Orang Rimba and then sells them to tokes in the town
of Muara Bungo. At the very least, he gets his rattans out twice a week
with a rented truck from Pematang Kabau Village.
He started this routine in 2000, when a WARSI staff member
offered him a loan to buy the rattans owned by Orang Rimba in the forest
and sell them to a toke in Bungo. This routine turned Pak Tarib into
a direct partner of the toke. As the toke’s direct partner, he was given
facilities provided by the toke, whom he knew as Ibu Mami. He received
a motorcycle from his toke in Bungo. According to the Ibu Mami, Pak
Tarib deserved to receive the Astrea 80 motorcycle because he often
took a motorcycle taxi. However, he did not get the motorcycle for free.
Instead, he made payments on an instalment plan with the money given
to him from the rattan transactions.
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Photo 6.4. Picture of Tarib
Tarib has received Kalpataru award (Source: KKI Warsi)
Up until then, outsiders had monopolised the role of rattan toke

for the Orang Rimba in Air Hitam. There were two big tokes known to
the Orang Rimba in Air Hitam; namely Sori, a Malay from a nearby
Malayan village, and Pak Napit, a Javanese coming from Bukit Hitam
Village. Almost all rattans were taken out of Air Hitam via these two
tokes. The same rationale applied to the rattans sold by Pak Tarib.
However, because Pak Tarib thought that the two dealers often
set an inappropriate price and did not make their rattan payments to
the Orang Rimba, he tried his luck as a rattan toke, with the help of a
WARSI staff member. He was able to use his kinship and rank in the
society as tumenggung to mobilise the Orang Rimba so that they would
sell their rattans to him. Evidently, many of Orang Rimba turned to
him as a toke. Just like the Orang Rimba who had joined Pak Tarib’s
group, so did groups of Kejasung Orang Rimba (Besulit and Nyeduk),
Mengkekal Orang Rimba (Nyenang) and several groups of Orang
Rimba Air Panas (Nyiu, Na’im, Nuha, Nabat, and Nung) as well as the
Singosari (Cikatludang).
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The Orang Rimba also became part of Pak Tarib’s group.

They considered him capable of understanding difficulties they
encountered, such as the need of capital funds in order to collect
rattans. It was common for them to ask for capital funds to buy rice,
cigarettes and groceries when they collected rattans, which are hard
to find nowadays.
The Orang Rimba Air Hitam had to go far upstream in the
area of Orang Rimba in Mengkekal or Kejasung in order to search
for rattans. Even some Malays collected rattans for him, although
many were troublesome because they took the money but did not
do their job. Some of these people were Sahar, Zenari, Su’uti, Zahir
and Makmun who came from Dusun Baru Village, a resident of
Jalan Mentok (whose name he did not remember) and Tukri, who
came from Bukit Suban Village. According to Pak Tarib, all of the
Malays that used to collect rattans for him were troublesome. From
his point of view, they seemed to think that he was a stupid and easily
manipulated Orang Rimba.
Given such conditions, it is not surprising to see competition
between Pak Tarib and other tokes. In addition to using his kinship
and his power as tumenggung, Pak Tarib also benefitted from the
higher purchase price of his rattans compared to that of other tokes.
The higher price was a result of the fact that the tokes from local
villages did not sell their rattans directly to factories, but to brokers in
Bangko; whereas Pak Tarib sold his rattan directly to a big toke, Ibu
Mami in Bungo, who happened to have her own rattan factory. Pak
Tarib also had different considerations from Sori in terms of setting
the price. Sori set the price for each load, regardless of the quality of
the rattans. He would buy a load of rattans for Rp 190,000 whether
they were manau rattan or wicker.
In contrast to Sori, Pak Tarib set the price for the rattans based
on their variety and size. For instance, the price for a manau rattan
shaft of size “L” or above (in diameter) is Rp 6,500 and the price for
a wicker shaft of the “M” size is Rp 3,500. These different methods
of payment eventually resulted in higher profits for the Orang Rimba,
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themselves. They could get higher revenues trading with Pak Tarib
than with Sori. With the price counted per load, many rattans of good
quality (which are supposed to be expensive) were sold for a cheap
price. Therefore, it is not surprising that many of Sori’s and Pak
Napit’s men turned to Pak Tarib, just like the group from Meriau.
Pak Tarib’s role as toke was not something new for the Orang
Rimba. In Bukit 30 region, there was an Orang Rimba named Becukai
who also became toke of jernang, balam sap, etc, who then sold
these commodities in Rengat, Riau Province (see Kurniawan 2000).
Eventually, he had his own freight cars. Another case was that many
of Orang Rimba Air Panas became tokes of wood for illegal logging,
such as Nugra.
However, Pak Tarib’s role as a rattan toke had a different meaning
for most Orang Rimba in Air Hitam. Pak Tarib is widely known as an
Orang Rimba who holds firm with his customs. Although he lives only
several hundred meters away from a transmigration housing, he has
never thought of bekampung or becoming a village resident. He still
abides seriously by Orang Rimba taboos, unlike Orang Rimba living in
Bukit 30, who are considered loose with their customs, or Orang Rimba
Air Panas people who are considered no longer part of Orang Rimba.
Pak Tarib is considered to be a person who retained his traditional
customs.
Being a toke is not an easy thing to do. According to the Orang
Rimba, a toke must have a huge capital fund (money) because a toke
must provide capital funds for his/her men before collecting rattans.
In addition, a toke must be honest and able to keep his/her promises,
meaning he/she would not intentionally swindle his/her men, causing
them to distrust him/her. Up to this point, jenang or rich Orang Terang
had always dominated the role of toke or broker. Only these people
were considered capable of carrying out the profession of a toke. With
the establishment of access to the outside world for the Orang Rimba,
they could decide for themselves which toke provided benefits for them.
They could choose whichever toke set a good price and paid on time.
This made Pak Tarib, as a toke, stand out all the more.
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Coming from Orang Rimba’s own society, it seems that

he gives hope and sets an example that an Orang Rimba can work
as a toke and also take care of the community. As a toke he has to
organise his men, manage the flow of money and rattans that become
a commodity and confirm the quality of the rattans in order to make
sure the factories value them highly. Furthermore, in the process of
negotiation, Pak Tarib can easily make use of the identity of Orang
Rimba as being ignorant. I witnessed this when he was negotiating
with his toke in order to get a good deal on his rattans. He asked for
his toke’s understanding of the flaws of the rattans because he and
his men were Orang Rimba—ignorant people, who knew nothing of
cleverness. On the basis of that argument, he asked his toke to buy his
flawed rattans at a good price.
Indeed, according to the aforementioned toke, in making
transactions with Orang Rimba, decisions are mostly based on
sympathy and pity. Nevertheless, he considers them people in need
of help. He tries to help them by buying all the rattans offered to
him, even though he is in full understanding that he has every right
to refuse to buy them due to their many flaws, which make them lose
their selling points or drop their value. Nevertheless, he still buys the
rattans. He said that the rattans brought to him by Orang Rimba are
in less-than-good condition and he finds many physical flaws in the
rattan shafts. These are mostly caused by the method of collecting the
rattans, which he deems improper. He considers the rattans brought
from Bukit 12 are bad in quality compared to those brought from
Kerinci region. Ibu Mami herself is a Javanese, coming from Malang,
East Java, who married a native resident of Bungo and established her
rattan factory in 1988. At the beginning, she was only a rattan toke
but as time went by, she started her own business by establishing her
rattan factory, shipping her products directly to Java.
For me, Pak Tarib is a shining example of WARSI improving
the capacity of Orang Rimba. Pak Tarib is a figure among local leaders
whose potential was realised by WARSI. It was one of WARSI’s
194
strategies to bring local leaders to the forefront of the fight to legitimise

the struggle of indigenous people to claim their rights.
Pak Tarib openly admitted that, without the support from
WARSI, he would not be in this position. His experience and value in
meeting the Indonesian president places him at the centre of attention.
The event has made him an important figure in the self-determination
movement for the rights of the Orang Rimba. He has now become an
important figure of Orang Rimba in AMAN Jambi. He is active in
asserting the rights of indigenous people communities in Jambi.
He still remembers the first time he travelled to Jakarta in 1999,
to attend the First Archipelago Indigenous Community Congress
(KMAN I) conducted by WARSI. He recalled how he loudly voiced
his concern and sense of sadness at the thought that his forest would
be lost. Basically, that event was a turning point in his life as Orang
Rimba.
When I talked to the villagers about Pak Tarib, nobody could
have imagined him in that position. The media attention has reversed
the public perception in Jambi that Orang Rimba are people who are
poor and do not know anything. The news about Orang Rimba makes
people in Jambi believe that they can reach great achievements. They
see something positive in Pak Tarib. "Terrific. Pak Tarib appears on
TV. We just never imagined we are on TV. In fact, Pak Tarib appears
on TV," said a resident of the village of Bukit Suban, commenting on
the presence of Pak Tarib in the news.
On Pak Tarib's part, these events raised his social status among
other communities in Jambi considerably. He is no longer disparaged
and underestimated by other community members. Most regard
him as an Orang Rimba who has a remarkable network and access
to the government. He can instantly meet with Governor Jambi and
governmental agencies and they listen to his opinion.
195
Conclusion
The function and role of the NGO is to relocate the position and
status of the Orang Rimba in the modern Indonesian political structure.
This has not been properly determined by the state and has, in fact,
marginalised and violated the human rights of ethnic minority groups,
such as the Orang Rimba. The process of contemporary political change
in Indonesia makes the position and status of the Orang Rimba unclear.
The process of decentralisation of power from the centre to the regions
led to the emergence of new powers. This situation meant the majority
would always have the ruling position because they have access to power
and the legitimacy of the power of the majority. This situation is not
beneficial to minority ethnic groups as it renders them more oppressed.
They remain in a disadvantaged position: they are always in an oppressed
state and do not have the resources to fight back
From examples mentioned in this chapter, it can be concluded that
the Orang Rimba has its own way of fighting the state. The relationship
between the NGOs and Orang Rimba interests me. One day, I asked
the Orang Rimba for their opinions about the presence of these NGOs.
There was a variety of answers, but the most interesting response was
that they view these organisations as a powerful liaison between them
and the outside world. Moreover, for the Orang Rimba, NGOs are also
perceived to have a significant role in encouraging their actions against
other parties to demand changes in their lives.
According to the tribal community, this treatment is different
to the MOSA (Ministry of Social Affairs), which always asks the
Orang Rimba to move to the village; something that is considered as
denying them their traditions. The context of the relationship between
the Orang Rimba in Air Hitam and WARSI suggests that the actual
role of the jenang (as the one who is responsible for taking care of the
Orang Rimba and their relationship with the outside world) has shifted
to other parties considered to have qualified skills, like the jenang.
Meanwhile, the Orang Rimba perceives the role of government as
decreasing.
196
However, from the other angle, there are NGOs that serve as
government agencies or pretend as government agencies. It has also been
mentioned by Li(2007), in her book "Will to Improve", who saw that the
NGO was a single force that decided to determine which direction would
be best for the community development. Using the jargon of development
and governance. But an attempt to create a more systematic organisation
and clearly shared goals was made by the Orang Rimba, with support
from WARSI, when they were striving for the Bukit 12 Biosphere
Reserve to be converted into the Bukit 12 National Park in 2000. With
strong donor support, the WARSI carried out various activities together
with the Orang Rimba to maintain the forest areas, which are their living
habitat, by demanding the relinquishment of rights of the HTI (Industrial
Plantation Forest) to allow it to be converted into the Bukit 12 National
Park. According to them, the reason was that the area is actually the
customary land of the Orang Rimba. WARSI then began organising
all groups of Orang Rimba tribesmen living in the Bukit 12 Biosphere
Reserve to perform their resistance actions. WARSI also advocated the
importance of protecting Orang Rimba’s forest area by converting it into
the Bukit 12 National Park.
Their actions were conducted systematically with a clear target
and pattern. For example, they once blocked the Indonesian Minister of
Forestry’s visit to Jambi and also involved the Orang Rimba attending
the congress of AMAN I in Jakarta for the first time in 1999, with
the aim to campaign for the existence of Orang Rimba on a national
level. In addition, they also carried out a media campaign by engaging
national level mass media in disseminating the problems they faced and
campaigning for the establishment of the Bukit 12 National Park as the
only legal and dignified solution. WARSI also drove the international
network whereby they gained support from one of the donor agencies in
Norway. The peak was Norway’s Minister of Environment’s visit to the
Orang Rimba’s location in the Bukit 12 National Park (2005).
The impact of modernity, the Orang Rimba is expected to be
assimilated in their modernity or to embrace modernity. They will be
stuck in modernity. Modernity actually modulated by outsiders or the
197
state as a way of development. Modernity is essentially the same as

"wages". This means that in the modern world where all required work
and is in paid syetem. This system is then a means of exchange for
subsistence that was not there in life Orang Rimba. Orang Rimba are
forced to adapt to modern life. They have to earn money regularly to
connect their lives. While they no longer have the natural resources of
their ancestors. Modernity described in the form of palm oil plantations,
housing, construction, and so on. By entering modernity they will add
other needs and other skills that support. Their ability to complete this
they do not have. Modernity is like a complex web of interconnected and
endless. It is therefore not surprising that some of them experienced a
displacement social, political and psychological.
In this context, NGOs are considered as having a significant
power to serve as a liaison, which not only gives legitimacy of power for
the Orang Rimba, but is also as an actor that enables the Orang Rimba to
make changes and tale opposing actions. NGOs actually strengthen the
ability of Orang Rimba to locate their position in the political structures
of modern society. WARSI with their education program has created a
new intellectual class that can fight for their rights. In other case, the
occurrences of the Pak Tarib as a leader of Orang Rimba who accepted by
other ethnic could be interpreted that WARSI has created an intellectual
leader that have capability to fight for their own rights.
Finally, WARSI on this case help the Orang Rimba to articulate
their indigenism as a weapon to take the fight to the ruling class.
Nevertheless, this cannot be separated from the interest of the WARSI
itself because they also have their own agenda. By raising the indigeneity
agenda, the resistance issues brought by the NGOs become better known
and have international exposure.
198
CHAPTER 7
CONCLUSION
W
hat is happening to the Orang Rimba is actually a part of
the hegemony process conducted by the ruling class over
the subaltern or subordinate class. The ruling class here is
identified as state, corporate and the society in Jambi. The process of
hegemony involves marginalization actions through channels of power
over capital and labour, the control of resources owned by the Orang
Rimba, and an ideology or myth stating that they are defeated people
and always in the shadow of the dominant power, i.e. the Malays ethnic
group. They are always positioned as a subordinate group in a plural
Jambi society.
The development process undertaken by the state has marginalized
their existence. Forests as the source of their livelihood, wandering place,
and symbol of their culture have been taken over and destroyed by being
converted into plantations and settlements. They are not given a choice
to live according to the values corresponding to their culture. Indeed,
their culture is considered incompatible with the values of modern life.
As a result, they are forced to follow the standard of living based on
modern life by eliminating their cultural identity.
The process of marginalization is so profound that it enters
into the ideological and cosmological aspects of Orang Rimba. This
situation makes it difficult for them to let go of the matter and causes
them to be alienated from Jambi society. Feeling subordinated and
199
marginalized has put them in a difficult situation without a clear future.

Nevertheless, the marginalization process has also raised awareness
about changing their current situation. This awareness can be understood
as a class consciousness which, according to Spivak (1988), refers to the
consciousness of a subaltern class which is not only conscious of their
marginalized situation but also of the socio-political history that does not
favor them. This class-consciousness, according to Gramsci (1971), is a
part of alternative hegemony that is established by the subaltern class to
build their own social platform to fight against the ruling class hegemony.
The alternative hegemony is a collective action, which is defined by Eric
Hobsbawm (1959) as social banditry. This is an action that is regarded as
a crime by the ruling class and state apparatus.
There are several indications that the Orang Rimba actually
recognize and understand subaltern consciousness despite the fact that
they do not articulate it as class-consciousness. For example, their
understanding that they are in a subordinate condition therefore need a
new condition allowing them to be able to live more viably. The desire
to fight against this situation has been demonstrated by several groups of
Orang Rimba through road blocking, demonstration, theft and gaining
support to take the fight to the state. The Orang Rimba had never thought
of these actions before because previously they tried hard to avoid the
conflict and isolated themselves socially and physically by going deeper
into the forest.
Hobsbawm (1959), for instance, also explained that there is a
deep subordinate feeling perceived by the marginalized groups; being
unwanted by the general public makes the bond among them stronger.
Their lives are like a secret society where special rituals cause their bond
to become stronger. The fundamental pattern, according to Hobsbawm
(1959, p. 23), is universally found in a distressed state felt by the
subordinate or subaltern class. The Orang Rimba also recognise this
feeling although they come from different groups and locations. Due to
this, they share a common cause in fighting against the ruling class.
From the standpoint of the state as ruling class, the Orang
Rimba’s actions are considered as a crime and anything that disrupts
200
Conclusion
the social order and security must be stopped. They do not see that the
Orang Rimba’s actions are conducted in a methodical way and aimed
at changing the situation. The state and the society view the actions as
illegal acts which should be prosecuted using case-by-case law.
In this context, the social banditry actions of Orang Rimba can
also be seen from the perspective of alternative hegemony by the ruling
class over the subaltern class. Hobswam did not intend to relate the
concept of social banditry to alternative hegemony action. They created
their own social platform to fight against the hegemony fashioned by
the ruling class and state. One of the major platforms on which they
base their movement is the presence of an ideology functioning as the
basis for their purpose. In this context, Wolf (1999) believed the myth
that becomes the values of trust serves as an ideology that gives the
movement legitimacy, justification and purpose.
Justifications for their actions that they commit the crime in
order to survive due to the absence of life resources are creating a
legitimacy leading to the creation of a new myth to counter the myth that
already exists. The new myths are related to forest conservation, forest
preservation, and opposition to the Waris – Jenang, as well as the myth
that their actions are a necessity since there is no way out of the problems
they are dealing with. Thus, it is very reasonable and normal if they then
block the roads, occupy the lands, make demonstrations, and commit
theft. “We just take what belongs to our property rights,” said Nugra.
Indeed, in the case of theft the villagers agree that Orang Rimba only
steal edible natural resources.
On the other hand, an ideology of indigeneity stating that they
are the indigenous people who were born and raised from generation
to generation in the area and inherit all culture and nature from their
ancestors has begun to appear and grow in some groups of Orang Rimba
tribesmen. The cases of land expropriation and theft are an indication of
that social phenomenon. It is a fact that they are the Indigenous People
and they feel they have been duped and marginalized by the public and
state. This identity of indigeneity emerges at a time of conflicts and
clashes with other groups. They feel they have the right to take back
201
their property, which, in their opinion, has been taken illegally. This
ideological aspect will lead a social movement that is different (in its
activity and level) from a criminal action.
Another point highlighted by Hobsbawm (1959) and Wolf (2001)
concerns the organization that drives social movement. For Wolf, it
was clear that such an organization is well organized and has a strong
leadership command. In the case of the Orang Rimba’s social movement,
the NGOs play a very significant role in creating an organization
movement and bringing out the intellectual actor from the Orang Rimba
it sellf. .
The Orang Rimba’s movement will take various forms once it
comes into contact with the NGOs. The Orang Rimba is a hunter-gatherer
who lives independently in smaller groups. The role of Tumenggung is
as a leader also has a significant and powerful function when relating
with NGOs. The role of Tumenggung Tarib in the movement that was
developed and supported by the NGO in the case of “hompongon”
shows it is very significant. He leads and plays the role as a leader to lead
the Orang Rimba, although not all the groups. With support of NGOs,
Tumenggung Tarib positions himself as a leader of Orang Rimba even
though all groups do not accept him.
Another requirement, according to Gramsci, is subaltern class
awareness. What WARSI did also reflects that achievement. Literacy
education programs initiated by WARSI have alerted Orang Rimba to
what has happened so far. The WARSI’s programs include socialization
of the Orang Rimba about the latest conditions and giving them experts’
opinions about what is happening in their environment. It is obvious that
the programs provide the Orang Rimba with tremendous enlightenment
because they are now getting more information from outside world.
From these cases, it can be seen that the NGOs actually acts as
an organic intellectual whose role, as Gramsci (1971) proposed, is to
sensitize and raise the awareness of the subaltern class. Gramsci noted
that the hegemony process runs deeply. That is why the role of an
organic intellectual is to sensitize and raise awareness of the subaltern
class. Not only awakening and arousing what Gramsci called ‘organic
202
Conclusion
consciousness calls’, an organic intellectual also organizes the social

movement. Similarly, WARSI have sensitized and organized the Orang
Rimba’s movement systematically with a clear target. Therefore, the
role of NGOs contributing to Orang Rimba’s resistance actions can be
regarded as a social movement.
Their success of having a local leader, like Pak Tarib provides
evidence that they are also trying to locate themselves in the political
structure of the locality. By emphasizing their indigenity it will further
strengthen their effort to locate their position in the modern political
structure.
The existence of NGOs in the context of an indigenous people’s
social movement should be understood from a position of how to place
the Orang Rimba in articulating their cultural identity to fight against
marginalization. The cases of indigenous people movements in Indonesia
are not like those in other countries such as Latin America where an
ethnic identity can be used as a power to drive the political machines of a
party or group so that it may influence a state’s democratic order.
In Indonesia, the articulation of ethnic identity, which refers to
indigenism, remains within an individual political level. In other words,
the idea of indigeneity is used for the benefit of individual politics for the
purpose of elections and interest groups. This is the impact of political
reform in Indonesia, which emphasizes the local political arena so that
the battle for position moves from national to local (Sangaji, 2010).
Striving for position and status at local level is a fierce battle
because of its limited scope. The players use all sources of capital to win
the battle in the social arena. The use of local identity and indigeneity is
a source of capital on which to base a strong political legitimacy. Orang
Rimba as a subaltern group, which are subordinated to the dominant
group, will always be in a losing position. Their limited capital resource
has made them increasingly powerless in dealing with this fight. The
only weapon the Orang Rimba can use is their identity of indigeneity,
because that is the only remaining resource.
In the context of striving to place Orang Rimba in the political arena
of Jambi’s community, the role of NGOs is important in strengthening
203
and organizing their movements. Although there is no main organization

that unites all groups of Orang Rimba, the presence of the NGOs has
strengthened the process of articulation of their indigenous identity. Due
to a strong organization and financial support, as well as national and
international networks created by the NGOs, the Orang Rimba can gain
a stronger position. Another of the NGOs’ significant roles is that they
have succeeded in moving the political arena from the individual level
to the group level. If previously the political arena remained within the
individual political level, it has now become a group issue.
Thus, it can be noted that indigenous legitimacy has become a
power, which is strong enough to be used as justification for all acts of
collective action by made by the Orang Rimba. This indigenism is the
basis for their social movement.
204
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218
Appendix 1: Map of Land Use and Orang Rimba’s Location in Jambi 2011
219
Map of Land Use and Orang Rimba’s Location in Jambi 2011
Profile of Orang Rimba
Photograph by Adi Prasetijo (1998)
Profile of family of Orang Rimba in the Forest
220
The First of Orang Rimba Meeting in 1999
The Camp of Orang Rimba in The Oil Palm Plantation Area
Photograph by Marah Halim (2005)
221
Orang Rimba Hunting in The Oil Palm Plantation Area
Photograph by Marah Halim (2005)
Me and Laman, My Orang Rimba Family
222
Adi Prasetijo
is an anthropologist who received his bachelor degree from Gadjah
Mada University (1997) in archaeology, master degree from University
of Indonesia (2005), and doctorate degree from Universiti Sains
Malaysia (2014) both in Anthropology. His focus is on indigenous
people issues in Indonesia, especially for Orang Rimba. He has over 15
years working experience in the field of peacebuilding, development,
and cultural studies. He is currently the executive director of ICSD
(Indonesia Center for Sustainable Development) a local instution
that specialize in social development and environmental studies and
is a member of the board of trustee of KKI WARSI. He can reach in
prasetijok@yahoo.com
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The True Custodian of The Forest:

Alternative Strategies and Actions in

The True Custodian of The Forest:

First published Juni 2015

Copyright ICSD, 2015

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TABLES OF CONTENTS ~ iii

Table 2.1 Jambi Population Based on Ethnic Group ~ 40

Table 2.2 Orang Rima Population ~ 41

“Jika halom nio la putih galo, kiamat la tibo”,

rights by the state power. Expression of their right is often articulated in

Thus, putting the whole complex interrelatedness of forest and

Source: Consolidated from WARSI (2008)

In this ethnographic study, I focus on groups of the Orang Rimba

The method of participant observation was based on Denzin

Social Movement as Process of Indigenism.

The Marxian tradition’s point of view sees the social movement

gatherer group can be categorized as a systematic social movement or

meet the requirements to be called a social movement. He gives an

intellectuals in helping the struggle of the Orang Rimba to gain a better

The ILO convention 169 formulated the definition of Indigenous

“Recognizing the urgent need to respect and promote the

in elections. For example, the Indigenous People movement in South

Indonesian society itself is characterized as a plural society.

backwardness of indigenous people’s conditions can be seen as forms

NGO & Indigenous People Movement

In 1999, KMAN (The First Congress of Indigenous People in

in Tanah Toraja, Sulawesi, conducted by an NGO that focused on

2012). Their other strategy was to establish a network of NGOs to carry

The analysis of the role of NGOs is often associated with the

In case of indigenous people, many of the indigenous people

Li (2000) rationalized that NGOs have a significant role in carrying

legitimacy has become a power, which is strong enough to be used

History of Orang Rimba’s Ethnography

In the beginning, a written description of the Kubu (Orang

expression of resistance. Sager (2008) similarly considered the Orang

This theoretical construct deal with the structural locality within

to the repressive condition of the lower classes (proletariat) against the

Awareness about education and intellectual influential improvement for

elite or subaltern class. According to Gramsci, the hegemonic class itself

social field of action in such a way as to render some kinds of behaviour

Gramsci described traditional intellectuals as professors, academics and

of bringing change of consciousness to the people. According to him,

The Orang Rimba In The Plural Society of Jambi

The population of Jambi province in 2010 amounted to 3,088,618

Table 2.1 Jambi Population Based on Ethnic Group

Besides Malay people as the original majority ethnic group, from

Table 2.2 Orang Rimba Population

Source: Survey Bio-Regional Jambi by KKI WARSI (2008)

The Orang Rimba population in South Jambi comprised 1.670

and oil palm plantations. They were also concentrated in transmigration

Oral History and The Memory of Plurality

Malay Jambi previously knew the Orang Rimba as Orang Kubu.

areas of Kuamang Kuning and Rimbo Bujang (bordering West Sumatra).

happened in the Dutch colonial period when they confronted outsiders

Orang Rimba in The Sultanate Era and Colonial Era

The Malay Sultanate in Jambi was a classical Southeast sultanate

Haga (1929) also added that the sultanate of Malay Jambi

Tideman (1938) noted that the sultan promoted a Jenang to gather

based on the economic production and labour distribution of that time.

17. Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie – VOC, or United East Indies Company.

the sultan was systematically diminished and viewed by the subject as

As stated by Andaya (1993), the interaction between the Malays