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0 an painti
Serpil Bagc1
Filiz c;agman
Giinsel Renda
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REPUBLIC OF TURKEY
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Vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha and the historian Seyyid Lokman at the Silivri Palace The Walters Museum of Art
where he went hunting. Topkap1 Palace Museum
Selim Han, ISM, A. 3595, folio 13a (detail). Museum of Turkish and Islamic Arts
Uppsala University Library

Giilsiin Akalay
Ottoman Painting I Ed. by Serpil Bagc1...[et. al]; Trans. by Ellen Yazar.-- Zeyttep
Trans. of Second Ed.- Ankara: Ministry of Culture and Tourism, The Bank Bayaz1t Bagel
Association of Turkey, 2010. Julia Bailey
Murat
336 p.: col. ill.; 31 em.- (Ministry of Culture and Tourism Publications ; Hadiye Cangok"e
3263. Art Series of General Directorate of Libraries and Publications : 482, Crist! Catanzaro
The Banks Association of Turkey Publications; 272. Series of Culture; 3.) Yorgos Dedes
Tiiliin Degirmenci
Original Title: Osmanh Resim Sanati Massumeh Farhad
Cornell Fleischer
ISBN 978-975-17-3499-0 (Republic of Turkey Ministry of Culture and Mehmet Kalpakh
Tourism), 978-975-8564-83-5 (The Banks Association of Turkey) Arzu Karamani Pekin
Nevzat Kaya
I. Bagc1, Serpil II. Yazar, Ellen ill. Osmanh Resim SanatJ.. IV. Series. Havva Kor;
Sevgi Kutluay
759.9561015 Giilru Necipoglu
Alison Ohta
ilber Ortayh
Ersu Pekin
Scott Redford
Yavuz Renda
Leslie Meral Schick
Lokman $ahin
Erol Tanmd1
Goniil Tekin
Ceren Turan
Lale illur;
Elaine Wright
Yoltar Ytldmm
Zeynep Yiirekli Gorkay
Contents

7 Note to the reader

9 Foreword, Ertugrul Giinay
11 Publisher's Foreword, Ersin Ozince

12-19 1. Introduction
20-67 2. The formation of Ottoman painting
22 Early examples of Ottoman painting
24 Images of heroes, lovers and sultans: The reign of Sultan Mehmed II
28 A popular work in the reign of Sultan Mehmed II: The jskendername by Ahmedi
35 Sultan Mehmed II and imperial portraiture
42 The enrichment of representational art: Illustrations for poems
43 The coexistence of diverse traditions of representation: The reign of Sultan Bayezid II
44 A widely read book of the period: The Hiisrev ii Sirin
48 An original frontispiece: The Siileymanname
50 The first example of illustrating contemporary history: The Sehname-i Melik-i Ummi
52 Another task of Ottoman artists: Additions to unfinished manuscripts
56 Herat-Tabriz-Istanbul: From Sultan Selim I to Sultan Siileyman I
57 Images for poetry: Illustrating by Attar, Jami, Nawa'i and Arifi
61 Poet and ruler: The poems and chronicle of Sultan Selim I
64 An artist from Persia: Pir Ahmed b. iskender

68-185 3. The classical theme of Ottoman Painting: Victories of the sultans

70 Cartography and painting: Maps as records of history
74 An original mode of representation in illustrated histories: Nasuh
81 The legacy of Nasuh: The continuation of the topographic painting tradition
84 The second stage in the tradition of portraiture: Nigari and his works
92 The imperial tradition and the illustrated history of the sultans
94 The shah of illustrated manuscripts: The Sehnames of Ottoman sultans
95 Turkish translations of the Shahnama and the first illustrated examples
98 From the creation of the universe to Ottoman sultans: Arifi and the paintings in his Sehname-i Al-i Osman
99 Enbiyaname
100 Osmanname
101 Siileymanname
112 A new era in court historiography: Lokman and Ostad Osman
118 The early works of Sehnameci Lokman and his atelier
120 Zafername
123 Sehname-i Selim Han
126 Sehin§ahname 1
129 The Ottoman art of sultanic portraiture: The Sema'ilnames
133 From the imperial scroll to the Ziibdetii 't-tevarih
142 Other works of Lokman and Osman: Hiinernames and Surname
153 The last example of the Sehnames in Persian: The Sehin§ahname 2
158 The life of the Prophet Muhammad: The Siyer-i Nebi
166 Images of wars and warriors: Illustrated gazanames
167 Nusretname
171 'atname
174 Gencine-i Feth-i Gence
17 5 Tarih-i Feth-i Yemen
178 Ta'likizade and Hasan

186-261 4. New themes in Ottoman painting

188 Dreams, fears, love stories, and adventures
191 Images of divination and the apocalypse
201 Curious inhabitants of distant lands: Marvelous and strange creatures
205 New images for ancient stories: Illustrations of adventures and tales
212 Historical painting in the seventeenth century: The poet Nadiri and the painter
214 An illustrated biography, a Divan and from the early seventeenth century
216 Divan-t Nadiri
217 Nadiri
225 The last illustrated example of the gazaname genre
228 Ottoman albums and single-folio paintings
229 Early examples of Ottoman album production
232 The popularization of album production
243 An innovative artist of the late seventeenth century: Musavvir Huseyin Istanbuli
246 The art of painting in Ottoman provinces
24 7 Cairo, Damascus and Aleppo
249 Baghdad

262-311 5. New trends in Ottoman painting

264 Revivals and innovations
266 Levni and his circle
276 New themes, new artists
279 Last examples of the illustrated manuscripts and albums
284 Search for new techniques and media in sultanic portraiture
300 From walls to canvases

3 13 Bibliography
328 lndex
335 Acknowledgement
Note to the reader
Diacriticals and vowel marks have been omitted from this book. The consonants ayn and hamza (' and ')
which do not have an equivalent in the Roman alphabet do not appear at the beginning or end of words but
is retained in a medial position. For Ottoman names and titles, a simplified Turkish transliteration system
has been used; Arabic and Persian are transliterated according to a simplified version of the International
Journal of Middle Eastern Studies.
The dates are those of the Christian calendar. When a year appears according to both the Christian and
Islamic calendars, the Islamic one is given in parentheses with the letters AH, H referring to the migration
of the Prophet Muhammad from Mecca to Medina. Since the Islamic calendar is based on the lunar cycle, at
times an Islamic year covers two successive Christian years.

List of abbreviations
AEM Ankara, Etnografya Miizesi (Ethnographic Museum)
AVGM Ankara, Vabflar Genel Miidiirliigii (General Directorate of Foundations)
BOA Osmanh (Ottoman Archives)
BPSB Berlin, Preussischen Staatsbibliothek
BSMK Berlin, Staatliche Museen Kunstbibliothek
BWAM Baltimore, Walters Art Museum
CHUAM Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Art Museums
CMA Cleveland, The Cleveland Museum of Art
DCBL Dublin, Chester Beatty Library
DSLB Dresden, Sachsische Landesbiblothek
lAM Istanbul, Arkeoloji Miizeleri (Archaeology Museums)
lBDK Istanbul, BeyaZit Devlet Kiitiiphanesi (Beyaz1t State Library)
lDM Istanbul, Deniz Miizesi (Naval Museum)
lFMK Istanbul, Fatih Millet Kiitiiphanesi (Fatih Public Library)
lRHM Istanbul, Resim ve Heykel Miizesi (Museum of Fine Arts)
lSK Istanbul, Siileymaniye Kiitiiphanesi (Siileymaniye Library)
lUK Istanbul Universitesi Kiitiiphanesi (Istanbul University Library)
KMM Konya Mevlana Miizesi (Konya Mevlana Museum)
LACMA Los Angeles County Museum of Art
LNG London, National Gallery
LBL London, British Library
MBS Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek
NYMMA New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Islamic Department
NYPL New York, Public Library
OBL Oxford, Bodleian Library
PBNF Paris, Bibliotheque National de France
SPlOS St. Petersburg, Institute of Oriental Studies
TiEM Istanbul, Tiirk ve islam Eserleri Miizesi (Museum of Turkish and Islamic Arts)
TSA Istanbul, Topkap1 SaraYI (Topkap1 Palace Archives)
TSM Istanbul, Topkap1 SaraYl Miizesi (Topkap1 Palace Museum)
UUL Uppsala, Uppsala University Library
VBNM Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana
VMC Venice, Museo Correr
VONB Vienna, Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek
WFGA Washington, D.C., Smithsonian Institution, the Freer Gallery of Art and the Arthur
M. Sackler Gallery
8-9
Foreword

As one of the foremost aesthetic reflections of cultural richness in art, the art of paint-
ing is of great importance for manifesting the diversity of the civilizational environ-
ment that both inspired and was influenced by the Ottoman Empire. Over time, the
Ottoman art of painting, the growth of which was stimulated by pictorial styles of
the civilizations in close proximity to the Empire, evolved into a unique language of
cultural wealth.
An additional importance of the art of painting or depiction in this geography was
its interaction with other fields of art. With the influence various styles, the miniatures
created by painters that constituted a part of the artists gathered under the Ehl-i Huef
organization within the Ottoman state administration have attained greater signifi-
cance through their use in other areas.
Renowned masters of the Ottoman era, such as Nasuh, Sinan Bey, Nigari,
Osman, Hasan, Levni, and Abdullah Buhari, have produced chef
d'oeuvres of miniature paintings. Apart from their aesthetic value, these miniatures
also serve as important visual documents on the economic, social, and cultural structre
of the period in which they were created.
Originally published in Turkish in 2006, the English edition of Ottoman Painting
strives to demonstrate that even today, the unique processes of creation in the art of
painting throughout the history of civilizations continue to hold a special appeal for
all humanity.
I hope that this work, which is published through the support of The Banks
Association of Turkey, will help introduce Ottoman painting to larger audiences as a
valuable demonstration of Turkey's cultural richness. I would like to extend my appre-
ciation to everyone who has contributed towards the publication of the book.

Ertugru1 Giinay
Minister of Culture and Tourism
10- 11
Publisher's foreword

Following the publication of Istanbul and Grand Bazaar and World Heritage in
Turkey, which reveal the cultural and historic treasures of Turkey, this year, The Banks
Association of Turkey is proud to present Ottoman Painting, a remarkable work on the
development of the art of painting in the Ottoman Empire.
Ottoman Painting not only portrays the development of the art of painting in the
Ottoman Empire in accordance with the Turkish-Islamic tradition, but also demon-
strates its process of transformation into a unique form of art that is fundamentally
distinct from the art of painting in other Islamic countries in terms of style and content.
Despite the vast borders of the Empire, Ottoman art conveys a sense of unity, which
can be ascribed to the institutionalized state organization of artists and artisans known
as "Ehl-i Hlref." This organization played a key role in determining the artistic trends
of the period; the miniatures created by artists of the organization not only adorned
manuscripts, but they were employed in other areas, as well. Apart from its visual
splendor, the art of Ottoman painting also serves as a historic document.
I sincerely believe that Ottoman Painting will greatly contribute towards the uni-
versal recognition of miniatures that constitute the essence and foundation of Turkish
painting. I would thus like to extend my thanks to the researchers for their contribu-
tions and to the Ministry of Culture and Tourism for their collaboration in bringing the
English translation of this unique work to life.

Ersin Ozince
Chairman of the Bocrrd of Directors
The Banks Association of Turkey
14- 15
 The major medium of Ottoman pictorial art through the centuries was manuscript
illustration, which is commonly called miniature painting. There is no doubt that
other visual forms of expression have also emerged out of Ottoman culture. Often
featured on the walls of non-religious buildings and depicting landscapes, mural
paintings dating as far back as the late fourteenth century have survived to date.
The extant murals are predominantly from the late Ottoman period, however, many
literary sources and illustrations depicting the wall paintings in the Ottoman inte-
riors indicate that this tradition began to bear fruit from an earlier period onwards.
Ottoman visual culture also included paintings executed on single folios either to be
compiled in the albums or to be used as visual props for oral accounts. As discussed
in the final chapters of the book, examples executed on leather, paper, canvas, or
wood with new techniques - mainly oil painting - attest to the increasingly diversi-
fied production of culture. The present book focuses mostly on manuscript illustra-
tion, which was the main task of the Ottoman court painters. Ottoman painters were
identified as musavvir or ressam in Turkish; all of these terms designate
artist or painter, without specific differentiation. Used for defining their profession,
these interrelated terms imply multi-faceted artistic engagements, which were at
times executed with entirely different media and scales. A court artist was assigned
predominantly to paint the deluxe manuscripts prepared for the royal treasury, but
he could also work at decorating the walls of a royal pavilion.
Book illustrations convert the tale, event, or information conveyed in the text
into pictorial language. Hence, the first source to be referred to in explicating
the themes of the illustrations is the text itself. Sometimes, however, the text is
( not informative enough to construe the themes. One of the most fundamental
reasons behind this is that the images are shaped by certain codes and references
I that were familiar to the artists and readers of the period in which the miniatures
were produced, but can no longer be thoroughly deciphered. The majority of the
sources that cater to the creation of these codes were comprised of books on vari-
ous subjects and oral traditions, both of which constitute the accumulation of
contemporary culture and information. Although not all the details of the methods
artists preferred in illustrating a text are known, it is nonetheless evident that,
depending on the content, the illustrations were sometimes created originally for
the text. At other instances, miniatures from the previous copies of the text were
used as models. At times, styles were carried from one setting to the next through
the migration of artists or works; established modes of expression thus emerged.
The adherence to texts and models had a limiting effect on the artists. Still, the
ways in which an artist interpreted different subjects varied according to his tal-
ent, the cultural setting in which he was raised, and his patron. The emergence
of original approaches in the paintings throughout the centuries proves that the
artists were occasionally able to use their creativity.
Numerous illustrated books from the Islamic world, produced under the patron-
age of the ruling class or the intellectuals have survived in various museums and
libraries, as well as in private collections around the globe. This fact alone chal-
lenges the widely held view that painting has been traditionally forbidden in Islam
and the polemical question as to why certain tenets of Western painting such as
perspective and light-and-shade were not adopted. The Koran does not explicitly
prohibit painting, but rather advocates avoiding practices that would lead Muslims
to idolatry. The majority of the arguments on whether painting is forbidden or
not is predominantly centered on the sayings (hadith) of Prophet Muhammad
and Koranic exegesis. Interpreting the hadith in different ways, Muslim scholars
argued different views and attempt at proving them with various examples. In
the early days of Islam, Muhammad strived to prevent his people from worship-
ping paintings and sculptures. Even after the expansion of Islam, attention was
paid to depicting living creatures without portraying them as objects of worship.
Growing more intense from time to time, these arguments led to the adoption of
an aniconic artistic expression in Islamic societies. Yet it was simply impossible
 that this aniconic approach would remain unchanged throughout the centuries or
be equally effective across a vast terrain that extended from Spain to Indonesia.
Apart from a conscious eschewal of painting, one of the fundamental reasons
behind the lack of rich examples of monumentally-sized murals or paintings in
Islamic culture was the tendency to avoid replicating the religious paintings in
churches of the Christian faith, the biggest rival of Islam. One of the most sig-
nificant consequences of this approach, which was determined by .various historic
and social conditions, was the emergence of the art of painting out of the folios
of manuscripts.
The work methods of artists known as nakka§ or musavvir changed over time
across different lands and grew richer through new techniques and facilities.
Although there was no doubt a tradition that maintained perpetuity, it would be
wrong to assume that the artists worked under the same conditions and with the
same methods throughout the centuries. With the materials they prepared, they
illustrated the blank spaces allocated to miniatures on the folios that had been
painted, sized, glossed and inscribed with calligraphic texts. Among their most
important tools were the brushes known as kalem (pen) and paints. Several artists,
such as the sixteenth-century Safavid painter Sadiqi Beg, relate that the brushes
were made with animal hair, often by stacking them inside quill feathers accord-
ing to their length. Sadiqi Beg also describes how the paints should be prepared.
The paints were often derived from organic or inorganic substances. Metal oxides,
plants, semi-precious stones, or exoskeletons were used to obtain various colors.
Sadiqi Beg's views on the distinctive principles of art and the classification of
painting genres reveal how a sixteenth-century artist approached the art of paint-
ing from a theoretical perspective. While this discourse indicates that the painting
tradition is not merely a "technique" that is transmitted from master to appren-
tice, but a contemplated and discussed artistic realm of creativity, other sources
also convey significant information on the creators of Islamic book arts and their
works. As will be discussed below, Ottoman writers commented on artists and
their depictions and presented clues about the criteria that should be considered
in evaluating Ottoman painting.
The Ottoman art of painting fundamentally adhered to the visual tradition of the
Islamic world. It followed the principles of a basic narrative language of book illus-
tration that was grown, developed, and diversified in this world. These principles,
naturally, were adapted to Ottoman taste. Nourished by styles through which the
vast territory of the Empire and its neighbors chose to represent the world, a unique
pictorial language was created in line with the pluralism particular to the Ottoman
court. While reflecting a distinctive continuity through transmission from master
to apprentice, the Ottoman art of painting also became more diversified throughout
the centuries in which new works were constantly produced.
The Ottomans enjoyed increased power from the second half of the fourteenth
century in the west of the Islamic world. The cultural richness began to emerge dur-
ing the reign of Sultan Orhan (1326-62) in iznik and flourished in Bursa with the
subsequent sultans in power. While there is no information available on the illus-
trated books of sultans of this period, there are nonetheless certain clues suggesting
their interest in objects bearing depictions. The production of manuscripts under
sultanic patronage became established after the conquest of Constantinople in 1453.
Ottoman painting was open to all the artistic impulses of the vast geography
in which it was produced. This particular aspect of Ottoman art was maintained
for nearly five hundred years. Regarding art as part of the affairs of the state, the
Ottomans thus began an organization of artisans, known as Ehl-i Hiref
at the New Palace -currently known as the Topkap1 Palace-during the reign of
Sultan Mehmed II. At the peak of the Empire's powers in the sixteenth century,
the number of artists affiliated with this organization ranged between six and nine
hundred. The late sixteenth-century author Mustafa Ali reports this number as two
thousand. Divided into various professional groups, the artists operated under the

16-17 lntroduction
director of the Treasury and received their salaries, materials, and commissions from
him. Salary registers record the names of the artists, their cultural origins, how they
joined the organization, the salaries they received, the increases they were awarded,
and the years of their death. These documents offer priceless information on the
history of Ottoman art.
Some of the artists' studios were located in the first courtyard of the Palace.
Still, there is insufficient information as to exactly which areas were allocated to
them. Apart from the imperial studio, the nakka§hane (literally, hall of the painters),
which was located at Bab-t Humayun - the Imperial Gate - of the Topkap1 Palace,
the artists also worked in a building next to the Arslanhane (Lion Hall), which is
no longer extant. Occasionally, specific ateliers were temporarily established at the
Palace or at the house of a certain individual supervising the ongoing project. We
also know that artists had their own private workshops where they produced works
commissioned by the court or other patrons.
As a division of the Ehl-i Hiref organization, the painters held a significant
place in the history of Ottoman art. Apart from illustration and illumination, the
division of painters was instrumental in the decoration of a number of art works
or in setting designs for decorative motifs. Those who created the motif repertoire
and the styles of decoration and painting, such as Kulu, Karamemi, and Ustad
(literally "master") Osman were among the leading artists who introduced original
features that distinguish Ottoman art from other milieus of Islamic decoration and
painting. After the second half of the sixteenth century, the works of the royal
studio completely diverged from the painting tradition of other Islamic countries,
both in terms of style and content. Unlike the works of famous Jalayirid, Turkmen,
and Timurid royal studios of past centuries or the contemporary Safavid minia-
tures, the Ottoman pictorial language was not dominated by decorative elements.
The epic world of the East, the overly elaborate flower gardens, the multi-storey
pavilions with ornate walls, and the slender, graceful beauties were no longer a
part of the Ottoman visual repertoire. The Ottoman painters preferred painting
nature in an inornate manner. They would set an event in map-like landscapes
and strive to convey details -not described in the text they illustrate- with their
paintings. While the matte colors they opted for and the lack of shading rendered
a certain clarity to the illustration, they also allowed the elements set on the scene
to be perceived at first glance. The basic contours in the design were comprised
of parallel, diagonal lines, and serpentine curves. The borderlines were not dis-
solved, but were clearly defined. The royal studio administration also introduced
innovations to the Islamic arts of the book in terms of the selection of works to be
illustrated. The main task of the Ottoman court artists was to illustrate the biog-
raphies and deeds of their patrons: the sultan, his forebears and his household.
Organically connected to the Ottoman administration, their work was certainly
executed in line with the political, cultural and aesthetic taste and needs of the
Ottoman court. The protagonists of their narrative representations were real per-
sonages whom they either knew in person or learned about from oral or written
sources rather than the literary figures living in unknown times and imaginary
lands. Battles that sultans and pashas participated in, audience scenes of ambas-
sadors, the sultans' mastery in the royal arts of hunting and archery, majestic
procession of the armies, circumcision festivities, and the portraits of the sultans
were among the most popular themes. What is perceived at first glance in all of
these illustrations is the aura of a ceremonial, solemn, and somber setting, the
dynamic yet controlled power of the Empire, and the presence of an extraordinary
order. This approach renders a documentary quality to Ottoman painting, which
constitutes detailed visual source material for those interested in the history of
Ottoman culture, economy, architecture, and institutions.
Similar to other precious objects produced for sultans and their families at the
Ottoman royal studio, illustrated books were also preserved in the treasury of the
Topkap1 Palace, which served as the administrative center and official residence
 of the sultans uninterruptedly for almost four hundred years. The treasury was
not merely the abode of the illustrated books produced at the royal studio; it also
contained countless gifts -which included illustrated and non-illustrated books and
albums alike- that eastern and western rulers sent to the Ottoman court to maintain
peace or to celebrate the enthronement of sultans, and the circumcision ceremo-
nies of princes. Books found their way to the Palace as war booty; at times they
were also confiscated or purchased. They were preserved in the treasury alongside
other valuable goods; strict rules limited the conditions of the borrowing or tak-
ing out the manuscripts from the treasury, library and kiosks in which they were
housed. Today most of them are still preserved in the spaces where they rested for
centuries. Some of the books owned by royal family members and high-ranking
bibliophile officials found their ways to various museums and libraries in Istanbul.
The Ottoman manuscripts currently housed in European collections are much fewer
in number, especially compared to the illustrated manuscripts from other Islamic
countries. The richest European collections possessing Ottoman manuscripts are the
former royal libraries of Paris and London, the Biblotheque Nationale de France,
the British Library, and the Chester Beatty Library of Dublin. Today, the Topkap1
Palace Museum includes the most extensive manuscript library that houses the fin-
est examples of Islamic visual culture. This extremely well preserved library of the
Ottoman sultans, which was exclusively reserved for court members throughout the
centuries, is an indispensible venue for anyone conducting research on Ottoman
or Islamic art. The authors of this book, who spent decades of their academic and
professional lives at this venue, used the manuscript treasury of the palace as their
main reference point.

18-19 lntroduction
Early examples of Ottoman painting

22-23
The earliest known examples of Ottoman
painting are dated to the fifteenth
century. Attributed to Edirne and to c.
1460-1470, these works indicate that
the production of illustrated manuscripts
increased during the reign of Sultan
Mehmed II (r. 1444-1446; 1451-1481).
Various documents pertaining to earlier
manuscripts, private collections and
libraries have survived to date. 1 Yet, there
is no precise information on the patrons
of the illustrated manuscripts, nor any
records on the existence of court artists
in important Ottoman centers such as
Istanbul, Bursa and Edirne. Thus, we
will attempt to understand the history
of early Ottoman art principally through
the styles of these paintings and the
information offered by the colophons of
the manuscripts.
A copy of the jskendername (Book
of Alexander) is the earliest example
of an Ottoman illustrated manuscript
known to date. It was executed in 1416
in Amasya, where Prince Murad (later
Murad II, r. 1421-1444; 1446-1451)
served as governor. Amasya joined the
Ottoman territories towards the end of
the fourteenth century and remained,
until the mid-sixteenth century,
the most favored provincial capital
for princes' education. The palaces
of princes and leading statesmen of
Amasya witnessed a lively political and
cultural life. As of the early fifteenth
century, the Princely Court (Bey Sarayt),
which sheltered many artists under the
patronage of the princes, maintained
an atmosphere that closely resembled
the cultural and artistic environment of
the Persian and Central Asian palaces
of Timurid princes. 2
The manuscript is a copy of the
jskendername of Taciiddin ibrahim b.
H1z1r Ahmedi (1335?-1412/13), who is
recognized among early fifteenth cen-
tury Ottoman poets for writing works
on various subjects in Turkish for the
very first time. Composed as a mas-
nawi,3 the text comprises the life of
Alexander the Great of Macedon as it
is recounted in Islamic culture, as well
as discourses on history, geography
and astronomy woven into this leg-
end. Often identified with Zulqarnayn
(one with two horns), the sage-king
mentioned in the Koran, Alexander
the Great is known as Iskandar-i
Zulqarnayn in the Islamic tradition
and, as in the case of various European
and Middle Eastern cultures, personi-
fies the ideal sovereign in Islamdom.
As the conqueror of the known world
from East to West, the legendary char-
acterization of Alexander commences
with his death at an early age; his per-
sonality and life inspire historiography
and mythology. Among these, the most
famous are the chapter on Alexander in
the Shahnama (Book of Kings) by Fir-
dawsi (d. 1020) and the Iskandarnama
by Nizami (d. 1209), classics of Islamic
literature, which inspired countless
Turkish works. 4
The 1416 copy of Ahmedi's jsken-
dername is currently preserved in
Paris. 5 It includes twenty-one illus-
trations, only three of which were
originally painted for the manuscript.
The style of the original illustrations
bears a similarity to murals found in
buildings of Christian Anatolia. The
rest, include illustrations of different
themes cut from various other manu-

1
A famous statesman and intellectual during the reign of Sultan Murad II, Umur Bey, for
instance, is recognized for his interest in books. Although a list of the books Umur Bey donated
to various institutions through the endowment deed of his pious foundation provides abundant
data about the written culture of the period, there is no information on whether the works
contained illustrations. See Stanley 2004, for a recent publication about Umur Bey's books. See
Eriinsal 1988, pp. 15-30, on early Ottoman period books and libraries.
2
See Kappert 1976, for Amasya as a province governed by the princes.
' Long poem of a narrative or didactic form based on rhyming couplets.
4
Although Ahmedi makes use of known Alexander legends, his masnawi is not merely
confined to a translation of poems by Nizami and Firdawsi; it includes lengthy additions and
interpolations. Furthermore, the episodes from the Alexander's life story have also been slightly
changed in Ahmedi's version.
5
PNBF, Mss. Or. Turc 309.

Early examples of Ottoman painting

1 lskender celebrates his victory over scripts. 6 Once these illustrations were
Tamgac. Ahmed i, iskendername, 1416, pasted on the folios, the remaining
PBNF, Turc 309, fol. 161b. areas within the frame were filled with
large floral decorations or simple land-
scape depictions (fig. 1). Occasionally,
alterations were made to the cut-outs
to adapt them to the texC Although
the paintings in the manuscript do
not exemplify the emergence of an
.,
/,
•• , .I
original Ottoman school of painting,
they manifest a tendency to produce
illustrated manuscripts at an early
date. The similarity between the the-
matic choice of illustrations in this
manuscript and in the copies of the
iskendername produced later, around
1460-1470 -which will be discussed
below-, indicates that an iconographic
program was fixed almost from the
onset. The connection between the
illustrative cycles of the copies points
to a continuity in the traditions of
workshops, as well as the use of the
same models. The iconographic pro-
gram of the manuscript, the illustra-
tions cut out from other manuscripts,
and the efforts for connecting the
pasted images with the text not only
offer important clues about the pro-
duction of illustrated manuscripts in
Amasya as early as 1416, but they
also represent the vitality of the city's
artistic and cultural environment.

lmages of heroes, lovers

and sultans: The reign of Sultan
Mehmed 11

With regard to his patronage of cul-

ture and the arts, Sultan Mehmed
II, who is renowned for his military
accomplishments including the con-
quest of Constantinople/Istanbul, his
legislations and his establishment of
the basic principles of the Ottoman
State, is often recognized for his com-
missions to the Italian artists and his
interest in portraiture by both Italian

5
In tenus of style, the pasted illustrations belong two main groups: The first group of paintings
is in the style of Mosui -Baghdad schools in the fi rst half of the thirteenth century. Due to
the costumes of the figures. as well as the motifs and compositions in the ornamentation of
fabrics and li.rrnirure in particular, the second group corresponds t o fourteenth-century pictorial
conventions. It appears that these illustrations were extracted from a manuscript created for
Uk.hanid (1258-1353) or Jalayi.rid (13 60- 141 0) patrons. F. Richard associates the text on the
reverse side of one of these illustrations with a chronicle written in 1335 and claims that these
illustrations were taken from a historical manuscript (Richard 1997, p. 47).
7
While the presence of similar decorations around the illustrations in contemporaneous
Armenian manuscripts suggests the contribution of Anatolian Christian masters (Y altar 2002, pp.
62-64), the transformation of the pasted illustrations into depictions of the stories and their close
association with the text underlines the artists' command of Turkish and indicates that they were
mostly likely Ottoman Turks. For examples demonstrating the text-image correlation, see BagCI
2004, pp. 25-27, figs 8-9. Another argument suggests that the illustrations and the decorations
on the borders were produced in Aleppo in the seventeenth century (Barrucand 1999). This
hypothesis is hardly acceptable, as it does not offer any factual basis.

24-25 2 The fonnation of Ottoman painting

and Ottoman masters. Yet, the cul-
tural policy consciously implemented
by Sultan Mehmed reflects a universal
claim that parallels his political and
military ambitions. The Ottoman art
that flourished under his patronage,
which incorporates artistic traditions of
both the Christian West and the Muslim
East in the conquered lands, is the
embodiment of two worlds and diverse
cultures. Accompanied by verses from
the Koran, the titles Sultan Mehmed has
chosen to use on the inscription of the
Imperial Gate (Bab-t Humayun) of the
New Palace (Topkap1 Palace) he built on
the remains of the Byzantine acropolis
dated November and December 1478
(Ramadan 883 AH), announce his claim
as a world-conqueror to friend and
foe in Arabic, the common language
of the Islamic world: "... the Sultan of
two continents and the sovereign of
two seas, the Shadow of God in this
world and the hereafter, His servant
between the two horizons [i.e., East and
West], the Champion of the terraqueous
sphere, the Conqueror of the Fortress of
Constantinople, son of Sultan Murad
Khan, son of Mehmed Khan ... "8
As the self-professed ruler of two
continents and the sovereign of two
seas, Sultan Mehmed's patronage of cul-
ture and the arts entailed a reiteration
of these attributes. The pavilions he had
erected in different styles (European,
Turkish and Persian) around a square of
his new palace were designed to reflect
his sovereignty over diverse cultures. 9
The same attitude is also manifested
in his histories. Sultan Mehmed com-
missioned the histories of his reign
to three different historians in three
different languages: The first is the
Historia written in Greek around 1467
by Kritovoulos oflmbros (d. ca. 1470). 10
The second is written in Turkish by a
court scribe, Tursun (Dursun) Bey (alive
in 1491). 11 Another history relating the
events of his reign is the Hunkarname
(Book of the King) written in Persian
by Mir Ali b. Muzaffar al-Tusi known
as Ma'ali (alive in 1474), a poet from
Khorasan employed at Mehmed's court
after the conquest of Istanbul. 12 Among
the books in Mehmed's library that
reflect his various interests are scien-
tific studies of Eastern and Western
origin, available either in their original
language or in Turkish. Apart from the
editions in Greek and Latin, the works
written in Arabic, Persian, eastern and
western Turkish also included illus-
trated copies. 13
Similar to the jskendername cited
above, a second illustrated and
dated work is also of Amasya ori-
gin. Dedicated to Sultan Mehmed II,
the CerrahiyyetU 'l-Haniyye (The Royal
Book of the Surgeon's Art) is a medical
manual written by Sabun-
cuoglu (alive in 1466), who worked as
a physician at the Amasya hospital.
The book is an annotated translation
of the work by the famous Andalusian
physician al-Zakhra (d. 1036). Two
copies of the work, dated 1466, include
rather simple explanatory paintings,
possibly drawn by the writer himself.
The paintings depict surgical opera-
tions and tools mentioned in the text. 14
In the introduction explaining his rea-
sons for preparing the book, the author
states that his objective is to help
Anatolian physicians, as they can only

• For the Arabic inscription, see Ayverdi 1953, p. 310, figs 299-300.
9
For a detailed discussion, see Necipoglu 1991, pp. 34-37.
10
The only copy of the work is currently preserved at the ISM (GI.3). Encompassing the years
between 1451 an 1467, the book is not only written in Greek, but - with the exception of the
finishing on the paper - remains outside of the Islamic tradition in its design and decorations.
Deissmann 1933, pp. 43-44.
11
Tursun 1977.
12
Anhegger 1949; Balata 1992.
13
See Raby 1983 and 1987a for the Greek and Latin books in Sultan Mehmed IT's library.
14
PBNF, suppl. Turc 693 and IMK, Ali Emiri, 79. At1l 1973a, p. 107; Stchoukine 1967. There is
another illustrated, but incomplete copy of the work made in the sixteenth century. Faculty
of Medicine, Medical History Library, No. TY 263. 1976. See Uzel 1992,
for the illustrations of the copies and the transliteration of the text.

Early examples of Ottoman painting

2 Farewell of lovers. Tabrizi,
Dilsuzname, 1455-1456, OBL, Ouseley
133, fol. 62a.
3-4 Abu Ayyub and Salman in the
audience of a young ruler. Katibi,
Kiilliyat, 1450-1460, TSM, R. 989, fols
229b-230a.
26-27
read in Turkish. 15 Thus, the drawings
are composed to guide physicians in
using the information given in the
text. The illustrations in both cop-
ies of this text point to the existence
of different styles of representation
in fifteenth-century Ottoman culture.
Although the functionality of the illus-
trations precedes their pictorial merits,
the large bouquets of flowers placed
in vases and the trees, predominantly
composed of ogival medallions, bear a
striking resemblance to depictions on
the murals of contemporary Ottoman
architectural monuments that have sur-
vived. Furthermore, these depictions
contextualize the figures in the illustra-
tions, not only lending them a picto-
rial quality, but also exemplifying the
visual culture of the period. 16
The first examples of Ottoman illus-
trated manuscripts produced in an estab-
lished workshop (nakka§hane), emerged
out of the new cultural environment
in the reign of Sultan Mehmed. During
this period, mostly literary texts, both
in Turkish and Persian were illustrated.
Curiously enough, rather than renowned
Persian classics copiously produced and
15
Uzel 1992, vol. I, p. 128.
16
While similar examples of the vases and trees no longer exist in Arnasya, variations of these
compositions are on the walls of several royal tombs in Bursa, particularly in the tomb where
Mehmed's son Cern Sultan is buried. See BagCI 2003b, p. 741, fig. 410.
illustrated for fifteenth-century Turkman
and Timurid patrons, the Ottomans were
interested in rather contemporary poets'
works. Although the scarcity of surviv-
ing works limits any conclusive inter-
pretations, Ottoman patrons' preference
for contemporary literature instead of
following trends of Persian circles, must
be related to a distinctive Ottoman taste.
Stylistically, these paintings are
related to the pictorial conventions of
Timurid and Turkman paintings of the
1440-1450s from southern Iran and
particularly Shiraz. We do not have
enough information on the identity of
the artists, where they were trained, and
how they arrived in Ottoman lands. Yet,
surviving illustrated manuscripts reveal
their artistic contribution to Ottoman
painting and, more importantly, the
aptitude with which they adapted their
traditional training to the demands of
their new patrons. In a majority of these
paintings, the figures are dad in Ottoman
attire and are depicted within or in front
of Ottoman architectural monuments.
Only one illustrated manuscript from
this period contains a colophon provid-
ing the date and provenance. Due to the
2 The fonnation of Ottoman painting
stylistic features they have in common Ottoman manuscript, which is conse-
with this work, others are attributed to quently attributed to Edime. Preserved
the same dates and provenance. This at the Topkap1 Palace, this work is
rather small manuscript (16.5 x 11.3 also small in size (16.9 x 11 em) and
em), according its colophon, was pre- written in nasta 'liq script like the Dil-
pared in Edime in 1455-56 (860 AH). It suzname. Illuminated in the style of
is the only known copy of the Dilsuzna- other manuscripts produced during the
me (Book of Compassion) by Badi al-Din reign of Mehmed II, it is a copy of the
Manucehr al-Taciri al-Tabrizi, (a descen- Kiilliyat (collected poems) of Shams al-
dant of a merchant family from Tabriz), Din Muhammad b. Abdallah Nishapuri,
a Persian mystical poem on the hopeless known as Katibi (d. 1435?). 19 The work
love of the Rose and the Nightingale. 17 includes two illustrations, one of which
The paintings are composed in two parts. is a double-page spread. The first illus-
In one section of the miniature the Rose tration is attributable to the artist of the
and the Nightingale are portrayed in Dilsuzname, whereas the second is by
the garden as they are described in the
poem, whereas in the other section, a
young couple is depicted simulating the
same situation. For example, as the Rose
bids farewell, she offers her kerchief to
the Nightingale; in the other half of the
painting, seated in front of a tiled wall,
the young lovers hold a kerchief at two
ends (fig. 2). 18 The symbolic narration of
the passion between the Rose and the
Nightingale, a common poetic simile of
Persian and Turkish literature, is per-
petuated by the young lovers who share
their sorrow. While the artist follows the
pictorial conventions of mid-fifteenth-
century Shiraz painting, he uses details
that adapt his figures to the Ottoman
fashion of attire in Sultan Mehmed's
reign: the collars of the kaftans widen-
ing towards the back, the round turbans
of the men wrapped around a small cap,
the coiffure, and the oval, golden head-
gear of the women. The Rose and the
Nightingale are not only personified, but another anonymous artist known by his
at the same time, Ottomanized. paintings in other Ottoman manuscripts.
A style similar to that manifested Although the patron of this illustrat-
in the paintings of the Dilsuzname is ed, illuminated, and relatively elabo-
observed in yet another contemporary rate copy of Katibi's Kiilliyat remains

"OBL, Ouseley 133; Stchoukine 1967, pp. 47-50; At1l 1973a, pp. 103-121. In her dissertation
on the early art of Ottoman painting, Yoltar introduces new research and interpretations
concerning the subject of the Dilsuzname and the inclusion of mystical references. See Yoltar
2002, pp. 208-210 and her forthcoming article in the Festchrift for Gunsel Renda to be published
in 2010 by Hacettepe University.
" Yoltar, ibid.
19
ISM, R. 989. See Karatay 1961a, No. 660. The paintings of the work were studied for the first
time by Filiz <;:agman (<;:agman 1974-1975). <;:agman attributes the work to the palace at the
Edime workshops and supports her argument by demonstrating that its illuminations are coarser
in style when compared with those of the manuscripts of Istanbul origin found in the library of
the sultan (p. 340).

Early examples of Ottoman painting

 unknown, the fact that Katibi's poetry
had a strong influence on the famous
fifteenth-century Ottoman poet Ahmed
Pasha (d. 1496-97) indicates that the
poet had considerable fame among the
Ottoman elite of the period. 20 The second
painting of the Kiilliyat, which spreads
across a double page, depicts "Abu
Ayyub and Salman in the audience of
a ruler" (figs 3-4). Following the same
tradition as the artist who worked on
the Dilsuzname, the lively colors, firm,
relatively thicker brushwork and large
figures of this particular artist appear
in another manuscript attributed to the
same years. The landscape depictions
consisting of flowers scattered on the
ground and on the contours of the hills,
as well as the cypress trees with straight
trunks are characteristics of his style.
Aside from his crown, the enthroned
young man is clad in the attire of an
Ottoman sultan: an inner kaftan but-
toned in the front and with a collar
that broadens towards the back, and an
outer, fur-lined kaftan worn only on
one side. The musicians in the front,
the kneeling servant offering his ruler
a drink, the guard on the left, the horse
in the foreground, and the groom kneel-
ing in front of it complete the scene,
emulating the iconographic model of
audience scenes often encountered in
Persianate painting. On the other hand,
the Janissaries, which stand out with
their white, tall headgears in felt (ak
bark) among the attendants, reflect the
adaptation of this traditional model to
the Ottoman context. The theme of the
painting also conveys a rather interest-
ing choice: the illustration on the left
corresponds to the section in the text
in which the Prophet Muhammad and
Abu Ayyub and Salman are mentioned.
Seated on a carpet, the figures are two
renowned companions of the Prophet.
The first is Abu Ayyub al-Ansari (d. 669),
who hosted Muhammad at his home in
Madina for a long period of time, won
his affection, and was recognized for
20
See Vanhoglu 2002, for Katibi.
28-29
his heroic deeds during Islamic military
expeditions. He was killed during the
Umayyad siege of Istanbul and was bur-
ied there; the legends on Mehmed's con-
quest of Istanbul dedicate a significant
place to Abu Ayyub. The other figure is
Salman-1 Parisi (Salman the Persian, d.
656), who was a close companion of the
Prophet Muhammad, especially after the
Hijra, and was among the first Persians
to convert to Islam. Salman was a reli-
gious figure, venerated by Persians due
to his association with the establishment
of Sufism. His valiant acts during the
siege of Madina by the Meccans played
an essential role in his legendary fame.
The depiction of these two companions
of Arab and Persian origin - who stand
out with their religious attributes and
heroic acts - kneeling before a young
sultan in a manuscript produced dur-
ing the reign of Sultan Mehmed II, the
young conqueror of Istanbul, may be
conveying a message connected to the
Ottoman court.
A popular work in the reign
of Sultan Mehmed 11: The
iskendemame by Ahmedi
The aforementioned examples aside, the
production of three illustrated copies
of Ahmedi's iskendername during the
reign of Mehmed II points to a special
interest in this work. The 1416 copy
of this work was previously cited. The
subject of this long masnawi, which
was presented to Siileyman <;:elebi (d.
1410), son of Bayezid I (r. 1389-1402)
in 1395, is not solely confined to an
account of Alexander's life. Through
this work, Ahmedi seeks to educate the
fourteenth-century Anatolian Muslim
community in Turkish. Centering his
work on the life of Alexander the Great,
the poet conveys his readers the knowl-
edge he obtained at famous madrasas on
astrology, religion, history, geography
and similar subjects without disrupt-
2 The formation of Ottoman painting
ing the flow of his narrative. The m(\jor
interpolations to the traditional text
consist of the sections on the Mevlid
(a poem recounting the birth of the
Prophet Muhammad) and Ottoman his-
tory, which were added later by the poet.
The section entitled, Dasitan-t Tevarih-i
Miiluk-i Al-i Osman (Epic History of
the House of Ottomans) is the earliest
Ottoman history that survives to date. 21
Only a single copy of the text pro-
duced in the second half of the fifteenth
century is dated. Currently preserved
in Berlin, this manuscript was copied
by Haji Fakhri al-Kirmani in 1475-76
[880 AH). 22 The attires of the figures and
the composition of scenes bear stylistic
resemblances to the Edirne examples,
and the illuminations and decorations in
the paintings recall the works produced
for Mehmed II. However, the coarse
brushwork and the rather poor work-
manship of the flaked paint indicate
that the work was intended for a modest
patron. The selection of the illustra-
tions' themes is far from reflecting the
original aspects of Ahmedi's narrative;
it repeats the traditional themes such as
the hunt, royal gatherings, and battle
scenes that can be appropriated to any
given text. The manuscript neverthe-
less serves as an important example in
revealing the extensiveness of illustrat-
ed manuscript patronage in the Ottoman
lands (probably Edirne) in 1475, the
possible resources of the patron to
recruit a scribe from Kerman (a city in
southeastern Iran), the existence of dif-
ferent styles, and the popularity of the
Ahmedi's iskendername. 23
As the products of an established
workshop, two illustrated copies of the
iskendername produced in the third
quarter of the fifteenth century evidently
21
See Akdogan 1988, pp. 136-265, for the transliteration of the text of the Mevlid section of the
jskendemame. See Banarh 1939, pp. 66-135, inalc1k 1962, pp. 159-162 for Ottoman history. See
Banarh 1939, pp. 67-71 for a summary of this section of the work.
22
BPSB, Ms. Or. Quart 1271. Stchoukine, Flemming, et al. 1971, No. 99, pp. 263-264; Bagc1 1989,
pp. 60-63, 159-160; Yoltar 2002, pp. 169-176.
23
Although not illustrated, Ahmedi's work numerously copied in this period. See Unver 1983, pp.
25-27.
24
ISM, G1. 16. Deissmann 1933, p. 60.
25
Babinger 2003, pp. 135-146, 153; Raby 1983, p. 18; Necipoglu 1991, p. 12; Bagc1 1994, pp.
115-117; Spinale 2003, pp. 18-26.
reflect the popularity of Ahmedi's poem
among the court circles in Edirne. Here,
in his claim to sovereignty, Mehmed's
identification with Alexander of
Macedon in history and mythology as a
world conqueror plays a significant role.
Numerous contemporary writers define
Sultan Mehmed as the new Alexander.
The conviction that "the Conqueror"
i.e., Mehmed, of Eastern Rome will soon
conquer Italy and Rome spreads rap-
idly among the Italians through Italian
humanist writers and statesmen affiliated
with the Ottoman State. Upon his return
to Venice, Niccolo Sagundino, who vis-
ited Istanbul in 1453 in the retinue of the
Venetian ambassador to attend the peace
negotiations, mentions extensively in his
reports Sultan Mehmed's keen interest in
history, his familiarity with the accom-
plishments of the commanders and
kings of Antiquity - in particular, Julius
Caesar and Alexander the Great -, and
his desire to have their histories trans-
lated into Turkish. Sagundino's reports
are only one of the factors that perpetu-
ate this conviction. Similar statements
appear in numerous surviving works
of Italian writers. Sultan Mehmed IT's
interest in the biography and the accom-
plishments of Alexander the Great is not
merely a legend: a copy of Arrian's biog-
raphy of Alexander (Anabasis), dated to
the 1460s on the basis of watermarks
on its pages and prepared for Mehmed's
private library, still exists among the
sultan's books at the Topkap1 Palace. 24
Furthermore, the History of Alexander
by Quintus Rufus is also preserved in
his collection. 25 Although it is not veri-
fied that it was intended for Mehmed's
own library, an illustrated copy of the
Alexander Romance in Greek, possi-
bly confiscated during the conquest
j
5 lskender at Targargar. Ahmedi,
iskendername, ca. 1460, VBNM, Cod.
Or. XC (57) fol. 121a.
6 Ahmedi informing his beloved
on stars and planets. Ahmedi,
iskendername, ca. 1460, VBNM, Cod.
Or. XC (57) fol. 131a.
7 Ahmedi informing his beloved
on stars and planets. Ahmedi,
iskendername, ca. 1470, SPIOS, C-133,
fol. 140b (from Petrosyan 1995).
5
30-31
of Trabzon (Trebizond), indicates that
the illustrated copies of Alexander leg-
ends in their original language circu-
lated and were read across the Ottoman
world. Presumably copied for Alexios
ill Komnenos (r. 1349-90) in Trebizond,
the manuscript includes notes - marked
with red ink in Ottoman Turkish - next
to the illustrations to describe their
subjects. While there is no information
available on when, by whom and for
whom the notes were added, they none-
theless testify to the existence of the
work's Ottoman owners. Interestingly
enough, the sources used in these con-
siderably long notations are based on
26
Today it is preserved at the Istituto Ellenico di Studi Bizantini e Postbizantini in Venice
Greco 5). Xyngopoulos 1966; Alexander Romance 1997; Bellingeri 2003, pp. 31-60.
27
Raby 1983, p. 18; Spinale 2003, pp. 33-38.
28
Tursun 1977, p. 3.
29
Abel1951 and 1966.
30
VBNM, Cod. Or. XC (57). Grube 1987; Bagc1 1989, pp. 50-60, 156-159; Yoltar 2002, pp. 101-145.
the original text rather than the Islamic
versions of the Alexander legend. The
original text of the Greek manuscript is
used particularly in the depiction of sto-
ries that are not included in the Islamic
tradition. The names of the protagonists
in the Romance are also maintained in
their Greek original, rather than their
transliterated versions in the Islamic
tradition, such as Darius and Filibus
(instead of their Islamic counterparts
Dara and Failakus). 26
Among his contemporaries, Mehmed's
identification with Alexander the Great
is a recurring theme in the Historia
by Kritovoulos of lmbros, mentioned
aboveY In Tursun Bey's Tarih-i Ebu 'l-
Feth (History of the Conqueror) written
in Turkish, Sultan Mehmed is not com-
pared directly to Alexander the Great;
befitting an Islamic-Ottoman sovereign,
the text opens with the first verse of the
surah that relates to Zulqamayn. 28 As
mentioned earlier, in the Islamic tradi-
tion, Alexander the Great is named as
Iskandar-i Zulqamayn and is identified
with Zulqamayn mentioned in the Koran
(18:84-97). Though his identity remains
obscure, Zulqamayn of the Koran has
the power to traverse the earth from
east to west and builds a wall to protect
the people of the West against Gog and
Magog; these deeds are traditionally
attributed to Iskandar/Alexander. 29
It is highly probable that Ahmedi's
jskendername, the Turkish version of
the Alexander legend, which was brief-
ly introduced in the discussion on its
1416 copy, was produced in the years
that the image of the Macedonian
"Conqueror" was brought to the fore
and that the copy with sixty-six illus-
trations found in Venice was designed
for Sultan Mehmed II, the "new
Alexander". 30 Another copy with forty
illustrations in St. Petersburg may have
been produced under the patronage of
2 The fonnation of Ottoman painting
an eminent court member. 31 A close
relative of the Greek humanist George
Amiroutzes of Trebizond, who was
an influential member of Mehmed's
retinue and a figure instrumental in
perpetuating Mehmed's identification
with Alexander the Great, grand vizier
Mahmud Pasha (d. 1474), himself of
Serbian origin, for instance, appears
well-suited for this commission. A poet
himself, Mahmud was known for his
patronage of writers and poets of the
period and founded a library in his
building complex in Istanbul. 32
Although both manuscripts convey a
stylistic affinity with the Edime manu-
spread over double pages, stand out with
their lively colors, the fine brushwork in
the architectural decorations of the pal-
aces depicted in the interior scenes, and
their crowded compositions. Perhaps
the foremost characteristic of the first
artist responsible for the majority of
the illustrations in the manuscript is his
mastery of spatial composition. He skill-
fully installs his small-scale figures in
well-arranged groups in the scene with
empty spaces between them and creates
a sense of space by establishing formal
associations between the groups (fig. 5).
The most similar features of the artist's
style are found among mid-fifteenth

scripts mentioned above, they surpass century-Turkman paintings. Some of

the objective of a modest production,
particularly with respect to their dimen-
sions and the richness of their pictorial
programs. Illustrated by three or perhaps
four different artists, the paintings in
the Venice manuscript, some of which
his depictions; however, contain fewer
figures and relatively simpler composi-
tions. In one painting, as narrated in the
text, Ahmedi points out to his beloved
the planets and constellations appearing
consecutively in the evening sky (fig. 6).

31
SPIOS, C-133. Nuriahmedov 1965, pp. 143-146; Petrosyan 1995; Yoltar 2002, pp. 145-169;
201-202.
"See Tekindag 2003; Eriinsal 2003, for Mahmud Pasha and his library. A. Yoltar also argues that
the St. Petersburg lskendemame may have been made for Mahmud Pasha (Yoltar 2002, p. 202).

Early examples of Ottoman painting

8 Portrait of Kay Ka'us. Ahmed i, The two lovers are seated under an arch-
iskendername, ca. 1460, VBNM, Cod. way decorated with stars alluding to the
Or. XC (57) fol. 181a. evening sky. The human-faced moon
9 The enthronement of Sultan slowly emerges from the upper left cor-
Bayezid I. Ahmedi, iskendername, ner. The stylistic features of the illustra-
ca. 1460, VBNM, Cod. Or. XC (57)
tion reveal that the masterfully trained
fols 240b-241 a.
artist was familiar with the Timurid and
Turkman schools of painting.
The second artist, who stands out by
virtue of the number of his illustrations
in the manuscript, is easily distinguished
by his thick brushwork and use of large
figures. These stylistic characteristics
attest to the fact that he was most cer-
tainly the artist of the aforementioned
scene in Katibi's Kiilliyat. The frequent
collaboration of the two artists on the
illustrations of the Venice manuscript
and the second artist's stylistic emula-
tion of the former in terms of figure and
composition suggests that the latter was
a student of the first artist.
The St. Petersburg copy was illus-
trated by an artist whose large figures
and fabrics rendered with thick lines
reflect similarities with the second master
who worked in the Venice manuscript.
His style is also related to the paintings
of the Dilsuzname. The common sty-
listic features seen in both manuscripts
indicate that they are derived from the
same visual tradition. However, the artist
of St. Petersburg manuscript has novel
characteristics: like the illustration in
which Ahmedi points out the planets to
his beloved (fig. 7), through the variation
of colors, particularly in architectural
depictions and the attempts at simulat-
ing an optical perspective, he represents
a style that will be commonly employed
in Ottoman painting after the 1480s (see
figs 16, 18, 21). In this respect, the artist
is perhaps one of the pioneers to apply a
new style that will soon be encountered
and internalized by Ottoman artists.
There are sixty-six and forty illustra-
tions in the Venice and St. Petersburg
copies of the iskendername respectively.
33
In the illustrations of the copies of Ahmedi's iskendername prepared at centers of the
manuscript production led by Shiraz and Herat throughout the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries,
similar episodes from Alexander's life are depicted. See Bagel 1989, for the subjects of the
illustrations of the seventeen known illustrated copies of the iskendername by Ahmedi (of these,
only four mentioned here were executed for Ottoman patrons).
32-33
The lavishness of illustrations in these
manuscripts indicates that they are envis-
aged as major projects compared to the
other books executed in this period.
Rather than representing well-known
scenes from the life of Alexander, the
iconographic program of these manu-
scripts entails a holistic approach to the
text with a special emphasis on the sec-
tions regarding astrology, geography and,
most importantly, history. More than half
of the paintings in the Venice manuscript,
in particular, illustrate these sections. In
lieu of pursuing the established models
of the Alexander iconography developed
in the Islamic visual tradition that devel-
oped around Firdawsi's Shahnama and
Nizami's Iskandarnama, both manuscripts
elaborate on unprecedented episodes.33
In fact, this iconographic approach, also
observed in the 1416 copy of Ahmedi in
Paris, reveals that Ottoman book illustra-
tion offers a fresh and original approach
to the relationship between image and
text, one that is markedly different from
its precursors and contemporaries in the
Islamic world. The thematic choices that
diverge from the tradition in the afore-
mentioned works is yet another reflection
of this innovativeness or distinction. In
visualizing the details of the text, the art-
ists of the iskendernames devotedly fol-
lowed Ahmedi's narrative. The illustrated
examples of sources the poet referred to
in writing various sections of his work
also serves as an inspiration for the art-
ists. In their depictions of the wondrous
creatures, which assume their places in
European mythology through the tales
of Alexander and his encounters in the
Indian Ocean, for example, the artist(s)
of the Venice manuscript use a visual
memory that became wide spread with
illustrated geography books. In terms of
the design of the pages, and the appear-
ance of the wondrous creatures, there
is a direct affinity between the Venice
iskendername and the illustrated cop-
2 The formation of Ottoman painting
ies of famed Arab scholar al-Qazwini's
(d.1283) book on cosmology and geogra-
phy, Adja'ib al-Makhluqat wa-Ghara'ib
al-Mawjudat (The Wonders of Creation
and the Marvels of Existence) and its
Persian translations, testifYing to the art-
ists' familiarity with a well-established
visual tradition. The artists may have
used geography books as models. There
are, at times, illustrations that neither fol-
low a visual model, nor a particular text,
but reveal interpretations of entirely dif-
ferent sources.34 One aspect of the Venice
iskendername distinguishes it from tradi-
tional text illustration: in the Islamic art
of representation, especially in the illus-
34
Bagc1 2004, pp. 21-22.
Early examples of Ottoman painting
trated copies of poetry and prose relating
a story, the tales of the protagonists are
depicted in a narrative style. In other
words, the illustrations portray a scene
or an instant from the text. By visual-
izing the narrator and not necessarily the
narrative, the scenes in which Ahmedi
points out the constellations to his lover
- depicted both in the Venice and St.
Petersburg copies - transgress the tradi-
tional iconographic approach. The Venice
iskendername includes illustrations that
portray other protagonists as well. In
the chapter dedicated to Persian history
based on the Shahnama, for example,
rather than depicting his deeds, Kay
 Ka'us is portrayed seated underneath an
arch (fig. 8). The notion of defining and
depicting a historical episode through the
sovereign's portrait thus becomes increas-
ingly traditionalized in the Ottoman art
of painting as an articulation of his-
toriography. The interest in depicting
dynastic history -a distinctive feature
of Ottoman painting- in the illustrated
copies of the jskendername sets prec-
edent for later manuscripts chronicling
the dynastic history of the Ottomans.
Another example reflecting the diver-
gence of Ottoman artists from the Islamic
portraiture tradition is manifested in the
St. Petersburg jskendername. Numerous
fifteenth-century Persian Iskandarnama
copies include a well-known scene of
Alexander and Qaydafe, the wise queen.
According to the Alexander legends,
Qaydafe identifies the king, who was
disguised as his vizier, through a portrait
she secretly commissioned and kept in
her treasury. In all of these depictions,
the 'portrait' of Alexander is full-length
- either seated or standing - in line with
the Islamic visual tradition. Yet, in the
St. Petersburg version, the Ottoman artist
depicts Alexander in a bust portrait.35 The
artist seems to have adopted the European
portrait tradition, possibly, as will be dis-
cussed below, through the bust portraits
made by the Italian and Ottoman artists
Sultan Mehmed commissioned.
Observed from the 1416 copy
onwards, the visualization of episodes
from Ottoman history is represented
with four illustrations in the Venice
manuscript and three others in the St.
Petersburg manuscript. The iconographic
models of these paintings are a far cry
from what Ottoman historical painting
would evolve into after the mid-sixteenth
century; they emulate the stereotypical
enthronement and battle scenes of tradi-
tional Islamic manuscripts. Nevertheless,
apart from their relevance to Ahmedi's
text, the selection of these themes reflects
the personal interests of Ottoman patrons.
35
SPIOS, C-133, fol. 150b.
36
See Akalay 1972-73; Gray 1979; Robinson 1979, for the styles represented in many
manuscripts.
34-35
The momentous impact of Ottoman cer-
emonies that will be observed in the
enthronement and audience scenes of
sixteenth-century Ottoman sultans is
remarkably absent (see figs 64, 118, and
119) from the two-page depiction that
portrays Sultan Bayezid I's enthronement
in the Venice copy (fig. 9). In the space
marked by arches that run across two
pages, the sultan is seated on the right,
on a gilded throne cushioned with pil-
lows. He is surrounded by court members
and royal servants, some of whom wear
red or white felt caps. One of the figures
facing the sultan holds a pitcher, while
the figure kneeling before him offers
a drink. With their backs turned to the
viewer, court officials and musicians
appear in the foreground. The page on
the right depicts two figures kneeling in
a manner that recalls the pose of Abu
Ayyub and Salman in Killliyat-t Katibi
(figs 3-4). Guards and servants carrying
food are among other figures on this
side of the composition. Similar scenes
of enthronement are common in Timurid
and Turkman paintings of the period. In
this respect, the depiction can be regarded
as the adaptation of traditional iconogra-
phy to the court of Bayezid. Nevertheless,
through the representation of attires and
headgear that reflect the fashion of the
period and the geography in which it was
created, a common enthronement scene
takes on an Ottoman identity.
Roughly dated to 1450-1475, the
illustrations maintain the pictorial
conventions of Timurid and Turkman
painting of the leading art centers of
Southern Iran between 1440 and 1460.36
The artists of the manuscripts, who
exemplifY the conditions of the emer-
gence of Ottoman painting tradition,
closely follow the visual taste domi-
nating the Islamic world in this peri-
od. Nevertheless, the artists of Edirne
do not simply implement the tradi-
tions of famous artistic centers, but go
beyond them in terms of the selection
2 The fonnation of Ottoman painting
of themes, the relationship of the paint-
ings to the texts they illustrate, the
painting techniques characteristic of the
Ottoman lands (as manifested in the St.
Petersburg iskendername), the attempts
at creating an illusion through the use
of optical perspective, and the portrayal
of Ottoman figures within Ottoman
spaces. They are, in fact, the harbingers
of the birth of a unique and original
language of representation.
0 I
\.
37
See Raby 1983; Boston 2005-06, pp. 80-86, for detailed information on the library of Sultan
Mehmed II.
Early examples of Ottoman painting
Sultan Mehmed ll and imperial 10 Drawings attributed to Sultan
portraiture Mehmed II, Sketchbook. ca. 1440,
TSM, H. 2324, fols 47b-48a.
The vast library of Sultan Mehmed II, who
was renowned as much for his conquests
as for his passion for science and the
arts, included many works from different
origins and languages that ranged from
Arabic and Catalan maps to European
engravings, from printed books and
works by Firdawsi and Nizami to Bibles. 37
10
u--bvv..> c_'-----!J
. @,:) 0 (0 .: : . . . ., 0 G (_
.,
. __ ....
Sultan Mehmed II collected scientific
books on geography, medicine, history
and philosophy in various languages in
the western and eastern traditions. In
the fields of philosophy and geography,
he turned to the Pontic scholar George
Amiroutzes of Trebizond, commissioning
11 El Gran Turco. Album painting,
ca . 1460, TSM, H. 2153, fol. 144a.
12 G. Bellini, Portrait of Sultan
Mehmed II. 1480, LNG, No. 3099.
11
36-37
him a translation of the Bible as well as
a world map reconstituted from Claudius
Ptolemy's Geographike. A Latin copy
the Geographike, as well as an Italian
translation by Francesco Berlinghieri
Fiorentino, 38 who originally intended to
dedicate the work to Sultan Mehmed II,
are currently preserved at the Topkap1
Palace. Apart from these, Mehmed's keen
interest in European painting played
an important role in the formation and
development of Ottoman painting. His
interest in European painting, particu-
larly in portraiture, was multifaceted; he
became fascinated with Antiquity and
European rulers emerged when he was
still a prince. The calligraphy exercises
in Turkish and Greek, his complete and
half-finished imperial monograms, and,
more importantly, his front and profile
bust portrait drawings found in a sketch-
38
TSM, Gi. 84. Deissmann 1933, pp. 105-111; Raby 1987a; Istanbul 1999, p. 11.
39
TSM, H. 2324. Unver 1961 ; Raby 1987b, p. 172 ; London 2005, No. 232.
40
Istanbul 2000, pp. 64-65.
41
TSM, H. 2153, 144a. Istanbul 2000, p. 65 ; Boston 2005-06 ; p. 66.
book from the 1440s in the Topkap1
Museum collection, are all attributed
to his younger days. It is not certain
if the drawings made on watermarked
European paper in the sketchbook are
by Mehmed (fig. 10). The presence of his
imperial monograms in the sketchbook,
however, lead to such a connection. The
name(s) behind the awkward lines depict-
ing individuals of various ethnic and cul-
tural backgrounds notwithstanding, these
portraits reflect the diversity of fifteenth-
century visual culture. 39 It is thought that
Sultan Mehmed II had close ties with the
Genoese on Chios and at Phocaea when
he served as the governor of Manisa. He
may have come across ancient coins and
medals during this period. Like the kings
of Antiquity, Renaissance humanists
upheld the tradition of casting portrait
medals. In fact, a portrait medal of the
Byzantine emperor John VIII Palaeologus
(r. 1425-1448) was cast in 1438 by the
Italian artist Pisanello. 40 Mehmed may
have seen this medal or others similar
to it. Consequently, he commissioned
the casting of his portrait medals like all
other famous rulers in history to immor-
talize his image and to use this image
for the purposes of political propaganda.
One of the earliest images of Mehmed
encountered in Europe is an engraving
of his portrait created in Florence in the
1460s. While this portrait of Mehmed is
almost identical to that of Palaeologus,
it bears the inscription "El Gran Turco"
(The Great Turk). The grandiose helmet,
complete with a dragon, perpetuates
the image of the sultan as the 'Turkish
dragon" (fig. 11).41
During his reign, Mehmed invited
several European artists to his court. In
a letter to Sigismondo Malatesta, Lord of
Rimini, delivered in 1461 by a Venetian
merchant, Mehmed requested the Lord
to send Matteo de' Pasti to Istanbul. A
commissioner of portrait medals him-
self, the Lord readily obliged and sent
2 The fonnation of Ottoman painting
Matteo to Istanbul with lavish gifts and Following the peace agreement signed
a letter addressed to Sultan Mehmed with Venice, political and cultural
IT. Unfortunately, accused of espionage exchange between the two states gained
by the Pope, the artist was arrested by momentum. Mehmed requested a paint-
the Venetians in Crete. A few years er and a bronze sculptor from the Doge
later, once again upon the request of of Venice. In 1479, Venetian painter
the sultan, King of Naples Ferdinanda Gentile Bellini (d. 1507) and Paduan
Ferrante sent the master Costanzo da sculptor Bartolomeo Bellano (d. 1496)
Ferrara (Costanzo di Moysis) of Venice
12
to Istanbul. 42 The artist, who presum-
ably arrived in istanbul in 1467 or 1478,
produced copious drawings during these
years. The portrait medal by Costanzo is
perhaps the most successful portrait of
Sultan Mehmed IT created at the timeY
The obverse of the medal displays his
bust, whereas a portrait of the sultan on
horseback is depicted on the reverse. The
portrait reveals the image of a power-
ful, ambitious and heroic ruler. Several
examples of this medal can be found in
a number of museums. The medal pre-
served at the National Gallery of Art in
Washington, D.C. is presumably the first
prototype that Sultan Mehmed commis-
sioned. The obverse of the medal fea-
tures the inscription "Sultani Mohameth
Othomanus Turcorum Imperator"
(Emperor of the Turks, the Ottoman
Sultan Mehmed), whereas the inscrip-
tion on the reverse side reads, "Hie Belli
Fulmen Populos prostravit et urbes/
Canst Antius F' (Thunderbolt of battle,
conqueror of cities and peoples). 44
During his reign, Sultan Mehmed
Il established ties with Florence, as
well. In 1479, he ordered the arrest of
Bernardo Bardini, who after leading the
Pazzi revolt against the Medicis, the
famous patron family of Florence, had
fled to Istanbul. Consequently, political
and cultural relations with the Medicis
were strengthened. 4 5 Some accounts
relate that Mehmed summoned a sculp-
tor, a cabinetmaker, a woodworker,
and even an organist from Florence. 46

42
There are differing views related to Costanzo's origin and his arrival in Istanbul. See Boston
2005-06, pp. 126-127 for more information.
43
Istanbul 2000, p. 89.
44
See Istanbul 2000, pp. 69, 89; Boston 2005-06, pp. 71-73, for examples in the National Gallery
of Art in Washington, D.C., the Victoria and Albert Museum in London and The Ashmolean
Museum of Art and Archaeology in Oxford.
45
Istanbul 2003, p. 22.
46
Raby 1987b.

Early examples of Ottoman painting

13 Portrait of Sultan Mehmed II.
Album painting, 1460-1480, TSM, H.
2153, fol. 145b.
38-39
arrived in Istanbul with their assis-
tants. In fact, some sources indicate that
samples of portraits by Bellini were sent
to Istanbul prior to his arrival and that
this artist was personally requested by
the sultanY It appears that the sultan
was not pleased with Bellano's work and
demanded a replacement. Consequently,
Bellini, who was a painter by training,
also created a portrait medal of Sultan
Mehmed. Bellini remained in Istanbul for
eighteen months and received a number
of commissions from the court. In fact,
it is assumed that Bellini illustrated the
walls of a western-style pavilion com-
missioned by the sultan. Other sources
mentions a portrait of the Virgin and
Child that Bellini created for the sultan. 48
As previously noted, although
Bellini was not a medallist himself, he
nonetheless produced a portrait medal
of Mehmed. 49 A bust portrait of the sul-
tan is displayed on the obverse, along
with the inscription "Magni Sultani
Mohameti Imparatoris" (Sublime Sultan
Mehmed Emperor). The reverse side,
which features three crown motifs,
includes a curious inscription: "Gentilis
Bellinus Venetus Eques Auratus
Comes.q Palatinos F' (Gentile Bellini
of Venice, Count Palatine). The three
crowns possibly represent Greece, Asia
and Trebizond, lands where Mehmed
reigned supreme. Various copies of
this medal still exist. There is no doubt
that the portrait medals of Mehmed
facilitated the spread of the sultan's
image across Europe, as this image was
the embodiment of both a sultan and
an emperor. With the portrait medals
and the Latin inscriptions they carry,
Mehmed addressed his Western rivals
in their own visual and written lan-
guage. In other words, Sultan Mehmed
II attained his objective.
47
This information is related by Vasari, famous sixteenth-century Italian painter, art theorist and
biographer. See Boston 2005-06, pp. 107-108 for more detailed information on Gentile Bellini's
arrival in Istanbul.
48
Meyer zur Capellen 1985, pp. 87-102; see Boston 2005-06, pp. 112-113, for the views ofRaby
and Roxburgh.
49
The Asmolean Museum of Art and Archaeology, Oxford, Coin Room. Istanbul 2000, p. 87.
50
LNG, 3099. See Istanbul 1999; Istanbul 2000, No. 1; London 2005; No. 226, for the recent
publications.
51
Pedani Fabris 1999, pp. 554-558.
Of the oil portraits Bellini created,
only a single example has survived to
date. Preserved at the National Gallery
in London, this famous portrait, dated
1480, depicts Sultan Mehmed in profile,
framed in a magnificent arch (fig. 12).50
Of the two barely legible inscriptions on
either side of the arch, the one on the
left reads "u. tsqv ... a/.. or.orbis .. cvncta-
re .. ", whereas the one on the left reveals
the date as "MCCCLXXX:die XXV me/
nsts novem/bris" (25 November 1480).
The inscription exalts Sultan Mehmed as
a world emperor and a great conqueror.
Fatih is depicted in his fur-lined kaftan
and the round turban typical of scholars
(ulema) he frequently wore. Comparing
the arch motif surrounding the sultan
to a gate, Pedani Fabris argues that this
architectural feature represents the gate
of the Topkap1 Palace and, by exten-
sion, symbolizes his sovereignty beyond
the gates. She further envisages the use
of six crowns, as opposed to the three
previously seen on the portrait medal,
as a symbol of the six sovereigns that
preceded Mehmed II. The seventh crown
identified with Mehmed is depicted on
the embroidered fabric. 51
Foreign court artists no doubt had
considerable influence on Ottoman art
during the reign of Mehmed II. The
workshops of the court during this peri-
od also included portraits of Mehmed
painted by local artists. While none of
these paintings is signed, the master-
fully executed portraits are attributed
to Sinan Bey (fig. 13). The first
piece of information on Sinan is related
by Mustafa Ali (d. 1600) in his Mena-
ktb-t Hii.nerveran (The Artists' Exploits),
the foremost source on Ottoman art
history. According to Ali, Sinan was
trained under Italian masters; he was
the finest of portrait artists of Anatolia
2 The formation of Ottoman painting
and Ahmed of Bursa 52 was his
student. Due to the training he received
from Italian masters and his use of
techniques that resembled those of the
west, Julian Raby attributes this portrait
to Sinan Bey. Although a bust portrait
found in an album at the Topkap1 Palace
was previously attributed to Costanzo da
Ferrara, scholars agree that it was paint-
ed by Sinan Bey. 53 In the bust portrait
that draws largely from the medal creat-
ed by Costanzo da Ferrara, the sultan is
depicted in profile. Despite his presumed
familiarity with western techniques,
Sinan Bey remains faithful to the lines
and forms employed by Ottoman artists.
It appears that Costanzo's medal was a
source of inspiration for other portraits
as well. 54 "Sultan Mehmed Smelling a
Rose", a portrait in the same album
mentioned above is one such example.
Recent studies suggest that while previ-
ously attributed to Sinan Bey, this por-
trait may have been painted by
Ahmed, a student of Sinan Bey (fig. 15). 55
In this portrait, the artist predominantly
employs the forms of Bellini. Here, the
sultan is depicted kneeling and smell-
ing the rose in his hand; while the artist
follows the forms of European portraits,
the sultan's posture alludes to eastern
portraiture traditions, and more pre-
cisely, to Timurid iconography. 56 Despite
the variation of shades on the turban
and the sleeves of the kaftan, the artist
adheres to a traditional brush technique.
In fact, this portrait of Sultan Mehmed
II is a synthesis of western and eastern
traditions and sets the most influential
precedent for future works.
Other portraits were painted at the
court in this period. For example, "A
Seated Scribe," preserved at the Isabella

52
Mustafa Ali 1926, p. 68; Istanbul 2000, pp. 29-30, 90. The artist's name on his tombstone in
Bursa is inscribed as "nakka§-1 Sultan Mehmed Sinan Bey". Previously located at the Deveciler
cemetery in Bursa, the tombstone has been moved to the Bursa Museum (No. 46). See Uzum;:ar§lh
1988, p. 617, footnote 3, for the inscriptions on the tombstone. It is presumed that Sinan
Bey traveled to Venice in 1480 in the retinue of the ambassadorial delegation sent by Sultan
Mehmed ll. Istanbul 2000, p. 70, footnote 32. Also see Pedani 1994, on this subject.
53
ISM, H. 2153, 145b. Istanbul 2000, p. 90. See Boston 2005-06, pp. 88-89, for different views
on this subject.
54
An album compiled for Ahmed I inca 1610 includes a bust portrait of Sultan Mehmed ll in
profile. ISM, B. 408, fol. 15b. Atll 1973a; Istanbul 2000, p. 91.
55
ISM, H. 2153, fol. lOa. Istanbul 2000, p. 82.
56
Istanbul 2000, p. 28.

Early examples of Ottoman painting

 14 Seated artist. Album painting, Stewart Gardner Museum in Boston57 is
ca. 1480, WFGA, F 1932.28. a product of this period. This particular
15 Portrait of Sultan Mehmed II. portrait and similar others may have been
Album painting, ca. 1480, TSM, produced at the court under the influence
H. 2153, fol. lOa. of Bellini. Some researchers attribute "A
Seated Scribe" to Bellini, while others
recognize it as the work of Costanzo. 58
The caption in Persian added to the por-
14
trait when it was included in the album
states that it was produced by a famous
European artist. It is assumed that the por-
trait was most likely bequeathed to the Aq
Qoyunlu palace in Tabriz in the fifteenth
centmy. In fact, it has been established
that the portrait was taken from an album
prepared by renowned Safavid artist Dust
Muhammad in 1544-1545 for Shah Isma'il
I's (r. 1501-1524) son Bahram Mirza (d.
1550). The album is currently preserved
at the Topkap1 Palace. 59 Various copies of
this portrait were produced in the ensu-
ing years. In two of these copies found in
Washington, D.C. and Kuwait, the seated
figure is not a scribe but an artist paint-
ing a portrait. 60 Possibly painted by Sinan
Bey, the facial features of the painter
in the Washington D.C. copy strongly
resemble those of his Boston counterpart
and appear to have been copied from there
(fig. 14).61 However, the linearity domi-
nating the painting, particularly seen in
the folds of the attire and on the kerchief
hanging from the sash, confirms that this
is the work of a local artist working in the
Italian style. Attributed to a Safavid artist,
the second painting must have been cop-
ied from this portrait.
It goes without saying that the most
important contribution of European artists
working in the court of Sultan Mehmed
Il, and of Sinan Bey, who presumably
had received western training, to Ottoman
painting was in the genre of portraiture.
The tradition of Ottoman imperial portrai-
ture, initiated in this period, continued as
an influential branch of Ottoman painting
until the nineteenth century.

57
Boston 2005-06, p. 122.
5
Meyer zur Capellen attributes the work to Bellini (Mejer zur Capellen, 1985, pp. 125-126.) Raby
"

(1980, pp. 61-76) attributes it to Costanzo and argue that this image of a portrait artist extends
as far as India.
59
Boston 2005-06, p. 122.
60
WFGA, F1932.28; Kuwait National Museum, LNS 57MS. Boston 2005-06, p. 125.
61
Istanbul 1999, p. 16.

40-41 2 The fonnation of Ottoman painting

 15

.
n
,...
I ( •

-
•

Early examples of Ottoman painting

The enrichment of representational art: lllustrations
for poems

42-43
The coexistence of diverse
traditions of representation:
The reign of Sultan Bayezid 11
Sultan Bayezid II (r. 1481-1512), who
was recognized for his peaceful policies
and piousness, did not maintain the
relationship his father initiated with the
West, or more precisely, with Italian
artists. 1 The extraordinary image of his
father and his rivalry with his brother
Cern Sultan (d. 1495) must be among
the fundamental reasons behind his
adoption of a pro-Shari'a policy. 2 It may
be true that the sultan showed little if
any interest in portraits or large-scale
paintings. However, almost certainly
prepared in Istanbul during the reign
of Bayezid II, a substantial number of
illustrated manuscripts, some dated and
others attributed to 1490-1510, sur-
vive to date. The illustrations in these
manuscripts manifest the continuity
of the reflections of European visual
tradition that influenced the picto-
rial conventions in the Ottoman court,
as well as the impact that the Italian
masters -even if they did not work
directly for the Ottoman court- had on
the new works produced at the royal
studio Sultan Bayezid
II and the elite in his circle consti-
tuted a cultural milieu with a penchant
for books and book arts. During the
twenty-seven years the sultan served
as prince in Amasya, the Princely
Court was the abode of scientists and
artists. 3 During these years, Shaykh
Hamdullah (d. 1520), the legendary
master of the Ottoman art of callig-
raphy, taught calligraphy to Prince
Bayezid. When Bayezid ascended to the
throne, Hamdullah accompanied him to
Istanbul, copied many Koranic verses
and sections for the sultan and wrote
inscriptions in the mosques of Bayezid
in Istanbul and Edirne. Upon the sul-
tan's request, Shaykh Hamdullah rein-
terpreted the Six Scripts (Aqlam al-Sit-
ta), codified by Yaqut al-Musta'simi (d.
1298), the famous calligrapher of the
Islamic world. Throughout the centu-
ries, Ottoman calligraphers employed
these calligraphic scripts. Featuring
extraordinary mastery of illumina-
tion and binding, the Korans copied
by Shaykh Hamdullah have not only
survived to date as masterpieces of
Ottoman book art, but they also served
as catalysts of an important turning
point in the history of the Ottoman
Despite the threat, albeit from
afar, that Bayezid's strong rival for
the throne Cern Sultan posed until
1495, the interminable war against
the Mamluks, the state of unease cre-
ated by Safavid Shah Isma'il, who had
continuously gained power in Tabriz
since 1501, the Anatolian Turkmans,
who were eager to join him against the
Ottoman government, and the three-
year-long battle with Venice, the reign
of Sultan Bayezid made room for a fer-
tile cultural environment during which
science, art and literature generated
prolific works. Particularly the vic-
tories of Sultan Bayezid's fleet in the
Mediterranean, the supremacy of the
Ottomans in Mediterranean trade, and
the close relations with Italian city
states must have played some role
in Istanbul's approach to the art of
painting. 5 Historical records reveal the
sultan's support of poets and writers,
the abundance of books dedicated and
bequeathed to him and his generosity
towards the writers or scribes of these

' Giovanni M. Angiolello (d. 1525) of Vicenza came to Istanbul as a captive in 1470; he was
appointed to important posts and returned to his country in 1488. Angiolello's claim (Istanbul
2000, p. 73) in his Historia Turchesca, that unlike his father Sultan Bayezid showed no interest
in painting and the art of portraiture and sold his father's paintings outside the court misled art
historians to assume that Sultan Bayezid was not fond of the art of painting.
'inalcik 2003, p. 97.
'Kappert 1976.
4
Serin 1992; Mahir 1990.
5
Inalc1k 2003, pp. 95-97.

The enrichment of representational art: Illustrations for poems

16 Ferhad in the presence of
Hilsrev il Sirin, 1499, UUL, 0.
Vet. 86, fol. 136b.
works. 6 The first known catalogue of the
book collection in the Ottoman treasury
was commissioned by Sultan Bayezid II.
The classification of the books and their
identification as the sultan's property
by using his tugra (the imperial cipher)
proves the importance given to books. 7
There were no doubt illustrated manu-
scripts among them. In fact, although the
earliest Ehl-i Hiref register dates back to
1526, the presence of artists "appointed
and enrolled during the reign of Sultan
Bayezid II," some of whom were from
Persia, attests to the efficiency of the royal
studio during those years. 8 Meanwhile, the
mention of six "heathen paintings" (gebr
tasvirleri), one "European tapestry" (firen-
gi musavver perde) and a volume of an
"illustrated heathen book" (musavver gebr
kitabt) in a 1505 inventory of the treasury
indicates that European works - most
likely of Italian origin - were preserved in
the Palace Treasury.9
A widely read book of
the period: The Husrev ii
In these years, examples of Ottoman
painting were included in books that
were prepared most likely in Istanbul,
either for the sultan or for other mem-
bers of the elite. Paintings were also
added to incomplete manuscripts that
were copied in Iran or Central Asia.
Apart from the fundamental conven-
tions of Islamic art of painting, a
majority of these illustrations manifest
a style that is affiliated with European,
and possibly Italian book illustrations.
Others, on the other hand, repeat the
style of Aq Qoyunlu Shiraz studios.
Comprised mainly of literary texts, the
works confirm the continuation of an
interest in contemporary works, which
was also prevalent in the reign of
Sultan Mehmed II. Repeatedly rewrit-
ten in Islamic literature throughout
the centuries, the love story between
Sassanian King Khusraw Parviz (r. 590-
628) and Armenian princess Shirin,
who is more of a literary heroine than
a historic one, gained much popularity
during the reign of Bayezid IL 10 This
particular choice of theme was possibly
triggered by the fact that the protago-
nist of the story was Khusraw, the last
great shah of the Sassanian Empire,
who not only rightfully assumed the
epithet "Parviz" ("the Victorious" in
Persian), but also led his armies as far
as the outskirts of Constantinople. Two
of the fifteenth-century versions of the
story written in Turkish and Persian
constitute the books that were the most
illustrated during the period. One of
these is the Turkish work entitled Hils-
rev il $irin written around 1420 by
(d. 1431), the famous Ottoman
poet of the reign of Sultan Murad II.
This work is inspired by the masnawi
with the same title by Nizami, the
masnawi master of Persian literature. 11
There are five illustrated late fifteenth-

6
The donation register (Istanbul Belediye [Municipality] Library, Muallim Cevdet Books, No. 071)
covering June 1503-February 1512, reveals that donations were given from the treasury with many
different objectives, from spies to mothers who were widowed. ismail Eriinsal published the names
of the authors and poets listed in this register (Eriinsal 1979-80). See Meri«; 1953, pp. 49-51 for
the artists whose names are in this register. Also see Barkan 1979a; A«;Ikgoz 1996, for this register,
which offers ample information for research studies on the art and culture of the reign of Sultan
Bayezid II.
7
Eriinsal 1996, p. 109.
• Meri«; 1953, p. 4.
9
See Anonymous 1940 for the document dated 14 January 1505 in Topkap1 Museum's archives (D.
4). The "painters' papers" mentioned as to be kept in a chest must be connected to the royal studio.
Based on the fact that it was prepared immediately after the completion and inauguration of the
Sultan's kiilliye (mosque complex), J. M. Rogers claims that the list in question is an inventory of
works taken out of the treasury to be offered as gifts or to be sold to bring revenues to the kiilliye
foundation (Rogers 1987, pp. 51-53).
10
The existence of eight different Hiisrev ii ,>irin masnawis written by poets of Sultan Bayezid II
period clearly reflects this interest. Erkal 1999, p. 55.
11
See 1963, for and Hiisrev ii ,>irin.

44-45 2 The fonnation of Ottoman painting

century Ottoman copies of the Hiisrev 16

ii known today; interestingly

enough, with the exception of one
copy, all others are preserved in collec-
tions outside of Turkey. 12 Excluding one,
all of these works are considerably small
in size (approximately 12 x 17 em.); two
of them, which were copied by the same
calligrapher, include colophons with
the dates 1498 and 1499. One of them
features the seal of (d. 1510),
son of Sultan Bayezid II, 13 whereas, the
other two are attributed roughly to end
of the 1490s due to similarities to the
style of illustrations in dated copies. One
of the fifteen illustrations in the copy,
currently preserved in Sweden, that was
copied by Halil b. Abdullah Edirnevi
in 1499 (905 AH) shows Ferhad in the
presence of (fig. 16). 14 As the third
character in the Hiisrev ii story,
engineer and artist Ferhad is known for
his unconditional love for In order
to provide fresh milk for pavil-
ion built on arid land, Ferhad digs a
canal from the pastures and wins
appreciation by achieving this difficult
task. In the painting, is seated
in her belvedere tower pavilion as her
lady-in-waiting extends the gifts
offers in exchange for her gratitude to
Ferhad who stands before her. There
is a small pool in front of the pavilion
where the milk from Ferhad's canal is
collected. Apart from the figures dressed
in Ottoman attire, the most intriguing
aspect of the illustration is the shading
of architecture and landscape to convey
a sense of depth. This technique is also
evident in the arched and rosetted win-
dows of the pavilion's belvedere.
Two copies of another version of
the Hiisrev ii story written in the
1490s were illustrated during the reign

12
1. UUL, 0. Vet. 86 (Lamm 1958; Atasoy-<;agman 1974, p. 20; At1l 1980, p. 162); 2. Istanbul, HaCl
Selim Aga Library, 906 (Yoltar 2002, pp. 331-334); 3. CHUAM, 1958.155 (Atll1980, p. 163; Grube
1982; p. 193, No. 15); 4. LBL, Or. 14010 (Titley 1983a, pls 21-22; Titley 1983b). The illustrations
of the last copy are preserved at the Musee d'art et d'histoire in Geneva (1971-107/243-244, 494
a-b, 393) and at the Keir Collection in London (Geneve 1992, p. 193; Meredith-Owens 1976, pp.
225-226). Yoltar discusses the copies of the work in her doctoral dissertation (Yoltar 2002,
pp. 282-352).
" Yoltar 2002, p. 318.
14
UUL, 0. Vet. 86 (See footnote 12).

The enrichment of representational art: Illustrations for poems

 17 Assembly of the ruler. Hatifi, of Sultan Bayezid ll. Created for the
Khusraw wa Shirin, 1498-1499, Ottomans, two illustrated copies (one
NYMMA, 69.27, fols 1b-2a (from dated 1498-99 [904 AH] and the other
Yoltar-Yiid1nm 2005). undated but marked with Bayezid's seal)
18 Shapur in front of Shirin's
of the Persian work by Hatifi (d. 1521), 15
pavilion. Hatifi, Khusraw wa Shirin,
a poet from the Timurid capital Herat,
1498-1499, NYMMA, 69.27, fol. 22b.
convey the Ottoman interest in contem-
porary literature, as well as the fascina-
tion with the story. Currently preserved
in New York, the manuscript dated 1498-
99 includes six images. It is copied, illus-
17 trated and illuminated by an artist, who
is known only by the sobriquet Suzi. 16
The adherence to the story's tradi-
tional pictorial program in the Hils-
rev u $irin versions indicates that the
Ottoman artists were closely acquainted
with the iconography of this text. In
other words, these artists were familiar
with the productions of important art
centers such as Shiraz, Tabriz or Herat.
For example, the frontispiece (fig. 17), of
the New York copy of Hatifi follows the
established models of the outdoor royal
gatherings common in Islamic manu-
scripts. A ruler is seated under a canopy
and holds the gold cup presented by the
cupbearer in front of him. He is sur-
rounded by courtiers, attendants, and
musicians. Some of the servants carry
food. The shading on the canopies in
the sky, as well as the leaves covering
the ground and the flowers rising at the
horizon reflect the trend of commin-
gling different traditions of representa-
tion during these years. The kaftans of
the figures reflect the Ottoman fashion
of the time, in fact, some of these are
members of the Ottoman court wear-
ing red felt caps (ktztl bork). Still,
the composition of the scene emulates
the traditional royal gathering scenes
of the fifteenth century. The original
aspects of the texts; however, are also

15
A poet of the Timurid period, Hatifi was the nephew of Abd al-Rahman Jami, who was greatly
respected by the Ottoman sultans and invited to Istanbul by sultans Mehmed II and Bayezid II.
Hatifi dedicated this masnawi to Ali Shir Nawa'i (d. 1501) (Oztiirk 1997). Nawa'i, who was a close
friend and advisor to the Timurid Sultan Husayn Mirza (r. 1469-1506), attained fame with his
Persian works of art as well as the works he wrote in Chagatai Turkish; he was much admired in
the Ottoman circles. See pp. 57-60 in this book for editions of the works by Nawa'i decorated with
important examples of the Ottoman art of painting during the 1530s.
16
NYMMA, 69.27. See Yoltar Yildmm for the manuscript and its illustrations. Another copy by
Hatifi that contains three illustrations is preserved at the ISM (H. 686). Karatay 1961a. No. 763;
Yoltar 2002, pp. 373-377.

46-47 2 The formation of Ottoman painting

featured in the illustrations. The artist
who also copied the manuscript is keen
on depicting the version of Hatifi while
painting the story of Shirin falling in
love with the portrait of Khusraw. This
theme is portrayed in countless copies of
Khusraw wa Shirin by Nizami and other
poets, and in time, evolves into a visual
pattern. In these illustrations, Shirin
and her attendants admire the portrait
Shapur secretly hangs on a tree and,
at times, one of the attendants extends
the portrait to Shirin. In the New York
Hatifi; however, Shapur hides near
Shirin's pavilion. He places a mirror in
front to portray Shirin's face; Khusraw's

The enrichment of representational art: Illustrations for poems

19 The court of Solomon and the
Queen of Sheba. Uzun Firdevsi,
Sil/eymanname, ca. 1490, DCBL, T. 406,
fols 2b-3a.
48-49
portrait is carried away by the wind the walls, roofs and eaves are painted
and falls into Shirin's garden (fig. 18). 17 with light and dark shades. Much like
Hatifi's text diverges from the versions the attires, the buildings also reflect
of Nizami and other poets; rather than the style and conventions of Ottoman
repeating the traditional conventions, architecture. With its tower-like form,
the artist adheres to Hatifi's version. pointed chimneys, and eaves,
Although illustrations by Ottoman pavilion, for instance, recalls to mind
artists bear resemblance to the prod- the pavilions with roof terraces, terraces,
ucts of these aforementioned centers in and belvederes in the palaces of Edirne
terms of style, they nonetheless reflect and Istanbul (figs 16, 18).
an original language of representation.
The attires of the men and women in
these illustrations exemplify contem- An original frontispiece:
porary Ottoman fashion. Inspired by The Siileymanname
Aq Qoyunlu Turkman landscapes, the
paintings include a ground covered with The frontispiece painting of an undat-
green leaves or a sky painted in gold. ed Siileymanname (Book of Solomon)
However, featured in the depictions of manuscript dedicated to Sultan Bayezid
nature and structures and expanding II constitutes an interesting example
upwards by means of a high horizon of painting in this period. Anatolian
created by successive planes in Islamic writer-poet Uzun Firdevsi
visual culture, a different interpretation din Musa; 1453-?) began writing his
of space is also observed in these works. Siileymanname during the reign of
The rising hills in the background of Sultan Mehmed II and finished it upon
outdoor scenes follow traditional mod- the orders of Bayezid II. 18 The text is a
els. Although they do not alternate in versified life story of Solomon, the King
due proportion to render the illusion of Israel, who is mentioned as a prophet
of distance, the multi-colored trees and -in the Koran and venerated for his
animals, occasionally depicted in their legendary and religious deeds in many
habitat underneath the trees and the historical accounts. 19 In Ottoman court
volumes created by shades of color help culture, particularly during the reign of
them assume their place in the paint- Sultan Mehmed II, the image of Iskan-
ing's space. This distinct sense of depth dar-i Zulqamayn is more militaristic
continues in the alternating dark and and secular than religious, and more
light blue shades of the sky. The most profane than ethereal. 20 King Solomon,
evident attribute that the illustrations of however, is portrayed as an elderly and
this period have in common is the tech- mature individual; he is the symbol of
nique used in the depiction of architec- undisputed justice, and his wisdom and
tural monuments. Applied extensively victory are absolute. He is not only the
in fifteenth-century European minia- sovereign of the east and west, but he is
tures, particularly those of Northern a universal ruler beyond time. In fact,
Italy, this technique entails the consecu- King Solomon emerges as an important
tive and sometimes diagonal installa- figure as early as the reign of Sultan
tion of tall, narrow buildings to render Mehmed II. In the Kanunname (Book of
an illusion of depth. The interior of the Laws) of Mehmed II, prince Cern Sultan
arched windows and doors, as well as is required to be addressed as "varis-i
17
Yoltar Yildmm 2005, p. 100.
18
Olgun-ParmaksiZoglu 1980, xv-xvu; Koprii.lii 1996.
19
See Sidersk:y 1933, pp. 112-126; Well 1846, pp. 171-216 for texts related to King Solomon in
the Islamic and Jewish traditions.
20
See pp. 23, 29-30 in this book.
2 The formation of Ottoman painting
millk-i SUleymani" (heir of the dominion
of Solomon). It appears that this epithet,
21
which the sultan attributed to his other
son, was adopted by Sultan Bayezid II as
well. Although it is argued that Bayezid
did not like the Silleymanname because
of its length, 22 the fact that this work
was written about King Solomon indi-
cates that the image of a ruler, whom the
Islamic tradition recognized as a prophet
with a double page frontispiece which
depicts the Queen of Sheba {Bilqis) and
King Solomon (fig. 19). 23 Some spaces
left for the painting in the manuscript
show that they were intended for other
illustrations that were not completed.
Starting with the fifteenth century
and becoming widespread in the six-
teenth century, particularly in Shiraz,
the illustrated manuscripts with various

and whose religious attributes were pre- subjects include frontispieces depicting
dominant, was on the rise. Solomon together with his legendary
Currently preserved in Dublin, the courtiers and the Queen of Sheba. In
copy created for Sultan Bayezid II opens these illustrations, the prophet is seated

21
Al<.kaya 1997, p. 52.
22
According to the document mentioned above, Firdevsi received various monetary and fabric gifts
between October 1506 and December 1512. His recognition as the author of the Siileymanname
indicates that the poet attained fame with this work and weakens the notion that he was not
appreciated by the sultan (Eriinsal 1979-80, pp. 315, 317, 323, 328, 339).
23
DCBL, T. 406. Minorsky 1958, pp. 9-10; Grube 1990; Rogers 2000; Yoltar 2002, pp. 425-442 .

The enrichment of representational art: Illustrations for poems

 at his famous throne with the Queen of
Sheba. He is surrounded by an entou-
rage of individuals, all kinds of animals,
supernatural creatures, jinns, demons
and various automata. This group por-
trait consisting of the court of Solomon
is based on a mythology derived from
religious and historical narratives of the
pre-Islamic and Islamic periods. 24 There
are also Ottoman illustrations showing
Solomon with his entourage. However,
the frontispiece of the Dublin Siileyman-
name is almost unique with its style and
iconography. In the successive bands of
depictions, Solomon and Bilqis are seated
on their pavilion-like thrones in the right
and the left pages at the top, respectively.
Solomon is surrounded by a motley of
birds and fairies under his command,
whereas the Queen is surrounded by fair-
ies. The crowd of people, jinns, and divs
under Solomon's rule are placed below
the thrones in rows. Constellations, stars,
and the famous stables and horses of
Solomon are aligned in the bottom row.
Depicted on both pages, the jinns and
divs are rendered with physiognomies
different from their counterparts in tra-
ditional Islamic painting. The plethora
of jinn-div-demon figures with multiple
or elephant heads, heads on their bel-
lies, oversized ears and noses, point to
written, oral and perhaps even visual
sources outside of the Islamic culture
that catered to the artist's imagination.
Scholars argue that the iconography and
the arrangement of the entire illustra-
tion in strips may have been inspired by
Byzantine or Western European Christian
art, as well as the illustrations in the
books brought by the Sephardic Jews,
who were exiled from Spain after the
fall of Granada in 1492 and were wel-
comed by Sultan Bayezid IJ.2 5 Although
it is impossible to determine the exact
origin of the sources of these creatures,
similar jinns and demons in the illustra-
tion depicting the court of Solomon in
the 1586 copy of Ziibdetii't-Tevarih (The
Essence of the History) written by the
court historian and illustrated by one
of the court painters, demonstrate that
this iconography was well-established in
Ottoman visual culture. 26
The first example of illustrating
contemporary history:
The Melik-i Ummi
As previously mentioned with reference
to Ahmedi's jskendername, the semi-
historical, semi-religious Siileymanname
also represents the Ottoman court's inter-
est in illustrated histories. During the
reign of Bayezid II a genealogical tree
of the Ottoman dynasty was prepared. It
was initially designed as a scroll and was
later cut into pages and transformed into
a codex. Starting with Adam and tracing
the lineage of certain Islamic families and
the Ottoman dynasty all the way down to
Bayezid II through interconnected circles,
this genealogy (Silsilanama) in Persian
reveals that the roots of a tradition in
Ottoman dynastical historiography that
would reemerge with numerous illustrat-
ed examples were planted in these years. 27
Completed possibly around 1495, a his-
tory written in Persian verse is the first
known example of the tradition of illus-
trating contemporary history. Written by
Melik-i Ummi, and copied by Mah-
mud b. Abdullah the

24
Bagc1 1995b.
25
In an article he wrote on these illustrations, Ernst Grube, mentions their relation to the Christian
tradition. He also points to the resemblance between the large-winged dragon at the lowest row of
the scene and the dragon in a hunting scene in an album preserved at Istanbul University (Grube
1990). Michael J. Rogers cites examples from illustrated manuscripts prepared in Spain in the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, which depict religious or supernatural creatures. Rogers further
notes that some of the individuals arriving from Spain were appointed to various posts - notably
as physicians - at the Ottoman court and thus associates the original style and iconographic con-
ventions of the Siileymanname with these works (Rogers 2000).
26
See pp. 133-142 in this book for Ziibdetii't-Tevarih. See Bagc1 2002b for the iconographic analy-
sis of the illustrations depicting the court of King Solomon in Ziibdetii 't- Tevarih.
27
TSM, B. 193. Karatay 1961a, No. 113; Istanbul 2000, p. 194, fig. 57.

50-51 2 The fonnation of Ottomin painting

Melik-i Ummi (Book of the Kings by his new patrons. Still, the paintings of 20 Sultan Bayezid II conversing with
Melik-i Ummi) relates the 1481-1485 $ehname-i Melik-i Ummi, which are very his viziers. Melik-i Ommi,
events that took place during the reign close to the Aq Qoyunlu pictorial conven- ca. 1495, TSM, H. 1123, fol. 30b.
of Sultan Bayezid ll. 28 The title "nakka$" tions, cannot be considered as representa-
at the end of the scribe's name indicates tive of the later tradition of illustrating
that he was also a painter. This artist- dynastic history, which would be the
calligrapher must have migrated from quintessential domain of production of
Tabriz to Istanbul. In fact, his name is the Ottoman imperial studio.
mentioned as "of Persian decent" in regis- Other examples among the Istanbul
ters from the reign of Sultan Bayezid ll. 29 applications of the Aq Qoyunlu art of
Mahmud, who is known to have worked painting can be seen in two copies of
for the Aq Qoyunlu ruler Sultan Ya'qub Kalila wa Dimna in Persian. 31 Currently
(r. 1478-1490), largely maintains the 20
stylistic and iconographic conventions of
his origin in the works he created for the
Ottomans. 30 The audience, festivity, hunt-
ing and battle scenes by Mahmud
in $ehname-i Melik-i Ummi follow the
traditional models; unless they are asso-
ciated with the text, the protagonists and
setting of a given event are difficult to
identify. With the exception of soldiers-
officers wearing red felt headgears and
certain details in the attires of the figures,
a distinctive Ottoman character is hardly
observed. Mahmud does not work
with the style of other Ottoman painters
of the age, who used multi-toned colors
that create the illusion of depth. In one of
his paintings depicting "Sultan Bayezid
IT's discussion of the conflict with prince
Cern with his viziers," the sultan is seated
on the left in a chair with lion's claw
feet, discussing with the officials before
him (fig. 20). The so-called Bursa-type
Ottoman arches and ornamentations on
the marble columns with gilded rings
that rise behind the sultan indicate that
Mahmud did not entirely overlook
Ottoman elements and that he adapted
the Aq Qoyunlu tradition to the taste of

"ISM, H. 1123. Ak.alay 1972-73, pp. 39, 129; Yoltar Yildmm 2006, pp. 147-151, figs. 1-11. A
rough draft copy of the text with spaces left for illustrations is included in a miscellaneous manu-
script in Siileymaniye Library (Fatih 4092, fols 53a-140a).
29
Tanmd1 1990-91a, p. 147; Mahmud Tebrizi who was given money from the treasury in
1510 (910 AH), must be the same person. Meri(,: 1953, p. 50.
30
See Richard 1997, p. 115, No. 77; For Mahmud b. Abdullah and his works see
Yoltar Yildmm 2006.
" Kalila wa Dimna is an animal fable taking its title from its main characters, Kalila and Dimna. It
was originally written in India by an anonymous author known as Bidpai. After being translated
into Middle Persian and Syriac in the sixth century, with various Arabic, Persian and Turkish
translations and additions of new stories, it became a literary classic of the Islamic culture. From
the thirteenth century onwards, Kalila wa Dimna was one of the most commonly illustrated text.
See Grube 1991, pp. 201-481; O'Kane 2003.

The enrichment of representational art: Illustrations for poems

 preserved in Bursa and Mumbai, these
two Kalila wa Dimna manuscripts were
prepared in 1492 and 1495, respec-
tively.32 It has been argued that Mahmud
b. Abdullah was the father of
Muhammad ibn Mahmud Rengi el-Buha-
ri, who copied and illustrated the Kalila
wa Dimna dated 1492.33 While the kin-
ship between the two men is not verified,
there is nonetheless a clear association
between the illustrations in these four
manuscripts and the pictorial style devel-
oped in Aq Qoyunlu cities. The illustra-
21
32
The only illustrated Kalila wa Dimna by Nasrullah preseiVed at the inebey Library (Hliseyin
(,:elebi 763) in Bursa is dated to 1492 (897 AH) and was copied by Muhammed b. Mahmud Rengi
el-Buhari (Tamnd1 1990-91a, p. 147). Another version of the Kalila wa Dimna preseiVed at the
Prince of Wales Museum in Mumbai (51.34) was copied by Davud inebazari in Istanbul in 1495
(900 AH) (Meredith-Owens 1967).
33
Tanmd1 1990-91a, p. 147.
52-53
tions do not feature the characteristics of
the aforementioned Europeanized style.
They do, however, attest to the coexis-
tence of traditional and new conventions
in Bayezid's Istanbul.
Another task of Ottoman
artists: Additions to unfinished
manuscripts
Books in which the works of Ottoman
artists with different styles appear side
by side include manuscripts that were
written in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries outside of the Ottoman lands.
Although they remained unfinished for
some reason, the illustration of these
manuscripts was initiated in Tabriz,
Shiraz, Herat and Bukhara (some do
not include any original illustrations);
the spaces left for pictures were later
painted in Ottoman style that had no
stylistic similarity to the original imag-
es. Conversely, the new additions were
uottoman" enough to underline that
they appeal to a different taste. There
is no adequate information available on
the means through which these unfin-
ished books arrived at the palace. That
they were presented to the court as gifts
is a distant possibility. Traditionally,
books, as other gifts, were expected to
be finished, bound, and presented as
select products of their provenance.
Hence, it can be concluded that these
works were brought to Istanbul by
the Turkman and Timurid princes who
sought asylum in the Ottoman lands
or, alternatively, as part of the private
book collection of a state official or as
spoils of war. Another probability is
that they reached the Ottoman market
through merchants. Currently preserved
in Paris, a Khamsa (Quintet) by Nizami,
which was copied by a calligrapher from
2 The formation of Ottoman painting
Shiraz in 1366 and later illustrated in with the Tatar princess at the Gulnari 21 Bahram in the Gulnari pavilion.
Ottoman style around 1500, includes a pavilion. As it is narrated in the text, Amir Khusraw Dihlawi, Hasht Behesht,
note indicating that it was purchased in Bahram, the princess and the servants ca. 1500, TSM, H. 799, fol. 182a.
Sultaniyya in 1407. This alone reflects are clad in vermilion-colored attires. 22 Majnun petting a wounded dog.

the role of trade in the circulation of
these types of works. 34
The books renewed at the Ottoman
royal studio in the late fifteenth and
early sixteenth centuries are four-
teenth- and fifteenth-century copies of
the Khamsas by famed Persian poets
Nizami and Amir Khusraw Dihlawi (d.
1325). The twenty original illustrations,
illuminations and bookbinding of a
copy of the Khamsa by Amir Khusraw,
which is currently at the Topkap1 Palace,
reflect the style of the artists, who were
known for their other productions and
The pavilion the ruler built appears Amir Khusraw Dihlawi, Hasht Behesht,
ca. 1500, TSM, H. 799, fol. 104b.
behind Bahram and the princess, who
are seated on the right at the back.
The resemblance of the rising cypress
and the springtime trees in front of
the gilded sky and pavilion to the New
York Hatifi and the pavilion of
the Uppsala (figs 16, 18), reflect
the language of Ottoman painting that
different artists employed around 1500.
Set on high columns in the front and
out-of-place in terms of its fac;ade and
22

worked in the centers of Khorasan or

Transoxiana around 1498, the date in
the manuscript's colophon. 35 Most likely
with the exception of one, the missing
illustrations of the manuscript were
completed at the Ottoman court. Today
we cannot explain exactly how the book
ended up at the palace and why some of
the blank pages were not illustrated. 36
Most of the Ottoman paintings
added to the manuscript are found in
the masnawi entitled Hasht Behesht
[Eight Paradises). The text relates
Iranian king Bahram's (Bahram V, r.
420-438) visits over seven days to the
pavilions he built in seven different
colors for seven princesses he sum-
moned from seven countries and how
he listens to the songs and the stories
by the princesses who are dressed
in colors that match their respective
pavilions. 37 In one of the illustrations
[fig. 21), Bahram is depicted together

34
PBNF, suppl. Pers. 580. See Brend 2001.
35
H. 799. It was copied on 1 Ramadan 903 (April 1498 AH) by Mahmud Mir el-Hac. c;:agman-
Tanmdt 1979; No. 129; c;:agman-Tanmdt 1986, No. 129-131; Tanmdt 2000b, pp. 154-155; Yoltar
2002, pp. 496-506. Barbara Brend claims that all of the illustrations are of Istanbul origin. Brend
2003, pp. 150-152.
36
It is quite probable that the manuscript reached Tabriz and later to the Ottoman court in an
unfinished state along with other works and artists the Safavids forced to migrate from Khorasan.
Alternatively, they may have arrived as part of the treasury of Badiuzzaman Mirza, who ascended
the throne in Herat after his father's death, but fled to Tabriz when the Uzbeks conquered Herat
in 1507 and later accompanied Sultan Selim I to Istanbul (Tanmdt 2000b, p. 154). On the other
hand, the direct stylistic similarities between the illustrations and the works of Ottoman court
studio under Bayezid II suggest the possibility that the manuscript may have reached Istanbul at
an earlier date.
37
See Brend 2003, pp. 23-34, for the text.

The enrichment of representational art: Illustrations for poems

23 Bahram attaining the throne and
crown. Nizami, Khamsa, ca. 1500, TSM,
H. 781, fol. 160a.
24 Iskandar seeking the water of
life in the Land of Darkness. Nizami,
Khamsa, ca. 1500, TSM, H. 781,
fol . 279b.
54-55
side elevation, the strange building in
the painting appears to be derived from
the frescoes and mosaics of Byzantine
buildings in Istanbul. Another Ottoman
illustration made for the Layla wa
Majnun in the same book portrays
Majnun as he affectionately pets a
dust-covered, wounded dog, which he
identifies with himself, at Layla's door
(fig. 22). Here, the hybrid character,
which amalgamates different traditions
of Ottoman painting during the reign of
Sultan Bayezid II, is seen in the depic-
tion of nature. As it extends into the
background, the traditional depiction
of space in the foreground is trans-
formed into a different language of
representation with voluminous trees
and small hills painted with soft tones
whose borders have disappeared.
'" TSM, H. 781. Stchoukine 1977, p. 48 ; Tanmdr 2000b, pp. 150-154. See Raby 1979, p. 100 for
the unpublished paper on this subject by Eleanor Sims.
Perhaps the most striking example of
the manuscripts to which illustrations
were added in Istanbul around the late
fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries
is a Khamsa of Nizami housed in the
Topkap1 Palace. The manuscript was
copied in Herat by the calligrapher Yusuf
Jami in 1445-1446 (849 AH) and was
designed to contain fourteen illustra-
tions.38 Nine of the illustrations and the
illuminations were made in Herat by
Khwaje Ali from Tabriz, whose name is
mentioned in the colophon. Including
two unfinished paintings and one blank
picture space, the manuscript is incom-
plete. Two illustrations of the manuscript,
apparently added later, reflect a com-
pletely different style from the original
paintings. One depicts Bahram attaining
the throne and the crown after wrestling
2 The fonnation of Ottoman painting
with two lions, while the other portrays
Alexander seeking the water of life in the
Land of Darkness (figs 23-24). Including
several figures depicted as wearing red
or white Ottoman headgear, the attires in
these illustrations lend an Ottoman char-
acter to the protagonists of these events.
Some figures are depicted with char-
acteristic facial features; both men and
horses are rendered from different angles.
The expressive figures are in relation
with one another in the paintings. Both
paintings depict extraordinarily wide and
deep spaces created through the lining
up of the horsemen, the dense forested
area and the fortress rising behind the
hills. The use of truncated, shaded lines
rather than sharp and flat lines and the
strong colors painted with shade varia-
tions emphasize the illusion of a sense of
depth. Together with the traditional con-
ventions of Islamic painting, these stylis-
tic characteristics suggest that they were
works of Western painters who came to
Istanbul towards the end of the fifteenth
century, or of local painters, who were
educated and inspired by them. These
paintings are stylistically related to the
European miniature paintings such as the
ones in the prayer book made for John de
Valois, the Duke of Berry, in the early fif-
teenth century, and to the fifteenth-cen-
tury tapestries decorating the extensive
walls of European palaces, as well as the
drawings of the Italian painter Pisanello.
The aforementioned 1505 inventory book
includes a European curtain with 'paint-
ings' (Firengi musavver perde) shows that
the court had a penchant for these kinds
of tapestries. 39 The decorative style of the
leather binding and the inscription indi-
cating that it was made for the treasury
of the Bayezid II further attest to the fact
that the book was renewed and bound at
the Topkap1 Palace. Hence, the book had
initially come to life in Herat circa mid-
fifteenth century and most of the illus-
trations were completed. Possibly upon
the death of the manuscript's patron,
however, some of the illustrations were
either never made or left unfinished. The
book may have reached Istanbul in this
condition as part of the manuscripts of
Aq Qoyunlu ruler Uzun Hasan's (r. 1457-
1478) son Ugurlu Mehmed (d. 1477) who
married the daughter of Sultan Mehmed
II and sought asylum in the Ottoman
state. During the reign of Sultan Bayezid
II, an Ottoman artist added depictions
to two of the three picture spaces at the
Ottoman palace; two unfinished depic-
tions were completed and a court book-
binder executed a luxurious binding for
the book.
The addition of illustrations in the
Ottoman style in Istanbul indicates that
the painters of the Ottoman palace also
fulfilled other duties, such as renewals
and additions, and undertook the respon-
sibility of book conservation. These works
must have been repaired at the royal
atelier of the Ottoman sultan between the
late fifteenth century and the first half of
the sixteenth century, the period in which
the production of illustrated manuscripts
at the Ottoman palace was less intensive
and the number of artists and bookbind-
ers working in the Ehl-i Hiref organiza-
tion was only starting to increase. Not
only is there no resemblance between the
original illustrations and the ones later
added to the blank spaces at the Ottoman
royal studio, but the paintings by dif-
ferent artists added to each one of the
manuscripts do not constitute a consis-
tent stylistic group. These pictures should
be conceived as experimental examples
created during the formation period of
Ottoman painting. In the following pages,
we will observe that the varying narrative
styles of Ottoman artists will converge
into a single path.

39
Sultan Bayezid I's demand for a tapestry with figures as ransom from the princes of Burgundy
who were taken prisoner at Nigbolu (Nicopolis) shows the Ottoman interest in these works. See
Thompson 1980, p. 67; Jardine-Brotton 2000, p. 76. When historian Ahmad Ibn Arabshah (d. 1450)
visited Timur (r. 1370-1405) at his tent in Samarkand, he saw a large tapestry with figures; he was
told that the tapestry was taken from the treasury of Bayezid I. See Saunders 1936, p. 216. The
tapestry that Ibn Arabshah speaks of is possibly the one demanded as ransom from the prince of
Burgundy.

The enrichment of representational art: Illustrations for poems

 Herat-Tabriz-lstanbul: From Sultan
Selim l to Sultan Siileyman l
The sultans, grand viziers, and the
administrators of the Ottoman state
appreciated the cultural assets, works of
art, and artists of the countries neigh-
boring the Ottoman territories. Art
works and certain artists from these
lands were brought to the Ottoman
court. Particularly after Sultan Selim's
(r. 1512-1520) victory over the Safavids
at (1514), artists brought to
Istanbul from Tabriz played important
roles in the establishment of new con-
ventions and styles at the Ottoman
imperial studio. 40 At the time of its con-
quest by Sultan Selim I in 1514, Tabriz
had an outstanding royal studio with
an extensive cadre of artists and had a
superior standing in the Islamic world
with respect to the arts of the book. The
founder of the Safavid state, Shah Isma'il
(r. 150 1-1524) had taken over from the
Aq Qoyunlu Turkmans in 1503 Tabriz,
Shiraz and environs, places where supe-
rior works of Islamic painting had been
prepared throughout the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries. Including a copy of
the famous Khamsa of Nizami illustrated
by Aq Qoyunlu court artists Shaykhi and
Darvish Muhammad, the masterpieces
of the treasuries of the Aq Qoyunlu
Sultans Halil (r. 1478-1479) and Ya'qub
(r. 1478-1490) were at the royal library
of Tabriz. 41 Herat was the Timurid center
of art and culture throughout the fif-
teenth century. 42 Timurid ruler Shahrukh
(r. 1405-1447) and his celebrated son
Prince Baysunghur (d. 1433) were emi-
nent patrons of the arts of the book.
Elegantly bound, magnificently illumi-
nated works with exquisite miniature
paintings were prepared for Baysunghur
in Herat in the 1430s under the direc-
40
Aslanapa 1958, pp. 15-17.
41
TSM, H. 762. !;:agman 1971; !;:agman-Tanmd1 1979, No. 45; !;:agman-Tanmd1 1986, No. 71-73.
42
Washington D.C. 1989, pp. 67-236.
43
TSM, H. 2153, fol. 98a. See Ozergin 1976; Thackston 1989, pp. 323-327; Thackston 2001, pp. 43-46.
44
Washington D.C. 1989, pp. 239-301.
45
TSM, H. 988. Karatay 1961a, No. 685.
46
London 2005, No. 201-207.
56-57
tion of calligrapher Ja'far Tabrizi and a
group of artists including Amir Khalil,
Khawaja Ghiyath al-Din and bookbinder
Mawlana Qiwam al-Din. A report on
the activities in the 1430s of the scrip-
torium (kitabkhana) in Herat itemizes
the tasks undertaken by the artists of
the court. 43 The diversity of the cultural
milieu in Herat continued in the second
half of the fifteenth century. Renowned
Persian poet and mystic Abd al-Rahman
Jami (d. 1492), leading Turkish literary
figure Ali Shir Nawa'i (d. 1501), and
their patron, Timurid sultan Husayn
Mirza (r. 1469-1506), who also had a
Turkish Divan (collected poems), are
among those who created the cultural
richness of the period. 44 The works of
both poets had reached the palaces of
the Islamic countries while they were
still alive. Jami dedicated some sections
of his masnawis to Sultan Husayn Mirza
and others to Ottoman Sultan Bayezid
II and Aq Qoyunlu Sultan Ya'qub. The
first illustrated copy of Jami's poems was
prepared in Shiraz under Aq Qoyunlu
Turkmans. 45 The works of Ali Shir
Nawa'i, who came to be regarded as a
sage by Ottoman poets, were dedicated
to his close friend Sultan Husayn Mirza
and to Prince Badiuzzaman Mirza (d.
1514 or 1517), who would later seek
asylum with the Ottomans. Nawa'i's
Khamsa and Sultan Husayn's Divan
were copied by the famous calligrapher
Sultan Ali Mashhadi (d. 1520) in Herat
while the poets were still alive and were
illustrated by artists from Herat, possibly
including the legendary painter Bihzad. 46
The illustrated book production in Herat
in late fifteenth century was not lim-
ited to the works of these poets; works
by earlier poets and writers, including
Nizami, Farid al-Din Attar (d. 1220?),
Sa'di (d. 1292?), Amir Khusraw Dihlawi,
2 The fonnation of Ottoman painting
Sharaf al-Din Ali Yazdi (alive in 1430) lmages for poetry: 111ustrating 25 Yusuf and the old lady in front of
were also illustrated. Celebrated painter works by Attar, Jami, Nawa'i a ruler. Fa rid ai-Din Attar, Mantiq a/-

Bihzad and his pupils were in charge of and Arifi Tayr, 1515, TSM, E. H. 1512,
the library and illustrated a majority of fols 82b-83a.

the works listed above. 47 Arriving from Forced to migrate from Tabriz, artists
Transoxiana following the year of Sultan from Khorasan began working at the
Husayn's passing, the Uzbeks took over royal studio of Istanbul upon their arriv-
Herat and ended the Timurid state in al. Thus, the first examples of the illus-
1507. Soon, gaining strength across the trations that reflect the resonances of
western regions of Persia, the Safavids the Khorasan style in the Ottoman court
also reached the Khorasan region; Shah studio were seen in a copy of Mantiq
Isma'il arrived in Khorasan in 1510 and al-Tayr (Conference of the Birds) by the
conquered Herat. He brought the artists Persian poet Farid al-Din Attar, whose
of Herat and works of art including dec-
orated books to Tabriz. 48 Badiuzzaman
Mirza, the son of Sultan Husayn, was
held prisoner in Tabriz at the time.
Thus, by the time Sultan Selim I seized
Tabriz in 1514, the imperial studio of
the Safavids was filled with the most
outstanding artists and art works of the
period. A group of artists from Tabriz,
including those of Khorasan origin, were
sent to Istanbul. Among those brought to
Istanbul was Badiuzzaman Mirza whom
contemporary Turkish authors referred
to as the Shah of Khorasan. Sultan Selim
I paid special attention to the prince who
was taken prisoner in Tabriz, offered
him gifts, seated him next to the throne,
and allocated to him a per diem of 1000
Osmani. 49 The presence of a number
of fifteenth-century manuscripts from
Herat in Istanbul libraries reveals that
the prince brought his private books to
the Ottoman capital. Among these are
copies of Sultan Husayn's illustrated
Divan as well as Ali Shir Nawa'i's works,
and works by artists from Khorasan that
upheld the style of the artist who illus- works were popular among the intellec-
trated Sultan Husayn's Divan. Soon, not tual milieu. This particular work written
only the works of Ali Shir Nawa'i began in Persian by Attar, whose works were
to dominate the illustrated book produc- translated for the first time into Turkish
tion of the royal studio of Istanbul, but in the fourteenth century, is comprised
also the manuscripts illustrated in the of an outlining story and with various
Ottoman court clearly revealed the con- associated short stories, and much like
ventions of the artists who employed the in the story of Simurg and birds, con-
late fifteenth-century Khorasan style. veys mystical ideas. A copy of Mantiq

47
Bahari 1997.
4
' <;:agman 1978b, pp. 241-242.
49
<;:agman 1978b, p. 242.

The enrichment of representational art: Illustrations for poems

 26

58-59 2 llle formation of Ottoman painting

al-Tayr was copied on 2 March 1515 26 Meeting of lovers. Ali Shir Nawa'i,
(15 Muharram 921 AH) at the imperial Divan, ca. 1530, TSM, R. 804, fol. 145b.
studio in Istanbul and was illustrated in 27 A young man is entertained in

a decorative style with the contributions the country. Shahi, Divan, 1528, TSM,
B. 140, fol. 36a.
of artists from Khorasan. 50 In the eight
double-page illustrations of the work,
one encounters slender, short male fig-
ures wearing thick and short headgears
with red embroideries wrapped in thick,
white turbans that are proportionally
large for their bodies, flowery bunches
of leaves, clumps of leaves with flowers
interspersed in nature, blossoming trees,
hills painted in shades of colors, snail-
like clouds, tents ornate with clouds and
hatayi51 motifs lined up on thin, spi-
ral branches, architectural surfaces and
thrones covered with embroideries. The
margins of all the folios are decorated
meticulously in halkari52 technique. The
original binding of the manuscript was
replaced with a twentieth-century one.
One of the paintings illustrates a scene
from the life of prophet Yusuf (Joseph),
whose biography and deeds were
recounted by various Muslim authors,
especially in the fifteenth century (fig.
25). The painting is located between the
verses where Attar mentions an elderly
woman's desire to buy Yusuf as a slave
in return for threads spun, and the verses
express the noble wishes of a ruler. On
the right page, an elderly woman holds
a skein of thread in her hands; Yusuf
is depicted with a golden flaming halo
pointing to his holiness. Accompanied
by his entourage, the king is seated
on the throne on the left. To illustrate
Attar's verse on Yusuf, the painter uses
the iconography of the scene "Yusuf
sold as a slave," a theme that has not yet
become widespread in Islamic painting. 53
The works of famed Persian poets Jami,
Arifi, Shahi, Hatifi, and Hafiz, the copies

50
TSM, E. H. 1512. Stchoukine 1966a, pp. 50, 106, pl. V; <;:agman 1978b, p. 242, figs 18-19;
Istanbul 1983, E. 55; Tanmd1 1996, p. 18.
51
Hatayi: Literally Cathaian, Chinese. A style of Islamic decoration consisting of mainly peony
blossoms and leaves, designed in relatively loose compositions.
52
Halkari: A style of decoration in which flowers and figures are painted with diverse dilutions
or densities of gold.
53
A more simplified version of Attar's Mantiq al-Tayr was prepared for Sultan Bayezid II as well
(ISK, Fatih 3678). Another copy of Attar's work with few original illustrations (fol. 62b) is attrib-
uted to the first half of the sixteenth century (Binney-Denny 1979, Cat. 3).

The enrichment of representational art: Illustrations for poems

28 Entertainment of the fairies.
Abdul-Rahman Jami, Tukhfat ai-Ahrar.
ca. 1530, TSM, R. 914, fols1 b-2a.
60-61
of Nawa'i's Divan, and several antholo-
gies of Persian poet:Iy were illustrated
in the decorative styles during the first
half of the sixteenth century. A painting
in a copy of Nawa'i's Divan illustrating
the verses on love and lovers' encounter
depicts a building in which women and
men look out from the windows. The
young woman holding a pomegranate in
her hand and looking out from the upper
right window must be the person the poet
addresses (fig. 26). 54 The work stands out
among the other resplendent examples of
this kind with eight miniatures, the halkari
54
TSM, R. 804, R. 806. Stchoukine 1966a, pp. 54-55, pis XII-XV;
4; 1986, No. 133-134.
55
TSM, B. 140. Karatay 196la, No. 668.
decorations on the margins, illuminations
on the section headings, and the lacquered
binding ornate with fairy figures. A manu-
script of Shahi's Divan, copied on 1 March
1528 (8 Jumada II 934 AH) by Shuja al-
Farsi includes five small-scale paintings.
One of them depicts an open-air feast to
illustrate verses on wine drinking and a
cupbearer (fig. 27). 55 The attires of the fig-
ures and the thick red caps of the turbans
are gilded. The margins of the book's illus-
trated pages are heavily decorated and the
manuscript is encased in an elegant, lac-
quered binding. Abd al-Rahman Jami was
1974, p. 24, pl.
2 The fonnation of Ottoman painting
both a Sufi and one of the leading poets
who, together with Ali Shir Nawa'i, con-
tributed to Herat's cultural environment
in the retinue of the Timurid ruler Husayn
Mirza. Jami's seven masnawis were col-
lected under the title of Haft Awrang
(Seven Thrones), a section of which Jami
dedicated to the Ottoman sultan Bayezid
ll. The shortest of the masnawis is the
Tukhfat al-Ahrar (Gift of the Free), written
in 1481, includes discourses (maqalat) on
spirituality, the creation of the world, and
human nature. An illustrated copy of the
Tukhfat al-Ahrar currently preserved at
the Topkap1 Palace is dated to the 1530s.56
Its frontispiece depicts an entertainment
of the fairies (fig. 28). Although it does
not illustrate the verses of the poet, it is
in harmony with the overall content of
the book. On the right-hand page of the
illustration, seated on a golden throne in
ecstasy, the queen of the fairies reaches
out to the cup extended by the cupbearer.
The two fairies below play musical instru-
ments. In the page on the left, as servant
fairies offer a drink to the young fairy,
another fairy descends from the sky and
scatters jewelry on her head. The pre_-
dominantly orange wings that extend like
daggers on a dark-green background, the
cypress trees that curve in line with these
wings, the gilded decorations glittering on
the navy blue attires of the figures, and
the halkari decorations on the margins
are combined harmoniously to create a
strong decorative effect. Sinillar to the two
previous examples, this book also features
an elegant lacquered binding. A notation
written on the manuscript reveals that this
meticulously designed book was presented
to Sultan Siileyman I (r. 1520-66) by the
qadi Uudge) of Edime at the circumcision
ceremony of the sultan's sons.
Another illustrated book possibly
designed for one of the sultan's sons
was the Turkish version of Sindbadna-
ma (Book of Sindbad), originally written
56
ISM, R. 914. Atasoy-c;agman 1974, p. 25, pl. 5.
57
BWAM, W. 662. Renda 2004.
58
IOK, F. 1330. Istanbul 1983, E. 56; Washington D.C. 1987, No. 28r, v; London 1988, No. 32r, v.
59
London 2005, No. 289, 320-321; See Renda 2001b for the Divan by Sultan Selim ill.
The enrichment of representational art: illustrations for poems
in Persian. Translated by Muhammed b.
Abdiilkerim b. Muhammed, this Turkish
version bears the title Tuhfetu'l-Ahyar
(The Gift of Good Men). 57 The book is on
the educational methods developed by
Sindbad, who assumed the duty of tutor-
ing the son of a sultan, as well as stories
narrated by seven viziers. Including six
illustrations, a copy of this didactic work,
which was translated for prince Bayezid
(d. 1561), is attributable to circa 1540 due
to its painting style. Designed in a smaller
scale and copied in naskhi script, this
storybook in Anatolian Turkish also dem-
onstrates the creativity of the artists who
employed the decorative style. Apart from
their illustrations, with their lacquered
bindings and margin decorations, these
works shed light to different traditions of
early sixteenth-century Ottoman book art
and pave the way for a newer style.
Poet and ruler: The poems and
chronicle of Sultan Selim 1
Another artist who worked in the
Khorasan-originated decorative style
illustrated the Persian Divan of Sultan
Selim I circa 1515-1520.58 It is not a
coincidence that in the same year that
the Divan of the Timurid Sultan Husayn
Mirza found its way to the Ottoman
court, the Divan of an Ottoman sultan
was illustrated. This alone shows that
the Divan of Sultan Husayn constituted
a model for the luxurious copies of the
Ottoman sultans' collected poems. With
the exception of Sultan Selim Ill (r. 1789-
1807), the Divans of the Ottoman sultans
would not be illustrated from that point
onwards. However, they would often be
bound with a jeweled cover and adorned
with magnificent illuminations. 59 One
of the two depictions made on a double
page of the Divan by Sultan Selim I
portrays him as he hunts and engages
29 The sultan goes hunting and a
literary gathering at the palace.
Sultan Selim I, Divan, 1515-1520, IUK,
F. 1330, fols 27b-28a.
30 The author, scribe, and artist of
the Selimname. Se/imnome,
ca . 1530, TSM, H. 1597-1598, fol . 1a.
62-63
in a literary discussion at the palace (fig.
29). The illustration features building
fa\=ades adorned with elegant decorations,
dense flower clusters in nature, cypress
trees that peak and curl beyond the
illustrations' borders and, intertwined
with cypresses, other blossoming trees
that rise above the hills. Apart from the
illustrations, with its illuminations, hal-
kari decorations on the margins of the
folios, and fairy depictions set between
the lines that enrich the mise-en-page,
the book is a masterpiece of the Ottoman
royal studio in the first half of the
sixteenth century. However, the original
60
Tekindag 1970, pp. 215-216.
binding of the book has been removed
and replaced with a high-quality binding
in the nineteenth century.
Artists working in the "decorative"
style also illustrated another work related
to Sultan Selim I. The work is a his-
tory of his reign written in Turkish verse.
Written by the poet Bidlisi (alive in
1522), who lived in Herat and Ghilan in
his youth and entered the service of the
Dulkadirli Turkmans later, the Selimname
is based on the accounts of the Dulkadirli
rulers. The work was presented to Sultan
SUleyman I through grand vizier ibrahim
Pasha (d. 1536). 60 Two illustrated copies
2 The fonnation of Ottoman -painting
of the Selimname include paintings in
the same style. One of the manuscripts is
completed in May 1527 (Shahan 933 AH)
whereas the other is undated. 61 They must
have been intended for Sultan Siileyman
I and the grand vizier ibrahim Pasha,
respectively. The illustrations depict the
historical events both the author and
artist witnessed. While depicting histori-
cal themes of a period in which he lived,
the painter used the iconographic models
of the events, narrates an impor-
tant historical event related to Ottoman-
Safavid-Timurid relations. The painter,
on the other hand, who is familiar with
the cultural environment of both the
Safavid and the Timurid circles - and
possibly an eyewitness himself - illus-
trates this event. According to
Selim I greeted the prince, who visited
30

and decorative style he was familiar with

through literary works. 62
The first illustration in the Selimname
preserved at the Topkap1 Palace Library
is bordered by an illuminated frame. It
portrays the author, the scribe and the
painter of the manuscript working in
front of a tent (fig. 30). The person seated
in the middle on a blue rug is the author
himself; he holds a paper, with a text
that praises Selim. The lines being writ-
ten by the person dad in a white attire
and seated on the left identifY him as the
painter of Selimname, whereas the text
held by the person on the right wearing
a black outfit and eyeglasses designate
him as the scribe of the work. 63 The
illustration must be a reflection of the
artist's memory of the environment in
which he worked. A similar illustration
can be found on the last page of Sultan
Husayn Mirza's Divan, illustrated in May
1492 (Shahan 897 AH) in Herat, from
where he or his colleagues migrated to
the Ottoman lands. This indicates that
the artist employed, when appropriate,
the visual tradition that had influenced
him. 64 The harmonious cooperation of
the author and the artist is evident in
the illustrations of the Selimname. The
painting showing the Timurid Prince
Badiuzzaman Mirza in the audience of
Selim I, for instance, exemplifies this
cooperation (fig. 31). As an eyewitness

61
The dated example is currently housed in Jerusalem. National Library, Yah. Ar. 1116 (unpub-
lished). For the undated copy (ISM, H. 1597-98), see Stchoukine 1966a, p. 52, pls VI-VIII;
1978b, p. 242, fig. 20; 1978, No. 84-85; 1986, No. 150;
Washington D.C. 1987, No. 37; London 1988, No. 41; And 2002, pp. 219, 234.
62
1978b, p. 241, fig. 20.
63
Zeynep Tanm Ertug's article on this manuscript will be included in the forthcoming Festschrift
for Nurhan Atasoy (to be published by Istanbul University Faculty of Letters).
64
1978b, fig. 3.

The enrichment of representational art: Illustrations for poems

31 Badiuzzaman Mirza in the
presence of Sultan Selim I.
Selimname, ca. 1530, TSM, H. 1597-
1598, fol. 140a.
32 Men hunting in a rocky
landscape. Arifi, Guy u Chawgan,
1539-1540, TSM, H. 845, fols 34b-35a.
31
64-65
the Sultan in his tent, with respect and
seated him on a stool encrusted with
pearls. He also mentions that a copy of
the Shahnama was included among the
gifts the prince presented to the sultan.
Badiuzzaman, who was raised in the rich
cultural atmosphere of Herat and was a
patron of the arts like the other nobles of
his time, was closely affiliated with the
milieu that strived to enrich the artistic
and cultural setting of Istanbul, a city
where he would spend the rest of his life.
With contributions of a range of art-
ists, including those from Khorasan, who
arrived in Istanbul in early sixteenth
century via Tabriz, and those who were
trained at the Ottoman court, literary
works illustrated with Ottomanized minia-
tures increased in number and the subjects
became diversified. The stylistic influ-
ence of the artists from Khorasan, who
illustrated the Divan of Selim I and the
Selimname, prevails in the paintings of
more than ten literary works and contin-
ues into mid-sixteenth century. Carrying
traces of the decorative style, the work
65
ISM, H. 845. Stchoukine 1966a, p. 56, pl. XVI; c;:agman-Tanmd1 1986, No. 140.
66
MBS, Cod. Turc. 183. Soylemezoglu 1974.
of another artist manifests itself in Guy
u Chawgan (The Ball and the Polo-Stick),
a Persian masnawi by Arifi of Herat
(d. 1449) on a dervish's pure love for a
Chinese prince. The work is copied in
1539-1540 (946 AH) in ta 'liq script by
Mehmed b. Gazanfer, a master of decoup-
age, active during the reign of Sultan
Silleyman I. Each letter of the text is cut
out from paper and pasted on the pages of
the manuscript. 65 Apart from the mastery
of its calligraphy, this splendid manuscript
assumes its place among other illustrated
literary works with its exquisite marginal
decorations and illuminations. When the
original binding of the book was replaced,
its sole painting was mistakenly placed at
the end of the manuscript along with the
illuminated page. The double-page paint-
ing depicts a hunting scene. The horses
with ornate harnesses and hunters dressed
in lavish clothes and thick red caps with
long plumes and white turbans stand out
in the narrow area of the illustration (fig.
32). Painted in varying shades of color,
the movement of animals and horses
create a voluminous effect. A glittering
natural setting is created through flower
dusters scattered on the gold background
and small, rounded trees painted in cum-
in-green and dark blue tones on hills bor-
dered by fine lines. Along with this illus-
tration executed with the minuteness of a
jeweler, the entire book is the product of
an artist or a group of artists who were at
the summit of a refined taste and mastery.
An artist from Persia:
Pir Ahmed b. iskender
A copy of Yusuf u Ziileyha dated 1515
(915 AH), testifies to the increase in
the activities of the artists working
in diverse styles during the years that
followed the conquest of Tabriz. 66 The
story of Yusuf, also mentioned in the
Koran, was written by many Turkish
and Persian poets. A poet in the
2 The fonnation of Ottoman painting
reign of the Sultan Bayezid II, Hamdi
(d. 1508) was the first Anatolian
Turkish poet to compose a Hamse in
Turkish. Yusuf u Ziileyha, which is the
first masnawi of Hamdi's Hamse, was
selected as the first story to be illus-
trated shortly after the author's death.
Much like the other illustrated literary
works mentioned above, the manu-
script is smaller in size (17.5 x 11
em); two of its six paintings are made
on a double-page spread. 67 While the
architectural details, certain elements
of nature, and the intensity of colors
are particular to Ottoman painting,
the tall, slender figures with small
faces and the decorative conventions
reflected in the overall depiction reso-
nate with the late fifteenth -century
Aq Qoyunlu: Turkman style of Yazd in
southern Iran (figs 33-34). Although
the colophon states that the copying,

32

67
ISM, H. 801. Akalay 1977a, pp. 14-15; c;:agman-Tamnd1 1979, No. 43 .

The enric/cm·znzt of representational art: Illustrations for poems

33 The palace of ZUieyha. Hamdi,
YusufuZiileyha, 1515, MBS, Cod. Turc,
183, fol. 133a.
34 The wolf brought to Yakub by his
sons. Hamdi, YusufuZiileyha, 1515,
MBS, Cod. Turc, 183, fol. 58b.
35 Ferhad at Giilnar's palace. Ali Shir
Nawa'i, Khamsa, 1530-1531, TSM,
H. 802, fol. 66a.
36 visits Ferhad. Ali Shir Nawa'i,
Khamsa, 1530-1531, TSM, H. 802,
fol. 86b.
33-34
66-67
illuminations, paintings and bind-
ing are executed by a single artist, it
does not give his name. Perhaps the
artist prepared this book as a sample
to demonstrate his work and did not
have the audacity to reveal his iden-
tity. Interestingly, the same artist
clearly inscribed his name in a book
he prepared fifteen years later. This
time, the artist undertook the task of
illustrating the Hamse of Shir Nawa'i,
which was much appreciated by the
Ottoman court. 68
In the colophon, the calligrapher
identified himself as Pir Ahmed b. isken-
der and noted that he had made the illu-
minations, the binding and the paintings
68
ISM, H. 802. Stchoukine 1966a, pp. 52-54, pls X-XI; London 2005, No. 287.
69
Yoltar Y1ldmm 2000.
7
° For saz style of painting and decoration see pp.
in 1530-1531 (93 7 AH). 69 The lacquer
binding with saz style (featuring curved
lanceolate leaves and peony blossoms)
decorations on the exterior and the
illuminated design enriched cloud
motifs are products of elaborate work-
manship. 70 One of the sixteen miniature
paintings of the Hamse shows Ferhad
at Giilnar's palace (fig. 35). Ferhad is
seated in a domed pavilion that opens up
to a courtyard with a pool; he takes the
drinking cup presented by Giilnar. While
the musicians play their instruments, the
servants are busy preparing food and
drinks. Trees with abundant blossoms
create a resplendent scene in the back-
ground. In another illustration in the
230-232 in this book.
2 The fonnation of Ottoman painting
same work, visits Ferhad amidst a
natural setting abound with blossoming
trees and hills painted in many colors
(fig. 36). Fueled by his vivid imagina-
tion, Pir Ahmed b. iskender combines
his traditional mastery of meticulous
decoration with towered, domed, vaulted
pavilions, fountains in perspective, and
trees painted in various shades of color to
give them a sense of volume, all of which
impart an Ottoman flavor to his art. 71

35-36

71
London 2005, No. 204-207. The drawings Pir Ahmed possibly made for the Khamsa copy are
included in two albums (rtiK, T. 9365, fols. 15b, 16a, 16b, 17a, 17b, and BMFA, 06.132). Pir Ahmed
also copied a copy ofNawa'i's Killliyat. This undated illuminated manuscript does not include illus-
trations (ISM, E. H. 1502. Karatay 1961b, No. 2296). In 1530-1531 (937 AH), the same artist copied
the Divan of late fifteenth-century Turkish poet Necati. (inebey Library, Bursa, General 4195).

The enrichment of representational art: Illustrations for poems

Cartography and painting: Maps as records of history

70-71
During the forty-six-year reign of Sul-
tan Siileyman I (r. 1520-1566), the
boundaries of the Ottoman Empire reac-
hed their largest scope across three
continents with consecutive campaigns
and conquests in the east and the west,
extending from Iraq to Hungary. The
siege of Rhodes and the expansion into
the Mediterranean with the cooperati-
on of North African corsairs not only
led to Ottoman domination over the
Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean, but
also granted the Ottomans a significant
place in Mediterranean policy. Sultan
Stileyman's expansionist policy in the
Mediterranean was based on a sound
knowledge of geography, as well as a
formidable navy. Starting as early as
the reign of Sultan Mehmed II, the deli-
very of geography books and maps into
the Topkap1 Palace from the east and
west attests to this fact. 1 From this point
onwards, maps produced by the Otto-
mans attained greater importance.
The sixteenth centrny constitutes a very
important period in Ottoman cartography.
It was, undoubtedly, Piri Reis (d. 1554),
the famous seaman and cartographer, who
blazed the trail of cartography. The first
world map 2 he made for Sultan Selim I
in 1513 and the Kitab-t Bahriyye (Book
of Navigation) he wrote and expanded in
1521, which he presented to Sultan Siiley-
man in 1526 through grand vizier Ibrahim
Pasha, as well as the second world map
he drew in 1528 are all illustrated works.
Ships, cities, rulers, animals and legendary
creatures are portrayed on the world map,
of which only a part remains today. The
map also features a turbaned Moroccan
ruler from Marrakesh on the shores of
Western Africa, a black Guinean ruler and
several stories of seafarers. A quick glan-
ce at the American continent reveals that
Piri Reis also strived to depict a new world
in which he envisaged exotic animals. As
he explicitly states, Piri Reis' world maps
and the Kitab-t Bahriyye - in which he
described and illustrated the ports and
1
See Deissmann 1933, No. 27, 44, 47, 57, 84; Konyal! 1936; van de Waal 1969, pp. 81-89, for
examples at the Iopkap1 Palace.
2
Piri Reis's world maps are in ISM. R. 1633 (first one) and H. 1824 (second one). See Soucek
1992a, pp. 269-272
1
It is thought that the Kitab-t Bahriyye, intended for Sultan Stileyman, is at the ISM (H. 642). See
Piri Reis 2002. A similar copy is preserved at the ISK (Ayasofya 1612). A facsimile of this book was
published: Piri Reis 1988. Also see Soucek 1992b for copies of the Kitab-t Bahriyye.
Cartography and painting: Maps as records of history
islands on the Aegean and Mediterrane-
an shores - are based on more than thirty
sources and maps of western and oriental
origin, as well as oral accounts and per-
sonal experiences. 3 It is further noted that
the world maps in particular are connec-
ted to the lost world map of Christopher
Columbus. The Kitab-t Bahriyye, which
serves as a handbook for seafarers, closely
resembles the nautical Portolan charts and
books of islands (!solaria) that were produ-
ced in Europe since mid-fifteenth centrny.
A majority of these are illustrated maps.
The connection between cartography and
painting dates as far back as Roman times
and the Middle Ages. However, apart from
the advancements in geographical scien-
ces in the sixteenth centrny, the opening
of new trade routes and the consecuti-
ve naval campaigns resulting from the
conflicts between Mediterranean powers
necessitated the production of atlases and
portolans that would provide sound geog-
raphical information. The land maps and
portolans made by Italian, Catalan, Por-
tuguese and Ottoman cartographers in the
sixteenth centrny guided soldiers during
campaigns. They also marked the shores,
ports and islands for seafarers who sai-
led inshore to seek refuge from corsairs
or were forced to take shelter at the ports
for their needs. These maps feature certain
fixed characteristics. The portola.."'ls were
made from the moisture-and salt-resistant
gazelle or sheep skins and their dimensi-
ons almost never exceeded the size of the
skin. Though not very often, two or three
skins were combined to enlarge the size of
the portolans; occasionally the skins were
cut into smaller pieces and were bound
as atlases comprised of folios. In general,
these atlases do not exceed twelve folios.
Originating from one or several points, the
rhumb lines, which represent the thirty-
two points of the compass, connect with
an ornate motif known as wind rose (riiz-
gar giilii) or compass rose (pusula giilii).
Several of the wind names on the compass
are indicated by their initials. Without
 37 Alanya. Piri Reis, Kitab-1 Bahriwe.
exception, each map includes a decorated
1525-1526, TSM, H. 642, fol. 378a.
scale indicator. The shores are drawn with
38 Venice. Piri Reis, Kitab-1 Bahriwe.
green or blue lines, the islands are painted
1525- 1526, TSM, H. 642, fol. 2 12b.
in different colors, the rocks are marked in
39 Venice. Piri Reis, Kitab-1 Bahriwe.
black and the shoals are indicated with red
ca. 1590, SWAM, W. 658, fols
points. Land settlements are rarely featu-
185b-186a.
red on portolans. Among the maps and
portolans, there are several meticulously
decorated and, at times, illustrated examp-
les. These are presentation copies prepared
for rulers, renowned individuals and col-
lectors. These colored maps often feature
ornately decorated compass roses, depic-
tions of cities and fortresses, flags, ships,
37-38
animals, birds, plants, and, in some cases,
portraits of rulers or even images of saints.
The most frequently illustrated cities on
the European portolans are Venice and
Jerusalem, due to their significance in tra-
de and religion, respectively. Genoa, Mar-
seilles and Cairo are also among the cities
occasionally depicted on these maps. 4
Piri Reis' Kitab-t Bahriyye is the first
example of Ottoman illustrated maps. In
the introduction he completed in Gelibolu
in 1521, Piri Reis states that he collected
materials on the sea voyages he embar-
ked upon with Kemal Reis and his friends
4
Stevenson 1911 ; Harvey 1980.
5
See Yurdaydm 1963b, for Muradi and his works.
72-73 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
with the intention of presenting them as a
gift to Sultan Silleyman, who had recently
ascended the throne. Starting from Boz-
caada (Tenedos), Piri Reis also conveys
information about the Aegean Sea, the
Adriatic Sea, Italy, Southern France, North
Africa and the seaside settlements and the
historic geography of the islands in the
eastern Mediterranean basin. Each region
is described at length; the port conditions
are identified and the shore maps of the
regions as well as the topographical dra-
wings of the ports are presented. Several
significant buildings are also depicted.
Two individual copies/versions of this
work exist. Dated 1521, the first edition
is relatively shorter. It was used by grand
vizier ibrahim Pasha during his Egyptian
campaign in 1524-1525. He requested that
a second copy be prepared to be presen-
ted to the sultan. Subsequently, Piri Reis
reedited and expanded the work; rew-
ritten with verse insertions by the poet
Seyyid Muradi, the author of Gazavat-t
Hayreddin (Conquests of Hayreddin
Pasha), and this final version was presen-
ted to Sultan Silleyman in 1526 by the
grand vizier. 5 The second copy includes
additional maps and the drawings reflect nizable. In the subsequent presentation
the approach of an Ottoman captain rat- copies of Kitab-t Bahriyye, intended for
her than an ordinary seaman. In his town dignitaries, the cities are depicted in even
views, such as in Venice, he conveys his further detail. This can be attributed to the
personal observations (fig. 38). In the text, increase in topographical illustrations in
he did not overlook the legend of the city Ottoman painting during the second half
and described Venice as the city founded of the sixteenth century. The expanded
by ordinary fishermen who brought here copies of the Kitab-t Bahriyye made in
the relics of San Marco. Nevertheless, as the late sixteenth and seventeeth centuries
an Ottoman seaman he acknowledged the always include a map oflstanbul.6 Twenty
city's significance as a naval power, its out of the nearly forty copies of the Kitab-t
large arsenal, and certainly its trade rela- Bahriyye preserved in various museums in
tions. He meticulously depicted the Venice the world include a drawing of Istanbul,
Arsenal, which he undoubtedly regarded although it is not part of Piri Reis' ori-
as a rival to the Arsenal, and ginal text.7 The port and city depictions
particularly indicated the San Marco squ-
are with its church and bell tower. The rest
of the city is marked by canals and simple
buildings. Piri Reis' Venice is simpler than
the bird's-eye-view depictions of Venice
produced in Europe since the end of the
fifteenth century. However, when depic-
ting a settlement in North Africa or from
the shores of Anatolia, Piri Reis depended
more on his own observations. For examp-
le, he emphasized in particular the Muslim
districts of Alexandria. He made a point of
indicating the Lighthouse of Alexandria,
which holds an important place in Islamic
mythology due to its identification with
lskandar-i Zulqarnayn. Piri Reis recogni-
zed the significance of Cairo in Ottoman
politics and although the city held little
importance for seafarers, he meticulously
depicted it. He drew the important buil-
dings of the city and clearly indicated the
Pyramids of Giza and the Port of Bulaq on
the Nile. As stated above, he had accom-
panied grand vizier ibrahim Pasha on his in the Kitab-t Bahriyye copies produced
Egyptian campaign in 1524. The notes on until the eighteenth century are advanced
the map also attest to this fact. Piri Reis topographical illustrations; they reflect the
illustrated the shores of Anatolia more developments in Ottoman painting (fig.
faithfully and often indicated historical 39). The Kitab-t Bahriyye served as a refe-
remains. As the port of Alanya was of gre- rence book for many Ottoman works on
at importance to seamen due to its arsenal, historical geography. 8
he drew the port and the outstanding buil- Several Ottoman maps were produced
dings in greater detail (fig. 37). The Kale during the second half of the sixteenth
(Castle) Mosque, which Sultan Silleyman century. Among these, sea atlases are
I had commissioned, the Red Tower and greatest in number. Currently preserved at
the Arsenal on the shore are readily recog- the Topkap1 Palace Museum Library, the

6
There are many copies of the Kitab - z Bahriyye made executed during the second half of the
sixteenth century and in the seventeenth century. See Soucek 1971; Soucek 1992b; Orbay
2001.
7
Orbay 2001 , pp. 118-119.
• See Sancaoglu 2004, for Deniz Kitabz by Seyyid Nuh and Milntehab -z Bahriyye by Katip <;:elebi.

Cartography and painting: Maps as records of history

40 Genoa. Atlas-1 Hilmayun, ca. 1570,
lAM, No. 1621, fol. 5b.
41 Istanbul. Atlas, ca. 1580, BWAM,
W. 660, fols 8b-9a.
74-75
atlas with seven maps made in 1567 by
Ali Macar Reis (alive in 1572) includes the
shores of the Black Sea, the Aegean and
the Mediterranean, as well as Europe as far
as Ireland. 9 Only important cities, such as
Genoa, Marseilles and Cairo are indicated
with simple lines. The atlas does not inclu-
de a large-scale city depiction. Comprised
of nine maps, the Atlas-t Hiimayun (Impe-
rial Atlas) is a similar example currently
preserved at the Istanbul Archaeological
Museums. 10 In this work, Genoa and Mar-
seilles are illustrated in greater detail (fig.
40). A similar, yet more ostentatious atlas
is preserved at the Walters Art Museum in
Baltimore. 11 Here, the town views are of
particular importance. The Mediterrane-
an ports, Venice and Genoa in particular,
are drawn in meticulous detail. Yet, the
most interesting city depiction is that of
Istanbul (fig. 41). Despite its smaller size,
it offers a complete panorama of the city.
While the panorama appears to have been
drawn from a bird's-eye view, the three
individual sections that divide the Golden
Hom and the Bosphorus are ground level
views. It is therefore possible to recognize
all the important buildings. All the mos-
ques on the main peninsula are visible.
Expanded in the sixteenth century on
the Galata side, the Kasimpa§a Arsenal is
particularly emphasized, possibly due to
its importance for seafarers. This pano-
rama does not feature the single vanta-
ge point Italian cartographers employed
in bird's-eye-view depictions of the city.
Nonetheless, it can not be reduced to the
simple outline drawings of cities and ports
by Piri Reis. The work certainly reflects
the style of an Ottoman painter. In fact,
it looks more similar to the ground level
panoramas of Istanbul drawn by European
travelers such as the Flemish artist Melc-
hior Lorichs (alive in 1594). Yet, unlike
the Ottoman examples, in the panoramas
made by European artists, the separate
sections of the city are not revealed thro-
ugh different vantage points. A bird's-eye-
9
H. 644. Kurtoglu 1935; Renda 1992b; tizdemir 1992, pp. 114-152.
10
Istanbul Archaeological Museums Library No. 1621. Goodrich 1985; Renda 1988; Renda 1992b.
11
BWAM, W. 660. Goodrich 1986-88, pp. 25-50; Renda 1988; Renda 1992b.
12
See Braun and Hogenberg 1915, for the new edition of the book.
13
Yurdaydm 1963a, pp. 16-20.
14
Yurdaydm 1963a, pp. 4-10, 86-88.
15
ISK, Esad Efendi, 2206. Yurdaydm 1963a, 4-10, 86-88; And 1999, pp. 125-133.
3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
view depiction of Istanbul that complies
with optical rules was drawn by Andrea
Vavassore (1510-1572). This particular
plan is encountered in Civitates Orbis Ter-
ranum {1572-1618) published in Cologne
by Brothers Braun and Hogenberg.l2
The city depictions in Ottoman maps
and atlases carry great significance for
Ottoman painting. The drawings or more
precisely the town views by Piri Reis are
the simplest in style. These illustrations
strive to document, to a certain extent,
the cities described in the text. The city
depictions in the maps and atlases pre-
pared as presentation copies for digni-
taries throughout the sixteenth century
are more significant. These plan-views
set a precedent in Ottoman art and
constitute a genre that may be referred
to as topographical painting. The most
outstanding representative of this genre
is the historian, mathematician, callig-
rapher and artist Matrak<;I Nasuh.
An original mode of
representation in illustrated
histories: Nasuh
Nasuh b. Karagoz b. Abdullah el-Bos-
navi (d. 1561 ?), who entered the Inner
Palace (Enderun) during the reign of
Sultan Bayezid II, wrote a work on
mathematics for Sultan Selim I in
1517. 13 Later travelling to Egypt, Nasuh
partook in the performances of famo-
us swordsmen. His talent with wea-
pons and his competence in the game
of matrak (cudgels) led to the epithet
"Matrak<;I," and his recognition as the
most superior warrior in the Ottoman
lands. Upon his return from Egypt,
Nasuh wrote a book on swordsmanship
entitled, Tuhfetu 'l-Guzat (Gift of the
Warriors). 14 The edition of this work
copied in 1532 (939 AH) includes partly
colored fortress illustrations drawn by
the author. 15 One of such illustrations
 40

41

Cartography and painting: Maps as records of history

42 Paper models of two castles.
Nasuh, Tuhfetu'/-Guzat. 1532,
ISK, Esad Efendi, 2206, fols 33b-34a.
43 Istanbul. Nasuh,
Mecmu'-i Menazil, 1537, IUK, T. 5964,
fols 8b-9a.
reveals two castles drawn across two
pages (fig. 42). Decked with hoisted
flags, some of the donjons feature coni-
cal roofs whereas others have none; the
walls of the donjons are ornate with
a plethora of decorations. On 21 June
1529, a festival was organized at the
Hippodrome for the circumcision cere-
mony of Sultan Siileyman's sons. As
the master of the matrak game, Nasuh
created two large models of castles out
of paper for the festival and adorned the
walls of these castles with decorations.
(r. 1524-1576), who sought asylum in
the Ottoman state. The matrak game,
which was performed in the audience
of Nasuh's patron grand vizier Riistem
Pasha (d. 1561) and the Safavid prince,
was much appreciated and the artist was
duly rewarded for his skill. 16
Another project that granted Nasuh
fame was the history book he began
writing circa 1520 upon the orders of
Silleyman I. Nasuh continued with this
project through the encouragement of
grand vizier Riistem Pasha and perso-

42

The models were carried to the Hippod-
rome on wheels and were placed facing
each other; the soldiers inside the castles
performed with cannons, rifles and cud-
gels. Comprised of five towers and four
gates, the castles were based on the afo-
rementioned drawings. Nasuh also per-
formed at the ceremony held in honor
of the arrival of Alqas Mirza (d. 1548),
the brother of Safavid Shah Tahmasb
nally illustrated several sections on Otto-
man history. Entitled Beyan-z Menazil-i
Sefer-i Irakeyn-i Sultan Siileyman Han
(Descriptions of Halting Stations on the
Sultan Silleyman's Campaign in the Two
Iraks) or Mecmu'-i Menazil (Assembly
of Halting Stations) in short, the work
comprises a section of the history of
the Ottomans Nasuh wrote; which acco-
unts the Syrian-Mesopotamian campaign

16
Yurdaydm 1976, p. 21.

76-77 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans

Silleyman led against the Safavid state in
1534-1536. 17 In the journey from Istan-
bul to Tabriz, Sultaniyya and Baghdad
and back via Aleppo and Diyarbalm,
Nasuh introduces the areas or towns
which the Ottoman forces stayed at or
simply passed by. He gives further acco-
unt on the length of stay, indicates the
tombs and shrines of important religious
personages, and presents illustrations of
these buildings. The densely populated
cities such as Istanbul, Tabriz, Sulta-
niyya, Baghdad and Aleppo, are depic-
ted on double pages; as the symbols of
each city, their monuments are portrayed
in specific detail. The famed Istanbul
depiction is one of the most meticulo-
us drawings of Nasuh; it represents the
Ottoman capital in all its splendor (fig.
43). It is possible that Nasuh employed
the bird's-eye-view depictions of the city
found in European maps. However, unli-
17
IOK, TY 5964. Yurdaydm 1976; Denny 1970; pp. 49-63; Halbout du Tanney 1993; Orbay 2001,
pp. 47-72.
Cartography and painting: Maps as records of history
ke the European samples, Nasuh's map
is not confined to a single vantage point
in the geometrical sense. In other words,
the city is not depicted from a single
perspective. The main peninsula orients
eastward. In other words, the perspective
appears to originate from the west end
of the city. Featuring significant archi-
tectural monuments, the Historic Penin-
sula is drawn with great care. In order
to distinguish outstanding monuments
such as the Topkap1 Palace, the Hagia
Sophia, the Hippodrome, ibrahim Pasha
43
Palace, the Old Palace and the Mosque of
Mehmed II, each building is drawn sepa-
rately. The Hagia Sophia and the Mosque
of Mehmed II dominate the panorama.
Less inhabited districts are not included
in the map. Uskiidar (on the Anatolian
shore) and the Maiden's Tower, as well
as Galata (on the European shore) are
reduced in scale. Surrounded by walls,
44 inebaht1 (Lepanto). Matrakr;:1
Nasuh, Tarih-i Sultan Bayezid,
ca. 1540, TSM, R. 1272, fols 21b-22a.
45 Baghdad. Matrakr;:1 Nasuh,
Mecmu'-i Menazil, 1537, I OK, T. 5964,
fols 47b-48a.
46 Aleppo. Matrakr;:1 Nasuh, Mecmu'-i
Menazil, 1537, IUK, T. 5964,
fols 105b-1 06a.
78-79
the Galata district rises on a hill towards
the Galata Tower. The arsenal on the sho-
re figures prominently. Galata appears to
have been drawn from across the Golden
Hom. The city extends all the way to
Eyiip over the Golden Hom. The Maide-
n's Tower and Usklidar appear on the
other end. As in the case of all of Nasuh's
depictions, the illustration does not inc-
lude any figures. The sailboats floating
across the Golden Hom and the Marmara
Sea, the galleons firing their cannons in
front of the shipyard, the cypress trees,
fruit trees and colorful plants on the hills
of Galata prove that apart from his com-
petence in the city depictions, Nasuh was
also a master artist.
Sultan Siileyman I spent four months
of winter in Baghdad during this cam-
paign and visited the tombs of Ali, the
cousin and son-in-law of the Prop-
het Muhammad, and his grandchildren
Hasan and Husayn in Najaf and Karbala.
Nasuh, who made drawings of Baghdad
during Siileyman's extended stay, depic-
ted, one by one, the tombs and shrines
of the numerous religious personages
in and outside of Baghdad (fig. 45). On
the roads that lead to Baghdad, which
sprawls across two banks of the Tigris,
are various animals and two confronting
lions. In Nasuh's drawing of Aleppo, on
3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
the other hand, the famed fortress of the
city dominates the illustration (fig. 46).
The bridge leading to the fortress and
the buildings enclosed are depicted in
detail. The settlements included in Mec-
mu '-i Menazil reflect the architectural
conventions of the cities, particularly
those of iznik, Konya, Sivas, Erzurum,
Diyarbalm, and Seyyid Gazi, by
documenting in a detailed manner the
monumental buildings, domes, minarets
and far;ades, some ofwhich are no longer
extant today. The rivers, lakes and vege-
tation reveal features unique to these
regions and allow them to be recognized
at first glance. While the illustrations
portray the fauna and the flora of the
relevant region, they include no human
figures. In this regard, these city ima-
ges markedly diverge from the
(City Thriller) tradition, a popular genre
of Ottoman literature, which focuses on
the male and female beauties of cities.
The depiction of fortresses and castles,
which Nasuh excelled at, is directly con-
nected to the concept of conquest. The
absence of the narrative style of book
illustrations in these depictions, each of
which can be regarded as the portrait of
a city, strongly emphasizes the original
approach of the work and its connection
with cartography.
 45

Cartography and painting: Maps as records of history

47 Nice. Matrakr;:1 Nasuh, Tarih-i
Feth-i Estergon ve istulnibelgrad,
ca. 1545, TSM, H. 1608, fols 27b-28a.
48 Budin (Buda and Pest). Matrakr;:1
Nasuh, Tarih-i Feth-i Estergon
ve istulnibelgrad, ca. 1545, TSM,
H. 1608, fols 89b-90a.
80-81
One of the illustrated chapters of
Nasuh's history that recounts Ottoman
victories is Tarih-i Sultan Bayezid (His-
tory of Sultan Bayezid), dedicated to the
conquests ofKili (Kilia, Kiliya), Akkerman
(Belgorod-Dnestrovski), inebahtr (Lepan-
to), Modon and Giilek fortresses during
the reign of Bayezid II. 18 The illustrations
in this book are non-figurative drawings
in black ink and lightly colored. The ine-
bahtr image on a double-page-spread is
painted in pastel colors (fig. 44). The pink
and blue hills in the background remind
us of other city views by Matrak\1.
Currently preserved in Dresden, the
Selimname (Book of Selim) constitutes
another chapter of Matrak\1 Nasuh's his-
tory book. The events that transpired
between Selim I's accession to the throne
and his death are illustrated. The fortress
cities of Tabriz, Amasya, Sivas, Bayburt
and Kemah, depicted in the chapter on the
Tabriz campaign, are similar to the style
and technique of Matrak\I's city sce:hes. 19
Another illustrated chapter of Nasu-
h's Ottoman history is dedicated to the
events of 1543. Entitled Tarih-i Feth-i
Estergon ve istulnibelgrad (History
of the Conquest of Sikl6s, Esztergom and
Szegesfehervar), the book is comprised of
two chapters and, in fact, constitutes a
section of Nasuh's Siileymanname (Book
of Siileyman).20 The first section focuses
on the 1543 campaign that Barbaros Hay-
reddin Pasha (d. 1546) led across the sout-
hern shores of France to help the French
king. In this section, Toulon, Marseilles,
Nice and Genoa, the ports into which Hay-
reddin Pasha entered with his fleet, the
houses, churches and the Ottoman ships at
the port, are illustrated against the back-
drop of the mountain ranges, either from
a bird's eye-view or from the opposite
shore; they are all drawn in black ink, and
partly colored. In the port of Nice, all the
topographical features, the fortress and the
houses, and the anchored fleet are drawn
in a linear style in black ink with a brush
or a pen, reminding European portolans.
On the other hand, a different brush tech-
nique is marked in the multi-colored hills,
18
TSM, R. 1272. Yurdaydm 1963a, pp. 14-15; Ak.alay 1968, pp. 106-115.
19
DSLB, E. 391. Ugur 1977, pp. 329-335; Paris 1990, p. 312.
20
TSM, H. 1608. The facsimile of the work was published: Tarih-i Feth-i
Yurdaydm 1963a, pp. 42-47; Ak.alay 1968, pp. 103-106.
3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
the small green trees, the bunches of grass
almost the size of the buildings, and the
silvery glaze on the sea, reflecting a blend
of the Ottoman conception of landsca-
pe with European elements (fig. 47). The
second chapter of the work relates the
Ottoman military campaign into Hungary
under the command of Sultan Siileyman
during the same months of the same year.
Here, the camp sites of the army are indi-
cated by month and day, while the topog-
raphy of the region with the lakes, rivers,
hills and bridges as well as the fortresses
is depicted. The presence of the Ottoman
army is reflected by the tents set up on
the camp site. The backgrounds are often
painted in gold. For example in the illus-
tration of Budin (Buda and Pest) spread
across two sides of the Danube River,
the important buildings of the city are
depicted as well as the Ottoman tents in
the encampment outside of the city walls
(fig. 48). Unlike the depiction of Nice, this
illustration does not reflect the technique
of the Mediterranean portolans, however,
although it resembles in style the city
depictions in Mecmu'-i Menazil, it may
also have drawn some inspiration from
the city depictions of European origin.
Nasuh joined the latter campaign,
which coincided with the former one, in
the service of the sultan; the text is written
and illustrated like a daily report, or men-
zilname. As in the case of Tarih-i Sultan
Bayezid and Selimname, for the campaign
he did not join Nasuh may have referred to
existing maps in his depiction of encamp-
ments and conquered lands; he may also
have sought help from cityscape painters,
who were familiar with other visual tra-
ditions. With the exception of Mecmu '-i
Menazil, there is no colophon in any of
the illustrated works by Nasuh. In the illus-
trations he made between 153 7 and 1545,
Nasuh enriched his topographic drawings
with his brush turning them into enchan-
ting landscapes, visualizing with his brush
what he could not convey in the text
In other words, images replaced words.
Nasuh and his followers in the sixteenth
century marked an era in Islamic art, initi-
1987. Also, see
ating 'landscape painting' as a genre; their
depictions of cities in Anatolia, Syria, Iraq
and Iran with nearly the precision of a
photograph have served as priceless docu-
ments for research on urbanism.
The legacy of Nasuh:
The continuation of
the topographic painting tradition
resent a tradition that developed in
line with the power of the Ottoman
state. In illustrating the cities and for-
tresses besieged by the Ottoman army
and the navy, or depicting the tempo-
rary encampments, Ottoman painters
drew with a precision that recalls the
topographical city views in atlases.
47

During the reign of Siileyman I, the

Ottomans also prepared various military
maps and siege plans. These attest to the
dose connection between cartographers
and artists. The siege plan of Belgrade,
for example, is a complete plan and an
illustration at the same time (fig. 49). 21
While determining the topography of
the city, the plan is also decorated with
trees and plants; not only is it colo-
red like a painting, but it also includes
occasional notes on strategy. Several
siege and city plans in this genre can
be found at the Topkap1 Palace. The
1565 plan prepared during the siege of
Malta and the Szigetvar plan that was
probably made in 1566 are among such
examples. 22 Another representative that
48
combines the same tradition with picto-
rial illustrations is the famed depiction
of inebaht1. 23 These plans were quite
possibly made by the military personnel.
Such topographic illustrations are also
found in the pilgrimage guides and cer-
tificates dating from the reign of Sultan
Silleyman and his successors. Town views
in these guides and certificates which give
detailed information on pilgrimage proce-
dures and the holy cities reflect the same
approach and demonstrate the competen-
ce of painters in these types of illustra-
tions. The views of the holy cities found
in these guides, some of which are in roll
form, may look schematic but they certa-
inly are drawn with great care (fig. 50).24
The fortress and city depictions in
the historical manuscripts illustrated
throughout the sixteenth century rep-

21
ISM, E. 9440.
22
ISM, Y.Y. 1118. ISA, E. 12356. See Karamustafa 1992, pp. 209-227, for these types of siege plans.
23
ISM, 17/348. See Paris 1990, cat. 93 for this work, which was possibly made between 1540 and 1550.
24
ISM, H. 1812. Dated 1544-1545 (951 AH), for this pilgrimage scroll see Ianmdl 1983a, 1983b.
Another scroll which includes images of the holy places is prepared as a gratitude for the repairs
and renovations by Siileyman I (ISA, E. 7750). See Istanbul 2008a, pp. 204-206, 235.

Cartography and painting: Maps as records of history

 49 Siege plan of Belgrade. ca. 1521,
TSM, E. 9440.
50 Mount Arafat. Pilgrimage
certificate, 1544-1545, TSM, H. 1812.
For example, the plan-illustration of
the Szigetvar fortress in Nuzhatu'l-Ah-
bar der Sefer-i Sigetvar (The Charming
Beauty of Histories on the Campaign of
Szigetvar)25 by Ahmed Feridun Pasha,
which will be discussed in detail below,
is one of the striking examples of this
precision (fig. 75). Views of Istanbul
in historical manuscripts, on the other
hand, constitute a separate group. Some
of these images are akin to the plan of
the city. The Istanbul map included in
the first volume of the Hiinername (Book
of the Skills), 26 which will be introduced
in further detail as a work that descri-
bes the superior features of the Ottoman
sultans, reveals the fabric of the city in
the second half of the sixteenth century
the city expanded over the Golden Hom
and that the Eyiip and Galata districts
gained significance. The settlements at
the Golden Hom, Eyiip and Kag1thane
districts can also be observed in the
Sulan (Waters of Forty-fo-
untains) map of the Zafername (Book
of Victory), which pertains to the reign
of Siileyman J.2 7 This drawing is execu-
ted in the same style as the later map
in the Hiinername, and reveals a part of
Istanbul not shown there. While depic-
ting the aqueducts that provide water
to Istanbul, it also portrays the capital
as a sprawling city filled with vine-
yards and orchards. In the illustration
included in the $ehin§ahname (Book of
the King of Kings)2 8 of 1581, a historic

49

(fig. 105). The Hiinername illustration is
oriented towards the north. The boun-
daries are more extensive than those of
Nasuh. While the emphasis lies on the
settlements across Galata and Eyiip dis-
tricts, little room is allocated to Uskii-
dar. It is possible to see all the buildings
added to the peninsula after the time of
Nasuh's map oflstanbul. In this respect,
the image of Istanbul in the Hiinername
reflects the fabric of the city at the end
of the sixteenth century. It proves that
account of the reign of Murad III, which
shows a comet observed over Istanbul,
the city is oriented towards the Mar-
mara Sea. The shores on the Anatolian
side are drawn in detail and the sixte-
enth century buildings in Uskiidar are
documented. A similar documentary
approach is reflected in other histori-
cal accounts focusing on besieged or
conquered lands far from the capital,
such as in the illustration of the Island
of Malta29 (fig. 80) and the Bay of Ale-

25
TSM, H. 1339, fols. 32b-33a. Rogers 1992, p. 248. See in this book, pp. 110-113, for the work.
26
TSM, H. 1523, fols. 158b-159a. See in this book, pp. 142-146.
27
DCBL, T. 413, fols. 22b-23a. Minorsky 1958, pp. 19-21; And 2002, p. 331. See in this book, pp. 119-121.
28
:rOK, F. 1404, fol. 58a. And 2002, p. 357. See in this book, pp. 126-131.

82-83 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans

xandria30 (fig. 142), where detailed topog- from various sources and benefited from
raphy of the settlement is given. All of the knowledge of map illustrators. As the
these images were produced in the royal creator of the famous aforementioned
studio presided by the court historiograp- atlas, Ali Macar Reis, for example, was
her Lokman (alive in 1601), who was in not only a cartographer, but also an offi-
charge of writing the history of the Otto- cer of the Ottoman fleet. The merit pays
man dynasty. These manuscripts attest made to Ali Macar Reis are well known. 35
to the weight placed on the inclusion of The maps of Piri Reis and the
images of cities and regions in works of depictions in the atlases made in the
history. This approach is maintained until ensuing years undoubtedly prove that
the late sixteenth century and even later. cartography and painting were closely
For example, the Manisa view in the his- interconnected. The maps not only
tory ofTa'likizade, written in the 1590s, is serve as documents of history, but
a product of this tradition (fig. 146).31
What is the connection between pain-
50
ters and cartographers? Are these the
works of cartographers or commissi-
oned to artists by cartographers? Certain
documents point to artists working at the
Galata shipyard. 32 There is even a menti-
on of a master artist of galleons. However,
as the term nakka$ (artist, painter) applies
to both an illuminator and an illustrator
of books, it is impossible to arrive at a
definite conclusion. The renowned Otto-
man historian and traveler Evliya \'elebi
(d. 1683) speaks of shops that produced
maps and atlases to be sold to seamen.
He notes that the cartographers (esnaf-z
hartaczyan) working in these stores were
well-informed, multi-lingual individu-
als who possessed numerous books on
geography. 33 The circulation of shipbu-
ilders, cartographers and captains in the
Mediterranean is, without doubt, a fac-
tor that largely affected interaction and
acculturation. Consequently, it is possible
to explain the similarities between the
atlases of Italians, Catalans and Otto-
mans.34 It is also necessary to dwell upon
the identity of the artists who created the
city depictions in Ottoman history books.
Apart from the artists who presumably
visited the cities and ports they depicted, they also document the art of pain-
there were also masters, who illustrated ting in the period in question and the
the cities and regions mentioned in the circulation of existing visual tastes in
text without ever having seen them but different art circles, particularly in the
who undoubtedly had access to drawings Mediterranean.

29
Zafername, DCBL, T. 413. See footnote 27.
' Tarih-i Feth-i Yemen, IOK, T. 6045. See in this book, pp. 175-177.
0

31
ISM, A. 3592, fols. 10b-11a. See in this book, p. 180.
" 1948, p. 431.
" Evliya <;:elebi 1996, p. 236.
34
See Renda 1992b; Rogers 1992; Loupis 2000 for different perspectives.
35
For further documentation, see BOA, Kepeci Tasnifi, No. 223, Ruus 16a.

Cartography and painting: Ma ps as records of history

The second stage in the tradition of portraiture:
Nigari and his works

84-85
As mentioned earlier, it is often assumed
that Sultan Bayezid II, who succeeded
to the throne after Mehmed II, showed
little interest in the European style of
painting. However, it appears that he
acknowledged renowned Italian masters
and solicited their services particularly
in architecture and engineering. In a let-
ter he wrote to Bayezid II, famed Italian
artist Leonardo da Vinci (d. 1519) pro-
posed a floating bridge that would span
across the Golden Horn. 1 Michelangelo
(d. 1564) also designed a model for the
same bridge, and, in fact, considered
visiting Istanbul. 2
While there are no portraits of Sultan
Bayezid II painted during his lifetime,
it is nevertheless interesting to see
that the first series of portraits of the
Ottoman sultans emerged in Europe
during this period. Felix Petancius, who
came to Istanbul from Hungary on a
diplomatic mission in 1495, created a
portrait series of the first eight Ottoman
sultans. This series was presented to the
Hungarian King Wladislas II (r. 1490-
1516). Petancius' work, which offers
information on the Ottoman palace and
the state organization, contains por-
traits of eight Ottoman sultans up until
Sultan Bayezid II placed in medallions.
Yet another manuscript inspired by this
particular work includes portraits of
the sultans, as well as battle and harem
scenes from their reigns. 3 These exam-
ples attest to the European interest in
portraits of Ottoman sultans following
the reign of Mehmed II.
As will be discussed in detail below,
significant emphasis was placed on
sultanic portraiture in the Ottoman
court throughout the sixteenth century.
Created by famous European artists,
there are numerous portraits, particu-
larly of Siileyman I, who nourished
political ambitions similar to those of
Mehmed II and established strong politi-
cal and cultural relations with European
countries. Painters who accompanied
Europeans arriving at the Ottoman cap-
ital on diplomatic and trade missions
during this period painted portraits
of Sultan Siileyman I. Moreover, it is
assumed that some of the portraits may
have been presented to court officials. 4
The foremost Ottoman nakka§ recog-
nized for the portraits he created in this
period is Haydar Reis (d. 1572), who
was known by the pseudonym Nigari,
derived from the Persian word for
painting, nigar.
Sources provide ample information
about Nigari. He was a poet and sea-
farer, as well as a nakka§; the place
where he lived early in his life near the
Tophane district of Galata, was a meet-
ing point for poets and intellectuals. The
contemporary biographer r;elebi (d.
1571-1572) reveals that the tavern (i§re-
tabad) Nigari opened later near the Eyiip
district on the Golden Horn was a popu-
lar venue for feasts and mystical con-
versations. Noting that the artist accom-
panied Pasha to Damascus and
later on the Pilgrimage, r;elebi adds
that Nigari spent time with Prince Selim
in Kiitahya for some time. A§lk r;elebi,
who praises Nigari's seafaring skills and
particular talent in navigation, adds that
the artist contributed to the victories of
the naval campaigns and even wrote
a book on conquests. By comparing
Nigari with the celebrated fifteenth-
century Timurid artist Bihzad, pointing
out that unlike the latter Nigari's artistic
skills were innate, A§lk r;elebi implies
that Nigari did not learn his art from
another painter, suggesting that paint-
ing was not his profession. 5 Yet the later
biographer Kmahzade Hasan r;elebi (d.
1604), commends Nigari's aptitude for
poetry and painting: "Should he paint

' For Leonardo's project and the letter preserved at Topkap1 Palace, see Babinger 1953. For the
drawing in Leonardo's sketchbooks, see Richter 1889, p. 215 ; Renda 2003, pp. 1095-1096.
2
Istanbul 2000, p. 72, footnote 46.
' Preserved at the Orszagos Szechenyi Konyvtar in Budapest and prepared by Petancius in 1495,
the scroll entitled Genealogia Turcorum imperatorum. Lex imperii Dorni militaeque habita dedi-
rata. Volodislano Hungarie. Rex, includes portraits of seven Ottoman sultans. The last ruler Sultan
Bayezid II appears in his tent with an arrow and shield. Historia Turcorum, which is also attributed
to Petancius, is preserved at the Niirnberg Stadtbibliothek (Ms. 312). This work features a bust
portrait of each sultan and a relevant scene. Istanbul 2000, pp. 92, 93.
• Istanbul 2000, pp. 96-104.
5
\elebi 1971, fols. 138b-139a.

The second stage in the tradition of portraiture: Nigari and his works
51

86-87 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans

the figure of the beloved, the beloved
would walk at once, should he paint the
beautiful rose, the sighs and tears of a
nightingale would be heard all around.
If he were to paint the lover, those who
saw the image would call it an illus-
trated sprit and if he were to paint a
river, that river would tum the world
into a rose garden." Hasan <;elebi par-
ticularly emphasizes Nigari's mastery in
portraiture (suret) and black and white
drawings. 6 Ahdi of Baghdad (d. 1594),
regards Nigari as unequalled in poetry
and the art of painting, and praises his
book entitled Diirr-i Derya (Pearl of the
Sea); based on Nigari's extensive knowl-
edge on oceanography and islands, the
work is replete with brilliant poems. 7
We learn from Riyazi that Nigari died in
1572 (980 AH) around the age of eighty
and was buried in his garden near Zal
Mahmud Pasha Mosque in Eyiip. 8 In his
aforementioned book on the biographies
of Ottoman calligraphers and painters
entitled Menaktb-t Hiinerveran, Mustafa
Ali states that Nigari was a portrait artist
who had a particular talent for captur-
ing the likeness of Sultan Selim IJ.9
Rather than being depictions that
accompany the text, the works of Nigari,
who is also known in sources as portrait-
ist (suretgar), are paintings that portray
one or several individuals on a single
folio. One of the first known paintings
of the artist is the portrait of Barbaros
Hayreddin Pasha (d. 1546) (fig. 51). 10 He
depicted the elderly Barbaros, who was
possibly a close friend, in profile, and in
half-length format. The famous admiral
holds his staff in one hand and smells the
carnation in his other hand. Here, Nigari
uses an iconography that resembles the
portrait of Sultan Mehmed II attributed
to Ahmed (fig. 15). The strik-
ing similarity between this portrait and
the image of Barbaros Hayreddin Pasha
in the presence of the Sultan Siileyman 51 Portrait of Barbaros Hayreddin
I in the Siileymanname of 1558, suggests Pasha. Album painting, ca. 1540, TSM,
that the artist of the Siileymanname was H. 2134, fol. 9.
inspired by Nigari's portrait (fig. 67). 11 H. 2134, y. 9.
Nigari is believed to be the first repre-
sentative ofthe Ottoman tradition of por-
traying the sultans in a series, a tradition
that would be firmly established in the
second half of the sixteenth century and
would last until the twentieth century.
In fact, several documents indicate that
Barbaros Hayreddin Pasha took with him
on his Mediterranean campaign in 1543
a series of portraits attributed to Nigari,
none of which have survived, and offered
them in an ivory box as a gift to the
French admiral Virginia Orsini, whom
he met in Toulon. 12 More important is
the fact that Paolo Giovio (d. 1552), who
collected portraits of renowned individu-
als at his villa in Como, had access to
these portraits. He then had them copied
by Tobias Stimmer and published them
in the book he wrote on the lives of
the Ottoman emperors in 1577. Thus,
the portraits made by Nigari and cop-
ied by Giovio constituted the model for
Ottoman sultanic portraiture in Europe. 13
Undoubtedly, the portrait of Sultan
Siileyman attributed to Nigari is of
special significance (fig. 52). 14 In this
portrait the sultan appears old and tired.
He is shown in plain attire strolling
through the garden, accompanied by
two attendants. The portrait seems more
as a scene from the sultan's daily rou-
tine rather than being a symbol of sov-
ereignty. In this regard, Nigari diverts
from the depictive tradition of Ottoman
portraiture dominated by official poses
that underline the power and author-
ity of the ruler. Nigari's Siileyman is a
sorrowful sultan, who has lost his wife
and sons. Yet, the golden sword carried
by his attendants represents his power.
The sultan is shown in profile. Almost

6
Hasan c;:elebi 1981, fols 1001-1002.
ISM, H. 1303, fols 134b-135a.
ISM, H. 1276, fol. 90a.
' Mustafa Ali 1926, p. 63.
10
ISM, H. 2134, fol. 9a.
11
See pp. 102-108 in this book for the Siileymanname.
"Majer 1995, pp. 443-456; Istanbul 2000, pp. 144-145.
13
Paolo Giovio published these portraits in the books entitled, Elogia Vivorum Bellica virtute illus-
trium (dated 1575) and Vitae illustrum vivorum Turcarum usque ad Solymanum II [dated 1577)
printed in Basel. Istanbul 2000, pp. 144-145, cat. 29.
14
ISM, H. 2134, fol. 8a.

The second stage in the tradition of portraiture: Nigari and his works
88-89 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
all of the portraits of Sultan Silleyman 52 Portrait of Sultan Suleyman I.
by European artists are painted in this Album painting, 1560-1565, TSM,
manner. This alone reveals that Nigari, H. 2134, fol. 8.
who also employed the profile view in
some of his works, was familiar with the
European portraiture tradition. 15
Apart from Ottoman sultans, Nigari
also made portraits of European rulers.
The portraits of the French King
I (r. 1515-1517) and the Holy Roman
Emperor Charles V (r. 1519-1558) are
painted as miniatures. Nigari, who was
known for his affinity with the court
circles, must have referred to European
engravings in the palace. 16 The bust por-
traits of King I and Charles V
are painted in profile and three-quarters
view respectively. This indicates that
during the reign of Silleyman I, several
drawings and engravings of European
origin was available in Istanbul.
Nigari's closeness to Sultan Selim
II is well known. The artist painted the
sultan's portraits when he was a prince. 17
Apparently serving as the sultan's court-
ier at the princely court in Ktitahya, he
portrayed Selim shooting an arrow (fig.
53). 18 In the group portrait designed as
two folios, the prince appears on the
left; behind him, the falconer holds the
arrow of the prince in one hand and a
carnation in the other. The two objects
in the falconer's hands symbolize the
prince's archery skills and his sophisti-
cation in art and literature, respectively.
On the opposite page, a figure holds the
arrow target for Selim. The inscription
on the target reads, "Sultan Selim shoot-
ing arrows." Both the reference to Selim
as "sultan" in the inscription and the
aigrette in his turban designate Selim
as heir apparent. The couplet in the car-
touche above suggests that the person
holding the target might be Nigari. The
attires of the prince and the other figures
display Ottoman decorative motifs par-
ticular to the second half of the sixteenth
century. This further proves the artist's

15
Istanbul 2000, cat. 24.
16
Having published these two portraits for the first time from the Edwin Binney ill collection,
which are now in CHUAM (Arthur M. Sadder) (85.214), F. R. Martin notes that he obtained these
portraits from the palace library and adds that they were copied from Clouet or Cranach. Martin
1912, p. 93; Binney-Denny 1979; p. 25, No. 13; Renda 2003, pp. 1100-1101.
17
According to Mustafa Ali, Nigari attends to Selim's princely gatherings and executes his por-
traits. Mustafa Ali 1926, p. 69.
18
TSM, H. 2134, fol. 3. Istanbul 2000, cat. 30.

The second stage in the tradition of portraiture: Nigari and his works
 53

54

90-91 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans

meticulous attention to detail and his 53 Prince Selim shooting arrows.
realistic approach to portraits. Album painting, 1561-1562, TSM,
A second portrait shows Prince Selim H. 2134, fols 2b-3a.
with a wine goblet in hand. 19 Once again, 54 Two princes hunting. Album
a falconer stands behind him. The inscrip- painting, ca. 1540, TSM, H. 2134,
tion, "pavilion of the sultan" above the fol. 5.
window reveals that Selim is part of a
festivity within the pavilion. Yet, the
fact that he only has one arm through
his kaftan indicates that he is about to
go hunting. The group portrait, which
appears to be the opposite page of this
scene, portrays musicians and the prince's
boon companions. 20 Inscribed next to
the figures are their names. The inscrip-
tion at the top reads, "Nigari, the servant
of Sultan Selim" (Nigari bende-i Sultan
Selim) , indicating that the artist is also
present at the courtly gathering held by
the prince. The figure behind the musi-
cians is possibly Nigari. Other individual
illustrations by Nigari also include hunt-
ing scenes. 2 1 One of them features two fig-
ures on horseback as they hunt (fig. 54).
It appears that Nigari was acquainted
with techniques of western painting.
He used a dark green background in
all of his illustrations. As underlined in
various sources, Nigari's masterly brush
technique is evident in the fine, detailed
weaving motifs. Evidently Nigari's
greatest contribution to Ottoman paint-
ing was through his portraits; during
the reign of Siileyman, he upheld the
portraiture tradition initiated by artists
such as Sinan Bey and Ahmed
during Mehmed II's reign. More impor-
tantly, the sultanic portraits by Nigari
that reached the collection of Paolo
Giovio and the portraits of the European
rulers he painted at the Ottoman court
indicate that there was a circulation of
images between European centers and
the Ottoman Empire throughout the
sixteenth century. The significance of
this circulation emerges more strongly
in the subsequent stages of sultanic
portraiture.

"Geneva, Prince Sadruddin Agha Khan collection, TM 5. Welch-Welch 1982, pp. 32- 33; Geneva
1985, cat. 106. Istanbul 2000, cat. 31.1.
20
LACMA, M.85.237.20. Binney-Denny 1979, p. 22; Istanbul 2000, cat. 31.2.
21
TSM, H. 2134, fol. 5. 1979, p. 57, no. 140.

The second stage in the tradition of portraiture: Nigari and his works
The imperial tradition and the illustrated history
of the sultans

92-93
The earliest known examples of illus-
trated texts of universal history, history of
dynasties, and rulers were commissioned
by the llkhanid Khans (1256-1353). 1
Initiated upon the request of llkhanid ruler
Ghazan Khan (r. 1295-1304) under the
direction of his vizier and historian Rashid
al-Din (d. 1318) and completed during the
reign of Oljeytii (1304-1316), the Jami al-
Tawarikh (Compendium of Chronicles)/
constitutes the foremost example of the
genre of illustrated histories. A multi-
volume history of the world, the book was
copied and illustrated at the scriptorium in
Rab-1 Rashidi (Quarter of Rashid), a chari-
table foundation established by Rashid
al-Din outside Tabriz. 3 While the project
was initially envisaged to be written in
Arabic and Persian and to be distributed
to the lands under the llkhanid rule, it was
never completed. Two examples of the
Persian text illustrated between 1314 and
1317 are housed at the Topkap1 Palace.4
Historical sources point to the existence of
books on llkhanid history illustrated dur-
ing the reign of Abu Sa'id (1316-1335). 5
From the late fourteenth century onwards,
Timurid rulers and princes commissioned
illustrated manuscripts on the histories
of earlier periods and their own reigns.
One such example is Shahanshahnama
(Book of the Kings of Kings), the history
of the Chingizids written in Persian. 6 As
the first example of illustrated histories
written in verse, the work was completed
in 1397-1398 (800 AH) possibly in Shiraz,
which was under Timurid rule at the
time. Having worked in Herat under the
patronage of the Timurid ruler Shahrukh,
the historian Hafiz-i Abru (d. 1430) was
rewriting some of the folios of Rashid
al-Din's Jami al-Tawarikh, which had
1
Richard 1997, p. 41; Hillenbrand 2000.
2
Blair 1995; Blair 1997.
' See Blair 1984; Ozgudenli 2006, pp. 173-233 on Rab-1 Rashidi.
4
ISM, H. 1653 and H. 1654. For general information and references, see c;:agman-Ianmdi 1996,
pp. 49-55.
5
Thackston 1989, p. 345.
6
LBL, Or. 2780. The work is included in a manuscript of composite works. Titley 1977, No. 99.
7
ISM, H. 1653 and H. 1654. c;:agman-Iamndi 1996, pp. 49-52.
'ISM, B. 282. For the illuminations, see Iamnd1 1999, p. 651. For illustrations and references, see
Sims 2002a.
• London 2005, No. 171.
10
Meredith-Owens 1971, p. 25.
11
TiEM, 1953. c;:1g 1959, pp. 73-74.
12
Wood 2002.
"Meredith-Owens 1971, p. 26; Sims 2002b.
14
Meredith-Owens 1971, p. 26.
The imperial Sehname tradition and the illustrated history of the sultans
reached Shahrukh's library in a ruined
condition/ while simultaneously com-
piling histories. The text, to which he
added a section on Timurid history until
1416, is entitled Kulliyat-l Ha.fiz-i Abru
(Compendium of Hafiz-i Abru) or Majma
al-Tawarikh (Compendium of Histories).
Copied by Ma'ruf in Herat between 1415
and 1417, a larger manuscript of this
historical text includes exquisite minia-
tures and illuminations. 8 Other historical
texts illustrated under the patronage of
Timurid and Safavid courts include the
following works: the Zafarnama (Book of
Victory), 9 which is a biography of Timur
written in prose by the fifteenth-century
historian Sharaf al-Din Ali Yazdi; the
Timurnama (Book of Timur), a history
of Timur's victories written in verse by
Hatifi (d. 1520-1521); and the Rawzat
al-Safa (The Garden of Purity), a book on
Islamic history until Timurid rule writ-
ten by Mirkhwand (d. 1498). 10 Written in
verse, an illustrated Shahnama-e Chingizi
(History of the Chinghizids) executed in
the fifteenth century is comprised of the
history of previous Chinghizid rulers. 11
The sixteenth-century illustrated copies of
the Shahnama-e Isma 'il, which recounts
the victories of the founder of the Safavid
dynasty Shah Isma'il I (r. 1501-1524),
written by Qas1m Gunabadi (alive in 1565),
have survived to date. 12 Several illustrated
examples of contemporary or earlier his-
tories are known from the Safavid and
Mshar periods between the sixteenth and
eighteenth centuries. 13 Among these, the
Tarih-e Nadiri, the history of Mshar king
Nadir Shah (r. 1736-1747) can be cited as
an example. 14
Illustrated copies of the histories of
Uzbek rulers Shibani Khan (r. 1451-
 1510) and Abdullatif Khan (r. 1540-
1551) commissioned in verse or in
prose - on their respective reigns -,
were made while they were still alive. 15
Illustrated histories were also execu-
ted in India for the Mughal rulers with
magnificent paintings and illuminations
that far exceeded those of other Isla-
mic countries with the exception of the
Ottoman Empire. The first example of
this tradition is the Baburnama (Book of
Babur), an account of the founder of the
dynasty, Babur (r. 1526-30). Apart from
ordering his father's biography to be
illustrated, Babur's son Akbar (r. 1556-
1605) also commissioned an illustrated
copy of the Akbarnama (Book of Akbar),
the history of his own reign. 16
The examples summarized above
indicate that, with the exception of Ilk-
hanids, the illustration of history books
was not one of the foremost artistic
projects of the state administration. Yet,
as early as the fifteenth century, Otto-
mans were interested in illustrating the
dynasty's history, which evolved into
the most important task of the royal
studio throughout the sixteenth century.
As mentioned in the first chapter,
three illustrated fifteenth-century copies
of Ahmedi's iskendername included pain-
tings depicting the events from the History
of the Ottoman Dynasty (Tevarih-i Al-i
Osman), a chapter interpolated into the
main narrative that focuses on the life and
deeds of Alexander. However, the executi-
on of illustrated Ottoman dynastic histozy
in consecutive volumes did not emerge
until the mid-sixteenth century. These
volumes (at times two successive tomes)
were devoted to the biographies of the sul-
tans, which, in turn, comprised the histozy
of the Ottoman dynasty. The manuscripts
were designed with illustrations from the
outset; they were not illustrated copies of
existing texts, but were produced as sin-
gular works that were not reproduced as
subsequent commissions with the excepti-
on of a few examples and drafts. This pro-
ject was conceptualized and carried out by
salaried court historians under the supervi-
15
For illustrated histories of the Uzbeks, see Ashrafi-Aini 1979.
16
For illustrated histories of the Mughals, see Meredith-Owens 1971, pp. 26-28; Smart 1977; Sims
1978, pp. 760-761; Beach-Koch 1997, pp. 115-116.
94-95 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
sion of the sultans and his prominent sta-
tesmen. Written in Persian verse, the his-
tories were named after and followed the
meter of the celebrated Persian epic Shah-
nama compiled by Firdawsi circa 1010.
The court historian was also called
nameci, or writer of the (Book of
Kings) Such works were designed entirely
in compliance with the demands of the
central authority and the palace, executed
by court artists under the supervision of
the grand viziers, and solely intended for
the inner treasuzy of the palace. As the
qualified individual appointed by the sul-
tan, the supervised this activity
in collaboration with the grand vizier. The
illustration of the became one
of the foremost undertakings of the royal
studio throughout the sixteenth century.
volumes were a collaborative
venture of the elite, authors, scribes, and
painters of the court, working officially
under the patronage of the sultan to pro-
vide both a written and a visual histozy
of the Ottoman dynasty in the ideological
framework of the court.
The shah of illustrated manuscripts:
The of Ottoman sultans
Written by the renowned Persian poet
Firdawsi, the Shahnama narrates the
legendary histories of mythical and his-
toric shahs of pre-Islamic Persia and the
heroes/rulers who were loyal to them.
Throughout the centuries, the work beca-
me a literary classic of Islamic culture
that was widely appreciated both the
public and the court elites alike. Compi-
led by Samanid (819-1005) dignitaries in
the tenth century to help state officials
advance their qualifications with respect
to nobility, palace administration, jus-
tice, military organization, and the arts
of war and hunting, the first Shahnama
text, which no longer exists, was written
in prose. In 1010, Firdawsi was commis-
sioned to compile the Shahnama in verse
by the Ghaznavid ruler Mahmud of Ghaz-
ni (r. 997-1030). Masterfully written with
his advanced technique of poetry coupled
with his extensive knowledge of history
and mythology, Firdawsi's Shahnama
assumed a prominent place in Islamic
literary culture. Before they were penned
by Firdawsi, some of the chapters of the
epic were visualized in accordance with
their popularity in the Islamic world; the
scenes were depicted on ceramics, metal-
work, and murals. 17
The earliest illustrated Shahnama copi-
es that have survived to date were com-
missioned by Ilkhanid rulers in the first
half of the fourteenth century in Tabriz,
Baghdad, and Shiraz. In subsequent years,
the illustrated copies gradually increased
in number and countless examples rema-
ined intact. As a text of heroism, battles,
and victories, the Shahnama's illustrations
became an indispensable part of Isla-
mic visual culture. 18 The Ottoman palace
collection also included many illustrated
copies of the Shahnama. 19 Interestingly,
Ottoman artists only illustrated Shah-
namas that were translated to Turkish. 20
The Ottoman elite seem to have enjoyed
reading this outstanding epic; not only
was Firdawsi's Shahnama translated into
Turkish, but also a book in Persian com-
prised of selected stories from the text was
prepared for Mehmed 11. 21
The Ottoman palace became increa-
singly interested in Firdawsi's Shahnama
as of the fifteenth century. In order to
immortalize their own histories, Ottoman
sultans commissioned works similar to the
Shahnama. Although some sources state
that a certain had been appointed
to write a Tevarih-i Al-i Osman (History
of the Ottoman House) in the Shahnama
style during the reign of Sultan Mehmed
II, this work is unknown. The tradition of
writing sultanic histories in the Shahnama
meter, commissioning them to a poet-
historian well-acquainted with the Per-
sian language, binding these works with
magnificent covers, decorating them with
elegant illuminations and illustrations, all
of which grant the work an official cha-
racter, coincided approximately with the
middle of Sultan Siileyman I's reign.
Executed almost half a century earlier
than the production of the first volumes
of Ottoman $ehnames, the $ehname-i
Melik-i Ummi 22 was possibly an Ottoman
dynastic $ehname exercise commissi-
oned to an author who could potentially
be appointed by the sultan as the $eh-
nameci of the court. Illustrated copies of
Turkish translations of Firdawsi's Shah-
nama constitute the most important gro-
up among such exercises.
Turkish translations of
the Shahnama and the first
illustrated examples
The first known Turkish translation of
the Shahnama is an abbreviated pro-
se version. It was written in 1450-1451
(854 AH) upon the order of Murad 11. 23
Another translation in verse was com-
missioned by the Mamluk sultan Qansu

17
Many scholarly articles deal with the depictions of Shahnama scenes on varying artworks other
than manuscripts. For examples, see Simpson 1981 and 1985; Fontana 1986.
18
Monographs and various articles have been published on illustrated Shahnama manuscripts. For
principle examples and bibliography, see Simpson 1979; Grabar-Blair 1980; Dickson-Welch 1982;
Enderlein-Sundermann 1988; Sims 1996; Rilllrdanz 1997.
19
With fifty-five illustrated Shahnamas, - six of which are Turkish translations - produced
between ealy fourteenth and nineteenth centuries, Topkap1 Palace Museum holds the richest collec-
tion in the world. Two unpublished catalogues prepared by Giiner inal (1972) and by Filiz <;:agman
and Zeren Tanrnd1 of the Topkap1 Shahnamas examine the manuscripts in detail.
20
While this was the general trend, it is also known that Ottoman artists occasionally completed
missing illustrations in unfinished Shahnama manuscripts or made additions. Such an example
is currently preserved at the ISK (HaC! Aga 486). Renowned late-sixteenth century Ottoman
artist Hasan Pasha, whose works will be introduced below, made additional illustrations in
this Shahnama copy, which was possibly copied in Shiraz in 1439 (843 AH).
21
Gotha Landesbibliothek, Abb.72r. Gotha 1997, pp. 131-132.
22
ISM, H. 1123. For this work, see pp. 50-51 in this book.
23
The date of the translation is given at the end of the text (ISM, H. 1518, fol. 328a; B. 284, fol.
388a). There are three illustrated copies of the works, all of which are currently preserved at ISM:
H. 1116, H. 1518 and B. 284. One of the manuscripts (H. 1116) covers the section that starts from
the beginning and ends with events of Kay Khusraw's reign. Other two (B. 284 and H. 1518), on
the other hand, start with Kay Khusraw and ends with the reign of Khusraw Parviz. For H. 1116
and H. 1518, see Karatay 1961b, No. 2153, 2154; Atasoy-<;:agman 1974, p. 23; AtJJ. 1980, p. 166,
fig. 75; inal1972, pp. 126-127; inal1987.

The imperial tradition and the illustrated history of the sultans

I

J
55 The enthronement of Gayumars. al-Ghawri (r. 1501-1516) and was produ-
Tilrki, ca. 1545, TSM, ced in Cairo between 1501 and 1511 by
H. 1520, fol. Ba. Serif Amidi (d. 1514).24 Completed under
56 Zal climbing to the palace of the supervision of the poet-translator,
Rudabeh. Tilrki, the sole Mamluk copy contains sixty-
ca. 1545, TSM, H. 1520, fol. 48b. two illustrations. The manuscript was
possibly added to the Ottoman treasury
along with various other spoils of war
after Sultan Selim I conquered Cairo ·in
1517.25 If not more, six copies of Serifs
$ehname-i Tiirki (Shahnama in Turkish)
are most likely to have been executed
simultaneously at the Ottoman court. It is
probably not a mere coincidence that this
group of manuscripts were copied around
1545, a decade before the first corpus
of the Ottoman sultans' $ehnames was
completed. Carried out hastily through
the collaboration of multiple scribes, the
manuscripts (some of which are incomp-
lete) are similar to the Mamluk original
in size (41.3 x 24.5 em) and appear as
drafts. The quality of the writing is not
superior and, compared to other books
produced at the Ottoman royal studio,
the paper is considerably thinner. In line
with the original pictorial program of
the work, the spaces for illustrations are
left blank, to be completed later. 26 One of
the copies contains forty-one paintings
by an artist working in the decorative
style of the poet:ty books mentioned in
the previous chapter (figs 25-28). 27 In
a rather repetitive manner, in terms of
the rendering of the nature, architecture,
and figures, and the color scheme, the
paintings are simple interpretations of
the Khorasan style. One such painting
depicts the court of Gayumars, the first
king of Iran after the Flood, one of the
most frequently illustrated themes of Fir-
dawsi's Shahnama (fig. 55). As described
in the text, Gayumars and his subjects
are dressed in clothes made of wild ani-
mal skins in the original depictions. The
Ottoman artist; however, does not enti-
rely follow this established model; except
for their leopard skin headgears, the figu-
res are dressed in Ottoman attire. Osten-
tatiously depicted in the original Mam-
luk manuscript, the scene that portrays
famed hero Rustam's father Zal encoun-
tering Rudabeh is interpreted in a rather
plain manner (fig. 56). 28 The illustration
shows Rudabeh, the princess of Kabul, as
she curls down her musky tresses from
the roof of her pavilion for Zal, who
arrives for their secret meeting, to climb
up. Furthermore, the Ottoman artist does
not exert himself to make use of blank
spaces. Unlike his colleague Osman, who
depicted the same scene possibly in the
1560s, he does not attempt to use the
margins. 29
A copy of the prose Turkish Shah-
nama, copied in approximately the

24
For Amidi and his translation, see Gibb 1958, vol. 2, pp. 391-393; Zajaczkowski 1965b;
Flemming 1969; Flemming 1977. The text is published: Kiiltiiral-Beyreli 1999.
25
ISM, H. 1519. Karatay 1961b, No. 2155; Atasoy 1966-68; Mostafa 1970-71, pp. 10-12; inal
1987, pp. 127-131; Ahl 1984; pp. 163-169.
26
Three of the copies, dated to 1544-1545 (951-952 AH) are at the ISM today. (H. 1520, H. 1521
and H. 1522 [inal1987; Bagc1 2000]). One of them is left without paintings (H. 1521). A similar
copy with blank illustration spaces is housed at the Fatih Millet Library (1184). The first six illus-
trations of another example currently preserved at ISK (Damad ibrahim Pasha 983) were made and
the rest was left as it is (Seyhan 1991, vol. 1, pp. 80-98). The last known copy is at LBL (or. 1126).
All of the illustrations were cut out from the manuscript and covered with paper (Rieu 1978, pp.
152-153).
27
ISM H. 1520. inal 1987; Atasoy-<;:agman 1974; p. 25; Ahl 1980, p. 167.
28
For the illustration of this theme in the Mamluk copy, see Atasoy 1968, fig. 5; Ahl 1984, fig. 9.
29
Bagc1 2002a, p. 450.

96-97 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans

same years, points to the court's inte-
rest in illustrating the translations of
the epic, most likely as preparation
for the project of illustrated Ottoman
dynastic histories. 3° Closer in size (42.5
x 28.3 em) to the previous example,
it covers only a brief section of the
text. The stylistic features of the six
depictions in the manuscript reflect the
pictorial conventions adopted by Otto-
man painters in the years 1540-1550.
The domed buildings, the cypress trees
lined across the hills, the trees painted
with blossoms or in shades of green,
the dense cluster of flowers, and the
graceful male and female figures with
rosy cheeks, dressed in yellow, red and
orange attires, constitute the distinctive
characteristics of the paintings. One of
them depicts "Faridun taking Zahhak to
Mount Damawand", a frequently illus-
trated theme in the Shahnama copies
(fig. 57). On his ill-fated encounter
with the devil, King Zahhak has two
snakes emerging from his shoulders.
The snakes require daily feeding of
young human brains, which turn Zah-
hak's reign into an age of terror. To
end this tyrannical rule, the young hero
Faridun strikes the villain down with
his ox-headed mace. At this point, an
angel intervenes and advises Faridun to
drag Zahhak to Mount Damawand, the
greatest peak in Iran, and chain him
alive in a cave to suffer eternally. The
main characters are depicted in a pala-
ce with distinctive Ottoman characte-
ristics. The vivid, contrasting hues and
multi-colored flowers, the perspectival
rendering of the drums of the domes
indicate that the painter was one of
the pioneers of a style that would be
pursued in Ottoman painting after the
mid-sixteenth century. There are other
known illustrations attributable to the
same anonymous artist_3 1

56

30
ISM, H. 1116. c;:agman-Tamnd1 1979, no. 135, fig. 49.
31
The paintings by him are in a Khamsa ofNizami housed in the Topkap1 Palace Library (H. 753).
The manuscript was originally copied, partly illustrated and bound in Shiraz or Baghdad for Qara
Qoyunlu patrons. Later, via Tabriz (where some other illustrations added by Safavid artists around
1510) it found its way to Istanbul after the conquest of the city by the Ottomans. Still missing some
paintings, it was completed in Istanbul. See Akalay 1972-73, pp. 398-399; Tanmdl2000b, pp. 155-
157. Some other paintings by the same artist survive pasted on the pages of an eighteenth-century
Turkish translation of Nizami's Khamsa (ISM, H. 1115). See Akalay 1972-73, p. 399, figs 16-17.

The imperial Sehname tradition and the illustrated history of the sultans
 57 Faridun taking Zahhak to Mount From the creation of the universe
Damawand. Anonymous, to Ottoman sultans: Arifi and the
Tilrki, ca. 1540, TSM, H. 1116, fol. 14b. paintings in his Al-i
58 Angels prostrating before Adam. Osman
Arifi, Enbiyaname, 1558, private
collection. Within the first fifteen years of Sultan
Siileyman I's reign and under the com-
mand of his grand vizier ibrahim Pasha,
Belgrade (1521) and Budapest (1526)
were conquered and Vienna was besi-
eged (1529) on the western front. In the
east, Tabriz, Ramadan, Sultaniyya and
Baghdad were captured from the Safa-
vids in 1534-1535. In the early 1540s,
Siileyman once again embarked upon
a western campaign (1543); Pees and
57 Esztergom were conquered and in the
same years, celebrated admiral Barbaros
Hayreddin Pasha (d. 1546) was sent to
the ports of Nice and Marseilles to help
France. In 1544, chief architect Mimar
Sinan (d. 1588) commenced his first
sultanic commission, the construction
of the Mehmed Mosque comp-
lex, for the sultan's beloved deceased
son Mehmed. In 1548, Sultan Siileyman
I went on his second Persian campaign.
The project of writing and illustra-
ting the history of the Ottoman dynasty
started most likely in the 1540s. As an
esteemed institution within the Ottoman
palace administration, a specific office
was created for the execution of this pro-
ject and a §ehnameci (§ehname writer) was
appointed as the official in charge of wri-
ting illustrated histories in Persian verse.
Equipped with a profound knowledge of
history and literature, as well as a strong
command of Persian and Arabic, the
qualified §ehnameci was in charge of wri-
ting a eulogizing history of the Ottoman
dynasty. 32 The preparation of the illustra-
ted Ottoman dynastic history would be
one of the foremost tasks to occupy the
royal studio for nearly seventy years. Cog-
nizant of different literary styles, book-
binders, illuminators, artists, and callig-
raphers appointed to this task worked at
; the center of the empire as an integral
part of state administration. These history
books were not produced solely for the
content of their respective texts, but were
rather designed and completed as singular

32
Woodhead 1983a, pp. 157-182; Fleischer 1986, pp. 239-40.

98-99 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans

works of art. As mentioned above, with
the exception of a few examples, each was
designed as a single copy to be preser-
ved at the palace treasury; worthy of this
treasury, they constitute the most superior
and original works not only of the art of
painting but of all domains of the Otto-
man arts of book.
The first famous of the
court is the poet Fethullah <;:elebi (alive
in 1562), known by the pen-name Arifi.
He came to Istanbul from Egypt together
with his father Dervi§ Mehmed, a state
official. He wrote panegyrics (kaside) in
praise of Siileyman, through which he
convinced the court of his competency
in poetry, and was appointed by the sul-
tan to the post of Arifi began
his career with a daily wage of twenty-
five akl.;eS. After he completed 20,000 or
30,000 distiches of the work, his daily
wage was increased to seventy akl.;eS. A
scriptorium was set up in his house and
a number of scribes and painters were
put under his order to copy, decorate,
and illustrate the sections he completed.
Enbiyaname
The first volume of Arifi's work, which
appears to be designed in five volumes,
begins with the creation of Adam, simi-
lar to traditional Islamic historiography,
focuses primarily on the history of the
prophets within a broader universal his-
tory. Duly entitled Enbiyaname (The
Book of Prophets), the first volume,
which includes ten illustrations, was
copied by calligrapher Yusuf of Herat
on 2 March 1558 (12 Jumada I 965 AH).
One of the illustrations shows angels
prostrating before Adam upon the com-
mand of God (fig. 58). In another illus-
tration, which depicts Adam and Eve in
the Paradise before their expulsion, Eve
extends Adam a sheaf of wheat, the fruit
of the forbidden tree. The heads of the
serpent and the peacock in the lower
right comer are turned towards Satan
who leans against a tree in the right cor-
ner. Residents of the Pavilion of Paradise
" Genoa, Bruschettini Collection. For these illustrations, see At1l 1986, p. 58, figs 23-24.
34
Housed at LACMA (M.73.5.446), this single folio illustration was identified by E. Atll as Prophet
Muhammad and his followers (Ahl 1986, p. 59). Though her argument is unpublished, R. Milstein
suggests that the illustration portrays King Solomon.
The imperial $ehname tradition and the illustrated history of the sultans
watch the event from the terrace that
overlooks the garden with arches rising
above the ornate throne at the center.
Another painting illustrates the story of
Qabil and Habil (Cain and Abel). At the
center of the illustration stands Adam
facing his sons; Eve and their daughters
are behind him. In the back, over a hill
is a sheaf of wheat and over another
is a ram, representing Qabil and Habi-
l's votive offers, respectively. The fire
descending from the skies is visible in
the upper right-hand comer. Painted
in shades of color, the landscape in the
upper part of the illustration conveys
a sense of depth. 33 Currently preserved
in Los Angeles, an illustration from the
Enbiyaname depicts the court of King
Solomon (fig. 59). In this illustration, 58
King Solomon is seated in a tall struc-
ture surrounded by angels similar to the
towered pavilion in the Siileymanname
of Uzun FirdevsU4 A familiar element of
Solomon's iconography and known for
its crest and tapering bill, the hoopoe is
perched on the top of the belvedere pavi-
lion with eaves. Distinguished by their
halos, three sacred figures are seated
in an arched portico. Two scholars, one
holding a book and the other an astro-
labe, deliberate among themselves in the
foreground. The religious paintings of
the Enbiyaname have no prior tradition
in Ottoman book illustration. Though
they are the first Ottoman visual rende-
rings of the stories of the prophets, the
illustrations do not repeat the established
models of similar subjects undertaken by
other artists of the Islamic world. On the
contrary, they demonstrate the artist's
original interpretation of Arifi's text. The
sense of depth conveyed with shades of
color as well as stretches of nature, the
three-dimensional views in architectural
designs, and the distinction of cultural
identities in human figures in some of
the depictions in this volume all indica-
te that perhaps these illustrations were
created by an artist who was familiar
with the pictorial conventions of the
Empire's western territories.
59 The court of Solomon. Arifi,
Enbiyaname, 1558, LACMA,
M.73.5.446.
60 Gazi Rahman enters Aydos Castle
by climbing the hair of his lover.
Arifi, Osmanname, 1558, private
collection, fol. 70b (from Grube, n.d.).
61 Osman I conversing with Shaykh
Edebali. Arifi, Osmanname, 1558,
private collection, fol. 9a (from Grube,
n.d.).
100-101
Osmanname atures of the book were executed by
Although there is no information ava- the same artist. The figures have a gra-
ilable on the fate of the second and ceful, elongated and naive appearance.
third volumes of Arifi's work, it is On their turbans, the male members of
assumed that these volumes consisted the court carry aigrettes with a large
of the history of Islamic states from tuft of feathers that curl at the top. The
the time of the prophet Muhammad women, on the other hand, are garbed
until the Ottomans. Copied by Mir- in long headscarves attached to their
za Huyi the Osmanname (The round headgears with a band. The tents
Book of Osman), the fourth volume of and canopies are lavishly decorated
$ehname-i Al-i Osman, is preserved with tightly woven spiral branches and
in a private collection in Italy. 35 The oval medallions filled with clouds and
work covers Ottoman history from the rumi (arabesque) motifs. Cypresses with
curled ends, abundantly flowered trees
with extended branches that are occa-
sionally wrapped around the cypresses,
and clusters of leaves and flowers aro-
und a stone are conventional features
of nature depiction in the illustrations
(figs 60-61). This style, presented as
'decorative' in the first chapter, was
introduced to Ottoman painting by
artists of Khorasan origin after 1514.
The artist who illustrated the Osmanna-
me was one of the last representatives
to uphold the decorative style in 1558.
The painting depicting the capture
of the Aydos Castle during which, the
warrior Gazi Rahman enters the castle
by climbing the hair of his Byzantine
lover, repeats the visual model of 'Zal
and Rudabeh' scene in the translati-
on of the Shahnama, which, in turn,
confirms that the Persian epic and its
illustrations were a source of inspira-
tion for the $ehnames of the Ottoman
sultans (fig. 60, compare with fig. 56).
Not only are the male members of
the Ottoman dynasty up to Bayezid
I depicted in the Osmanname for the
· first time, but the wives and daugh-
ters of the sultans are portrayed for
the first time as well. The illustrations
show Osman I, the eponymous founder
of the dynasty, with his wife Malhun
Hatun (fol. 15a), Sultan Bayezid I with
founding of the state until Bayezid I's his wife Olivera (fol. 17 4a), sister of the
Battle of Ankara (1402) against Timur; Serbian king, and Sultan Murad I with
a section is missing at the end. The his daughter Nefise (fol. 150a). In the
missing pages must have been written illustration that shows Osman I in the
on the events that transpired between audience of Shaykh Edebali, the young
1402 and 1520. The thirty-four mini- woman standing behind the Shaykh
35
Genoa, Bruschettini Collection. Grube n.d., pp. 216-239; AtJ.l 1986, pp. 60-61.
3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
must be his daughter (and Osman's
wife) Malhun Hatun (fig. 61). From
this point onwards, with the excep-
tion of Tacu 't- Tevarih (The Crown of
Histories), which was illustrated in the
early seventeenth century, women of
the Ottoman court are not included in
illustrated dynastic histories or other
illustrated works.
36
ISM, H. 1517. At1l 1986, pp. 61-254.
The imperial Sehname tradition and the illustrated history of the sultans
Siileymanname
SUleymanname (Book of Silleyman) is
the final volume of Arifi's history seri-
es. A scribe from Shirvan, Ali b. Emir
Bey copied the book in nasta 'liq script in
approximately late June -early July, 1558
(mid-Ramadan 965 AH). With its exquisi-
te calligraphy, binding, illuminations, and
illustrations, the manuscript is one of the
masterpieces of the royal studio. Events
from the years 1520-1555 of Silleyman I's
reign are depicted by four or five different
artists in the sixty-nine miniatures of the
work. These include the sultan's accession
to the throne, battles, hunting scenes, cam-
paigns, the Hungarian army and headqu-
arters, Safavid Shah Tahmasb's and Sultan
Silleyman I's audiences for ambassadors,
and Sultan Silleyman's royal gatherings. 36
62 Sultan SUieyman I hunting. Arifi,
Sil/eymanname, 1558, TSM, H. 1517,
fol. 403a.
63 Sultan Si.ileyman receiving the
Safavid prince Alqas Mirza. Arifi,
Sil/eymanname, 1558, TSM, H. 1517,
fol. 471b.
64 The enthronement of Sultan
Si.ileyman. Arifi, Sil/eymanname, 1558,
TSM, H. 1517, fols 17b-18a.
62-63
102-103
Similar to the Osmanname, a group
of illustrations in the Siileymanname
was created by artists who worked in
the "decorative" style. Certain other
illustrations are made by a court artist
affiliated with the Safavid Tabriz-Qaz-
vin tradition. One of these illustrations
reveals a hunting scene of Siileyman
at Dobrudja in Southern Moldavia,
an encampment site in his campaign
(fig. 62). At the center of the illustrati-
on, mounted on a grey horse, the sultan
hunts deer, while an attendant -sporting
an earring and a headgear ornate with
colorful stones- watches him in ama-
zement. Above, court officials behind
the hills converse with one another. The
colors, the depiction of nature, the dra-
wing, and coloring technique of the hor-
ses bear traces of mid-sixteenth centu:ty
Tabriz-Qazvin style of Safavid origin.
An illustration made in the decorative
Khorasan style depicts an audience sce-
ne in which Sultan Siileyman I receives
Safavid Shah Tahmasb's brother Alqas
Mirza, who sought asylum in the Otto-
man court in 1547, at the Chamber of
3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
Petitions (Arz Odast) of Topkap1 Pala-
ce (fig. 63). Seated on his throne in the
upper section of the illustration, the sul-
tan's head is turned towards Alqas, who
sits in a chair next to him. Three aghas of
the Privy Chamber and four viziers watch
them. In the lower part of the illustration,
court officials stand respectfully in front
of the porticos and the gate to the third
court of the palace. This group of illustra-
tions is dominated by a busy ornamenta-
tion of nature and architecture; the spa-
ces are filled with decorative elements.
The artists of these paintings were accus-
tamed to drawing legenda:ty heroisms
and romantic love stories. Although their
compositions included mountain ranges,
trees, flowers, architecture, clothing, and
colors of diverse styles, they nonetheless
interpreted these styles in a manner par-
ticular to Ottoman art.
Based on his acute observation skills,
another one of the artists made signi-
ficant paintings that are particularly
valuable as historic references. One of
the illustrations depicts the enthrone-
ment ceremony of Sultan Siileyman
(fig. 64). When a prince was enthroned
at the imperial capital, his sovereignty
would be officially declared and a cere-
mony would be organized according to
protocol. Sultan Siileyman I's cillus, or
enthronement ceremony, was held in
front of the Gate of Felicity (Babii's-
Saade), in the second courtyard of the
Topkap1 Palace, in line with Ottoman
tradition. When Siileyman received the
news of his father's death on 30 Sep-
ous ranks assumed their places in order
to pledge allegiance to the new sultan.
On the left side of the double-page illus-
tration, the public and officers wait in
front of the two-storey Imperial Gate
(Bab-t Hiimayun). The towered second
gate, as well as soldiers and civilians fil-
ling the first courtyard of the palace are
in the background. The excited, stirring
crowd outside the palace and in the first
courtyard gives way to a solemn and

tember 1520, he returned to Istanbul

from Manisa, where he was serving as
governor, and the day after his arrival,
he was seated in the golden throne set
up in front of the Gate of Felicity. Dres-
sed in ornate kaftans and headgears for
the ceremony, the court officials crow-
ded the first and second courtyards of
the Palace. As required by protocol, the
chief mufti, the grand vizier, the other
viziers and high state officials with vari-

The imperial $ehname tradition and the illustrated history of the sultans
65 The recruitment of
somber ceremony on the right page. The Outer Palace (Birun) participating in this
children. Arifi, Silleymanname, 1558,
sultan is dressed in a blue kaftan, most momentous ceremony are reduced in
TSM, H. 1517, fol. 31b.
likely to symbolize his mourning for his number in the illustration, they are rep-
66 King Lajos II conversing with his
deceased father. 37 Immediately to the resented with enough figures to accen-
commanders. Arifi, Silfeymanname,
right of the throne is grand vizier Piri tuate the crowdedness of the ceremony.
1558, TSM, H. 1517, fol. 200a.
Mehmed Pasha and next to him are vizi- Similar to the enthronement scene,
67 Barbaros Hayreddin Pasha in the
ers Mustafa, Ferhad and Kas1m Pashas. another depiction revealing the artist's
presence of Sultan SUieyman. Arifi,
One dressed in white and the other two detailed language of representation based
Silfeymanname, 1558, TSM, H. 1517,
in blue attires, the three elderly indivi- on observation portrays the recruitment
fol. 360a.
duals standing in front of the viziers are of children (fig. 65). The selec-
presumed to be the chief mufti and the tion of this critical moment in the lives
chief judges (kazasker) of Anatolia and of the who included powerful
Rumelia. Young servants of the Privy administrators of the Ottoman Palace, as

Chamber stand to the left of the throne.
As one of the high-ranking bureaucrats
of the state administration bows in front
of the throne to congratulate the sultan,
other individuals are lined up in the
lower part of the illustration in a spe-
cific order. While state officials of the
the theme of the illustration subsequent
to the enthronement scene underscores
the significant role this class of slaves
played in the permanence of the state.
The scene takes place in a city with a
dense Christian population, located in the
western territories of the empire. Dres-

7
' For blue as a mourning color, see Bagc1 1996.
38
A regulated human levy imposed on the rural Christian population. Converted to Islam and taught
Turkish, the most promising children-slaves were educated for rule in the Palace (Fleischer 1986, p. 6).

104-105 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans

sed in their new red clothes, with bags
slung over their shoulders, the children
walk towards the two Ottoman officials,
seated on the red carpet to the left of the
painting, in order to register and receive 67

their provisions. The families of the chil-

dren watch the event with anxiousness
and sorrow, as a Janissary tries to conso-
le them. Buildings of a western city rise
among the trees in the background.
The illustration portraying the mee-
ting of the Hungarian king Lajos II (r.
1516-1526} and his commanders at the
Hungarian headquarters before the Battle
of Mohacs is another example based on
direct observation (fig. 66}. Shortly before
the battle on 29 August 1526, the Hunga-
rian king abandoned Budin and reached
the Mohacs plain, where the battle would
take place. In this illustration, dressed in
ornate clothes and his crown, the Hunga-
rian king is seated in front of a tent pitc-
hed at the Mohacs plain. Wearing various
attires and occasional crowns, his noble
commanders line up before the King to
listen to his instructions. Tents, soldiers,
and a servant emptying wine into bar-
rels are seen in the background; hills and
a fortress are visible further behind. The
elaborate representation of all kinds of
details suggests that the illustration was
created by an artist familiar with this regi-
on and its locals.
In another miniature of historic value
in the Suleymanname, Barbaros Hayred-
din Pasha is portrayed in the audience
of Sultan Siileyman (fig. 67}. Held in
December 1533, this meeting took pla-
ce at the Marble Hall (Mermerli Sofa} in
front of the Privy Chamber of the Top-
kapi Palace. The sultan is seated in his
throne encrusted with precious stones,
whereas the elderly admiral Barbaros,
depicted in profile, sits on a low, plain
chair. 39 The high-ranking pages of the
Privy Chamber watch them with res-
pect. The absence of other court offici-
als, such as viziers, implies that this is
a private meeting. A gate and officers
on Barbaros Hayreddin Pasha's route of
arrival are visible in the lower section of
the illustration.

39For Nigari's bust portrait of Barbaros associated with the portrait in this illustration, see pp.
86-87 in this book.

The imperial Sehname tradition and the illustrated history of the sultans
68 Presentation of gifts to Sultan
Suleyman I. Arifi, Sil/eymanname,
1558, TSM, H. 1517, fol. 412a.
106-107
One of the miniature paintings vali-
dating the artist's mastery in figural
painting portrays the presentation of a
gift sent in celebration of the circum-
cision ceremonies of princes Bayezid
(d. 1561) and Cihangir (d. 1553) held
in November 1539 (fig. 68). The sul-
tan is seated under the baldachin of his
throne in the Fountain Hall
Sofa) at the Privy Chamber. One of the
two young pages of the Privy Chamber
extends a bejeweled box to the sultan.
In the porticoes of the Marble Hall are
Privy Chamber officials hold falcons in
their hands. Gathered around the foun-
tain pool, the musicians play various
instruments, while a black singer plays
the tambourine and sings.
The illustrations of the Siileyman-
name in this particular style are exe-
cuted, for the first time in Ottoman
painting, with a realism that strives to
reflect an eye-witnessed event in enc-
hanting details, visualizing a well-es-
tablished discipline. This talented artist
of the Siileymanname also marked a
new era in Ottoman figural painting. In
the portraits of Sultan Siileyman (figs
64, 67, 68), Barbaros Hayreddin Pasha
(fig. 67), musicians (fig. 68), and Hun-
garian nobles (fig. 66), the artist accen-
tuates identities and strives to render
individuality to the figures he draws;
the moving or standing figures attain
volume with different shades of color.
Such voluminous details are also evi-
dent in the folds of fabrics, architecture
and landscape. While the gilding which
is occasionally painted as background,
the multi-colored costumes ornate with
a plethora of motifs, and wall decora-
tions covering architectural surfaces
to resemble tiles convey the lively
grandiosity, luxuriousness, and pros-
perity of the palace, these eye-pleasing
paintings simultaneously reflect the
reserved, solemn, and demure splendor
of Ottoman court life and ceremonies.
Possibly the head of a group of artists
in charge of illustrating Arifi's epic
history, this anonymous artist and his
apprentices have bequeathed price-
less documents to historians. Growing
40
TSM, H. 1592. Atll 1986, pp. 69-70; Paris 1990, No. 97; London 2005, No. 286.
3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
more simplified, the artist's style conti-
nues in a calm and demure manner; it
is epitomized in the second half of the
sixteenth century with Ustad (master)
Osman, who determines characteristics
specific to Ottoman painting. When
possibly an assistant of the said artist
of the Siileymanname portrayed the
Safavid palace atmosphere, he duly
applied the traditional pictorial con-
ventions specific to that land, as well
as the fashions, decorative nature, and
architectural features of the area. One
such miniature shows the Ottoman
ambassador in the audience of Safavid
Shah Tahmasb (fig. 69). Seated in front
of the tent pitched on the bank of a
river in the foreground of the illustrati-
on, Tahmasb receives a letter from the
ambassador. Wearing turbans wrapped
in the Safavid fashion, the officials of
Tahmasb's court watch them. Rising
behind the overlapping hills of light
pink and blue, the fortress with round-
domed towers reflects the architectural
conventions of Persian lands and is
possibly the city of Tabriz.
Unlike the historical accounts of past
sultans and their heroic deeds copi-
ed and illustrated for contemporane-
ous Muslim patrons, the Siileymanname
contains examples of how the fresh
memories and verbal descriptions of
living sultans are transformed into equ-
ally fresh images. With its authorship,
calligraphy, binding, illuminations, and
illustrations, this manuscript, as a who-
le, is a priceless masterpiece of art; not
only does it emphasize Ottoman pain-
ting as a diversified imperial art open to
foreign artistic inspirations, but it also
demonstrates how power and wealth are
conveyed through the arts of the book.
The chapter of the Siileymanname
describing the events that took place
in 1551-1552 constitutes the subject
of another book entitled, Futuhat-l
Cemile (The Praiseworthy Conquests).
According to the colophon, the manus-
cript was copied in 2-10 June 1557
(late Ramadan 964 AH) by Ebu Turab
el-Hasani el-Hiiseyni of Shiraz. 40 The
yearlong event described in the book
 68

The imperial tradition and the illustrated history of the sultans

 •.

108-109 J dasskal theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of lhc sultans

is based on the conquest of
Pees, Eger, and Lipova in the Kingdom
of Hungary. Although Kara Ahmed
Pasha (d. 1555) commanded the Otto-
man army, the real hero of the victory
was Sokollu Mehmed Pasha (d. 1579)
who served as the governor-general of
Rumelia at the time. While the author
does not offer his name, the repetition
of the same text in the Siileymanname
1"\
indicates that Futuhat-t Cemile was
also written by Arifi. The manuscript
is bound in a masterfully-made leat-
her cover and is ornate with graceful
illuminations. The seven depictions,
one of which is spread across a daub-
•• ISM, H. 1517, foL 533a. Atll 1986, pp. 210-213.
The imperial Sehname tradition and the illustrated history of the sultans
le-page, are executed by the same artist 69 Shah Tahmasb receiving
who skillfully painted the figures in the the Ottoman ambassador. Arifi,
Siileymanname. The double page pain- Sii/eymanname, 1558, TSM, H. 1517,
ting depicts the siege of (in fol. 374a.
modern Romania). On the left, in front 70 Siege of Arifi, Futuhat-1
of the detailed rendering of the city Cemi/e, 1557, TSM, H. 1592,
under siege, the scene shows the shoo- fols 18b-19a.
ting of Ahmed Pasha's horse. On the
right page is the encampment of the
Ottoman army with the tent of the Pas-
70
ha dominating the scene (fig. 70). The
painting is repeated in the Siileyman-
name, which was illustrated a year later
by the same artist. 41 Completed a year
before Arifi's dynastic history project,
this book must be a preliminary study
71 that book artists of the court made for
( the Silleymanname. The same is also
true for a small literary book that Arifi
penned. Entitled Rawzatu 'l-U§§ak (The
Lovers' Garden), the manuscript is copi-
ed in elegant nasta 'liq script. The three
paintings in the work indicate that an
artist from the western territories of
the Empire combined a familiar topog-
raphy and figures, occasional three-di-
mensional architectural drawings, sha-
ded colors, and a spacious landscape
with traditional surface decoration. 42
One of the illustrations feature a young
girl seated next to a pool in front of
an architectural setting -reminiscent of
the ones in the Silleymanname- watc-
hing her reflection in the water, as a
young prince gazes at her with asto-
nishment. The colored marble inlays
surrounding the fountain resemble the
Mamluk marble decorations added to
the Topkap1 Palace after the conquest
of Egypt and Syria (fig. 71). Another
illustration in the same manuscript
represents a fable in which a fox is dis-
guised as a dervish (fig. 72). Bearing a
striking resemblance to the depiction of
Qabil and Habil in the Enbiyaname, this
illustration features an urban landscape
in the background and a human-fa-
ced sun in the upper left corner, both
of which point to the continuity or
re-birth of the European language of
representation encountered in works
from the reign of Sultan Bayezid II at
the turn the century. Behind the hill,
the depiction of the farmer plowing his
field in neat sections closely follows,
both in terms of style and iconography,
European miniatures symbolizing sea-
sons, exemplifying the reflections of
this tradition on Ottoman painting. The
fact that this artist painted all the illus-
trations in the Enbiyaname and a group
of illustrations in Arifi's Silleymanna-
me suggests that was some sort of test
or preliminary study requested from the
authors, scribes, illuminators, binders
and painters, who would be appointed
to the large-scale history project of the
Ottoman palace.

42
CHUAM, 1985, 216. 15A. Binney-Denny 1979, pp. 25-27; Atll 1986, pp. 70-71.

110-111 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans

 71 Young girl gazing at her
reflection in a pool. Arifi,
Rawzatu'I-U!j!jak, ca. 1550, CHUAM,
1985.216.15A, fol. 23a.
72 Fox dressed as a dervish. Arifi,
Rawzatu'I-U!j!jak, ca. 1550, CHUAM,
1985.216.15A, fol. 41b.

The imperial Sehname tradition and the illustrated history of the sultans
A new era in court historiography:
Lokman and Dstad Osman

112-113
Eflatun of Shirvan (d. 1569-1570) anived
in Istanbul as the bookkeeper of the
Safavid prince and governor of Shirvan,
Alqas Mirza, who had sought asylum
from the Ottomans and was subsequently
appointed as court historian upon the
death of Arifi. Several contemporary
sources praise Eflatun as a calligrapher,
illuminator and painter. Although the
works that he completed as court histo-
rian are yet to be identified, it is known
that he began writing several texts that
were taken up by his successor Seyyid
Lokman (alive in 1601). 1 Appointed to the
post of $ehnameci by Sultan Selim Il (r.
1566-1574), Seyyid Lokman played a pri-
mary role in the creation of masterpieces
of Ottoman painting together with Ustad
Osman (alive in 1598) who presided over
the team under Lokman's supervision.
Contemporary sources generally refer to
Osman by the title Ustad - literally mean-
ing master- thus pointing to the admira-
tion felt for his competence in the art of
painting. The collaboration of Lokman
and Osman continued until the beginning
of Sultan Mehmed Ill's reign (1595-1603).
The works created by Lokman's team that
have survived to date are interesting in
that they demonstrate the organization
of the studio of the $ehnameci, as well as
the methods employed by writers, scribes,
and painters in the execution of works
executed for the treasury of the sultan. As
an artist, Ustad Osman left his imprint on
the reigns of Selim Il and particularly of
Murad Ill (1574-95), during which the art
of Ottoman painting was at its prime. Due
to the lack of relevant documents, Osman's
date of admission to the Ehl-i Hiref orga-
nization of the palace remains uncertain.
His name is not mentioned in the 1558
salary register of court artists. The next sal-
my register to have survived is from 1566;
Osman's name is mentioned among other
artists who received a daily wage of six
The document dearly demonstrates
that Osman was an active court painter in
1
Eflatun composed a work in verse about a flood in Istanbul. A copy of the work entitled Hikayat-i
ameden-i seyl ba-Istanbul (1563-1564/971 AH), is housed at TSM (H. 1570). Having prepared a
copy in the nasta'liq script, Eflatun in all likelihood also illuminated the work. Karatay 1961a,
No. 784.
2
BOA, Maliyeden Mudevver 6196, p. 155; Washington D.C. 1987, p. 296.
3
See this book pp. 101-108.
• TSM, H. 1339. Washington D.C. 1987, pp. 91-92; Tamcan 2005.
5
Chief of the imperial chancery, who also inscribes the sultan's imperial monogram on documents.
A new era in court historiography:
the final year of Silleyman I's reign. As
mentioned earlier, preliminary examples
of Ustad Osman's individual style were
encountered in some of the miniatures of
Arifi's Siileymanname of 1558.3 Most like-
ly, Osman was a pupil of the anonymous
artist of the Siileymanname, whose style
suggests that he was possibly summoned
from the western territories of the empire.
Osman must have entered the royal studio
sometime between 1559 and 1565. The
first work illustrated by Ustad Osman is
titled Nuzhatu'l Ahbar der Sefer-i Sigetvar
(The Charming Beauty of Histories on
the Campaign of Szigetv:ir) on Silleyman
I's Szigetv:ir campaign and subsequent
events. 4 Currently housed at the Topkap1
Palace, the work is written by Ahmed
Feridun (d. 1583), who entered the service
of Sokollu Mehmed Pasha as a scribe in
1552, became a secretary of the Imperial
Council in the ensuing years, and received
the title of ni$and in 1573. Completed in
<;:orlu on 1 January 1569 (13 Rajah 976
AH}, the twenty illustrations of the work
epitomize Ustad Osman's distinctive style.
Devoid of any excessive decoration, the
illustrations strive to represent historic
facts in line with the text. In one of the
illustrations, the elderly Sultan Silleyman
I receives the prince of Transylvania John
Sigismund at his headquarters near the city
of Zimonic (fig. 73). The physical appear-
ance of Silleyman I, who is seated in an
elegant gold-plated throne, reflects his old
age and illness. Despite its plain compo-
sition, the illustration depicts a revered,
powerful, and impressive setting. The sul-
tan and his tent constitute the focal point
of the scene. Ustad Osman's skill as a
portraitist is not only manifested in his
depiction of the sultan, but in his repre-
sentations of important figures such as
Sultan Selim Il, Sokollu Mehmed Pasha,
and Ahmed Feridun, as well. In fact, the
double-page illustration, which shows the
hasty anival of Prince Selim and his reti-
nue in Belgrade upon receiving the news
Lokman and Ustad Osman
73 Sultan Siileyman I receiving John
Sigismund. Ahmed Feridun, Nuzhatu'/
Ahbar der Sefer-i Szigetvar, 1569, TSM,
H. 1339, fol. 16b.
74 Prince Selim and his entourage
en route to Belgrade. Ahmed Feridun,
Nuzhatu'/ Ahbar der Sefer-i Szigetvar,
1569, TSM, H. 1339, fols 83b-84a.
75 The siege of the Szigetvar for-
tress. Ahmed Feridun, Nuzhatu'/ Ahbar
der Sefer-i Szigetvar, 1569, TSM,
H. 1339, fols 32b-33a.
73
114-115
of his father's passing in Manisa, is another
example revealing Osman's competence as
a portrait artist (fig. 74). Previously intro-
duced by Nigari's illustrations, the physi-
cal features of Selim attain softness and
vivacity through Osman's style (fig. 53).
Advancing on horseback in the upper sec-
tion of the illustration, the prince and his
retinue are solemn and deeply sorrowed.
Below, the exhaustion of the pages and
other footmen is evident in their faces;
visible from their tom shoes, the condi-
tion of their feet attest to the toll of this
interminable journey. These illustrations
display a representational approach
that is unprecedented in Islamic and
Ottoman painting and suggest that
Dstad Osman may have joined the
campaign alongside Nuzhat's author
Ahmed Feridun. 6
• <;:agman 1999, p. 198.
7
ISM, H. 1522. At!l 1980, pp. 169, 176; ina! 1987, pp. 558-561; Bago 2000; Bagel 2002a. For
$erifs translation and copies see this book pp. 95-98.
3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
The keen observational skills of the
artist are also evident in the illustra-
tion depicting the siege of the Fortress
of Szigetvar (fig. 7 5). Comprised of four
castles, including an inner castle, the
Fortress of Szigetvar is circumscribed
by a water-filled moat; bridges con-
nect the castles. The bastions and the
dense settlements within the ramparts
are depicted in detail. The woodland
around the water is beleaguered by the
Ottoman headquarters. The firing of
cannons from the trenches indicates
that the battle is ongoing. Surrounded
by a wall of tents, the Otag-t Hiimayun
(Imperial Tent) is particularly empha-
sized in the foreground. However, no
figures are included in the illustration.
This associates the Szigetvar depiction
with Nasuh's tradition of topo-
graphical illustration and it exemplifies
the Ottoman artists' keenness to depict
the conquered lands and cities rather
than the ferocity of battles.
Another work presumably illustrated
by Ustad Osman around the same time
is a copy of Amidi's translation of
the Shahnama by Firdawsi. According
to its colophon the manuscript was
copied between 24 May and 12 July
1544 (2 Rabi' I and 19 Rabi' II 951) by
a number of scribes at Darii 's-Sa 'ade
(House of Felicity) in Istanbul upon
the orders of the head of the Janissary
Corps Ali Agha, and was completed by
b. Abdullah. 7 The manuscript
was not illustrated in the same year.
The spaces left blank for illustrations
were completed by Dstad Osman circa
1565, probably before he started work-
ing in the atelier of the §ehnameci. The
illustrations in the $ehname-i Tiirki
were possibly conceived as exercises
and were instrumental in demonstrating
Osman's aptitude in depicting different
themes - including heroic and battle
scenes - on spaces of varying sizes.
In one of the illustrations, Rustam, the
famed hero of the Shahnama, rescues
the young Persian prince Bijan from
the pit where he was imprisoned due
A new era in court historiography: $ehnameci Lokmatt and Ostad Osman
 76 The enthronement of iskender.
'jehname-i Tiirki, ca. 1560, TSM,
H. 1522, fol. 369b.
77 Rustam rescues Bijan from the
pit. 'jehname-i Tiirki, ca. 1560,
TSM, H. 1522, fol. 275b.
78 The ruler visits an immoral judge.
Sa'di, Gu/istan, 1565, WFGA, F. 1949.2,
fol. 110a.
to his love for Manijeh, the daughter
of the King of Turan (fig. 77). Osman
employs a wide perspective in this
particular illustration. He is thus able
to include all the characters and other
iconographic details in the depiction.
In the foreground, Bijan sits with his
hands and feet tied in the pit depicted
as a cave within a mountain. Above,
having removed the heavy stone block-
ing the pit, Rostam is about to rescue
Bijan. Next to him, the fire Manijeh lit
to help Rostam find the pit at night is
still burning. With her long, green dust-
coat (ferace}, Manijeh is garbed in the
manner of street clothing that women
his crown, Alexander is dressed and
majestically seated on the throne like
an Ottoman ruler. The court members
around him are also dressed in Ottoman
attire. In fact, the figure with the large
turban across from him is reminiscent
of Prince Selim, the son of Sultan
Siileyman I.
Another earlier work by Ustad
Osman is comprised of the illustrations
he made for a 1565 (972 AH) copy of
the Persian poet Sa'di's Gulistan (The
Rose Garden). 8 Similar to a number of
literary works mentioned earlier, the
work is smaller in size. In one of the
two illustrations, a ruler unexpectedly

of the Prophet's descent traditionally appears to check up on an immoral

wore in Ottoman society. In his inter-
pretation, Ustad Osman thus adapts the
protagonists of Firdawsi's Shahnama
to the Ottoman society and timeline. A
similar approach is also encountered in
the depiction of Alexander's enthrone-
ment (fig. 76). With the exception of
qadi Uudge) and catches him asleep in
drunken revelry (fig. 78). Similar to the
Shahnama translation, the illustrations
in the Gulistan must be Osman's exer-
cises as well; they represent the diver-
sity of the artist's creativity. 9

"WFGA, F. 1949.2. Atil 1973b, No. 7.

• Apparently executed for foreigners by Osman and several of his collaborators, a number
of costume albums reveal that the artists used their talents in different fields in this period. One
of these albums is preserved at the Herzog August Bibliothek in Wolfenbii.ttel (cod. Blankenburg
206). See Haase 1995; Hasse 2002. The other is housed at the Staats und Universitatsbibliothek in
Bremen (Ms. Or. 9); see Koch 1991.

116-117 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans

L
 --- - 77-78

A new era in court historiography: Lokman and Ustad Osman

79 The meeting of Ahmed Karabagi, The early works of
Seyyid Lokman, Ahmed Feridun, lokman and his atelier
Ostad Osman and Ali. Seyyid
Lokman, Selim Han, 1581, Seyyid Lokman, who introduced him-
TSM, A. 3595, fol. 9a. self as "Seyyid Lokman b. Hiiseyin
el-Hiiseyni el-Urmevi" in his
works, was born in the town of Urmia
in Azerbaijan. It appears that after he
served the Ottomans for some time,
Lokman arrived in Istanbul and worked
for Ahmed Feridun Bey, who was under
the service of grand vizier Sokollu
Mehmed Pasha. Lokman was eventually
appointed as §ehnameci on 24 March
1569. 10 In his subsequent works; how-
ever, Seyyid Lokman states the date of
his appointment as June-July of 1569. 11
Together with Ustad Osman, whom he
had known from his years as court histo-
rian, Seyyid Lokman continued to work
under grand vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha
during the reigns of Selim II and Murad III.
Their collaborative projects will be intro-
duced here in consecutive order; however,
three illustrated manuscripts written in
Persian verse, completed between 1579
and 1581, should be prioritized among
these. These include the Zafername (Book
10
$ehname-i Selim Han, TSM, A. 3595, fols 13b-14b: c;:agman 1973, p. 415; FetvaCl 2009.
11
Kiitiikoglu 1991, p. 42.
12
c;:agman 1973, p. 413.
118-119 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
of Victo:ty), $ehname-i Selim Han (Book
of the King of Selim Khan), and $ehin-
§ahname (Book of the King of the Kings).
Referring to the final years of Silleyman
I's reign and to his death, the Zafername
complements Arifi's Suleymanname. $eh-
name-i Selim Han is an account of Sultan
Selim Il's reign, whereas the $ehin§ah-
name covers the events that transpired
between the succession of Sultan Murad
III to the throne in 1574 and 1579. Before
focusing on the miniatures of these manu-
scripts which span the years 1556-1579, it
would be useful to convey the information
presented in the preface of the $ehname-i
Selim Han. According to it, Lokman was
sent to Ahmed Karabagi (alive
in 1574) by Shaykh Ebu Said (d. 1572) to
be advised on the that he was
required to write. A teacher at the madra-
sas of Sokollu Mehmed Pasha in Kadrrga
(Istanbul) and in Lilleburgaz, Karabagi
held a meeting with the secreta:ty of the
Imperial Council, Ahmed Feridun Bey
and the artist who worked in his service,
Ustad Osman. During the meeting, he
showed Lokman the notes on Silleyman's
Szigetvar Campaign and suggested that
he write the histo:ty of these years in
the §ehname style. The manuscript also
includes Ustad Osman's depiction of the
meeting, which constitutes a turning point
in his artistic life. The illustration portrays
Ahmed Karabagi, court histo-
rian Seyyid Lokman, Ahmed Feridun and
Ustad Osman, as well as Osman's assistant
and brother-in-law Ali, another renowned
artist of the period (fig. 79). It also demon-
strates that Osman was a well-known art-
ist in 1569 and that he was affiliated with
leading figures in Sokollu's immediate
circle. Held sometime between March and
July of 1569, the meeting is of particular
importance as it marks the beginning of
the collaboration between Ustad Osman
and Lokman, as well as the place Lokman
attained as a writer. 12
After the meeting, Lokman began
writing his §ehname on the final years
of Sultan Silleyman I's reign and enti-
tled his work Zafername. Written in
1579 (987 AH), the work is currently
preserved in Dublin. It includes illus-
trations depicting the victories and
momentous events in the final years
of Siileyman as well as his death; con-
veying the most dramatic moments in
Ottoman history, the style clearly marks
the illustrations as the work of Osman.
It appears that as Lokman was writing
the Zafername, he also began working
on the $ehname-i Selim Han in Persian
verse on the reign of Sultan Selim II.
Ustad Osman's selection to the team of
$ehnameci Seyyid Lokman is the most
important factor behind his increasing
prominence and the dominating influ-
ence of his style over all other works of
the period. According to the appoint-
ment registers (ru'us) of the Imperial
Council, a team of artists including
Ustad Osman, along with bookbind-
ers, and scribes, were working under
Lokman. Particularly between 1579 and
1590, the prolific artists of this studio
prepared the most important illustrated
royal manuscripts. The ru 'us registers
contain information on the activities of
Lokman and his team. They reveal that
Osman and Ali were involved
in all aspects of manuscript production
by Lokman's select team of artists, that
Osman was in a position of authority
over the other members of the team and
that he was, above all, in charge of the
painters working on the 13
The introduction of Seyyid Lokman's
$ehname-i Selim Han sheds light on
the written and illustrated
for Ottoman sultans. Lokman begins
the introduction by commending the
Ottoman dynasty. After comparing
them with former rulers and asserting
their superiority, he lists the provinces
under Ottoman rule. He then explains
the organization of the military forces
and notes their regard for the patronage
of scholars. After this general statement,
he next refers to the sultan's interest in
and patronage of arts and science and
continues with prayers and laudatory
remarks for Sultan Selim; underlin-
ing Sokollu Mehmed Pasha's successful
career, he elaborates on his rise to the
13
c;:agman 1999.
A new era in court historiography: $ehnameci Lokman and Ustad Osman
post of grand VIZier. He then men-
tions Feridun Bey and praises
the Szigetvar history he has written.
Noting that he re-wrote Feridun Bey's
Szigetvar history in the style
in Persian verse, he then explains that
along with this work that he entitled
"Zafername", he was sent to
Ahmed Karabagi by Shaykh Ebu Sa'id
and that the renowned scholar Karabagi
admired his work after studying it.
Ahmed Karabagi then talked
to Lokman about writing and
the appropriate style to be used, and
sent for the artists and scribes under
his service to show Lokman his notes
on the history of those years, asking
him to transform them into verse. In
his own words, Lokman explains that he
decided to write the of Ottoman
sultans upon the insistence and praise of
those present in Ahmed Karabagi's audi-
ence. After finishing a section of $ehna-
me-i Selim Han, Lokman then appeared
before grand vizier Sokollu Mehmed
Pasha and presented him the text. The
grand vizier summoned a scribe and
'an unrivaled' painter and ordered them
to copy and illustrate the text. Lokman
notes that the artist executed a sample
painting and that the scribe wrote a
sample couplet underneath. The paint-
ing showed Sultan Selim shooting an
arrow from his loggia behind the gilded
lattice window of the Tower of Justice
of the Topkap1 Palace and piercing the
golden globe (kabak, gourd) hanging
from the dome of the Imperial Council
Hall (Divan). He adds that this painting
represents the sultan's sovereignty and
justice. The grand vizier examined and
approved the samples. According to
Lokman, following this trial phase, the
grand vizier presented the samples of
the artist and the scribe, together with
the written part of text, to the sultan.
Sultan Selim perused the written sec-
tions, some of which he admired and
others he disapproved of, and ordered
others who were better acquainted
with such works to examine the text.
Lokman relates that after the latter was
scrutinized by Chief Mufti Ebussu'ud
80 The siege of Malta. Seyyid Efendi (d. 1574), the poet and historian
Lokman, Zafername, 1579, DCBL, Mevlana Ebul Fazl Mehmed bin Haki-
T. 413, fol. 28a. muddin idris (d. 1574), as well as other
81 The Ottoman army marching scholars of their caliber, he was granted
back to Belgrade. Seyyid Lokman, permission to resume his partly-written
Zafername, 1579, DCBL, T. 413 , work and that the grand vizier was
fols 114a, 113b. duly informed. Lokman adds that upon
receiving the good news, he was called
to the supreme presence of the sultan
with his work; the previously tested art-
ist (Ustad Osman) and calligrapher were
also summoned, whereupon the sultan
studied and liked their work samples,
Sll
and a fair copy of part of the reviewed
rough draft was made upon the orders
of the grand vizier. 14
While working on the
which was completed in the same years
as the $ehname-i Selim Han, Osman
collaborated with the same artists on
Seyyid Lokman's team. Centered on the
early years of Murad III's reign, the work
was completed in early 29 October-7
November 1581 (Shavval 989 AH), nine
months after the $ehname-i Selim Han. 15
The years beginning in the 1570s
during the reign of Selim II and con-
tinuing through the first seven years of
Sultan Murad III's reign were extremely
productive and successful ones for both
Lokman and Osman. The three illustrated
were completed and presented
to the sultan between 1579 and 1581.
Their paintings were executed by a group
of artists selected by Lokman and working
under the supervision of Ustad Osman.

Zafemame
The Zafername (completed in 1587/987
AH) was the first written by
Seyyid Lokman and illustrated by court
artists. Copied in nasta 'liq script by
Qasim al-Husayni al-Aridi al-Qazwini,
it includes twenty-five illustrations,
most of which are executed on full
pages. 16 Reflecting the style and picto-
rial conventions of Ustad Osman and
Ali, the illustrations feature the final
years Siileyman I's reign, as well as
important campaigns and victories of

14
\ agman 1973, pp. 412-414.
15
\agman 1999, p. 199.
16
DCBL, T. 413, Minorsky 1958, pp. 19-21, pls 5-12; Stchoukine 1966a; pp. 116-117, pls LXXXI-
LXXXVII, Wright 2009, figs 60, 106.

120-121 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans

this period. The illustration showing the
siege of Malta in 1565, which was one
of the more challenging naval battles
of the period, not only recalls geogra-
phy books and the drawings of ports
and islands in Piri Reis' Kitab-t Bahriy-
ye, but also emphasizes the importance
of topographic illustrations for the
tradition (fig. 80). The mise-
en-page combining the illustration and
verses on the page without frames
(cedvel) indicates that the calligrapher
and artist co-designed this page. The
most outstanding illustrations of the
work depict the victory of Szigetvar.
Siileyman I died on his sickbed in his
tent on 7 September 1566 during the
siege of Szigetvar; grand vizier Sokollu
Mehmed Pasha did not disclose his
death to the army or even to the viziers.
His internal organs were buried where
he died, and his corpse was embalmed.
A new era in court historiography: Sehnameci Lokman and Ostad Osman
The fortress was conquered the fol-
lowing day. The return of the victo-
rious Ottoman army from Szigetvar
to Belgrade lasted forty-eight days;
during this period, the death of the
sultan was kept secret. In the double-
page illustration (fig. 81) depicting the
return of the army to Belgrade, the car-
riage of the deceased sultan, who was
presumed alive and traveling on his
sickbed, is on the horizontal line at the
center of the composition. Proceeding
in a solemn discipline, the Ottoman
81
army moves towards Belgrade between
light green hills. As manifested in this
illustration, Dstad Osman's composi-
tions are based on the equilibrium of
diagonal and vertical lines.
The illustration portraying Sultan
Siileyman's visit to the Tomb of Abu
Ayyub prior to the Szigetvar Campaign
is a rare example depicting the vener-

82 Sultan Suleyman I visits the
tomb of Abu Ayyub. Seyyid Lokman,
Zafername, 1579, DCBL, T. 413,
fol. 38a.
83 Funeral procession of Sultan
SUieyman I. Seyyid Lokman,
Zafername, 1579, DCBL, T. 413,
fol. 115b.
122-123
;
ated tomb frequently visited by members
of the Ottoman dynasty (fig. 82). In the
illustration, the sultan raises his hands
in prayer at the door of the tomb, which
spreads over the top of the page. The sul-
tan is dressed in a tall turban and plain
but impressive attire, and his old age is
emphasized by his graying beard and
slightly hunched back. Carrying the royal
insignia consisting of a flask and a quiv-
er, the aghas of the Privy Chamber are
behind him; other members of the court
in the foreground, as well as the keeper
of the tomb on the right, are posed in
prayer. Garbed in a red kaftan, the tallish
figure at the front of the members of the
court must be Sokollu Mehmed Pasha.
Other officials wait with their horses out-
side of the courtyard walls.
Another historically significant
miniature in the Zafername depicts the
3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
funeral procession of Siileyman I. In the
foreground, a group of religious schol-
ars, wearing dark colored robes and
turbans with black bands which signify
mourning, carry the sultan's royal cof-
fin, topped with his turban (fig. 83).
In the background, in the courtyard
of the Siileymaniye Mosque, officers
are digging the sultan's grave under a
burial tent and next to the mausoleum
of Siileyman's beloved wife, Hiirrem
(Roxelana). The elderly man on the left,
who is supervising the preparation of
the grave, is most likely the celebrated
chief architect, Sinan, depicted with a
wooden cubit-measure, symbolizing his
profession.
Selim Han
Written by Seyyid Lokman and illustrated
by Osman, the $ehname-i Selim Han
is the second work in Persian verse in
the §ehname series. 17 It encompasses the
events that took place from the enthrone-
ment of Selim II until his death (1566-
1574). Several folios are missing from
the Topkap1 manuscript. The manuscript
includes forty-four illustrations, most of
which are depicted on a full page. The
colophon reveals that it was completed
on Thursday, 12 January 1581 (6 Zil-Hijja
988 AH) and copied by ilyas Katip.
Apart from this copy of $ehname-i
Selim Han, the Topkap1 Palace Library
houses a rough draft of the manuscript
without illustrations that includes notes
of Seyyid Lokman or Ustad Osman. 18
Several folios of a clean copy with blank
spaces left for miniatures are also among
the rough drafts of Lokman's other
works at the Topkap1 Palace Library.
Encompassing a short, earlier chapter as
well as several illustrations, the prelimi-
nary study of this particular $ehname is
preserved in London. 19 The date 1687-88
(1099 AH) on the half-finished last page
of this copy20 was initially presumed to
be the date of the manuscript. However,
17
TSM, A. 3595. 1973; FetvaCl 2009.
18
TSM, R. 1537. 1973, p. 412.
19
I.BL, or. 7043. Titley 1981, No. 47.
20
Meredith-Owens 1962.
21
BOA, Kepeci Tasnifi, Ru'us Defteri, No. 238, p. 197.
22
R. 1537, fol. 96a.
A new era in court historiography: $ehnameci Lokman and Ustad Osman
both the content and the pictorial style
of the manuscript suggest that it was
completed in the 1570s and was either
left unfinished - out of disfavor - or was
executed merely as a sample.
Preserved at the Topkap1 Palace
Library, a rough draft copy of the
$ehname-i Selim Han, which covers
the complete text, provides informa-
tion on the preparation of the §ehnames
at the Ottoman court. It also helps to
identify several missing folios of the
manuscript. Other documents reveal
the names of the artists working on
these manuscripts. A document dated
17 March 1581 (10 Safar 989 AH) indi-
cates that the historian Lokman - who
finished writing the events that took
place during the reign of Selim II - was
granted a 10,000 akre increase and that
the daily wages of the artists (Osman
and Ali) were each increased by two
akres as well. 21 The information that
the author offers in his introduction,
as well as the documents and notes
on the rough draft, provide a detailed
understanding of the §ehname-writing
process. The spaces of the miniatures,
for example, are specified on the rough
draft. This specification also designates
the number of text lines to be included
on the illustrated page. Notes demand-
ing a follow-up to quicken the process
are also written on various pages. One
such example concerns cedvelke§ (per-
son ruling the margins of a page) Musa:
"Beginning of section. Musa has not
yet sent the cedvel of the second sec-
tion; it is hereby so ordered." 22
In the paintings of the $ehname-i
Selim Han, Ustad Osman and
Ali often convey a topographic view
of the areas in which events, particu-
larly battles and sieges, take place. In
doing so, they strive to emphasize the
significance of the event, namely the
conquest or the siege. One of the most
intriguing examples of this kind is the
double-page illustration depicting the
84 The siege of Halku'l-
vaad fortress. Seyyid Lokman,
?ehname-i Selim Han, 1581, TSM,
A. 3595, fols 147b-148a.
85 Hagia Sophia. Seyyid Lokman,
?ehname-i Se/im Han, 1581, TSM,
A. 3595, fol. 145a.
124-125
siege of the Halku'l-vaad Fortress (La
Goulette, in today's Tunisia) (fig. 84).
Devoid of a horizon line, the painting
includes the fortress, the vast stretches
of lands, the sea, and the colorful
navy. This pictorial style once again
reminds us of the affinity of Ottoman
artists and Osman with portolan maps.
The juxtaposition of the soldiers, the
tents, and the vessels in this wide per-
spective offer a better understanding
of the strategy employed during the
siege. Both such illustrations and other
examples portraying the court ceremo-
nies are executed with symbolic codes
that reflect the power of the state and
the sovereignty of the empire.
There is no doubt that the most
interesting example among these is the
removal of the sultan's funeral from
the Palace, spread on a double page.
One of the pages shows the Hagia
23
Boston Museum of Fine Arts, No. 14. 693.
3 n1e classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
Sophia, which was restored by Sultan
Selim, as well as his tomb is located in
its garden (fig. 85). Currently preserved
in Boston, the illustration on the oppo-
site page is one of the separated min-
iatures of the manuscript. 23 In this
solemn ceremony, the royal coffin of
the sultan is carried on the shoulders
of religious scholars from the second
courtyard of the palace towards the
Hagia Sophia. The procession includes
grieving aghas of the palace as well as
high officials of the state.
84
Another interesting painting in
the Selim Han depicts the
Arslanhane (Hall of the Lions) building
at the Hippodrome, currently known
as Sultanahmet Square. Located across
from the Hagia Sophia, the basement and
subbasement of the Byzantine building
functioned as a kind of zoo. As Evliya
<;:elebi's Seyahatname (Book of Travels)
1973, pp. 417-418, fig. 4.
A new em in court historiography: $ehnameci Lokman and Ostad Osman
86 Display of the head of a
hippopotamus at Arslanhane. Seyyid
Lokman, Selim Han, 1581,
TSM, A. 3595, fol. 59b.
87 Prince Murad arrives at the palace
to accede the throne. Seyyid Lokman,
1, 1581, IUK, F. 1404,
fol. Sa.
86
126-127
and numerous other sources indicate, this
former church housed lions, foxes, tigers,
and other wild beasts of the palace. The
top floor was used as nakka$hane (royal
studio). The text reveals that the head
of a hippopotamus brought from Egypt
was displayed to the public on a table at
the Arslanhane. The accompanying min-
iature portrays this scene (fig. 86). The
painting depicts the exterior of part of
the Arslanhane's dome. In the main hall
of the building, the head of the hippopot-
amus is displayed on a specially designed
24
<;:agman 1989.
25
rOK, F. 1404. Edhem-Stchoukine 1933, pp. 3-7; Stchoukine 1966a, p. 68, pls XXXVIll-XXXIX;
Atasoy 1973; Atasoy-<;:agman 1974, pp. 36-38; Aksu 1981, pp. 6-21.
26
<;:agman 1999, p. 199; Aksu 1981, p. 7.
3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
table; Istanbul locals of all ages watch
this wondrous creature in awe. Depicted
as a cross-section, the lower portion of
the building houses shackled lions in a
cell. Accompanied by a guard and tied to
a tree, a monkey sits in front of the door.
This illustration not only provides some
idea about this famous Byzantine build-
ing that has not survived to date, it also
enriches the information available on the
royal studio, which sources place next to
the Arslanhane building. 24
l
The is the third book that
Lokman wrote in Persian verse. 25 The
work includes the events from Sultan
Murad Ill's accession to the throne in
1574 until 1580. It was completed in
nasta 'liq script by Alaaddin Mansur
zi on 29 October-7 November 1581
(first ten days of Shavval 989 AH), nine
months after the Selim Han. 26
It appears that the fifty-eight illustrations
in the work were executed by a few select
artists from the team of the
which Ustad Osman presided over.
One of the first illustrations of the
work portrays Murad's rapid arrival
at the Topkap1 palace to succeed to
the throne upon receiving news of his
father's death in Manisa (fig. 87). In the
silence of night, the prospective sultan
arrives on horseback at the first court-
yard of the palace, which is illuminated
by flickering torches. The monumental,
double-towered gate to the second court-
yard, namely-the Babu's-Selam (Gate of
Salutation), is visible in the background.
The design and composition of the paint-
ing reflect the solemn excitement of
the high-level court officials, including
Sokollu Mehmed Pasha, Ahmed Feridun
Pasha, and Seyyid Lokman, who witness
the event. Among the double-page paint-
ings that emphasize the splendor of the
Ottoman court, the enthronement cer-
emony of Murad Ill and the reception of
Safavid ambassador Toqmaq Khan stand
out. Toqmaq Khan arrived in Istanbul in
 87

A new era in court historiography: .?ehnameci Lokman and Ostad Osman


88 Sultan Murad Ill receiving Safavid
ambassador Toqmaq Khan. Seyyid
Lokman, 1, 1581, IUK,
F. 1404, fols 41 b-42a.
89 Taki ai-Din Muhammed and
his colleagues working at the
Galata observatory. Seyyid Lokman,
1, 1581, IUK, F. 1404,
fols 56b-57a.
88
128-129
1576 to celebrate the sultan's enthrone-
ment. A reception ceremony was held
in his honor, after which he watched
the imperial procession, was received by
the sultan and presented the gifts from
Shah Tahmasb; the priceless tent that
he brought was pitched in the presence
of the sultan. The representation of all
these events in the manuscript reveal the
details and splendor of the ceremonies
held at the palace (fig. 88).
Another double-page painting portrays
renowned chief astronomer Taki al-Din
Muhammed al-Rasid (d. 1585) and his
colleagues working at the observatozy in
Galata, the European quarter of Istanbul.
The observatozy was presumably built
on the slopes of Tophane; following its
partial completion, astronomers began
working in the building. It was finalized
3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
'
in 1577 and demolished shortly thereafter
in 1580 on the order of the sultan (fig. 89).
Apart from the magnificent images
spread over double pages, the manu-
script also includes paintings with
fewer figures, depicting the scenes
from the private life of the sultan.
One such plain composition portrays
the presentation of the holy sword
of Prophet Muhammad as a gift to
Murad III (fig. 90).
Seyyid Lokman and his closest col-
league Osman began their collabora-
tion in the 1570s during the reign of
Sultan Selim II and continued work-
ing intensively during the first seven
years of the reign of Sultan Murad III.
Between 1579 and 1581, they complet-
ed the aforementioned three illustrated
$ehnames to be presented to the sultan.
The Ottoman art of su ltanic
portraiture: The

Typically entitled Al-i

Osman, the precursor of these histo-
ries was a world history, which started
to be written in Turkish during the
reign of Sultan Siileyman I and was
designed in the form of a large scroll
known as Tomar-z Hiimayun (Imperial
Scroll).

89

After having been appointed as

during the reign of Murad
III, Lokman was asked to work on other
historical texts, a task which had already
been undertaken by his predecessors in
Turkish. The Tomar-z Hiimayun (Imperial
Scroll) and Ziibdetii 't-Tevarih (Essence
of the Histories) are world histories.
The first is a scroll, and the latter is
an illustrated book version of it. The
task of completing another text entitled

A new era in court historiography: Lokman and Ustad Osman


Hiinername (Book of Skill), only a small
section of which had been prepared by
previous was also assigned
to Lokman on 10 January-8 February
1579 (Zil-Qa'da 985 AH). The prepara-
tion of these two works forced not only
Lokman, but also Osman and his team
to conduct new research, as both works
required data on the dress codes and like-
nesses of earlier sultans. Apparently, this
27
Istanbul 2000, pp. 37-39, 150-163.
28
Istanbul 2000, pp. 208-215, 259, 262.
29
ISM, H. 1563. See Atasoy 1972a; Istanbul 2000, pp. 166-167, 170, 259;
Istanbul 2000, pp. 170, 262.
130-131 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
'
pursuit led towards the preparation of the
Ktyafetii '[-jnsaniye fi $ema 'ilii 'l-Osma-
niye (Human Physiognomy Concerning
the Fine Features of the Ottomans) or the
$ema 'ilname (Book of Fine Features), a
project that was realized through the col-
laboration of Lokman and Osman. In his
text, which draws on the science of phys-
iognomy, Lokman describes the person-
alities and physical features of the first
twelve Ottoman sultans from Osman I to
Murad ill. Ustad Osman painted the por-
traits of the sultans following Lokman's
textual descriptions. In the introduction
of his work, Lokman states that he suf-
fered from a lack of information on the
countenance of earlier Ottoman sultans,
that he wrote the $ema'ilname to col-
lect the available information, and that
he studied all the sources which might
contain the descriptions or images of the
sultans in collaboration with "the unri-
valed Ustad Osman." He further adds that
some were discovered to be in the pos-
session of European masters, and that he
approached grand vizier Sokollu Mehmed
Pasha, who in tum made great efforts to
obtain these portraits. Sokollu's com-
mission for the portraits of the Ottoman
sultans was transmitted to the Venetian
senate by the Venetian bailo Niccolo
Barbarigo and the portraits were in fact
sent to Istanbul. 27 Lokman states that he
derived the features of the sultans from
the written sources, and that he wrote
his own version only after obtaining
all of the data, while Osman made the
portraits. This information not only con-
firms that Osman, assisting the historian
in his research, held a very important
position in the realization of project, but
it also points to the artists' insistence for
accuracy in these portraits. 28 The original
copy with the portraits of the sultans
by Osman is housed at the Topkap1
Palace, whereas the copy illustrated by
Ali is preserved at the Istanbul University
Library. 29 Both of these exceptional cop-
ies must have been finished a shortly
before the death of Sokollu Mehmed
Pasha in September 1579.
!OK, T. 6087, See
 Dstad Osman and Ali painted
full-page portraits of the sultans (figs
91-93). In these portraits, the sultans
sit cross-legged, with one knee bent,
or kneeling in a bay window framed
by a shallow Bursa-type arch, which
presumably represents the royal throne.
Most of them carry a handkerchief in
their hands, while in some portraits
they hold a rose or a carnation, an
iconography that dates back to the por-
traits of Sultan Mehmed II. As distinct
throughout Sultan Murad III's reign.
Emulating the portrait models of
Osman, these copies were illustrated
by court artists working on the team
of the §ehnameci. Nonetheless, certain
changes were made to the texts of some
copies. While author Seyyid Lokman
only praises Sokollu Mehmed Pasha
in the original copy, in the section on
Murad III's viziers in subsequent cop-
ies, he replaces Sokollu's name with
the names of the first four viziers of the
90 The presentation of the sword of
Prophet Muhammad to Sultan Murad
Ill. Seyyid Lokman, 7,
1581, IOK, F. 1404, fol . 25a.
91 Sultan Murad I. Seyyid Lokman,
Kwafeta't-insaniye fi
Osmaniye, 1579, TSM, H. 1563, fol. 32b.
92 Sultan Selim I. Seyyid Lokman,
Kwafeta'l-insaniye fi $ema'ilii'I-
Osmaniye, 1579, TSM, H. 1563, fol. 54b.
93 Sultan Murad Ill. Seyyid Lokman,

from the other sultans, Murad III, the Imperial Council. Possibly prepared as Ktyafetii'l-insaniye fi $ema'ilii'I-

last one in the series, holds a book, an gifts for Ottoman officials, some of the Osmaniye, 1579, TSM, H. 1563, fol. 73a.
attribute associated with him alone. extant illustrated copies include such

The book he holds not only represents
Murad III as a bibliophile, but it also
indicates that it was written for him.
In all the portraits, the beards, mous-
taches, noses, eyebrows, eyes, clothing,
and particularly the turbans of the sul-
tans are faithful representations of the
descriptions in the text.
Apart from the copies illustrated
by Osman and Ali, various other cop-
ies of the Serna 'ilname were executed
alterations while others remain loyal
to the original text. Written in vary-
ing scripts and illustrated by different
artists, all the copies of the Sema'il-
name were produced during the reign
of Murad III. This alone suggests that
the copies were most likely intended as
exercises in calligraphy, painting, and
illustrated manuscript design to prove
that the artists were qualified to work
on the team of the §ehnameci. 30

30
Istanbul 2000, pp. 179-180.

A new era in court historiography: $ehnameci Lokman and Ostad Osman

 94 Cem Sultan. Apart from their use as models for
ca. 1590, IMK, Ali Emiri Efendi, the illustrations showing the various
772, fol. 9Gb. deeds of the sultans in scenes of his-
95 Vusuli Mehmed \elebi. torical manuscripts, the sultanic por-
ca. 1590, IMK, Ali traits Osman developed set precedents
Emiri Efendi, 772, fol. 113a. for artists working on other illus-
trated Ottoman manuscripts. One such
example is the illustrated copy of
famous biographical work,
which can be dated to the 1590s. 31 In
1568, (d. 1572) complet-
ed his work entitled 'ara
(Stations of the Poets' Pilgrimage) on
94-95
the biographies of poets and selections
from their works. 32 The
$u 'ara not only contains biographies
of the poets, but it also serves as an
important source on the social life of
the period. The sole extant illustrated
copy of the work includes seventy-four
31
IFMK, Ali Emiri Efendi, 772. See
32
The text was published:
33
A facsimile of this
132-133 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
portraits or group portraits, eleven of
which depict sultans from Osman I
to Sultan Selim II, all mentioned at
the beginning of the text. The rest
of the illustrations portray selected
poets. Poet biographies constitute a
popular genre in Ottoman literature;
however, the illustrated copy, which is
a unique extant example, must have
been executed upon special request.
The portraits of the sultans at the
beginning of the work follow the tra-
dition established by Ustad Osman and
exemplify the dominance of Osman's
models in Ottoman painting. Currently
housed in the same library, one copy
of the $ema 'ilname in fact includes
sultanic portraits that are almost iden-
tical to the ones in the '-
ara.33 It appears that the patterns of
Osman were applied to the portraits
of the princes as well. In his portrait,
for example, Cern Sultan is seated
underneath a (bay window)
with a small dome (fig. 94). The Bursa
type arch of the structure, as well as
the posture and attire of the prince
follow the models in Osman's sultanic
portraits. In reference to his closeness
to his father, Cern Sultan wears the
bulbous turban preferred by Sultan
Mehmed II. In their portraits, the poets
are depicted either alone or occasion-
ally with accompanying figures that
emphasize their personal attributes
mentioned in the text. Apart from
their talent, the important roles they
assumed in the ranks of the state also
played a role in the selection of poets
to be depicted. If the poets only stood
out by their talent, they were often
depicted outdoors, in a plain setting.
If, however, they had been appointed
to important duties such as judge,
chief military judge, or mufti, then
they were shown indoors, accompanied
by certain objects and furniture that
allude to their office. Mehmed
(d. 1592) who wrote poetry under the
nom-de-plume Vusuli, was a madrasa
professor in Istanbul, was appointed as
1977.
1971. Also see 2010; Gokyay 2004.
has been published: Klyafetu'l-jnsaniyye 1998.
a judge in Konya, Kiitahya, Bursa and
Istanbul, and became a chief military
judge. Having served as a high-ranking
state official, this poet, for example,
was portrayed in his office, conversing
with another figure in the company
of his servants (fig. 95). Ornate with
a raised bay window and a book-
case with mother-of-pearl or ivory
inlay, the interior space emphasizes the
importance of the poet's office.
From the imperial scroll
to the Zi.ibdeti.i't-Tevarih
As discussed earlier, the
were entrusted with the duty of writing
the panegyric histories of the Ottoman
dynasty. The writing and illustrating pro-
cess of such Ottoman histories in Persian
verse and in the meter of the Firdawsi's
Shahnama continued throughout the
sixteenth century. The precursor of these
histories, typically entitled
Al-i Osman, was a world history which
started to be written in Turkish dur-
ing the reign of Sultan Silleyman I; it
was designed in the form of a large
scroll known as Tomar-t Humayun
(Imperial Scroll). 34 Presumably written
by Arifi, the of Silleyman I,
this world history starts with the cre-
ation of the universe, includes stories
of many Biblical and Koranic proph-
ets, the life of the Prophet Muhammad
as well as the caliphs, and covers the
Islamic dynasties. The text ends with
the history of the Ottoman dynasty,
including events related to the sultans
from Osman I until Silleyman I. It con-
nects the genealogy of Ottoman sultans
to the lineage of the prophets and key
historical personages. 35 In other words,
the Tomar-t Humayun is a genealogy
of the Ottoman house. After Arifi, the
scroll was first continued by Eflatun,
and then was transferred to the team
of Seyyid Lokman, who was appointed
as the §ehnameci by Selim II in 1569. 36
Having been given the duty of complet-
ing the scroll, Eflatun added the events
from the reigns of Selim II and Murad
III to the text. As stated in the preface, 37
upon further request, Seyyid Lokman
transformed the Tomar-t Humayun into
codex form with the title of ZubdetU't-
Tevarih (Essence of the Histories) and a
luxurious royal copy with illustrations
was presented to Sultan Murad III in
1583 (991 AH). 38 Later, two more illus-
trated copies were prepared. One of these
was presented to chief black eunuch
Mehmed Agha (d. 1590) in 1583 (991
AH). 39 In the same year, another illus-
trated copy was intended for the grand
vizier Pasha (d. 1602). However,
since the grand vizier was removed of
his post, this copy would only be com-
pleted during his second term as grand
vizier in 1586.40 The ZubdetU't-Teva-
rih presented to Sultan Murad III was
the precursor of these two copies. The
manuscript prepared for Pasha
has the same large dimensions as that
of the sultan's copy; it is obvious that
the paintings were made at the same
studio. 41 Moreover, some of the folios
of the two manuscripts were mixed up
later during the binding processY The
Z ubdetu 't- Tevarih copy presented to
Mehmed Agha is however, smaller in

34
TSM, A. 3599. The scroll is 31.16 m x 79 em in size.
35
See Kiitiikoglu 1991, pp. 39-48, for information related to the authors of the Tomar-! Hiimayun.
'' Seyyid Lokman states in the Ziibdetii't-Tevarih that this task was given to him in 1569. TIEM,
No. 1973, 79a; TSM, H. 1321, 91a; DCBL, No. 414, 196a. See Kiitiikog!u 1991, pp. 39-48; Renda
1991, p. 444, footnote 44.
37
TSM, H. 1321, fols. 1b-2a. See Renda 1973, p. 445.
"TIEM, No. 1973. <;;:1g 1959, pp. 59-60; Yetkin 1965, pp. 277-281; Renda 1976, pp. 183-200; Renda
1977a, pp. 58-67.
39
The copy presented to the chief black eunuch Mehmed Agha is at the DCBL. T. 414. Minorsky
1958, No. 414; Renda 1991; Wright 2009, figs 139, 146, 161, 167. See Tanmd1 2004, pp. 42-44;
Fetvac1 2005, pp. 202-256 related to the book patronage of Mehmed Agha.
40
TSM, H. 1321. Renda 1973, pp. 442-495.
41
The manuscript (TIEM, 1973) presented to Sultan Murad ill is 64.7 x 41.3 em in size and includes
forty miniatures. The copy (TSM, H. 1321) presented to Siyavu§ Pasha is similar in size (62.3 x 40.8
em) and also features forty illustrations.
42
Two folios of the copy at the Topkap1 Palace are in the TiEM manuscript. See Renda 1973, p.
447, for the sequence of the miniature paintings in both manuscripts and for the folios bound
incorrectly.

A new era in court historiography: Lokman and Ustad Osman

96 Adam and Eve with their twin
children. Seyyid Lokman, Zilbdetil't-
Tevarih, 1583, TiEM, 1973, fo/. 18b.
134-135
size and it was illustrated by a differ-
ent group of artists. 43 The first section
of all three manuscripts includes nar-
rative paintings illustrating the stories
of the forty-three prophets. The second
section on Ottoman history is illustrated
with the portraits of the first twelve
Ottoman sultans ending with the reign-
ing sultan, Murad III. Zubdetil't-Tevarih
both exemplifies an illustrated history
and serves as a genealogy. Furthermore,
due to the inclusion of the stories of the
prophets, it constitutes the most com-
prehensive work among religious icono-
graphic sources. Some of the miniatures
illustrating the stories of the prophets
are unprecedented in earlier Islamic
painting and they present a completely
new iconography.
Executed by leading artists of the
royal studio, the Zubdetil 't- Tevarih pre-
pared for Sultan Murad III is a master-
piece in terms of its dimensions, illu-
minations and paintings. Two archive
documents showing the payments made
for the commission of the work reveal
the names of the bookbinders, callig-
raphers, illuminators and painters. One
of these indicates the expenses made
in 1582 for this work when it was still
referred to as Tomar-z Humayun; the
names of seven artists are cited as well.
The second document itemizes the pay-
ments made to the artists when the work
was completed and presented to the sul-
tan in 1583.44 It appears that artists such
as Ali <;:elebi, Mehmed Bey, Mehmed
Bursavi, Molla Tiflisi, Veli Can, the chief
of the group Liitfu, and last but not least
Osman, the famous artist of the period,
worked on this painstaking manuscript.
Of the forty miniatures in the manu-
script, twenty-three illustrate the stories
of the prophets, five portray the caliphs
and imams, and another twelve are the
portraits of the Ottoman sultans.
One feature of the manuscript is that
sometimes two and sometimes three sto-
43
It is 39.5 x 25 em in size and includes 254 folios and forty-five illustrations. See Renda 1991,
pp. 492-496, for the differences.
44
The first document is in the Topkapr Palace Museum Archive: D 10759, see c;:agman 2003, p. 906.
The second document dated October 1583 (Shavval991 AH): BOA, Kepeci Tasnifi Ruus Defteri, No.
242. Renda 1976, p. 186; Renda 1977a, p. 65.
45
TiEM, 1973, fol. 18b.
46
Genoa Bruschettini Collection. Atrl 1986, pp. 58-59. Seep. 99 in this book.
3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
ries of the prophets are illustrated on the
same folio. A single folio was allocated to
the stories with greater significance. The
stories on some of the prophets in Zub-
detil 't-Tevarih are particularly important
in terms of religious iconography. For
example, the illustration depicting the
story of Adam and Eve is an interesting
Ottoman interpretation {fig. 96). 45 Here,
flanking the tree of life, Adam and Eve
are shown together with their progeny -
thirteen pairs of twin children. According
to the text of Zubdetil't-Tevarih, Adam's
and Eve's sons all had twin sisters. Adam
commanded each son to marry the twin
sister of another brother. He told Cain
and Abel to marry each other's twins.
Cain; however, desired to marry his own
beautiful twin Klima {Aclima) and not
Abel's twin Liyuza {Jumella). Adam thus
advised both his sons to make a votive
offering to God and stated that the son
whose offering was accepted would be
able to marry Klima. In the lower left-
hand comer of the painting, Cain pulls
his twin sister by the arm to prevent her
from marrying Abel. The sheaf of wheat
next to them symbolizes the offering
that Cain will give to God. As mentioned
above, the story of Cain and Abel was
also depicted in the Enbiyaname, the first
volume of Arifi's Al-i Osman,
dated 1558. In this earlier painting,
46
Adam is shown with his sons standing
in front of him. Eve and their daughters
are behind. Cain's offering (the sheaf of
wheat) appears above one of the hills in
the background, whereas Abel's offering
(the ram) is depicted on the other. The
illustration resembles the Zubdetil 't- Te-
varih in terms of iconography. However,
the scene in the Zubdetil't-Tevarih fol-
lows the compositions observed in his-
torical paintings of the period. The way
Adam, Eve and their children dressed
in sixteenth-century Ottoman attire are
lined in parallel is similar to the illus-
trations of historical subjects. Only the
 96

A new era in court historiography: Lokman and Ostad Osman

136-137 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
flaming halos of Adam, Eve, some of 97 Noah's Ark. Seyyid Lokman,
their children, and the angels above add Ziibdetii't-Tevarih, 1583, TiEM, 1973,
a religious content to the illustration. In fol. 23b.
other words, similar to historical events, 98 Jonas, Ezra, and Jeremiah. Seyyid
the sto:ry of Adam, Eve and their chil- Lokman, Ziibdetii 't-Tevarih, 1583,
dren is executed in a realistic and docu- TiEM, 1973, fol. 38a.
mentary manner.
Stories related to Noah have been
illustrated frequently in the Islamic
world. According to Lokman's text,
God asked Noah to guide idol worship-
pers towards the right path, a task at
which he failed. God told him to build
and board the ark with his family and
one female and one male member of
various animal species, reminding him
that the unfaithful would be drowned
in the flood and only those on the ark
would be saved. The Flood is the most
important part of the sto:ry of Noah,
which is given an extensive place in the
Koran. In fact, in all three of the Ziib-
detii 't-Tevarih manuscripts, the sto:ry of
Noah and the Flood is illustrated. The
most meticulous portrayal is in the copy
presented to Sultan Murad III (fig. 97). 47
Overwhelmed with agitation and uncer-
tainty when confronted by the sudden
deluge, Noah and his seven sons on the
ark t:ry to maneuver the vessel by cling-
ing to the ropes of the sails. The dark
grey clouds are moving down, the main-
stay of the ark is bent and a storm has
broken out in full force. By emphasizing
the reactions of Noah and his sons at
that exact moment in the illustration,
the painter has executed this miraculous
event like a genre scene.
Jonah is a prophet whose name
is mentioned both in Christian and
Islamic iconography. In all three Ziib-
detii 't- Tevarih manuscripts, the sto:ry
of Jonah is discussed alongside Uzeyr
and Jeremiah. The depiction in the
manuscript presented to Sultan Murad
III is the most magnificent one of its
kind (fig. 98). 48 According to the text,
upon the resistance of the tribe that he
tries to convert, Jonah abandons them
and boards a ship. However, since he
has failed in his God-given mission,

47
TiEM, 1973, fol. 23b. The same story in the other copies features fewer figures and is plainer.
TSM, H. 1321 , fol. 24b; DCBL, 414, fol. 61b
48
TIEM 1973, fol. 38a; TSM, H. 132 1, fol. 21b, DCBL, 414, fol. 61b.

A new era in court historiography: $ehnameci Lokman and Ostad Osman

 99 The Mi'raj of the Prophet
Muhammad. Seyyid Lokman,
Ziibdetii't-Tevarih, 1583, DCBL, T. 414,
fol. 121a.
100 Ascension of Jesus Christ. Seyyid
Lokman, Ziibdetii't-Tevarih, 1583,
TiEM, 1973, fol. 40a.
101 Gabriel preparing the Prophet
for Mi'raj. Seyyid Lokman, Ziibdetii't-
Tevarih, 1583, Ti EM, 1973, fol. 46a.
99
138-139
his vessel does not move. When Jonah
admits his wrongdoing, the people
aboard throw him in the water and a
large fish swallows him. However, upon
God's command, the fish leaves him at
the foot of a tree on the shore. In the
illustration, Jonah is hidden among
bushes at the top. The contemplative
figure seated in the upper left-hand
comer is the Prophet Uzeyr. According
to Islamic sources, the prophet, who
was grieving over the destruction of
Jerusalem by Babylonians,
hid in a wild forest. Seen in
the lower part of the illus-
tration, Uzeyr, like Jeremiah,
was equally devastated about
the destruction of the Holy
City; God took his soul and
resuscitated him years after
Jerusalem was reconstructed.
Here, the prophet, who sees
Jerusalem when he wakes up,
holds his head with both hands
and looks in bewilderment.
The building on the lower
right hand comer undoubt-
edly symbolizes the rebuilt
city of Jerusalem, yet it is the
accurate rendering of a typi-
cal sixteenth century Ottoman
building with a dome and an
arched portico.
The unique interpretations
of Ottoman artists are observed
in other stories. Included in
all three manuscripts, an out-
standing example is the ascen-
sion of Jesus Christ after his
crucifixion (fig. 100),49 which
constitutes one of the most
important themes, particular-
ly in Christian iconography.
This particular example con-
veys a unique interpretation.
According to Islamic faith, Jesus Christ
did not die on the cross; he ascended
to Heaven. The Koran states that God
summoned Jesus Christ to his side
and that someone else was nailed to
the cross in his place. The text states
49
TiEM, 1973, fol. 40a; ISM, H. 1321, fol. 46a, DCBL, 414, fol. 102b.
50
TiEM, 1973, fol. 39a.
51
TiEM, 1973, fol. 46a; ISM, H. 1321, fol. 57a.
52
Renda 1973, pp. 453-454.
3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
that Feltianus, who was chosen by the
Jews to execute Jesus, was suddenly
given by God the appearance of Christ
and therefore he himself was executed
instead. 5° Christ, on the other hand,
was ascended to Heaven by angels.
Below on the right, the figure caught
is identical in appearance. Others stare
in astonishment at Jesus ascending
to Heaven between the two angels.
Events, such as the birth and baptism
of Jesus Christ are also portrayed in
Islamic painting, but there is no other
illustration of this interpretation of
Christ's ascension.
There is no doubt that the ico-
nography of the Prophet Muhammad
and his life is of unique significance
in Islamic art of painting. The most
frequently illustrated theme is Mi'raj,
Prophet Muhammad's night journey. In
the Ziibdetii't-Tevarih copies prepared
for Sultan Murad ill and Pasha,
Muhammad's journey is interpreted in a
different manner (fig. 101). 51 Flanked by
Hasan and Hiiseyin and with Caliph Ali
and other companions across from him,
the Prophet Muhammad is seated in a
mosque with a mihrab and a minbar.
Descending through the flaming halo
that crowns Muhammad and extends
into the sky, angels and Gabriel - who
stands behind him - are ready to take
the Prophet on his nocturnal journey.
The text merely states that the Prophet
Muhammad went to al-Aqsa Mosque
in Jerusalem eleven days before the
Hijra and that God asked him to climb
Mount Arafat (a hill near Mecca known
as a place of pilgrimage). The major-
ity of Islamic sources concede that
the Prophet ascended to heaven from
al-Aqsa Mosque. 52 The Ottoman artist
undoubtedly intended to represent a
holy building in Jerusalem. While the
dome of the mosque in cross-section is
reminiscent of the Dome of the Rock,
the interior does not include any ele-
ments to support this. What is important
here is the depiction and interpretation
of the initial moment and location of
102 lskender building a wall against
the Gog and Magog. Seyyid Lokman,
Ziibdeta't-Tevarih, 1586, TSM, H. 1321,
fol. 48b.
103 Sultan Murad Ill conversing
with the chief black eunuch. Seyyid
Lokman, Ziibdeta't-Tevarih, 1583,
TiEM, 1973, fol. 88b.
an event about which no time-space
information is offered in the text. In
Islamic miniatures, Mir'aj is a recurring
theme but in almost all the representa-
tions the Prophet is seen mounted on
Buraq, the winged horse, riding over the
Ka'ba in Mecca accompanied by angels
on his night journey. 5 3 In fact, the Ziib-
detii 't-Tevarih presented to the chief
black eunuch includes a Mir'aj scene in
line with this tradition, with the Prophet
Muhammad and Buraq accompanied
by angels holding censers during His
journey above the Ka'ba in Mecca (fig.
99). 54 Although the explanatory legend
merely reads "The ascent to Heaven of
the Prophet Muhammad and Buraq" in
the two aforementioned copies of the
Ziibdetii 't- Tevarih, the illustration cap-
tures Muhammad's moment of depar-
ture or return to earth. In other words,
the celestial world that Muhammad will
travel to/from and a scene from his daily
life are all depicted simultaneously in this
representation. This further indicates that
the Ottoman artist has chosen to repre-
sent this very important episode from the
Prophet's life in more natural setting.
Another illustration that stands out
with its resemblance to historical themes
is the portrayal of iskender-i Zulqamayn
building a wall against the tribe of
Yajuj and Majuj (Gog and Magog),
together with the Prophet Al-Khidr (fig.
102).55 Zulqarnayn, whose name is also
mentioned in the Koran, has already
been mentioned as he is identified with
Alexander the Great. 56 In the text of
Ziibdetii't-Tevarih, he is mentioned both
as Alexander the Great and iskender-i
Zulqamayn. 57 According to the text,
lskandar-i Zulqarnayn encounters a
tribe, the members of which complain
that a strange group of people living
behind the mountain is causing them
harm. iskender-i Zulqarnayn thus has
them build a formidable wall that is
impossible to cross. In the illustration,
iskender is in the foreground on the left;
the haloed figure on the right is, with-
out doubt, Prophet Al-Khidr. The text
reveals that Al-Khidr joined the army
of iskender-i Zulqamayn with his own
group of Muslim soldiers. On the left, a
portion of Al-Khidr's army is seen; one

53
The journey of the Prophet Muhammad's ascent to heaven was discussed in a detailed man-
ner by R. Ettinghausen. Ettinghausen 1973. The Ottoman illustration, which shows the Prophet
Muhammad on Buraq during his journey of ascent to heaven and discussed below, is in volume
Ill of the Siyer-i Nebi dated 1594-1595 (compare lllustration 124). C. Gruber, who wrote a Ph.D.
dissertation on the Muhammad's ascent to heaven in Islamic art and literature, interprets this scene
as the return from the ascent to heaven by the Prophet and claims that the figure in white clothing
sitting opposite him is Abu Bakr: Gruber 2005, pp. 324-325.
54
DCBL, 414, fol. 121a. Renda 1991, pp. 491, 506.
55
ISM, H. 1321, fol. 48b; DCBL, 414, fol. 108a.
56
See pp. 23, 29-30 in this book.
57
Koran verse XVIII, 84-89. Ziibdetii't-Tevarih ISM, H. 1321, fol. 24a, 48a.

140-141 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans

of his soldiers oversees the construction
of the wall. The creatures with oversized
ears in the right lower corner symbolize
the tribe of Gog and Magog. Depictions
of iskender are frequently encountered
in Islamic art. Particularly the character
of Alexander, which carries great signifi-
cance in the Persian tradition, has been
the subject of numerous works. There
exist illustrations that show iskender on
the throne, searching for the Water of
Life with Prophets Al-Khidr and Elias
(compare fig. 24) and building the wall
against the land of Gog and Magog. 58
However, the iconographic variations
draw attention in this story. Here, once
again, the Ottoman painter has treated a
traits in the Ziibdetii 't-Tevarih presented
to Sultan Murad ill. However, unlike the
$ema'ilname portraits (fig. 93), Sultan
Murad ill is not alone, but in the company
of the chief black eunuch across and the
aghas of the Privy Chamber on the sides
(fig. 103). Special care was shown to the
portrait of the reigning sultan in this
manuscript. Strikingly similar in style, the
portraits in the copy presented to
Pasha are attributed to Osman's assistant
Ali. 60 The portraits in the Dublin
manuscript; however, display differences
in detail. Here, the sultans do not lean
against a cushion, but sit on a cuspidate
103

religious story as a genre scene. He has

portrayed in complete detail, for exam-
ple, how the necessary materials are pre-
pared for building the wall. iskender and
Al-Khidr standing at the center of the
composition and the depiction of a part
of the army behind the hills indicate that
the Ottoman artist adhered to a realistic
narrative of historical themes and that he
conveyed all the details of the incident.
The stories of prophets in the three
Z iibdetii 't- Tevarih manuscripts reveal
how the history of prophets has been
interpreted in Ottoman painting after the
aforementioned Enbiyaname of Arifi. It is
a fact that rather than following the ico-
nography well established in the Islamic
world, Ottoman painters remained faith-
ful to the text and introduced unique and
original interpretations.
The second section of the Ziibdetii't-
Tevarih manuscripts, which covers
Ottoman history, includes portraits of
twelve Ottoman sultans from Osman Gazi
to Murad ill. The precursor of these
portraits is $ema'ilname, which Seyyid throne flanked by two sword-bearers. The
Lokman and Ustad Osman prepared for portraits of sultans Siileyman I, Selim
Murad ill in 1579.59 The twelve portraits II and Murad ill are even more striking.
of the sultans in this manuscript were In those portraits the sultans are placed
later used as templates in many historical inside a domed building with a tower. 61
works (figs 91, 92, 93). Ustad Osman, who A careful study of the three Ziibdetii't-
also illustrated the stories of many proph- Tevarih manuscripts reveals that the illus-
ets in this manuscript, painted the por- trations are particularly important, not

58
See pp. 26-33 in this book for Alexander and the Ottoman examples in the Islamic culture.
59
See Istanbul 2000, pp. 164-187 and pp. 128-130 in this book, for detailed information on these
portraits.
60
Renda 1973, pp. 456-457.
61
Renda 1991, p. 494, fig. 2.

A new era in court historiography: .?ehnameci Lokman and Ustad Osman

104 The Second Courtyard of the
Topkap1 Palace. Seyyid Lokman,
HUnername 1, 1584, TSM, H. 1523,
fols 18b-19a.
142-143
only in terms of iconography, but also
with respect to the stylistic developments
in the Ottoman painting, as well as the
identities of the artists. It is natural that
the manuscript prepared for Sultan Murad
ill would be the most original and elabo-
rate copy. As stated in the aforementioned
archive documents, thirteen artists, six
calligraphers, four bookbinders and seven
apprentices worked on this manuscript,
which is truly a masterpiece. Starting with
Ustad Osman and Ali, the style of some
of the artists who worked on the docu-
ments can be identified. The references to
artists in archive documents pertaining to
other illustrated manuscripts produced at
the same time with the Ziibdetii 't-Tevarih
copies do not help distinguish the styles of
the artists. Nevertheless, they help identifY
the leading artists of the period. 62 For
instance, the illustration showing Noah
and his ark must be the work of Osman.
It is natural that the renowned artists
of the period worked on the manuscript
prepared for Sultan Murad ill and that
the other two copies were based on this
work. It is presumed that Ustad Osman's
assistant Ali executed virtually all the
illustrations in the manuscript prepared
for Pasha. On the other hand, it
appears that the artist and his assistant
who worked on the copy prepared for
the chief black eunuch did not belong
to this group of artists. Prepared for an
individual in the lower echelons of palace
protocol, this manuscript is smaller in size
and features lesser use of gold. Therefore
it differs from the other copies. However,
the artists experimented with new icono-
graphic models in some of the sultanic
portraits and the stories of the prophets,
as in the case of the Mir'aj scene. This
once again underscores the importance
of patronage in Ottoman painting. It is
probable that different groups of artists
worked on the commissions of state offi-
cials -other than the sultan and the grand
vizier- and that they had the liberty to
experiment with new iconographic inter-
pretations in such works.
62
For example, in some documents related to the other manuscripts (TSA D. 10759; BOA, Kepeci
Tasnifi Ru'us Defteri 238, p. 397), the names of some of the artists, who worked on Ziibdetii 't-Teva-
rih, are mentioned. See Renda 1976, pp. 183-200, for the artists who worked on the copy presented
to Sultan Murad ill and their styles. See
on other manuscripts.
3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
Other works of Lokman and
Osman: lHinemames and Surname
In early 1583, the artists of the royal stu-
dio were engaged in two major projects
under the supervision of Lokman and
Osman. These were comprised of the Sur-
name-i Hiimayun (Book of the Imperial
Festivity) on the circumcision festivities
of Prince Mehmed, the son of Sultan
Murad ill, which lasted for fifty-two days
and nights in 1582 and the Hiinername
(Book of Skills), which recounts the supe-
rior aspects and skills of the Ottoman
sultans. Similar to the Ziibdetii't-Tevarih,
both works are written in Turkish as dis-
tinct from other §ehnames.
Work on the first volume oftheHiiner-
name commenced before that of the Sur-
name. In fact, §ehnameci Arifi first began
writing the Hiinername, and his succes-
sor Eflatun resumed the process. Eflatun
only wrote three chapters before the
task was assigned to Lokman. Although
the Hiinername is closely related to the
'ilname in content, rather than their
physiognomy and attire, it focuses on
the moral virtues and superior personal
qualities of the Ottoman sultans, which
are conveyed through short anecdotes.
The work was originally conceived in
four volumes. The first volume includes
accounts on the skills and attributes of
the first nine sultans from Osman I to
Selim I. The second volume is dedicated
entirely to Silleyman I. The titles and
sub-titles of the sections for the second,
third and fourth volumes are included
in the index at the beginning of the first
volume. The two unwritten volumes were
supposed to be related to Selim II and
Murad ill, respectively. The chapter head-
ings of the text are sufficiently enlight-
ening on the "skills" of the Ottoman sul-
tans praised in the Hiinername. The titles
of the ten main chapters in the second
volume of the Hiinername offer insight
into the work's content: 1. His birth and
how he bestowed happiness upon his
soldiers, and justice and benevolence
1973, for documents related to the artists working
upon the world after his enthronement.
2. His infinite generosity on the shores
of benevolence and elegant drops of his
beautiful speeches, which satiate those
yearning for pure water. 3. His eminence
and peerless skills in the art of archery,
marksmanship, hunting and horseback
riding. 4. His unrivaled generosity during
the gatherings, the public festivities for
the high and low he organized. 5. The
stories related to his praiseworthy habits,
likeable merits, his pious deeds and the
beauty of his compassionate acts for the
poor and the weak. 6. His kind and com-
passionate feelings and his protection of
the helpless and the oppressed against
potential cruelty in relation to his han-
63
Hiinername 2, ISM, H. 1524, fols. 16b-17b. Bagc1 2009, p. 116.
A new era in court historiography: $ehnameci Lokman and Ostad Osman
dling of matters of government. 7. His
devout dreams, knowledge of God, his
bright insight and inspirations that flour-
ished as rosebuds of invisible kindness in
the garden of sainthood. 8. The watering
of his country by the drops falling from
the clouds of his justice and the flowing
of his justice to every corner of the world
so that everyone can have a share of his
infinite kind deeds and find happiness. 9.
His courage and the cities and fortresses
104
he conquered. 10. For the martyrs and
victorious fighters of the sultan to work
with the cleanest and best intentions on
the path to God in this world and the
next world. 63 The events exemplifYing
the superior attributes of the sultan are
105 Istanbul. Seyyid Lokman,
Hiinername 1, 1584, TSM, H. 1523, fols
158b-159a.
106 Sultan Mehmed I punishes
a soldier who stole the beehives
of a poor family. Seyyid Lokman,
Hiinername 1, 1584, TSM, H. 1523,
fol. 121a.
105
based on the oral accounts of esteemed
people who witnessed them. Some of
these events have also been illustrated.
The written and visual narratives of
the royal virtues of the sultans in the
Hilnername volumes provided the perfect
models for subsequent generations of the
Ottoman house.
As stated in his introduction, Lokman
started working on the first volume
of the Hilnername in Turkish in early
1579 (987 AH) and completed it on 10
the manuscript was completely fin-
r
ished and presented to the sultan a year
later. 65 In the first volume, Lokman nar-
rates the biographies of the first seven
sultans from Osman I to Sultan Selim I
in ten chapters with titles similar to the
ones in the second volume. The chapters
each contain ten stories for each one of
the sultans. The manuscript (48.5 x 30.5
em) includes 234 folios and forty-five
paintings by selected court artists led by
Ustad Osman.

September 1584 (5 Ramadan 992 AH). 64 One of the paintings illustrates

The work was copied in large ta 'liq by Lokman's description of the second
Sinan b. Mehmed of Bosnia. A document courtyard of the Topkap1 Palace. In the
dated 14 October 1585 (19 Shavval 993 text, Lokman informs the reader of the
AH) establishes beyond any doubt that buildings and the residents, as well as

64
TSM, H. 1523. Oz 1939, p. 4; Anafarta 1969 (The monograph by Anafarta includes the reproduc-
tions of the illustrations in the first volume. The document, which Anafarta linked to the produc-
tion of Hiinername, is related to Ziibdetii't-Tevarih, as stated above. See 1999, p. 201).
Also see Bagc1 2009.
65
BOA, Miihhime defteri, No. 33, p. 189/380. Kiitiikoglu 1991, p. 45; 1999, p. 201.

144-145 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans

1 the activities and ceremonies that take hives of the locals to eat the honey. Later,
place in the courtyard (fig. 104). Also while hunting in that area, the sultan saw
known as the Divan Meydam (Square how the locals were still affected by the
of the Imperial Council), which was the injustice and hostility of this incident.
scene of the most magnificent protocol He assigned Isa Bey, a courtier in his
ceremonies of the Ottoman palace, this retinue, to secretly discover the reason
courtyard is portrayed on a double page. of their discontent. In the end, the nee:-
The European (Frenk) -style gate, also
known as the Babii's-Selam (Gate of
Peace), which connects the first court-
yard to the second, is seen in the fore-
ground. Decorated with cypress and
various other trees, the courtyard is
surrounded by porticos. The Council of
State meeting is well underway at the
Council Hall, the most important build-
ing of this courtyard. At the Treasury
next to the Council Hall, the salaries
to be distributed to the Janissaries are
being weighed. By depicting the Council
Hall and Tower of Justice in such great
detail, the artist dearly emphasizes the
theme of Ottoman justice.
The section of the work on Sultan
Mehmed II and the conquest of Istanbul
was illustrated with an image of the
city executed, in all likelihood, by Ustad
Osman. Representing the vastness and
extraordinary topography of Istanbul,
this pictorial map is spread over two
pages (fig. 105). Dominated by light
green, pink and silver, the illustration
reflects the same tradition and aes-
thetic: taste of the Istanbul images in the
Zafername and the $ehin§ahname. It is
highly probable that all these illustra-
tions were executed by Osman as well.
One of the longest and most elabo-
rate sections of Lokman's text focuses on
the concept of justice. One such minia-
ture portrays Mehmed I (r. 1413-1421)
punishing those who steal honey from
a beehive on the banks of the Danube
River at (Ruse), an event that
took place during the Walac:hia Campaign
(fig. 106).66 Lokman recalls a hadith of the
Prophet Muhammad, "One day of justice
by the sultan is more auspicious than sev-
enty years of worship" as a tribute to the
justice of Ottoman sultans. According to
Lokman's account, during the campaign,
when Mehmed I stopped in some
members of the army plundered the bee-

66
<;:agman 1993, pp. 105-106.

A new era in court historiography: $ehnameci Lokman and Ustad Osman


108
essazy investigation was conducted, the
felons were found, caught and punished,
and assets worth twice the value of the
honey were seized from their estates. The
scene includes all of the protagonists.
Furthermore, by depicting Urus\l)k in the
background as the site of the event and
the Danube River in the lower part of
the illustration, the artist also represents
the surroundings. In the foreground, the
woman whose beehive was destroyed,
her daughter a man all look worried.
Karab1)'lk, the honey thief, is seen amidst
the crowd on the left. Holding a falcon in
his hand, Sultan Mehmed is depicted on
horseback; he orders the steward of the
guards across him to punish the culprit
As mentioned earlier, not all the works
prepared under the direction of $ehnameci
were in fact written by him. The Sur-
name-i Hiimayun, which includes 250
double-page paintings, constitutes such
an example. 67 Lokman was not the author
of the work. Known by the pseudonym
intizami, the author, who apparently was
a secretazy of the Imperial Council, states
that he came from the town ofFor;;a (Foca)
in the Herzegovina province. 68 Offering a
range of information on the preparation
of the book, the author identifies Master
Osman as the designer of the illustrations,
adds that he was also from For;;a, and
praises, in poetic metaphor, his skill as
a painter, his masterful use of color, and
the unrivaled quality of his illustrations.
Furthermore, he implies that Osman had
a private studio (karhane) and that apart
from being an illustrator, he also execut-
ed ink drawings and wall decorations.
There is no doubt that this workshop must
be the place where he worked together
with Seyyid Lokman and prepared the
illustrated books. 69 From 1583 onwards,
Osman must have designed the manner
in which the illustrations of Surna-
me - currently preserved at the Palace
library - would be executed. Selected
artists on the team of Osman and the
$ehnameci watched the circumcision fes-
tivities that they illustrated.
The Surname is centered around the
circumcision festivities held in honor of
Prince Mehmed, the son of Murad ill. The
festivities lasted for fifty-two days from

67
ISM, H. 1344. Tansug 1993; Atasoy 1997.
68
The author intizami states at the end of the text that he consulted with the chief black eunuch
Mehmed Agha and dwarf Zeyrek Agha, when necessary, and rewrote certain passages according to
their criticisms (ISM, H. 1344, fol. 428b). One of the final illustrations of Surname shows Murad
ill on his throne, conversing with the courtiers and another depicts Mehmed Agha, with a bound
book in his hand, sitting across from the Zeyrek Agha. Tanmd1 2004, p. 334.
69
1999, pp. 201-202; 1989, pp. 37-38.

146-147 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans

May until July of 1582 and were trans- 107 Parade of musicians. intizami,
formed into a spectacle of the power and Surname-i Hilmayun, ca. 1587, TSM,
magnificence of the Ottoman state. The H. 1344, fol. 18b-19a.
celebrations started with the arrival of 108 Parade of glaziers. intizami,
large nahlls (the richly decorated sym- Surname-i Hilmayun, ca. 1587, TSM,
bolic trees made of candy and wax) to H. 1344, fol. 32b-33a.
the At Meydam (Hippodrome) where the 109 Parade of waistcloth makers.
festivity was held; the sultan and his son intizami, Surname-i Hilmayun, ca.
watched the spectacles from the Ibrahim 1587, TSM, H. 1344, fol. 338b-339a.
Pasha Palace. Following the prayer ses- 110 Parade of royal architects and
sion of religious leaders, all the guilds stonemasons with a model of the
of Istanbul demonstrated their skills in SUieymaniye Mosque. intizami,
the procession. Meanwhile, musicians, Surname-i Hilmayun, ca. 1587, TSM,
magicians and acrobats entertained the H. 1344, fol. 190b-191a.
spectators with different performances.
The fireworks at night further enliv-
ened the festivities. The ambassadors
of eastern and western states and the
high-ranking courtiers presented vari-
ous gifts to the sultan and the prince.
437 pages illustrated with paintings
have survived from the manuscript. The
Hippodrome and ibrahim Pasha Palace
where the festivities were held are used
as the unchanging set decor in a major-
ity of the illustrations. During the per-
formances, the sultan was seated in the
bay window of the palace together with
the prince and the aghas of the Privy
Chamber, whereas the guests sat on the
temporary spectator loggias set up in
front of the palace on the right-hand
side of the illustration. Among these, the
loggia in the lower left-hand comer was
always reserved for European guests.
The parades, entertainment, and feasts
110
of the festivity continued for days and
nights around the other monuments of
the Hippodrome such as the Serpentine
Column and the Obelisk.
In one of the illustrations the musi-
cians, who filled the square, play a
number of instruments such as harps,
tambourines, and various wind instru-
ments, while others sing songs (fig.
107). Frequently performing at the
Hippodrome, these singers, musicians
and dancers transformed the circumci-
sion ceremony into a splendid festivity.
Ustad Osman depicted the procession
of the guild of glaziers who demonstrated
their skills on the eighth day of the cir-
cumcision festivity with red and white
banners (fig. 108). The guild members
loaded a high-heat glass furnace on a cart
and paraded through the Hippodrome

A new era in court historiography: Lokman and Ustad Osman

148-149 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
blowing bottles and giving them shape.
The crowd and the sultan much appreci-
ated this spectacle, which was technically
quite difficult to perform. The master
glaziers walked behind the cart carrying
the hourglasses, pitchers and similar glass
items they had just made.
Another painting depicts the parade
of waistcloth makers (fig. 109). Some
of the artisans use colorful waistcloths
to make birds, which they then set in
motion using a mechanism with wheels.
Some of them also carry the banner-like
fabrics they have carefully woven. This
colorful and lively display transformed
the parade of the waistcloth makers into
an unforgettable spectacle. This illustra-
tion is probably the work of another
artist in Lokman's team.
In the procession, various guilds with
professions related to food production
are represented by a number of cooks
preparing meat, pastry, various desserts,
sweet fruit drinks, coffee, and displaying
their skills in their make-shift shops on
carts. Among these, the illustration of
the parade of shish kebab makers was
possibly executed by Ali (fig.
111). The shish kebabs are grilled on
one side of the shop atop the cart. Some
of the customers sitting around tables
enjoy their shish kebabs, whereas others
seem to be waiting eagerly.
The royal architects and stonemasons
carry a large model of the Siileymaniye
Mosque possibly made by chief archi-
tect Sinan (fig. 110). The selection of
the Siileymaniye Mosque as the model
in the parade indicates that it was
deemed the most impressive monument
of Istanbul by stonemason masters,
architects and engineers.
These illustrations not only reflect
the magnificence of the circumcision
festivities, but they also offer a vivid
panorama of genre scenes from the lives
of male, female, Muslim, non-Muslim,
native and foreign city dwellers who
attended the circumcision festivities.
A document dated 15 January 1588 111 Parade of kebab makers. intizami,
(15 Safar 996 AH) records the distribu- Surname-i HOmayun, ca. 1587, TSM,
tion of 50 increases in salary given H. 1344, fol. 343a.
after the Surname was completed and
presented to the sultan. The document
reveals that Lokman had supervised the
completion of the Surname and the
execution of several illustrations in the
second volume of the Hiinername. It
further confirms that the Surname was
prepared under the direction of Lokman
in 1587 and also reveals the names of
the artists that illustrated the Surname
as well as some of those who worked on
the Hiinername. As stated earlier, Ustad
Osman was still overseeing the illustra-
tion work. Furthermore, it is understood
that Liitfii Abdullah, as the head of the
court artists, was also the supervisor of
expenses for the illustration of the work.
The document also mentions that Ali, the
brother-in-law of Osman, with whom he
always collaborated, Mehmed b. Haydar,
Veli Can, Mehmed, Molla Yunus, ibrahim,
Ahmed b. Abdullah, Hiiseyin, Mahmud,
Yusuf b. Abdullah and another Osman,
who was specified as the "other" Osman,
all prepared the paintings of the works. 70
In addition, the document also cites the
names of the illuminators, bookbind-
ers and calligraphers. It is impossible to
determine, however, which of the men-
tioned artists apart from Ustad Osman, if
any, worked on both projects.
The second volume of the Hiinername
is one of the most important illustrated
works prepared for the Ottoman trea-
sury under the direction of §ehnameci
Lokman. 71 Centered on the superior
qualities of Siileyman I, this volume is
the continuation of the first one. The
content of the text and the titles of the
chapters were introduced earlier.
Copied in large ta 'liq script, the
manuscript consists of 302 folios (43 x
30 em), some of which are missing. It
includes sixty-five full-page paintings.
The background of text pages is col-
ored and decorated with gold sprinkling

70
BOA, Kepeci tasnifi Ru'us Defteri, No. 250, p. 207. 1999, p. 202.
7
TSM, H. 1524. Oz 1939, pp. 3-16; Stchoukine 1966a, pp. 76-79, pls LXVI-LXXI;
'

1974, pp. 44-46, pls 25-26; Eroglu 1998; Bagel 2009; see And 2000, pp. 187, 194-195, 198, 215-
216, 224, 231, 235, 253, 254-255, for illustrations.
72
It was argued that the decorations and some of the paintings in the manuscript could have been
made by Veli Can from Tabriz (Tanmd1 1991, pp. 290-292) and a Persian artist who worked in the
Kazvin style (inal 1978, p. 464).

A new era in court historiography: $ehnameci Lokman and Ustad Osman

112 The arrival of the Ottoman army
at Szigetvar fortress. Seyyid Lokman,
HOnername 2, 1589, TSM. H. 1524,
fols 277b-278a.
113 The battle of Mohacs. Seyyid
Lokman, HOnername 2, 1589, TSM .
H. 1524, fols 25Gb.
150-151
Although the end of the text is
missing, a folio from the rough draft in
the palace archives reveals the date of
completion a,s 1-10 January 1588 (the
first ten days of Safar 996 AH). 73 We
learn from a ru 'us register that the royal
manuscript with illustrations was com-
pleted and presented to Murad III on 28
July 1589 (15 Ramadan 997 AH). 74 The
words of praise for Ustad Osman on the
last surviving folio of the manuscript
point to the fact that the illustrations of
this exceptional volume were executed
under the direction of Ustad Osman.
Hiinername paintings are singular in
terms of their large dimensions and
the great care shown for the selection
73
TSM, Y. Y. 1208-1211. Tamndi 1990-91, fig. 8.
74
BOA, Ru'us register 252, fol. 23 ; c;:agman 1999, p. 202.
3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
of themes and their visual representa-
tion. Scenes like the Mohacs battle,
the siege of Vienna or the conquest of
Istulni-Belgrad (Szekesfehevar), and the
celebrated exploits of Sultan Silleyman,
are intended to convey the victories, the
conquered lands, and Ottoman military
power under its triumphant commander,
namely the sultan. Due to their sty-
listic features, a portion of the paint-
ings illustrating this section of the text
can be attributed to Osman and Ali.
Rather than concentrating on episodes
of gruesome fighting, illustrations of
the victorious campaigns of the sultan
focus on the exceptional magnitude
and order of the Ottoman army and on
details of the military strategy employed
during the siege or conquest of cities.
The depiction of the Mohacs battle is
a superlative example of this approach
(fig. 113). Although the Ottoman sol-
diers in the foreground are seen chasing
a few fleeing Hungarian cavalrymen,
the battle constitutes only a small part
of the painting. The intention of the
artist is certainly to show the victori-
ous Ottoman army which is traversing
the mountains spread over the entire
page. Ustad Osman based this composi-
tion on the balance between sloped and
horizontal lines. Towards the upper part
of the sloped line, in front of Ottoman
flags, Sultan Silleyman and his entou-
rage are immediately noticed.
Another double-page illustration
depicting the arrival of the Ottoman
army at Szigetvar fortress also reflects
the characteristic style of Osman.
On the left-hand page, the artist has
depicted the Ottoman army advanc-
ing in a disciplined manner in the
form of regular lines and spread on an
extensive field (fig. 112). On the right-
hand page, above, the Szigetvar for-
tresses are depicted as pictorial maps,
similar to their representations in the
Nuzhatu 'l Ahbar der Sefer-i Sigetvar
and the Zafername, (compare fig. 75).
Devoid of inhabitants, the fortresses
are connected by bridges. In the fore-
ground, Sokollu Mehmed Pasha and
his entourage are shown advancing
towards the royal tent pitched on the
Similehov.
In a miniature in the eighth sec-
tion of the Hiinername that portrays
the justice of the sultan, as Silleyman
rests under a tree after hunting near
Uskiidar, an elderly woman complains
to him about the inexperienced sol-
diers who caused her daughter to have
a miscarriage (fig. 115). 75 As seen in
this example, the illustrations that
include the sultan always portray him
and his retinue in a formal and fixed
manner. In contrast, details of daily
life are incorporated into some of the
illustrations in the tenth section on the
pious foundations and the construe-

75
<;:agman 1993, pp. 106-107, Bagc1 2009, p. 120-121.

A new era in court historiography: Lokman and Ustad Osman

114 Sultan Suleyman I shoots three
beasts. Seyyid Lokman, HUnername 2,
1589, TSM. H. 1524, fol. 256b.
115 Sultan Suleyman I listening to
an old woman's complaints during
a hunting expedition. Seyyid Lokman,
HUnername 2, 1589, TSM. H. 1524,
fol. 152a.
116 The complex built by Sultan
SUieyman on the pilgrimage route.
Seyyid Lokman, HUnername 2, 1589, TSM .
H. 1524, fol. 288b.
152-153
tions of the public buildings patron-
ized by the sultan in distant Ottoman
lands. In this section, Lokman lists
the public buildings commissioned
by Sultan Siileyman in Istanbul and
in other cities across the Ottoman
lands. He also explains the source of
financial support and the amounts of
money spent on these edifices, and
offers information about the endow-
ments founded for the maintenance
of the buildings and charitable insti-
tutions. This section mainly provides
information about the various build-
ings rather than a narrative story
about them. Similarly, the paintings
convey these buildings and not their
corresponding stories. While illus-
trating the constructed, renovated or
restored public buildings at the men-
76
See Necipoglu 2005, pp. 72-73 for this building complex.
3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
zils (relay stations) located along pil-
grimage routes to improve the safety
and well being of the pilgrims, these
images emphasize the piety of the sul-
tan. One of these features a building
complex constructed by Siileyman at
a menzil in Belen, on the route from
iskenderun to Aleppo, as well as a
fortress commanding a steep mountain
pass that the sultan had repaired (fig.
116). 76 Comprised of a mosque, public
kitchen and bath, the public buildings
are depicted in detail. Ottomans offi-
cials prepare food and bread for dis-
tribution in front of the buildings. The
gates of the city and the caravansaray
built for pilgrims are seen below; one
caravan descends through the hills on
the right.
 The last example of the
in Persian: The 2

During the same years, Seyyid Lokman

was busy writing the second volume
of the in Persian verse.
Based on the events that took place
between 1580 and 1584 during the
reign of Murad III, it was completed
towards the end of November 1592
(Safar 1001AH). However, the illustra-
tions were completed afterwards, and
the manuscript was presented to the
sultan in 1597-1598 (1006 AH) during
the reign of Mehmed 111. 77

115-116

77
TSM, B. 200. On the page 162b, it is stated in Persian that Seyyid Lokman finished the second
volume in 1592-1593 (1001 AH) and that he presented it to the Shah, that is, Sultan Mehmed III
in 1597-1598 (1006 AH). Another copy of the text, entitled $ehin§ehname-i Sultan Mehmed is
in Bankipore Oriental Public Library (no. 265). It has a dedication to Sultan Mehmed III and the
colophon states that it was completed 1592 (1001 AH) and presented to Sultan Mehmed III in 1598
(1007 AH). It found its way to the royal library of the Mughal emperor Shah Jahan (r. 1628-1658).
It features the seal of Jahanara Begum (d. 1681), the daughter of Jahan. See Muqtadir 1912, No.
265, pp. 1-3. Furthermore, an illustrated $ehname-i Al-i Osman written in Turkish verse in 1590 by
Seyyid Lokman is in London (LBL, Add. 7931). Only three of the spaces left for the illustration were
painted later, which depict portraits of the first three Ottoman sultans. See Rieu 1978, pp. 186- 187.

A new era in court historiography: Sehnameci Lokman and Ostad Osman

117 Ferhad Pasha's battle in Yerevan.
Seyyid Lokman, $ehin?ahname 2,
1597-1598, TSM, B. 200,
fols 101 b-1 02a.
118 Sultan Murad Ill receiving
Safavid ambassador ibrahim Khan.
Seyyid Lokman, $ehin?ahname 2,
1597-1598, TSM, B. 200, fols 36b-37a.
119 Sultan Murad Ill receiving
Ozdemiroglu Osman Pasha. Seyyid
Lokman, $ehin?ahname2, 1597-1598,
TSM, B. 200, fols 158b-160a.
154-155
The .?ehin$ahname is comprised of
ninety-five illustrated folios. In some
of the illustrations executed on double
pages, the two sections lack spatial
harmony. The double page composi-
tion depicting Ferhad Pasha's battle
in Yerevan is one of the most typical
examples of this kind (fig. 117). Led by
their commander-in-chief and advanc-
ing with flags, cannon balls and cam-
els carrying loads, the Ottoman army
is depicted in an extremely crowded
and impressive manner on the right-
hand page. The opposite page, how-
3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
ever, features an illustration from a
different vantage point. Portraying the
soldiers of the Yerevan ruler Toqmaq
Khan and the inhabitants fleeing the
city, this illustration is painted with a
broader perspective, from the side on
which the Ottomans have been depict-
ed. Furthermore, the dense crowds on
the right are replaced by vast empty
spaces. While this may reflect a visual
contrast between the area vacated by
those in flight and the crowded army
advancing directly towards it, a dis-
tinct lack of pictorial harmony can
be observed between the two folios.
This points to an approach that lacks
the language of representation, which
brings to fore the graphic values of
the page, as seen in numerous earlier
examples above.
A similar approach is also observed
in the painting that portrays the
Safavid ambassador Ibrahim Khan,
who came to Istanbul on the occasion
of the circumcision festivities (1582)
of the Prince Mehmed, in the audience
of the sultan (fig. 118). In the upper
left hand section of the double-page
illustration, the sultan receives the
ambassador in the Audience Hall. In
the foreground, the residents of the
palace sit at the porticos next to the
Gate of Felicity, while the janissar-
ies, who carry the gifts brought by
the ambassador, advance in sequence
towards the gate. Thus, the second
courtyard and the Audience Hall are
shown on a single page. However, on
the right-hand page, another scene
from the second courtyard is por-
trayed. The illustration features the
Kubbe Altz (Council of State), which
- based on the vantage point should
technically be on the left - as well
as the line of janissaries in front of
it, carrying the rest of the gifts. The
depiction of the Kubbe Altz on the
right-hand page is rather perplexing.
None of the depictions of the Topkap1
Palace addressed so far reflect such an
inaccurate orientation. Such represen-
tations are encountered in other paint-
ings of the book as well. For example,
in the double-page illustration depict-
ing the eastern commander grand
vizier Ozdemiroglu Osman Pasha (d.
1585) in the audience of the sultan
on a bayram, the second courtyard is
once again portrayed in reverse (fig.
119). Based on the vantage point, both
the Divan and the Tower of Justice
should appear on the left; however
they are represented on the right-hand
page instead. A janissary band per-
forms in the foreground. The sultan
is seated on his throne in front of
the Gate of Felicity; the person kiss-
ing the skirt of his kaftan must be
Ozdemiroglu Osman Pasha. With their
hands clasped together in respect,

A new era in court historiography: Sehnameci Lokman and Ustad Osman

120 Sultan Murad Ill receives the
good news of the Yerevan victory.
Seyyid Lokman, 2,
1597-1598, TSM, B. 200, fols
112b-113a.
121 Vizier Mehmed Pasha in the
presence of Prince Mehmed. Seyyid
Lokman, 2, 1597-1598,
TSM, B. 200, fols 82b-83a.
court members and janissaries wait in
an orderly row around him.
Sultan Murad ill received the good
news of the conquest of Revan fortress
at the Kandil Garden, which was the
most important imperial garden on the
Bosphorus. In this double-page depic-
tion portraying the event, the Rumeli
Hisar Fortress - across from Kandilli
- is depicted on the right, whereas the
Kandil Garden, namely "Kandilli" is seen
on the left (fig. 120). The sultan is seated
at the pavilion in front of the garden;
vizier Mehmed Pasha in the audience
of the prince. Featuring candelabras
and jeweled censors, as well as embroi-
dered floor spreads and wall curtains,
this particular scene reflects the pre-
dominantly red, plush, and impressive
interior of the harem. This scene is par-
ticularly significant as it reveals how
ostentatiously the chambers and apart-
ments of the palace were decorated on
special occasions.
In the dedication inscription on
folio 1a, the author notes that the

120

he is surrounded by aghas of the Privy completion of the was

Chamber, falconers, dwarves, and other
palace residents. The bejeweled sword,
which will be offered as a gift to the
harbinger of good news Cafer Kethiida,
rests in front of the sultan. Two officials
wait to present the robes of honor.
One of the most intriguing illus-
trations of the manuscript portrays
a scene that is rarely encountered in
Ottoman painting (fig. 121). Featured
in the section on the circumcision fes-
tivities of 1582, this illustration depicts
delayed due to the excessive number
of its illustrations. He further apolo-
gizes, adding that the paintings were
finished in haste. This delay must
undoubtedly have disappointed Sultan
Murad III. The expected reaction,
however, came from Sultan Mehmed
III. The new sultan was enraged that
the from the reign of his
father could not be completed in due
time. This mishap gradually led to
Lokman's dismissal. At the time, the

156-157 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans

 were written in Persian
verse, important victories were rare,
and the sultan no longer participated
in the campaigns. All of these factors
generated a number of problems. The
lack of Lokman's reliable sources on
historiography in verse, and perhaps
his old age, brought an end to the
Ottoman in Persian. It is
assumed that similar to other exam-
ples, the illustrations of this final
in Persian were designed
and executed by a group of select
Osman's style in figure drawings and
color compositions indicates that the
artists were trained under him, hardly
any of the illustrations in this work
can be attributed directly to Osman.
Interestingly enough, although he has
left his imprint on the second half of
the sixteenth century and particularly
on painting, Osman's name
is no longer encountered in any of the
documents after 1597.

12.1

court artists under the direction of

Osman. The extended wars with Persia
on the Eastern territories were reflect-
ed in the pages of the manuscript
in various ways. With their crowded
compositions and plethora of figures,
these illustrations are markedly dis-
tinguished from previous examples.
Furthermore, as mentioned in the text,
the relatively less elaborate brush tech-
nique shows that the artists worked in
a hurry to complete the manuscript.
Although the dominance of Ustad

A new era in court historiography: $ehnameci Lokman and Ustad Osman

The life of the Prophet Muhammad: The Siyer-i Nebi

158-159
The Siyer-i Nebi, the biography of
Prophet Muhammad, is yet another
book that can be considered as part of
the illustrated Ottoman dynastic his-
tory project conducted under the col-
laborative efforts of $ehnameci Seyyid
Lokman and Ustad Osman at the royal
studio. 1 A poet originally from Erzurum,
Mustafa Darir (alive in 1400) wrote the
Siyer-i Nebi in 1388 during the years
of his education in Egypt, where Turkish
was widely spoken, and presented it to
Barquq (r. 1382-1389; 1390-1399), the
Mamluk sultan of the period. As of
the fifteenth century, Darir's work was
also admired by Ottoman court circles;
towards the end of Sultan Murad III's
reign, when Ottoman art of the books
intensified, the text was copied and
illustrated at the royal studio in Istanbul.
The urge to produce an illustrated edi-
tion of this work was not based solely
on religious sentiments. Muhammad
was not only a prophet but a ruler and
a heroic soldier as well. Those who were
in charge of book arts at the Ottoman
court may have conceived of this work
as the chronicle of the prophet of Islam.
The Siyer-i Nebi was designed in six
volumes; with the exception of the fifth,
all other volumes have survived to date.
Volumes I, II and VI are preserved at
the Topkap1 Palace Museum, volume
III is in New York, whereas volume IV
is in Dublin. 2 Only volumes IV and VI
have colophons offering the date of
completion and the name of the scribe.
Volume IV was copied by Mustafa b.
Veli in 1594-1595 (1003 AH) and vol-
ume VI was copied by Ahmed el-Nuri
b. Mustafa in the same year. A docu-
ment in the Topkap1 Palace Museum
archives offers extensive information
on the preparation of Siyer-i Nebi. The
work was produced in six volumes with
814 miniatures; wages were paid to the
chief treasurer, the superintendent of
the treasury, the scribe of the treasury,
the chief artist, the superintendent of
artists, the five apprentices of the art-
ists, and the bookbinders Kara Mehmed
and Abdi for their contributions. Since
Sultan Murad III passed away around
the time the Siyer-i Nebi was com-
pleted, the book was presented to the
newly enthroned sultan Mehmed III on
16 August 1595 (10 Zil-Hijja 1003 AH). 3
The text conveys the Prophet
Muhammad's genealogy, birth, child-
hood, involvement in commerce, mar-
riage, divine inspiration, miracles,
ascension to the Heavens (Mi'raj}, bat-
tles, conquest of Mecca and death.
However, Siyer-i Nebi is not merely
an account of Muhammad's life and
deeds. The subject is embellished with
heroic and romantic love stories of
early Islamic literature, as well as oral
tales circulating among the Anatolian
people. Designed in a similar fashion in
all the volumes of the book, the pages
contain numerous illustrations, which
portray a visual interpretation of the
text in stylistic harmony with the size
of the script. One of the illustrations in
the first volume shows Muhammad as
he is breast-fed by his wet nurse Halima
(fig. 122). Regardless of their economic
status, newborn babies were nursed by
a wet nurse per Arab tradition; taking
heed of supernatural voices, Amina
Hatun hired Halima as a wet nurse. 4 The

'Tanmdr 1984.
2
ISM, volume I H. 1221; volume II H. 1222; volume VI H. 1223. Tanmdr 1984, pp. 32-35, 47-51,
161-163. Volume ill is preserved at the NYPL, Spencer Collection Turk. Ms. 3. Grube 1965, pp.
149-176; Tanmdr 1984, pp. 33-34, 151-154; Schmitz 1992, pp. 238-254. Volume N is preserved in
Dublin. DCBL, T. 419. Minorsky 1958, pp. 30-40; Tanmdr 1984, pp. 34, 154-156; Wright 2009, figs
5-6, 10, 13, 29-30, 32, 35, 107. A copy of volume N, the illustrations of which are possibly made
by muzehhib (illuminator) Seyyid Siileyman is preserved at TIEM (T. 1974). Tamndr
1984, pp. 34-35; 157-160. Introducing himself as the muzehhib, Seyyid Siileyman wrote his name
on the last folio of the work (595a). Although Ehl-i Hirejrecords, dated 1796 (1211 AH), include
the name Seyyid Siileyman b. Osman, more information is needed to identify this individual as
Kasrm Seyyid Siileyman. See Merir;; 1953, LXXII. This copy bears the waqf(pious foundation)
seal of Pertevniyal Valide Sultan (d. 1883), wife of Sultan Mahmud II (r. 1808-1839). (alive
in 1783), wife of Sultan Abdiilhamid I (r. 1774-1789), was the next owner of the original volume
N. Volume ill of the Siyer also bears Sultan's seal dated 1782-1783 (1198 AH). Volume ill
was initially owned by Saliha Sultan (d. 1778), daughter of Sultan Ahmed ill (r. 1703-1730), and
it finally came into the possession of Sultan Abdiilaziz (r. 1861-1876). See Schmitz 1992, p. 243.
3
Merir;; 1953, pp. 58, 70-71.
4
Darir 1977, vol. 1, pp. 260-267.

The of the Prophet Muhammad : The Siyer-i Nebi

 122 The infant Prophet Muhammad
in the arms of his wet nurse. Darir,
Siyer-i Nebi, 1594-1595, TSM, H. 1221,
fol. 255a.
123 The Prophet Muhammad receives
divine revelation on Mount Hira.
Darir, Siyer-i Nebi, 1594-1595, TSM,
H. 1222, fol. 155a.
122-123
160-161
miniature depicts the women of Mecca
on the left in a room, with Muhammad's
mother Amina Hatun at the centre; she
is dressed in a green robe and a white
veil covers her face. Wrapped in white
swaddling clothes, his face covered with
a white veil and surrounded by a golden
flaming nimbus, baby Muhammad is
breast-fed by the wet nurse, who is
depicted as a robust woman. In terms
of both its theme and the effect of its
visual impact, one of the most out-
standing miniatures of the Siyer-i Nebi
shows the Prophet Muhammad as he
receives divine revelation on Mount
Hira (fig. 123). 5 To illustrate the lines,
which describe how everything between
the earth and the Heavens was bathed
in divine light the moment Muhammad
5
Darir 1977, vol. 1, p. 609.
3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
heard the voice calling him "the most
benevolent of God's creatures," the art-
ist painted the entire depiction in gold
to render the sense that everything is
enveloped in divine light. Surrounded
by divine light and dressed in white
clothes, Muhammad is depicted with
his hands raised in prayer. Angels
look down on him from the douds.
In Islamic visual arts, Muhammad's
Mi'raj, or ascension to the Heavens, is
the most frequently depicted scene from
his life. The depiction of this theme in
the Siyer-i Nebi partly repeats a well-
established iconography (fig. 124). In
this particular illustration, Muhammad
is mounted on his winged steed Buraq;
he is led by Gabriel dressed in white
garments and accompanied by other
 124 The Mi'raj of the Prophet
angels, as he travels from Mecca to
Muhammad. Darir, Siyer-i Nebi, 1594-
Masjid al-Aqsa (literally the Farthest
1595, NYPL, Turk. Ms. 3, fol. Sa.
Mosque, meaning Jerusalem) through a
125 The Shahada miraculously
blue sky with white and golden clouds
appears on the gown of Yahya. Darir,
in the first part of his Mi'raj joumey. 6
Siyer-i Nebi, 1594-1595, NYPL, Turk.
Different from conventional depictions,
Ms. 3, fol. 214a.
here, two angels hold a canopy over
Muhammad. While the text offers no
information on the function of this
canopy, it must carry a symbolic mean-
ing of protection and exaltation. A

124-125

1.:._;(_-_,.
. . J-' .:.> i. . .J \.r.J.:.> .5--C:- IJ;..) sj;....:,
.
.S- J-<-

y ;,o ' _,.-y£

group of themes depicted in the Siyer-i

Nebi concentrate on the perception of
Muhammad's prophethood by societies
of other religions. One such example
is the miniature that shows the Jewish
people as they watch in astonishment
as the Shahada (Muslim declaration
of faith) miraculously appears on the

6
Darir 1977, vol. 2, pp. 167-173.

The life of the Prophet Muhammad: The Siyer-i Nebi

 126 The Prophet Muhammad's gown of Jewish prophet Yahya (John
farewell to his grandchildren. Darir, the Baptist; fig. 125). In the illustra-
Siyer-i Nebi, 1594-1595, TSM, H. 1223, tion, Jewish religious leader Nufayl ibn
fol. 41 Oa. Ghawth shows to the Jews gathered at
127 The Prophet Muhammad splits his house the white gown of Yahya with
the moon. Darir, Siyer-i Nebi, 1594- the shahadah, which he keeps hidden in
1595, TSM, H. 1222, fol. 466b. a chest. Nufayl's infidel Arab neighbors
128 The Prophet Muhammad and the husband of one of them - dis-
marching to Mecca. Darir, Siyer-i guised as a woman - secretly watch
Nebi, 1594-1595, TSM, H. 1222, the meeting from the roof.? The last
fols 297b-298a. set of miniatures in the Siyer-i Nebi
is dedicated to Muhammad's farewell
to his loved ones before his death. One
of these shows him in his deathbed,
embracing his grandsons Hasan and
Husayn (fig. 126). His daughter Fatima
126-127 cries in a comer of the room.
Although it was revealed that
Muhammad would not need to per-
form miracles, a number of miracles,
such as the splitting of the moon,
healing paralysis, multiplication of
food and water, and walking across a
flooded river are included in Darir's
Siyer-i Nebi; the text was illustrated
for the first time at the Ottoman royal
studio. The most widely recognized
miracle is the splitting of the moon,
mentioned in surah Al-Qamar (54: 1)
of the Koran (fig. 127). 8 In the illus-
tration, the miracle is performed over
Mount Abu Qubays as a group in
denial of Muhammad's prophethood
watches in awe. Half of the full moon
in the blue sky is shown on the right
and the other half on the left; two wit-
nesses of the miracle prostrate before
Muhammad in faith.
In the battle scenes he commands,
the military marches and the audi-
ence scenes, Muhammad's religious
identity is accentuated by the gilded
divine light surrounding him and the
veil that covers his face. These scenes
bear a striking resemblance to illustra-
tions found in historical texts. While
such parallelisms can be attributed to
the artist's familiarity with the depic-
tion of historic themes, they can also be
ascribed to the perception of the work
as early Islamic history. The miniature
depicting the Muslim army on its way

7
Darir 1977, vol. 2, pp. 363-372.
'Darir 1977, vol. 2 pp. 132-137.

162-163 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans

to conquer Mecca constitutes such an
example (fig. 128). According to the
text, when the Muslim army arrives
near Mecca, the soldiers dismount their
horses; advancing in the front rank, Ali
holds banners in both hands. The four
Archangels recite the Takbir (the invo-
cation "God is Great") around Prophet
Muhammad, as Ali tells the people
of Quraysh that although they exiled
Muhammad from their town, he was
helped by God's angels in the heav-
ens and people on earth. 9 The scene is
depicted across two pages. On the left,
protected by four angels, Muhammad
advances with his companions; Ali car-
ries the black and white banners at the 128

forefront. Next to Muhammad's horse

on the right page, Ali addresses the
Qurayshis. Angels are lined above the
clouds are visible in the sky.
Muhammad's son-in-law and cous-
in (by uncle Abu Talib) Ali (d. 661)
holds a significant place in the text.
His miraculous heroic deeds are con-
veyed in detail; in numerous parts of
the text, he is described as the Lion of
God (Asadullah), a companion of the
Prophet, his commander, the inheri-
tor of his knowledge and wisdom, and
his rightful successor. Despite his close
relationship with the Prophet, Ali is not
apotheosized in the miniatures; he is
not surrounded by divine light nor is his
face veiled. One of the miniatures of Ali
portrays his marriage to Muhammad's
daughter Fatima (fig. 129). Standing
between Fatima and Ali in a room illu-
minated by candles, the Prophet joins
their hands in matrimony and proclaims
their union. 10 The faces of Muhammad
and Fatima are veiled and their heads
are surrounded by divine light. One of
the illustrations of the heroism of Ali
depicts him as he slays a dragon, which
he encounters with Muslim soldiers
during a conquest, with his bifurcated
scimitar Zulfiqar presented to him by
the Prophet Muhammad (fig. 130). 11
Dressed in green attire, Ali beheads the
dragon emerging from the rocks. In

9
Darir 1977, vol. 3, p. 594.
10
Darir 1977, vol. 2, p. 591.
" Darir 1977, vol. 3, pp. 365-366.

The life of the Prophet Muhammad: The Siyer-i Nebi

 129 The marriage of Fatima and Ali.
Darir, Siyer-i Nebi, 1594-1595, DCBL, T.
419, fol. 24b.
130 Ali slays the dragon. Darir,
Siyer-i Nebi, 1594-1595, TSM, H. 1223,
fol. 70b.
131 Gabriel reveals a verse of the
Koran during the battle of Badr.
Darir, Siyer-i Nebi, 1594-1595, DCBL,
T. 418, fol. 229b.
129
the foreground, Ali's faithful servant
Qamber waits with the Prophet's mule
Duldul. The lion in the lower section of
the illustration is not only added to the
scene to depict an animal of the region,
but possibly also to symbolize the belief
that Ali is the "Lion of God" as well.' 2
The document pertaining to the pro-
duction of the book cites the binders
of the book, but does not mention the
names of the artists. A careful study
of the work's stylistic features reveals,
however, that the miniatures were
created by six different art-
ists. While not all the art-
ists are identified by name,
one is easily distinguished
as Ustad Osman. Including
the miniatures depicting
Gabriel as he reveals a verse
to Muhammad during the
Battle of Badr (fig. 131)
and Ali slaying a dragon
(fig. 130), Osman's illus-
trations in this work can
be recognized through the
following characteristics:
pale shades of pink, vio-
let, yellow and blue; white
and unornamented interior
surfaces; landscapes with
no vegetation; and figures
with light-grey features and
slanted eyes. The other art-
ist who will be presented
in detail in the upcoming
pages is Nakka§ Hasan, who
was trained in the Inner
Palace (Enderun) and served
as a high-ranking page
of the Privy Chamber of
Sultan Murad III.' 3 Together
with his apprentices, Hasan must have
made all of the illustrations of the
first volume and a portion of the
illustrations in other volumes (figs
122, 126, 128, 129) of Siyer-i Nebi.' 4
A distinctive color scale is observed
in Nakka§ Hasan's miniatures. Brick
red, orange, light rose, yellow and
light green are the colors most fre-
quently chosen. Pyramidal hills often
constitute the background of his land-
scapes. Other Siyer-i Nebi miniatures
created by unidentified artists include
Muhammad's miracle of splitting the
moon (fig. 127), Muhammad hearing
divine voices (fig. 123) and Jews watch-
ing in astonishment the inscription on
Yahya's gown (fig. 125). Although the
length of the copying and illustration
process of the work is unknown, the
absence of the same meticulous work-
manship in most of the illustrations,
and the hasty drawing and painting
work in others indicate that the Siyer-i
Nebi, which contains the largest num-
ber of miniatures among Ottoman
illustrated manuscripts, was completed
in a relatively short period of time. 15
While not all the illustrations of the
Siyer-i Nebi reflect the same diligence
and mastery, the themes reflect an
entirely original approach. Indeed, no
other Islamic center has produced such
a rich corpus of illustrations on the life
of the Prophet Muhammad. It is the sole
surviving example of a work with so
many illustrations on the subject. The
inclusion of original interpretations
by artists trained at the palace, who
converted the text into image and cre-
ated, as they have done in other works
of history, a visual reading of the text,

12
For illustrations of Ali in the Siyer-i Nebi, see Bagc1 2005, pp. 245-248.
13
See pp. 179-185 in this book.
14
Written in a different calligraphic script from that of the book, the last page of the Siyer-i Nebi's
volume N informs readers that the book was copied in 1594-1595 (1003 AH) by Mustafa b. Veli
and that Silahdar Hasan Agha was in charge of the book. DCBL, T. 419, fol. 490a. Minorsky 1958,
p. 33. It is quite possible that the Silahdar Hasan Agha mentioned in the book is none other than
Nakka§ Hasan.
15
Particularly the dimensions (34.5 x 21.9 em), the mise-en-page of the illustrations, the formal
harmony of the naskh script with the miniatures, and the style of the artist suggest that the liter-
ary book copied in 1593-1594 (1002) is connected to Siyer-i Nebi. To be mentioned in detailed in
subsequent chapters, this work, entitled Tuhfetu '!-Leta 'if, is a story book filled with tales of love
and adventure. Similar to Siyer, it is written in simple, intelligible Turkish. (Seep. 207 in this book).
It can be argued that the sixty-nine illustrations- some of which are on opposite pages- designed
similarly to the miniatures of the Siyer-i Nebi, were made by Nakka§ Hasan. This alone suggests
that this book was a preliminary study for the Siyer-i Nebi and other history books that Nakka§
Hasan would begin to illustrate.

164-165 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans

as well as the interest of Ottoman court
circles in a fourteenth-century text
two centuries after its creation, which
accounts for its illustration for the first
time in this period, carry the Siyer-i
Nebi manuscripts to a significant place
in the Islamic art of representation.
The instructive and educative aspect of
this work should also be emphasized.
Attaining knowledge about early Islam
must have been important for the court

130-131

members, and particularly for mem-

bers of the harem, who were now able
to read the not only in Darir's plain
Turkish but also through its illustra-
tions as well.

The life of the Prophet Muhammad: The Siyer-i Nebi

lmages of wars and warriors: lllustrated gazanames

166-167
The tradition of illustrating historical
accounts written in prose or verse direct-
ly by an eyewitness of a campaign or
based on the orally transmitted memories
of campaign participants had already
started in the first half of the sixteenth
century. 1 The accounts of the Ottoman-
Safavid wars between 1578 and 1590,
commonly known under the generic title
Gazaname (Book of Conquest), played
a role in the continuation of this tradi-
tion in the last quarter of the sixteenth
century. The chronicles of the battles,
which took place near Erzurum, Van,
Kars, Tbilisi, Yerevan, Tabriz and Baku,
were written during the campaigns by
educated secretaries, such as Mustafa Ali,
Ta'likizade, Asafi Dal Mehmed and
Rahimizade ibrahim who served
Ottoman commanders. Before they faded
from memory, the recollections of the
campaigns were illustrated as visual doc-
uments at the royal studio. 2
Nusretname
A well-educated Ottoman bureaucrat,
poet, historian and social critic, Mustafa
Ali (d. 1600) served Lala Mustafa Pasha
(d. 1580), the commander in chief of
the Shirvan and Georgia campaign in
1578-1579, as the campaign secretary,
chamberlain and protocol officer. 3 The
Nusretname (Book of Victory) recounts
the events of the years in which Mustafa
Ali served the commander, until the
death of the latter. In 1581, at his own
expense, Ali commissioned an illus-
trated copy of the book made in Aleppo,
his new post of duty. 4 Most likely, the
illustrated Nusretname dated April-May
1582 (Rabi I 990 AH) and currently pre-
served in London is this particular copy. 5
Returning to Istanbul with the illustrated
copy of the Nusretname, Mustafa Ali
presented it to Sultan Murad III through
the chief white eunuch of the Palace,
Gazanfer Agha (d. 1603). Impressed by
the work, the sultan ordered the prepa-
ration of a new copy with more illustra-
tions at the royal studio. 6 Subsequently,
the work was copied in one year by a
secretary of the Imperial Council. Not
only was the scribe overpaid for his
work, but in addition to their regular
salaries, the artists, painters and illu-
minators, received high fees for this
particular task. This information is con-
veyed in the Nushatii's-Selatin (Counsel
for Sultans), another work by Mustafa
AlU Decorated at the royal studio, this
second copy of the Nusretname is pre-
served at Topkap1 Palace. 8 Copied in
July-August 1584 (Rajah 992 AH) in
naskhi script by Mustafa b. Abdillcelil,
the forty-eight illustrations, eight of
which were spread to double pages, were
executed by a minimum of three art-
ists, and depict themes such as a comet
seen over Istanbul, Lala Mustafa Pasha's
assignment to the Eastern campaign by
Murad III, battles near Tbilisi, Shirvan,
and other cities, repairs of fortresses,
tales from Caucasian lore, Ottoman local
administrators in the audience of Lala
Mustafa Pasha, and the commander
vesting them with robes of honor (hil'at).
In some of the miniatures, various stages

1
For further information on these manuscripts and illustrations, see pp. 74-81.
2
For further detail on Ottoman-Persian wars, which continued at intervals between 1578 and 1639,
see Kutiikoglu 1993b; inalCik 2003, pp. 127-128.
' For Mustafa Ali and his career see Fleischer 1986.
• Fleischer 1986, p. 105. In 1581-2, the text of the Nusretname was completed and the first illus-
trated copy was executed. Written by historiographer Seyyid Lokman and centered on the years
1574-1579 of Sultan Murad ill's reign, the first volume (!OK, F. 1404) of the was
also illustrated and completed (see pp. 124-128 in this book) the same year (1581). Twenty-five
of the images depict the Eastern campaign of Lala Mustafa Pasha. Consequently,
the majority of the themes illustrated in the Nusretname had already been included in the
Nonetheless, rather than emulating the paintings, the artists of the
Nusretname created new and unique ones. On the other hand, while composing his original text in
Persian verse, Seyyid Lokman must have consulted other eyewitnesses, such as Mustafa Ali, who
served as campaign scribes in the East.
5
LBL, Add. 22011. Titley 1981, pp. 27-28; Meredith-Owens 1969, pis IV, XVI-XVIT; And 2002, p. 68.
• Fleischer 1986, pp. 110-111.
7
Tietze 1978-82, pp. 61, 156.
• H. 1365. Stchoukine 1966a, pp. 75-76, pis LIX-LXI; 1974, pp. 49-50; pis 27-28;
1986, No. 159; 1996, pp. 59-61; And 2002, pp. 67, 126, 199,
223, 225; FetvaCI 2005, pp. 144-162.

Images of wars and warriors: fllustrated gazanames

132 Lala Mustafa Pasha and Mustafa
Ali at the tomb of Rumi in Konya.
Mustafa Ali, Nusretname, 1584, TSM,
H. 1365, fol. 36a.
133 Lala Mustafa Pasha gives a feast
to the Janissary commanders in izmit.
Mustafa Ali, Nusretname, 1584, TSM,
H. 1365, fol. 34b.
132
168-169
of an event are depicted on the same
page. Generally dominated by bright
red, the rich colors of the paintings
draw attention, particularly as they are
accentuated by halkari decorations with
tinted colors and gold on the margins.
The tents, canopies, carpets and attires
of high-ranking individuals are also
painted in rich colors and decorated with
various motifs. The leading figures such
as Lala Mustafa Pasha and Georgian and
Crimean rulers are depicted in a manner
that conveys their distinctive physical
features. In the illustrations where Lala
Mustafa Pasha is present, the author
Mustafa Ali is also portrayed near him
with a notebook and pen in hand. The
names of important individuals are writ-
ten next to their depictions. In addition
to the Topkap1 Palace, the representa-
tions of the citadels of Kars and Darb and
(Demir-kap1) appear to be the products
of the artist's own observations.
An illustration possibly based on
personal observation depicts the feast
Lala Mustafa Pasha held in honor of the
Janissary commanders during his stay
in izmit (iznikbend), before sending his
troops to the frontier (fig. 133). By com-
posing the scene diagonally, the artist
allows the viewer to see all the details of
the feast. Above, Lala Pasha is seated in
front of the decorated tent and canopies,
while the guests encircle the red mat
decked with all sorts of dishes presented
in gold plated and tinned containers.
Another illustration shows Lala
Mustafa Pasha as he visits to the tomb
of Rumi in Konya where he stopped on
his way to the east (fig. 132). Requesting
a prognostication for the outcome of the
campaign, the Pasha randomly opens a
volume of Rumi's Masnawi and, to his
luck, encounters a poem referring to the
conquest of the legendary Qaf Mountain
by iskender/Alexander. The shaykh of
the convent interprets these verses as an
auspicious omen. Seated inside the tomb,
Lala Mustafa Pasha stares at a page from
the Masnawi. Mustafa Ali and the shaykh,
dressed in white and green robes respec-
tively, sit across from him. In the fore-
ground are the whirling dervishes and the
musicians; covered with richly ornament-
ed cloths, the sarcophagi of Rumi and his
descendants are seen in the background.
3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
Images of wars and warriors: Illustrated gazanames
 In the illustration portraying a feast
held in honor of Georgian atabegs
Manuchehr and Gorgora (Qvarqvare
V), who were appointed as Ottoman
vassals in \Ildu and Oltu after having
been defeated by the Ottomans, the
artist separates the painting into two
sections and depicts the two episodes
of the event in the same illustration
(fig. 134). In the upper part, Sultan
Murad III sits cross-legged in a domed
building, possibly the Privy Chamber
of the Topkap1 Palace. On his left are
two aghas of the Privy Chamber and
the dwarf Zeyrek Agha (alive in 1600).
Before they are presented to the vas-
sals, the sultan inspects the honorary
gifts that his high-ranking courtiers
170-171 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
show him. The chief black eunuch,
the chief treasurer and another official
hold the gifts, which are comprised of
an aigrette, a small bowl, and a sword
and a dagger, in golden sheaths. A dif-
ferent scene is depicted in the lower
section. The inscribed names identify
the person sitting in the background
in Ottoman outfit consisting of a white
kaftan and turban as Manuchehr, and
the corpulent figure sitting in the fore-
ground as Gorgora. Manuchehr, who
took on the name of Mustafa after con-
verting to Islam, came to Istanbul with
his brother Gorgora and stayed in the
palace at the Hippodrome; a ceremony
was held to celebrate his circumcision.
The scene; therefore, may depict either
the celebration of their appointment to
rule and Oltu or the circumcision
festivities. 9
Apart from the illustrations, the
marginal decorations and the embroi-
dered red satin binding designate this
Topkap1 Palace copy of the Nusretname
as one of the masterpieces of the royal
studio. 10 It appears that as powerful
courtiers and pioneers of manuscript
production at the royal studio in the
last quarter of the sixteenth century,
the chief black eunuch Mehmed Agha,
the chief white eunuch Gazanfer Agha,
dwarf Zeyrek Agha and the royal tutor
Hoca Sa'duddin (d. 1599), whose por-
traits are included in the work, played
a significant role in the creation of
such an elaborate copy of Mustafa Ali's
Nusretname (fig. 135). 11
Known by the pen-name Asafi, Dal
Mehmed (d. 1600?) was yet
another Ottoman bureaucrat, a secre-
tary of the Imperial Council. Similar
to Mustafa Ali, Asafi also served Lala
Mustafa Pasha as a scribe on the eastern
campaign. Later, he was appointed as
the recording secretary and administra-
tive assistant to the governor-general
of Shirvan Ozdemiroglu Osman Pasha
(d. 1585). While upholding this post,
he also assumed important duties as a
soldier. He was briefly captured by the
Safavids and after his rescue, worked
in the service of Osman Pasha until his
death. Admittedly inspired by Firdawsi's
Shahnama and frequently evoking the
Shahnama characters in the text, Asafi
wrote his $eca 'atname (Book of Bravery)
in masnawi form concerning the events
of 1578-1585, most of which he per-
sonally witnessed while working in the
service of Osman Pasha in the east. The
$eca 'atname was copied in naskhi script
by Ali b. Yusuf on 29 September 1586
(15 Shavval 994 AH) in Kostantiniyye
9
Lokman describes the arrival of Manuchehr in Istanbul and his audience with Sultan Murad ill
(1579) in the first volume of the
fols. 12lb, 124a).
10
The first folios of the Nusretname are missing and the folios have been restored.
"TanmdJ 2004; FetvaCl 2005, pp. 202-295.
12
ITJK, T. 6043. Edhem-Stchoukine 1933, No. N, pl. N-V; Stchoukine 1966a, pp. 80, 128, 147,
pls LXII-LXXN; inal1978, pp. 459-461, pis 3-10; c;:agman-Tanmd1 1996; pp. 61-62; Asafi 2006.
Images of wars and warriors: illustrated gazanames
(Istanbul). 12 Asafi later added a preface 134 Above, Sultan Murad Ill
dated 1587 to the beginning of his work. inspecting the royal gifts to be sent;
The manuscript includes seventy-seven below, Manuchehr and Gorgora
miniatures painted by several artists entertaining. Mustafa Ali, Nusretname,
working in a similar style. Some of the 1584, TSM, H. 1365, fol. 178b.
paintings in the $eca 'atname illustrate 135 Sultan Murad Ill, Hoca Sadeddin
the events that Asafi Mehmed and Gazanfer Agha. Mustafa Ali,
personally experienced during the cam- Nusretname, 1584, TSM, H. 1365,
paign. In this respect, the work can be fol. 249b.
regarded as an illustrated diary. The 136 Osman Pasha in the presence of
absence of another work in this genre Sultan Murad Ill. Asafi,
renders uniqueness to Asafi's work. 1586, IOK, T. 6043, fol. 7b.
One of the meticulously painted
images in the work represents Osman
Pasha at the Topkap1
Palace in 1584 as he
reports to Sultan Murad
ill his achievements in
the east (fig. 136). The left
page of the illustration
designed as a double-
page shows Osman Pasha,
receiving the seal of
office as a vizier. On the
right page, Sultan Murad
is seated cross-legged
on a hexagonal golden
throne encrusted with
precious stones. Standing
before him, Osman Pasha
presents to the sultan the
written information con-
cerning victories against
the Safavids. The per-
son standing underneath
the arch behind must
be Gazanfer Agha, who
advised Osman Pasha
to come to Istanbul and
present himself to the sul-
tan in order to reap the
fruits of his victories. The
dwarves busy themselves
with their daily chores in the fore-
ground, on a terrace with a pool and
fountains. Above, painted in different
colors are the domed structures of the
palace; birds fly among the mighty trees
on the premises. 13 Following this illus-
The two stages of the event are depicted (F. 1404,
137 Osman Pasha's visit to the Ka'ba. tration, the events are visualized chron-
Asafi, 1586, IUK, T. 6043, ologically in the book. The interpreta-
fol. 36a. tion of the comet sighting in Istanbul
138 Asafi Pasha in the presence of in 1577, battles against the Safavids,
Hamza Mirza. Asafi, repairs of the seized fortresses, rela-
1586, IUK, T. 6043, fol. 247b. tions with Crimean khans, didactic tales
139 The entertainment of Crimean from Rumi's Masnawi and Firdawsi's
soldiers with concubines. Asafi, Shahnama, events that occurred dur-
1586, IUK, T. 6043, ing the captivity of Asafi, his meeting
fol. 67b. with the Safavid shah, and the illness
of Osman Pasha are among the scenes
depicted in the work.
One ofthe illustrations featuring a scene
from the life of Osman Pasha concerns his
13
Curiously, although the depiction of this event, which took place in July of 1584, should have
been placed towards the end of the book, it is included at the beginning, like a frontispiece.
Illustrations that depict Osman Pasha in the audience of the sultan at the Shore Kiosk of the palace
are included in the second volume of
figs 124a-b, for illustrations.
14
This group of illustrations in the
172-173 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
visit to the Ka'ba (fig. 137). Osman Pasha
visited the Ka'ba in 1568-1569, when his
post as governor-general was transferred
from Abyssinia to the Yemen province.
According to Asafi, Osman Pasha and his
soldiers also brought the sultan's gifts to
the Ka'ba. When Osman Pasha entered
the precinct of the Ka'ba, the notables of
Mecca greeted him with a ceremony and
hosted him in a manner that befitted his
post. In the illustration, kneeling before
the Ka'ba on the left, Osman Pasha con-
verses with and Hasan,
whose names are inscribed over their
images. The precinct of the Ka'ba includes
the black cover (kiswa), the gold-embroi-
dered bands, the golden gutter on the
edge of the roof, the Black Stone (Hajar
al-Aswad), the mark indicating the Ka'ba's
former location, and the four structures
representing the four schools of Sunni
Islamic jurisprudence. The stars sparkling
across the dark-blue sky suggest that the
visit took place at night. Osman Pasha
and other individuals are portrayed with
distinctive facial features.
Many of the paintings in the
Seca 'atname depict events that the author
personally experienced. One such example
shows Asafi conversing with Safavid shah
Muhammad Khudabanda's (r. 1578-88)
son Hamza Mirza, who rescued him from
execution in Qazvin where he was held
captive (fig. 138). Hamza Mirza is seated
on a bejeweled stool placed underneath a
plane tree; he holds a falcon in one hand.
The Safavid courtier Ali Quli Khan stands
across from him with the Crimean Ghazi
Giray Khan behind; Asafi is seated below,
on the left. The seated pose of the prince
with a falcon in his hand and the young
men standing behind the hill follow the
Safavid pictorial conventions of the last
quarter of the sixteenth century. 14 Unlike
the of Seyyid Lokman, themes
such as the defeat of the Ottoman army,
captivity, pillaging, abduction of girls,
and murder are not only included in the
text of the )eca 'atname, but, also freely
B. 200, fol. 149a, 156b. See Necipoglu 1991,
is attributed to Veli Can ofTabriz. inall978, pp. 459-461.
illustrated, similarly to the Nusretname. Ozdemiroglu Osman Pasha during the
One such example depicts the entertain- Safavid-Ottoman wars and wrote sepa-
ment of Crimean soldiers with the con- rate chronicles of the two commanders'
cubines of Aras Khan, whom they held 1584-1585 conquests of Tomanis and
captive (fig. 139). Tabriz. Of the two works, the chronicle of
Although the style of the illumina- Ferhad Pasha's conquest of the Tomanis
tions and illustrations ofthe $eca'atname Fortress (Giircistan Seferi, The Georgian
dearly evoke the Safavid Qazvin and Campaign) is illustrated. Due to the sty-
Khorasan painting of 1575-1585, the listic features of its single painting, the
leather binding manifests the classical manuscript is attributable to the 1590s. 17
Ottoman style. In 1585, Asafi partici-
pated in the conquest of Tabriz, which
would remain under Ottoman rule for
twenty years. After having spent a few
months there, he returned to Istanbul and
completed the text of the $eca 'atname in
1586. Given the fact that the preface of
the work was added in 1587, the manu-
script must have been illustrated some-
time between 1586 and 1587. Strongly
encouraged by the support and inter-
est of the grand vizier Pasha
(d. 1602) and Gazanfer Agha, whose
names the author mentions with praise,
the $eca 'atname must have been illus-
trated by a group of several court artists,
including artists from the Safavid lands,
under the supervision of Asafi. 15
Asafi and Mustafa Ali often shared
the same bureaucratic environment. As
an eyewitness, Asafi included in his
work the events of 1578-1580, which
were also narrated in the Nusretname.
However, illustrations of these events in
the $eca 'atname feature original com-
positions that do not in any manner
resemble the Nusretname's paintings.
Although the $eca 'atname recounts the
victorious career of Osman Pasha, the
manuscript does not contain a dedi-
cation to him. The author's eulogiz-
ing references to Sultan Murad, Prince
Mehmed, and the grand vizier
Pasha indicate that the $ecaatname's
illustrated copy was meant to be pre-
sented to the court. 16
Another book on the eastern cam-
paigns was written by Ta'likizade,
whose works will be discussed further
in the next chapter. He served as the
scribe of Ferhad Pasha (d. 1595) and

15
The stylistic features indicate that the group of painters who illustrated the $eca'atname was
among the artists worked for the second volume of Hiinername and the Nusretname.
6
' Pasha was appointed three times as grand vizier: 1582-1584, 1586-1589 and 1592-1593.
17
TSM, R. 1300. Woodhead 1983b, pp. 10-11.

Images of wars and warriors: fllustrated gazanames

 Gencine-i Feth-i Gence
Similar to Mustafa Ali, Asafi and
Ta'likizade, Rahimizade ibrahim <::avu§
(d. 1600?) who also served under Lala
Mustafa Pasha and Ozdemiroglu Osman
Pasha, wrote his own version of the
eastern campaign. An illustrated copy
of Rahimizade's Gencine-i Feth-i Gen-
ce (Treasure Trove of the Conquest of
forces. 18 Written in ta 'liq script, the text
starts with the appointment of Ferhad
Pasha as commander in 1583 and con-
tinues until 1590, the year in which
Safavid prince Haydar Mirza was sent
to Istanbul as a peace hostage. In order
to legitimize the continuous Ottoman
campaigns, Rahimizade added the legal
opinions (fetva) of Ebussu'ud Efendi (d.

Ghanja) is dated 6 March 1590 (28 Rabi 1594) on traitors and murderers at the
II 998 AH). The work recounts the events end of his text. The importance put on
related to the deeds of Ferhad Pasha, the fetvas was further emphasized with
another commander of the Ottoman the portrait of Ebussu'ud Efendi, the

18
ISM, R. 1296. Stchoukine 1966a, p. 82, pl. LXXV; Ina! 1978, p. 464, fig. 15; <;:agman-Tanmd1
1996, pp. 61-62; Uluc; 1999, pp. 683, 690-692.

174-175 3 TI1e das-sical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans

respectable and powerful chief mufti
of Istanbul (fol. 58a) Designed by the
same artist, the other twenty illustra-
tions of this relatively small manuscript
depict the scenes related to the deeds
of Ferhad Pasha. Although the images
of events pertaining to the years 1583-
1585 are also included in the histories
of Asafi Pasha and Ta'lildzade, the artist
interpreted the same themes in different
iconographies. 19
In the preface of his work, Rahimi-
zade extols Mehmed Agha and his role
in bringing the book to fruition. A
miniature that visualizes these eulogiz-
ing words is placed at the beginning
of the manuscript (fig. 140). It portrays
Mehmed Agha presenting the Genci-
ne-i -i Feth-i Gence to Sultan Murad. 20
Inside a pavilion that opens up to a
pooled courtyard in the front, the sul-
tan sits cross-legged on a hexagonal
throne encrusted with precious stones.
Dressed in a white kaftan, Mehmed
Agha stands on his right holding the
book. Often found in the retinue of the
sultan for his entertainment, dwarves
appear around the pool and under the
arch on the left.
Conquests and renovations of cities
dominate the illustrations of the Gen-
cine-i Feth-i Gence. Cities are often
featured along riverbanks or between
high hills; colored in evenly-painted
pastel shades, they spread out of the
painting's frame. One of these paint-
ings depicts the audience given by
Ferhad Pasha after the renovation of
the Fortress of Gori in Georgia (fig.
141). The elderly Ferhad Pasha is seated
under a canopy, conversing with his
military commanders. The stylistic fea-
tures of the paintings and illuminations
point to an artist familiar with Safavid
pictorial conventions, who nonethe- 140 Mehmed Agha presents the
less translated them into the Ottoman manuscript to Sultan Murad Ill.
visual language. 2 1 Rahimizade, Gencine-i Feth-i Gence,
1590, TSM, R. 1296, fol. 8b.
141 The audience of Ferhad Pasha
Tarih-i Feth-i Yemen at Gori. Rahimizade, Gencine-i Feth-i
The aforementioned gazanames por- Gence, 1590, TSM, R. 1296, fol. 28b.
tray the illustrated history of the wars
between the Ottomans and the Safavids,
which commenced in 1578 and ended
with a peace accord in 1590. All three
works were written by eyewitnesses
to the events and were illustrated
shortly thereafter. Although it was
illustrated in the same environment,
a fourth gazaname, the Tarih-i Feth-i
Yemen (The History of the Conquest
of Yemen) constitutes a different case.
Yemen remained an Ottoman province
for years; a number of Ottoman com-
manders were summoned to quell the
occasional rebellions in the area. The
author Mustafa Rumuzi (d. 1582?) was
a bureaucrat who served as the chief
finance officer (defterdar) in Yemen.
In 1567, his patron Sinan Pasha (d.
1596) was appointed as commander
to Yemen to suppress the uprising.
Witnessing the events alongside Sinan
Pasha, Rumuzi wrote the history of
the events of 1569-1571 in masnawi
form upon the demand of the com-
mander, further adding Sinan Pasha's
years as governor-general (beylerbeyi)
in Egypt, his return to Istanbul, and
his participation in the conquest of
Tunisia, thereby extending the chronol-
ogy of his work until 1574. 22 Unlike the
gazanames mentioned above, Rumuzi's
work was not illustrated within a few
years of its conception, but twenty-
four years later, by which time the
author had died. However, Sinan Pasha,
the book's patron and witness to the

19
Similar to Asafi, Ta'likizade and Rahimizade, the events between 1580 and 1584 in the course of
Ottoman-Safavid wars were also recorded by historiographer Seyyid Lokman in the second volume
of the in Persian verse. Some of the events are illustrated (about this work, see pp.
153-157 in this book).
20
The office of Dariissa'ade Agast (chief black eunuch of the Harem) constituted an important
position in the Palace administration. Although the primary duty of the Dariissa 'ade Agast appears
as the management of the harem, the black aghas were highly influential as close confidants of
the Sultan and his family and thereby had strong political power. Mehmed Agha set precedent for
the superiority of black eunuchs at the Palace after 1574, the year of Murad ill's accession. For
Mehmed Agha's patronage of the arts of the book, see Tanmd1 2004, pp. 42-46; Fetvac1 2005, pp.
202- 256; Degirmenci, in press a.
21
The paintings by an artist who worked in the same style are found among illustrations of the
'atname, as well as the second volume of the Hilnername.
22
Yavuz 2003, pp. CCXXX-CCXLVIll.

Images of wars and warriors: fllustrated gazanames

142 The Bay of Alexandria. Rumuzi,
Tarih-i Feth-i Yemen, 1594, IUK,
T. 6045, fols 563b-564a.
143 The capture of the Leba he
fortresses in Yemen. Rumuzi, Tarih-i
Feth-i Yemen, 1594, IUK, T. 6045,
fols 185b-186a.
144 Sinan Pasha marching to Yemen.
Rumuzi, Tarih-i Feth-i Yemen, 1594,
IOK, T. 6045, fols 11b- 12a.
events, was still alive, now serving
as grand vizier. 23 Copied by Ahmed
Lika in 1594 (1002 AH), the manu-
script includes eighty-nine depictions. 24
Although 1594 is indicated as the date
of the completion, the presence of a
dedication to Sultan Mehmed III in the
illuminated medallion at the beginning
of the book suggests that Sinan Pasha
offered the book as a gift to the newly
enthroned sultan in 1595.
Created by a single artist and fea-
turing the dramatic topography of
ness of the events (fig. 143). The same
topographic conception is not only
found in double-page, bird's-eye-view
depiction of the Alexandria Bay (fig.
142), but in the conquest scenes and
in double-page fortress-city depictions
of Tunisia as well. The evenly-painted,
light shades of violet, blue, and pink,
the figures, the topographic views from
a broad perspective, the army march-
ing in a tight, but neat double-row
across the two pages (fig. 144), and
ceremonies held at discernible venues

142

the Yemen region surrounded by for-
midable mountains, as well as the
groups of soldiers battling across this
topography, the miniatures are painted
with a precision and mastery that
can only be attributed to an eyewit-
of the Topkap1 Palace suggest that the
illustrations were designed by an artist
who upheld the painting style of Ustad
Osman. The themes of this particular
work were familiar to Osman; Seyyid
Lokman had recounted the same events

23
Sinan Pasha was appointed several times as grand vizier: 1580-1582, 1589-1591, 1593-1595,
1595 (four months) and 1595-1596. For his patronage of book arts, see <;:agman-Tanmd1 1996,
pp. 38-39; FetvaCl 2005, pp. 176-196.
24
rOK, T. 6045. Edhem-Stchoukine 1933, pp. 11-14; Farah-Farah 2002.

176-177 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans

 in Persian verse twelve years earlier in
the $ehname-i Selim Han, and, togeth-
er with Ali, Osman had illustrated cer-
tain parts of the text. 25 Following the
footsteps of Ustad Osman, the artist
employed the designs he used in the
history of the Yemen Conquest, par-
ticularly the tight rows of the march-
ing soldiers, also in the second volume
of the which was being
illustrated in the same years. 26 It is
evident that the Tarih-i Feth-i Yemen
was prepared in order to document the
victories of bibliophile Sinan Pasha,
who, as an eyewitness to the events,
possibly guided the artist during the
illustration process. It is difficult to
offer a precise answer to the question
of why the illustration of this work
was delayed until 1594. Perhaps Sinan
Pasha and the chief black eunuch
Mehmed Agha, who apparently was in
charge of the artistic activities of the
palace, were in disaccord and minia-
tures were added to the Tarih-i Feth-i
Yemen to be presented to the sultan
after Mehmed Agha's death.
Intended for subsequent genera-
tions, the illustrated gazanames cre-
144
ated in the second half of the sixteenth
century provide us with visual docu-

I
ments of conquests that extended from
Caucasia and Yemen to Egypt and North
Africa between 1569 and 1590. Sinan
Pasha, Lala Mustafa Pasha, Ozdemiroglu
Osman Pasha and Ferhad Pasha, who
commanded these campaigns, served in
the higher echelons of Ottoman bureau-
cracy, at times as grand viziers as well.
Although it appears that the gazanames
were written not only to document, but
also to glorify the freshly preserved
memories of each commander's achieve-
ments, they were nonetheless projects
shaped by the dynamics of the royal
studio. Ottoman illustrated gazanames
are original and unprecedented exam-
ples, different from the artistic traditions
of the rest of the Islamic world in that
they visually document specific his-
torical events beyond "dynastic" history,
based on the accounts of eyewitnesses.

25
<;:agman 1973, pp. 411-442 and see pp. 121-124 in this book.
26
See pp. 153-157 in this book.

Images of wars and warriors: Illustrated gazanames

 Ta'likizade and Hasan

178-179
Having thrived through the cooperation
of Ustad Osman and Seyyid
Lokman, historical painting attained a
new meaning following Sultan Mehmed
III's accession to the throne in 1595.
Upon his return from the Eger cam-
paign, when Sultan Mehmed realized
that Lokman had made no progress on
the second volume of the
One of the works Ta'likizade wrote 145 Aristo'c ie and t he painter.
after having been appointed to the team Ta'likizade, Firasetname, ca. 1590,
of the court historian is the Sema'ilname-i PBNF, T. 1055, foi . 28b.
Al-i Osman (Book of the Fine Features of
the Ottoman House). 4 Emulating Seyj!id
Lokman and the Hiinername tradition
in particular, this work must have been
145

me, he relieved Lokman of duty and

appointed Mehmed b. Mehmed el-Fe-
nari Ta'likizade (d. 1599?) to his place. 1
Apparently in line with the prefer-
ence of the court, Ta'likizade's histories
diverged from the works of his prede-
cessors; as opposed to the earlier Persian
Sehnames emulating the Shahnama of
Firdawsi, they were written in Turkish
prose. Ta'likizade worked in the retinue
of Prince Murad (later Murad III) as a
scribe and developed his skills in poetry
and prose when Murad was the local
governor in Manisa. After having lived
in Manisa for twelve years, Ta'likizade
followed Murad to Istanbul upon his
enthronement in 1574 and was appoint-
ed as a secretary of the Imperial Council,
census recorder, and campaign clerk. In
the early 1590s, he was appointed to the
team of the SehnamecU
Ta'likizade's earliest known work
was not on history. Composed ca.
1574-1575 and possibly presented to
Sultan Murad III as an accession gift,
this work is a Firasetname (Book of
Physiognomy), which possibly served
as a reference to Sema'ilname writ-
ten in 1579 by Seyyid Lokman. The
'.:.
Firasetname is concerned with jiraset,
I
or physiognomy, in other words, how
character may be discerned from a
person's physical appearance. Dated
to the 1590s, one of the images in the
. ..
illustrated copy of the Firasetname fea-
tures Arastu (Aristotle) and a portraitist
Y. U)} l.;\:.>
(fig. 145). 3 According to the text, the
philosopher, who is well versed in the
science of physiognomy, stares at the
u4\
portrait that the artist shows him and
analyzes the character of the sitter.

'Kiitiikoglu 1991, p. 47.

2
Woodhead 1982, pp. 56-57.
3
PBNF, T. 1055. Paris 1983, No. 52. pl. XII.
4
ISM, A. 3592. 1974, p. 56, pl. 34; Akalay 1977b, pp. 116-117, 121; Akalay 1979,
p. 611, figs 14-17.

Ta 'likizade and Nakka? Hasan

 146 Manisa. Ta'likizade,
Al-i Osman, ca. 1590, TSM, A. 3592,
fols 1Ob-11 a.
147 Sultan Siileyman I
conversing with his son. Ta'likizade,
Al-i Osman, ca. 1590,
TSM, A. 3592, fols fol. 79a.
146
180-181
completed and illustrated in the 1590s.
After mentioning himself at the begin-
ning of the work, Ta'likizade narrates
the laudable features of the Ottoman
administration and of the sultans, the
significance of Istanbul and the status
of poets at the Ottoman palace. The
manuscript includes ten illustrations,
two of which are designed on double
pages. The first illustration shows Sultan
Murad III on the throne, whereas the
second depicts the city of Manisa. Both
illustrations are located between the
lines in which Ta'likizade refers to him-
self. It is quite telling that the author
placed the depiction of Manisa -where
he spent twelve years- and the por-
5
Bilgin 1995, pp. 369-377; Necipoglu 2005, pp. 257-265.
3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
trait of Sultan Murad III -who was the
governor of the city as a prince- at the
beginning of the work. At the center of
the double-page depiction of Manisa is
the Palace of Manisa (fig. 146), which
no longer exists. It appears that with
porticoed courtyards in a spacious gar-
den, three-storey garden pavilions, and
other buildings, the palace sprawled
across an extensive area. Visible on
the upper left is the Muradiye mosque
complex built by the architect Sinan
with its single dome, double minarets
and porticoed courtyard. To its left, fur-
ther below stands the mosque of Sultan
Siileyman I's mother Hafsa Sultan, with
its single dome and double minarets. 5
Bazaars, madrasas, mosques with sin-
gle domes and single minarets, dervish
lodges, and the clustered houses of the
city are drawn against the backdrop of
a high mountain with a fortress. Below,
on the right, are a cemetery, tombs, a
hammam, and hot springs. Similar to 147

Matrak<;l Nasuh before him, the artist

depicts the city without its dwellers.
It appears that in visualizing the lines
that describe the fine features of the
sultans, the artist was inspired by the
iconography of similar subjects included
in the first volume of the Hiinername.
An illustration in the manuscript shows
Siileyman I as he converses with his
son in a pavilion with a fountain pool
in the garden (fig. 147). Dwarves, who
were indispensible figures of audience
scenes at pavilions particularly as of the
1580s, are also included in the audi-
ence scene of Siileyman. This may be
attributed to the fact that the artist may
have observed such scenes prior to 1580
and included these court members in his
depiction of earlier events.
Other illustrated history texts by
Ta'likizade are examples of the gaza-
name genre. One such example is the
work that includes an illustration and
describes Ferhad Pasha's Georgian cam-
paign mentioned in the previous chap-
ter. 6 Similar to the previous example,
another work in whose introduction the
author mentions himself, the twenty
perfect characteristics of the Ottoman
sultans, and the significance of Istanbul
as the capital of the state, is the $ehna-
me-i Hiimayun (The Imperial $ehname).
This work focuses on the events of 1593-
1595 during the Ottoman-Habsburg
wars and the Yamk (Gyor, in modem
Hungary) campaign of Sinan Pasha (d.
1596), who was also known by the epi-
thet "Conqueror of Yemen.'' 7 Illustrated
presumably between 1596 and 1600, the
manuscript includes three illustrations,
one on a single page and two across
double pages, executed in the same
style. Two of these illustrations include
a portrait of Sinan Pasha. 8 The portrait

6
ISM, R. 1300. See p. 173 in this book.
7
TiEM, 1965. Woodhead 1983b.
• Akalay 1977b, p. 120; Fetvac1 2005, pp. 488-490.

Sehnameci Ta 'likizade and Hasan

 of Ta'likizade is painted between the
I
lines mentioning the author's name in
the book's epilogue. In the painting, the
author is shown praying in front of a
reading desk with a book under his arm
148
in his study. Books are lined across the
niches on the wall next to him (fig. 148).
Another illustrated manuscript of a
text written by Ta'likizade in the gaza-
name genre is the $ehname-i Sultan
Mehmed-i Salis (The $ehname of Sultan
Mehmed ill) or the Egri Fetihnamesi
(Book of the Conquest of Eger). 9 This
campaign, in which the author person-
ally participated, entailed the conquest
of the Eger by the Ottoman forces under
the command of Mehmed ill and the
defeat of the Habsburg army at Ha<;ova
(Mezokeresztes) in 1596. Mehmed ill was
the first Ottoman sultan to command a
campaign in thirty years. He embarked
upon this campaign upon the request
of the royal tutor Hoca Sa'duddin,
who accompanied him. The sultan was
sustained by Hoca Sa'duddin's moral
support particularly during the Ha<;ova
battle and he commanded the army
throughout the campaign. Although
Ta'likizade had written his other works
in prose after 1596, the history of this
campaign is in verse. Illustrated after
1596, the book includes four illustra-
tions by the same artist. Three of these
illustrations are designed on double
pages. The reverse sides of the illustra-
tions are covered with halkari decora-
tion, as they do not include any text.
Apparently, when the scribe was writing
the manuscript, the artist painted the
illustrated pages separately and the two
were combined afterwards. Rather than
leaving them blank, halkari decoration
was thus added to the reverse sides.
This indicates that the artist and scribe
worked simultaneously to complete the
manuscript quickly.
One of the illustrations designed
on a double page portrays Sultan
Mehmed's welcoming in Istanbul after
his return from the Eger campaign (fig.
149). To commemorate his triumphant
return, a lavish ceremony was orga-
nized in Istanbul. The Safavid ambas-

9
TSM, H. 1609. Stchoukine 1966a, p. 94, pls XCVIII-XOX; Akalay 1977b, pp. 114-115, 118-119.

182-183 3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans

sador Zulfiqar Khan (d. 1610), who was
in Istanbul at that time, awaiting the
return of the sultan, watched this splen-
did ceremony from the Evleri
(Apartments of the Chief Cook), locat-
ed across from the Mehmed
Mosque. To enliven the ceremony, the
textile merchants of Istanbul and the
retinue of the Safavid ambassador held
fabrics of various colors and designs
across both sides of the road where
his right. Chief white eunuch Gazanfer
Agha, who accompanied the sultan at
war, appears beside him on horseback.
He is immediately recognizable by his
beardless face and elegant, slender fig-
ure. With the colorful fabrics they hold
in their hands, the textile merchants of
Istanbul and the Persian guests create a
wall that separates the sultan's parade
from the spectators. Meanwhile, Zulfiqar
Khan stands on the belvedere in the
148 Ta'likizade in his study.
Ta'likizade, Hiimayun,
1596-1600, TiEM, T. 1965, fol. 119b.
149 Sultan Mehmed Ill returns from
the Eger campaign. Ta'likizade, Ef.jri
Fetihnamesi, 1596-1600, TSM,
H. 1609, fols 68b-69a.

149

the sultan proceeded. 10 The illustration
shows the procession of the high offi-
cials of the Ottoman state, the banners
and a marching band in front of the
Evleri. Dressed in an ostenta-
tious costume, Sultan Mehmed advances
solemnly on his richly harnessed horse
with grand vizier ibrahim Pasha on
upper left-hand comer of the illustra-
tion and watches the procession in the
company of an Ottoman official.
In the final verses of his text,
Ta'likizade talks about Hasan,
who worked with the historiographer on
the illustrated histories, replacing in a
sense Ustad Osman. Ta'likizade introduc-

10
The procession of the sultan was mentioned by other historians like Selaniki (1989, pp. 652-655).

Ta 'likizade and Hasan

150 Ta'likizade, the scribe and
Hasan working on the
Egri Fetihnamesi. Ta'likizade, Efjri
Fetihnamesi, 1596-1600, TSM,
H. 1609, fol. 74a.
184-185
es the artists in praising words: "There
exists a talented artist named Hasan,
who measures up to Master Bihzad in
his art. Known as Hasan, this artist adds
a certain relish to my poetry and deco-
rates my verses with figures. When he
draws a gathering, lovers are overcome
with pleasure. When he draws a statu-
esque hero, those who see it falter and
fall back with fear. When he draws the
sun, those who see it feel its heat. When
he draws grass, it exudes freshness. If he
draws a rose garden on paper, the night-
ingale wails upon seeing it. If he draws
the shapely stature of Layla, tearful lov-
ers become Majnun. Such spectacular
meaning, such heart-warming paint-
ings, for they are worthy of the sultan's
esteem ... "11 With these lines, the author
not only identifies the artist of the pic-
tures as Hasan, but he also praises his
mastery of painting. In the illustration
placed at the empty space at the end of
these eulogizing lines, Ta'likizade, who is
engaged in writing the work, is seen on
the left, whereas the scribe, who is writ-
ing the clean copy, appears in the center
and Hasan, busy drawing an illustration
on paper, is visible on the right (fig. 150}.
In his self-portrait, Hasan depicts himself
drawing a figure hunting on horseback.
" Abridged translation from fol. 74a: Akalay 1979, p. 608.
12
TSM, H. 1221, fol. 36b. See pp. 164 in this book. For a reproduction of the painting, see Tarundr
1984, miniature XV.
3 The classical theme of Ottoman painting: Victories of the sultans
This image is a draft of the scene show-
ing Kaydar hunting, which is included
in the first volume of the Siyer-i Nebi,
the illustrated biography of the Prophet
Muhammad. 12 Hence, this portrayal not
only validates Hasan as one
of the painters of the Siyer-i Nebi, but
also identifies a specific miniature he
executed for this work.
The illustrations of the Egri Fetihna-
mesi determine Hasan's stylistic
features. His historical paintings, par-
ticularly his double-page illustrations
are devoid of text and are drawn from
a wide viewpoint; rather than using a
dense crowd of figures, Hasan employs
a narrative style that distributes figures
in a certain order across the scene. The
pointed hills with one or two trees indi-
cate that the painter prefers a rather plain
representation of nature. Painted without
any color variations across a wide sur-
face, orange, dark red, yellow, turquoise,
dark green, and particularly the reddish-
chestnut used in interior scenes, stand
out in Hasan's paintings. Although the
corpulent figures with short, thick necks,
plump cheeks, black, thickset eyebrows
and full beards seemingly resemble one
another, as in the illustration portraying
Sultan Mehmed's return from the Eger
campaign, Sultan Mehmed, Gazanfer
Agha and Zulfiqar Khan are drawn in a
manner that accentuates their personal
characteristics. The signature style iden-
tified in this work indicates that
Hasan painted the illustrations in all of
Ta'likizade's works. None of Ta'likizade's
illustrated works includes a colophon
offering the date of their completion or
the name of the scribe who copied them.
A study of the manuscripts executed
after the 1580s at the Ottoman royal
studio reveals that the works of
Hasan can be traced to the early 1580s
and that Hasan illustrated a larger num-
ber of works after the 1590s. The Surna-
me, the Siyer-i Nebi and various literary
works are also included among these.
Furthermore, many manuscripts illus-
trated in late sixteenth and early sev-
enteenth century by artists trained by
Hasan reveal the extent and permanence
of Hasan's style. Previously introduced
in this book, one of the mid-sixteenth-
century copies of $ehname-i
Tiirki was illustrated by N Hasan. 13
The $ehname-i Tiirki with Hasan's paint-
ings confirms the argument that prior
to illustrating $ehnames of Ottoman
sultans, artists were required to work
on the Turkish translation of Firdawsi's
epic to demonstrate their competence in
illustrating historical texts. 14
As will be demonstrated in the next
chapter, the introductions to some of the
manuscripts illustrated by Hasan
mention Gazanfer Agha's involvement in
their production. Gazanfer was also por-
trayed prominently in two illustrations of
the Egri Fetihnamesi. This may point to
a rapport between Hasan and Gazanfer,
whom the artist met during his years
at the Inner Palace; their collaboration
seems to have accelerated the painting
activities at the royal studio. 15 As an offi-
cial of the Privy Chamber, Hasan
was closely acquainted with Sultan
Mehmed ill, which in tum allowed him to
portray instances he personally observed.
In such illustrations, Hasan painted the
sultan in his private pavilions, some with
fountain pools and ornamented walls,
and others with shelves of books. These
illustrations also include the pages of
the Privy Chamber carrying the sultan's
regalia and dressed in elaborate attires,
dwarves frolicking around him and the
white or black eunuch of the court, fac-
ing the viewer in solemn poses. 16
The Ottoman primary sources, nor-
mally, do not offer detailed information
on the lives of the artists. However, since
Hasan was also a high-ranking
official, archival documents provide ample
information about his career. They reveal
that Hasan was appointed to the Privy
Chamber in 1581 and possibly collabo-
rated with Ustad Osman on the illustration
of the first volume of the $ehin$ahname. 17
In 1595 he was appointed as anahtar
oglam (guardian of the pages of the Inner
Palace), and in 1597, he became one of
the most favored four Privy Chamber
pages, namely diilbend gulamt (who was
in charge of the turbans and underwear
of the sultan, and accompanied the sul-
tan wherever he went, carrying his royal
turban). Then he rose to higher ranks: he
was appointed as (head of the
gatekeepers) and Agast (com-
mander of the Janissary Corps) in 1603,
Rumeli Beylerbeyi (governor-general of
Rumelia) in 1604-1605, and vizier in the
Imperial Council between 1605-1608. He
served as the representative of the grand
vizier (sadaret kaymakamt) in 1606-1607.
In 1605, when he was the garrison com-
mander (muhaftz) of Bursa, Sultan Ahmed
I (r. 1603-1617) visited the city and
Hasan was asked to prepare the
Bursa Palace prior to the sultan's visit.
The documents also mention a lantern he
designed for the Bursa Palace, as well as
an illuminated imperial monogram (tugra)
of Sultan Ahmed I he exeeuted. 18 Equally
skilled in illumination, Hasan was one of
the artists who worked on the decoration
of the Koran copied by the celebrated cal-
ligrapher Ahmed Karahisari, completed
between 1584 and 1596. 19 His refined style
of illumination is further reflected in the
individual portraits of the sultans. 20
Hasan, who presumably died
in 1623, is buried in Eyiip (Istanbul) in a
freestanding mausoleum with ornate sar-
cophagi. Hasan is related to have
had a waterfront mansion at Beylerbeyi
in the Anatolian side of Istanbul, one of
the headlands on this shore is thus called
the headland. Today, one of the
hills on this shore is referred to as Nakka$
Tepe Hill).

" LBL, Or. 7204. Titley 1981, No. 58. For copies of $erifs Tiirki, seep. 95 in this book.
14
Hasan also worked on a copy of Firdawsi's Shahnama, an incomplete manuscript with
spaces left for the illustrations. This unpublished manuscript with Hasan's paintings is copied in
1439 (843), most likely in Shiraz (ISK, HaCI Bekir Aga 486).
15
Tamnd1 2003, pp. 137-145; Tanmd1 2004, pp. 335-337; FetvaCI 2005, pp. 257-284.
16
Akalay 1977b, p. 125 ; And 2002, p. 200.
17
BOA, Kepeci tasnifi, Ruus Defteri, No. 239, p. 243 .
18
Merifi: 1953, pp. 57-59; Akalay 1979, pp. 612-613, fig. 20.
19
c;:agman 2000, p. 67.
20
Istanbul 2000, pp. 271, 291, 315.

Sehnameci Ta 'likizade and Nakka$ Hasan

Dreams, fears, love stories and adventures

188-189
As demonstrated in the previous chap- copy of Cinani's Cevahirii. 'l-Gara 'ib ve 151 Moses' request to see the
ters, from the late 1550s onwards, the Terciimetii 'l-Bahrii. 'l-Acaib (Jewels of Prophet. Cinani, Cevahirii'J-Gara'ib
Ottoman court artists were largely Curiosities and Account of the Sea of ve Terciimetii'I-Bahrii'J-Aca'ib, 1582,
involved in illustrating - under the Wonders), dated 1582, was prepared. 3 LACMA, M. 85. 237.24, fol. 193b.
supervision of the - the The manuscript was illustrated by an
histories of Ottoman sultans, world his- artist who also worked on the Siyer-i
tories starting from the creation of the Nebi volumes and whose style resembles
universe and culminating in the times that of Hasan with radiant col-
of the reigning sultan, and accounts of ors and sharp, defined contours. One of
campaigns and victories. Apart from
these, especially during the reign of
Murad III, illustrated copies of books
with other themes were made in line
with the interests and tastes of the
sultan and his court, most notably the
members of the harem who came into
prominence during this period.
Sultan Murad III was famously inter-
ested in history, occult sciences, divina-
tion, dream interpretation, apocalyptic
narratives, unfamiliar stories, and the
wonders of the world. 1 These trends, con-
tinuing during the reigns of Mehmed III
and Ahmed I, account for the illustration
of a number of relevant texts, either com-
posed in or translated into plain Turkish,
which include stories of fantastical heroes
and events. From the 1580s onwards,
Ottoman painters illustrated unprecedent-
ed themes for such books, the examples
of which have survived from the reigns of
Murad III, Mehmed III and Ahmed I. The
development of the tradition of illustrat-
ing the adventures of legendary heroes,
love stories, supernatural creatures of dis-
tant lands, popularized interpretations of
astronomy and divination may be linked
to the political empowerment of courtly
women and eunuchs and their increased
control over the palace. The simultaneous
production of multiple and nearly identi-
cal copies of books, which will be detailed
below, indicates that the demand for such
works was escalating.
Murad III requested Cinani (d. 1595),
a poet renowned for his wit and sto-
ry-telling skills, to compile fantastical
stories, reflecting the sultan's interest
in the supematural. 2 It was possibly
upon this request that the illustrated

1
Ktitiikoglu 1993a, pp. 624-625; Fleischer 1986, pp. 126-127.
2
Cited from Atayi's Hadaiku'l-hakaik in FetvaCI 2005, p. 27.
3
Formerly in the Edwin Binney ill Collection, this work is currently shared between the LACMA
and the CHUAM. Binney 1978 ; Binney-Denny 1979, pp. 33-39. Although Binney identifies the
author as Cennabi (Cennani), the fact that the author introduces himself as Bursal1 Mustafa sug-
gests that he is possibly the poet Cinani. (For Cinani, see Okuyucu 1993, pp. 11-12.)

Dreams, fears, love stories and adventures

152 Leyla and her ladies-in-waiting the paintings portrays the fulfillment
in the country. Hamdullah Hamdi, of Moses' request to see the Prophet
Ley/a va Mecnun, ca. 1580, CHUAM, Muhammad (fig. 151).4 The text accounts,
1985. 212, fol. 39b. in a relatively simple Ottoman Turkish,
the miraculous deeds of religious figures
besides other heroes and the tales of the
prophets. The paintings follow the icono-
graphic and formal schemes used by
court artists for the illustration of Ziib-
detii 't- Tevarih. In fact, the composition
of the painting depicting this miraculous
moment experienced by Moses is akin to
the Ziibdetii 't-Tevarih illustrations that
often combine a series of events on a
single page (fig. 98).
The interest in the illustration of nar-
ratives that combine adventures, inter-
connected tales and love stories with
152
the deeds of saints and the miraculous
lives of the prophets is also revealed in
a copy of Yusuf u Ziileyha that can be
ascribed to the 1580s based on the style
of its illustrations. 5 Yusuf u Ziileyha
was written in 1492 by the Sufi poet
Hamdullah Hamdi (d. 1503), who was
inspired by the masnawi of the same
title written by celebrated Timurid poet
Abd al-Rahman Jami. Yusuf u Ziileyha
is the first masnawi of Hamdi's Hamse.
Illustrated by Ustad Osman and one of
his disciples, who worked on a number
of subsequent manuscripts, this small
book (20.3 x 12.8 em) is a product of
court art with elaborate illumination,
twenty-two illustrations, and halkari
decoration on the illustrated pages. With
its plain Turkish and clear vocalized
naskhi script, the book is easily read.
The selection of episodes as much from
Ziileyha's life as from Yusufs, manifests
a desire to draw attention to Ziileyha in
the illustration of the text. This suggests
that the manuscript belonged to a royal
woman- perhaps a daughter of the sul-
tan - and may provide a glimpse into
the royal women's patronage of the arts
of the books, which remains obscure
with the exception of a few exam-
ples.6 One of the illustrations shows the
Prophet Yusuf (Joseph) on the banks of
the Nile River. According to the text, as
he is about to bathe in the Nile, Yusuf
refrains from undressing in front of the
crowd watching him. He prays to God,
asking for a disguise. Shortly thereupon,
a dragon emerges from the water like a
minaret and opens its cave-like mouth;
scurrying in fear, the crowd is prevented
from watching Joseph. 7 The contrast
between the calm and demure Yusuf
beginning to undress on the left and
the dynamism of the agitated people
scampering away from the monstrous
dragon, some of whom are shown fall-
ing out of the picture frame, as well as
the depiction of human motion based
on observation, exemplify the mastery
of Ustad Osman. The proportion of the
figures and nature with respect to the
page or to the picture area, as well as
the overall composition of the painting,
reflects a style that closely parallels the
scenes in the Ziibdetii't-Tevarih. Apart
from indicating common features that

4
LACMA, No. M. 85. 237. 24.
5
DCBL, No. 428. Minorsky 1958, pp. 50-51; And 1998, pp. 408-421, figure on page 409.
6
lllustrated in a similar style, two other copies of the Yusufu Ziileyha exist. The present location of
a copy with a fewer number of illustrations is unknown. For further information on the manuscript
and its illustrations, see the catalogue of the Krauss collection where it was formerly housed: Grube
n.d., pp. 241-244. The other copy, most likely illustrated by the same artist is at the Jewish National
and University Library in Jerusalem (Yah. Ms. Ar. 1124). Brosh-Milstein 1991, p. 75, No. 19.
7
For this illustration found on fol. 67b, see Minorsky 1958, pl. 26.b. For the text, see Onur 1991,
p. 165.

190-191 4 New themes in Ottoman painting

may have emerged from the illustration
of similar narratives by the same artists,
this approach also sheds light to the
close relation between different manu-
scripts and paintings.
Leyla vii Mecnun, another masnawi
by Hamdullah Hamdi, was illustrated
around the same time. 8 The theme was
extremely popular in Islamic painting;
the illustration of hundreds of copies of
the various renderings of the masnawi of
Leyla vii Mecnun by a number of poets
starting with Nizami, has ingrained in
the collective memory of Islamic culture
certain scenes of this famous love story,
which elicits self-annihilation on the
path of love, and, by extension, the Sufi
concept of the Beloved. While the story
was rewritten in the words of each poet
with slight variations, overall, the illus-
trations followed Nizami's story-line and
certain thematic models were repeated
for centuries. Nonetheless, Hamdi's work
adheres to Jami's narrative frame for the
most part. Though the illustrations occa-
sionally follow the traditional iconog-
raphy, they often depict unprecedented
scenes. In one such example, after Leyla
and her ladies-in-waiting celebrate the
arrival of spring in the country and as
the maidens fall asleep, Leyla drifts away
and cries over Mecnun (fig. 152). The
painting technique of the sky, the trees
in the background, the roof of the build-
ing, its windows and the surrounding
high fence, and the style of the figures
are strikingly similar to Ustad Osman's
illustrations from the 1580s. Miniscule in
size (18.4 x 11.4 em) like other works of
literature, the date of this unique illus-
trated copy of Hamdi's Leyla vii Mecnun
remains unknown. The obverse of the
folio, where the text begins, includes
laudatory poems on Sokollu Mehmed
Pasha. 9 The verses include chronograms
for the date 1579 (987 AH), the year in
which Sokollu was murdered, suggesting
the book's connection with him and the
possibility that the book was complet-
ed around that year. Sokollu Mehmed
Pasha's interest and involvement in the
6
CHUAM, 1985, 212. Binney-Denny 1979, pp. 6-10.
9
The unpublished inventory file of the manuscript was prepared by Zeynep Ylirekli.
10
Aksolak 2004.
11
For Ottoman divination books, see Ertaylan 1951; For bibliomancy and divination texts in
Islamic culture, see Washington D.C. 2009, pp. 20-25.
Dreams, fears, love stories and adventures
production of illustrated copies of his-
torical texts was discussed in previous
chapters. It is highly probable that Ustad
Osman continued to work for Sokollu,
who was one of his first patrons. While
there is still no strong evidence to sup-
port this view, these poems may point
to Sokollu or his royal wife ismihan
- daughter of Selim II - as the patron/
owner of the book.
lmages of divination and
the apocalypse
Although we cannot verify that Leyla
vii Mecnun belonged to ismihan Sultan,
we nevertheless know that illustrated
books on divination, signs of the zodiac,
dreams and spells against jinns were
prepared for the daughters of her brother
Murad III. In both Ottoman and Islamic
culture, it was a common practice to
open a random page from the Koran
or a literary work and to interpret the
text to prognosticate the present or the
future. In his Razname (Book of Secrets),
first presented to Murad III and later to
Mehmed III with minor alterations, the
scholar, judge, and author Hiiseyin of
Kefe (d. 1601) recounts various anec-
dotes in which his predecessors and
contemporaries sought divination from
books. In order to predict the turn of
events, the protagonists of these stories
open a random page from the books of
Hafiz, Jami, Rumi, or the Koran, read it,
and make auspicious or ominous prog-
nostications with respect to the circum-
stances. 10 In the 1584 copy of Mustafa
Ali's Nusretname, the aforementioned
scene in which Lala Mustafa Pasha
seeks a prognostication from Rumi's
Masnawi exemplifies the popularity of
bibliomancy among the Ottoman elite
(fig. 132). Numerous divinatory texts
were written, translated, and copied in
the Islamic world. 11
Illustrated divination books are rela-
tively uncommon. Upon Sultan Murad
III's order, the madrasa professor and
153 Sultan Murad Ill examines the
Matali'u's-Sa'ade ve Yenabi'us-Siyade.
Su'udi, Matali'D's-Sa'ade ve Yenabi'us-
Siyade, 1582, PBNF, Turc 242, fol. 7b.
154 The seven planets and correspond-
ing professions. Su'udi, Matali'D's-
Sa'ade ve Yenabi'us-Siyade, 1582, PBNF,
Turc 242, fols 32b-33a.
poet Su'udi (Seyyid Meh[em]med b.
Emir Hasan, d. 1591)12 translated an
Arabic astrology-divination book into
Turkish with various interpolations. Two
illustrated copies of Su'udi's Matali'u's-
Sa 'ade ve Yenabi'u 's-Siyade (Ascensions
of Felicity and Sources of Ascendancy)
were executed for the two daughters
of the sultan. The original work is
comprised of Kitab al-Bulhan (Book
of Wonderment) written by the Arab
astronomer and astrologer Abu Ma'shar
al-Balkhi (d. 886), as well as various
divination texts. An illustrated copy of
Kitab al-Bulhan currently in Oxford,
which was completed in Baghdad
between 1334 and 1435 during the reign
of the Jalayirid Sultan Ahmad (r. 1385-
1410), appears to have been replicated
by these Ottoman examples, in terms
of both the lay out of the book and its
illustrations. 13 In fact, in the introduc-
tion of his translation, Su'udi notes
that the sultan personally commissioned
the translation and the original Arabic
manuscript given to him to work, con-
tained "pictures and drawings". 14 The
Ottoman copies do not include some of
the illustrations from the original work
and incorporate a few new illustra-
tions.15 The two Ottoman manuscripts;
however, are identical. The title pages
of both copies feature rosettes bearing
gilded inscriptions indicating that they
were made for the treasuries of Murad
III's daughters Fatma and The
illustrations of Fatma Sultan's copy
dated 1582 (990 AH) are certainly by
Ustad Osman. 16 Sultan's copy must
have been produced around the same
time; 17 however, the illustrations belong
to another artist, a contemporary of
Osman, whose style is recognized from a
1584 copy of a translation of Firdawsi's
Shahnama. 18 In the first illustration
of the works, Murad III is shown in a
pavilion in the palace, studying a page
from the Matali 'u 's-Sa 'ade illustrated
with signs of the zodiac and planets (fig.
153). In this particular group portrait,
which repeats the templates used in his-
tory books, the sultan is shown in his
private chambers. Osman employs the
traditional ceremonial image character-
ized by two aghas of the Privy Chamber
accompanying the sultan, one of them
holding his flask and the other his
sword, as well as the attire and seated
posture resembling his portrait in the
$ema 'ilnames, to depict a moment from
the daily life of the sultan. 19
One of the illustrations designed to
describe astrological symbols, signs, plan-
ets, and the characteristics of the people
born under their influence is a kind of
chart that correlates the seven planets
with personality types and professions
(fig. 154). The planets and the corre-
sponding professions are listed as follows:
Zuhal (Saturn): blacksmith, stone mason,
firework-maker, pitch-seller, porter, drain
cleaner, tanner; (Jupiter): judge,
merchant, preacher, monk, market inspec-
tor, boot maker, candle maker; Merrih
(Mars): executioner, butcher, glazier, far-
rier, cook, torch torchbearer, lion-tamer;
$ems (Sun): Sultan, lord, goldsmith, sil-
versmith, shield-maker, silk maker, money
changer; Zuhre (Venus): lutist, harpist,
flutist, female dancer, tambourine play-
er, drummer, kettle-drum player; Utarid
(Mercury): painter-illuminator, tailor, car-

12
For Su'udi, see Hoca 1980; izgi 2003.
13
OBL, or. Work No. 133 was studied in a monographic publication: Carboni 1988a.
14
PBNF, Mss. Or. Turc 242, fol. 7a
15
S. Carboni argues that the illustrations missing from the Jalayirid manuscript were removed
from the manuscript over time (1988b). The reason behind the exclusion of certain scenes from
the Ottoman manuscript may either be ascribed to the preference of Su'udi or the artists, or it can
be explained by the presence of another copy. There exists another illustrated Jalayirid copy of the
Matali' (Carboni 1987). That the Ottoman artists made replicas of the illustrations of the Oxford
manuscript validates the first possibility.
16
PBNF, Mss. Or. Turc 242 (Stchoukine 1966a, pp. 70-71, pls XLII-XLVI; And 1998, the illustra-
tions on pp. 256-257, 260, 290, 315, 317, 319, 321, 323, 325. The facsimile of the manuscript was
published together with a book on its content and paintings, together with an English translation
of the text. See Mir6 2007.
17
New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, M. 788. Schmitz, et. al. 1997, No. 22, pp. 71-84; Washington
D.C. 2009, cat. no. 67
10
ISM, B. 284. See p. 95, footnote 23 in this book.
19
The copy preserved in New York features the same illustration with altered details. For the
illustration in which the face of the sultan and his officers are repainted, see Schmitz, et. al. 1997,
p. 78, pl. 17; Washington D.C. 2009, p. 74, fig. 6.8.

192-193 4 New themes in Ottoman painting

penter, scribe, weaver, apothecary, mes-
senger; Kamer (Moon): linen bleacher,
fisherman, shepherd, cotton-carder, sailor,
camel-driver, sower. 20
A group of illustrations in Matali 'il 's-
Sa 'ade is identified solely with the cap-
tions written above each illustration;
they do not illustrate an accompanying
text. Quite possibly linked to the tradi-
tion of reading images for prognostica-
tion, other examples of which we will
introduce below, the majority of these
illustrations fall beyond the realm of
conventional themes. 21 Apart from the
Falname (Book of Omens) associated
with the sixth Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq
{d. 765) and several similar texts, the
chapters of the Matali 'il 's-Sa 'ade are

154

20
Dedes 2007, pp. 249-250. For an iconographic analysis of the illustrations and comparison with
the Jalayirid example at Oxford, see Baer 1968; And 1998, pp. 349-353.
21
For these paintings, see Miro 2007, pp. 106-147. See also Schmitz, et al. 1997, pp. 75-76, figs 107-114.

Dreams, fears, love stories and adventures

155 Chinese grooms. Album painting,
Fifteenth century, TSM, H. 2153, fol.
123b.
156 The poet Sa'di dressed as a
monk. Kalender Pasha, Fa/name, 1614-
1616, TSM, H. 1703, fol. 6b.
194-195
based on the tradition of reading an
image in general: that image could be
in the form of a dream, a painting, the
composition of the constellations on
the sky, the physiognomy of a person,
or even twitches in certain parts of
the body. Apart from popular practice,
this tradition also inspired more "sci-
entific" approaches such as astronomy
and physiognomy. In other words, they
exemplify the use of images/represen-
tations to decipher the signs of the
unknown or to prognosticate. Indeed,
we learn from Evliya how illus-
trations were used by Ottomans to
predict the future. In recounting the
procession of the professional guilds
organized to celebrate the start of
the Baghdad campaign (1638) upon
the orders of Murad IV (r. 1623-40),
Evliya mentions an elderly man named
Mehmed who was the sole
member of the guild of fortunetellers
to use images (falctyan-t musavvir).
At his shop in the quar-
22
Evliya 1996, p. 292. On the use of large-scale paintings as visual props by storytellers,
see Mahir 1999.
23
For Kalender and his albums see pp. 232-236 in this book.
24
ISM, H. 1703. For Kalender and his Falname see Washington D.C. 2009, pp. 68-75. See also
Sevin 1976; Milstein, Riihrdanz, Schmitz 1999, pp. 66-83; Stchoukine 1966b, pp. 100-101, pls CVI-
CVII; 1974, pp. 64-65, fig. 41; Versailles 1999, pp. 190-191, No. 147.
25
ISM, H. 1703, fols. 4b-6a. For the English translation of Kalender's preface see Washington D.C.
2009, pp. 295-96.
ter of Istanbul, he would display the
paintings, which had been created on
the large-sized Istanbuli paper by the
unrivalled masters of the past. They
depicted champions (pehlivan), kings
of the past, apostles, prophets as well
as many fortresses, wars and combats,
naval battles, ships at sea, and the
wonders of the world. Seeking for their
fate, Mehmed clients would
randomly select an image; he would
recite a poem in response and interpret
its meaning. 22 Evliya also notes Sultan
SUleyman I's interest in this type of
divination and claims that this fortune-
teller was old enough to have had the
privilege of visiting the sultan on vari-
ous occasions with his paintings. The
account suggests that such pictorial
auguries circulated in Istanbul among
both royal and non-royal audiences
and occupied a realm where popular
and high visual cultures co-existed.
Executed by Kalender Pasha (d.
1616) for Sultan Ahmed I, a Falname
consists of large-scale paintings and
related text. Kalender was a court offi-
cial, who began his career as a palace
usher and rose to the post of vizier.
In addition, he was a renowned com-
piler of albums, which included cal-
ligraphies, drawings, and paintings. 23
The pictorial auguries in Kalendar
Pasha's volume must have resembled
those owned by Mehmed now
accompanied by verbal interpretations
in Turkish. 24 In his preface, Kalender
Pasha first explains the reasons for the
compilation and the benefits of picto-
rial auguries, and then instructs the
reader on how to use his Falname. 25
As he refers to himself as vizier in the
preface, Kalender must have compiled
his volume between 1614 and 1616, the
years he served in the post. Most likely,
he presented the Falname to the sultan
to express his gratitude for his appoint-
ment. At least four other large-scale
4 New themes in Ottoman painting
Persian compilations of the Falname
are known. Kalender may have been
inspired by these copies, one of which
is preserved still in the Topkap1 Palace
Library. 26 Similar to the Persian exam-
ples, Kalender Pasha's volume was to
be opened at random. In this regard, 156
the relationship of image and text in
the Falnamas is unconventional. While
illustrations in other manuscripts are
traditionally based on the
text, in the Falnamas they take prece-
dence and are meant as a key; the text
merely explicates the image.
The paintings in Kalender Pasha's
Falnama include works by both Safavid
and Ottoman artists and draw on a wide
spectrum of the iconographic repertoire
including religious, literary, legendary,
and astrological themes. They represent
signs of the zodiac and celestial bodies,
Biblical prophets, Prophet Muhammad
and his progeny, episodes from the lives
of historic and legendary heroes and
sages, as well as themes relating to the
Day of Resurrection and the Hereafter.
The first two images can be securely
attributed to famous Ottoman painters.
One is the work of a painter who
was active during the reigns of Sultans
Mehmed III, Ahmed I, and Osman II and
is known by his distinct style27 (fig. 156).
According to the marginal inscription
and the augury text, the painting por-
trays the Persian poet Sa'di dressed as
a monk. Borrowed from Sa'di's Bustan,
the subject was altered to conform to
artistic vision. The figure is
based on Chinese paintings of royal
grooms that are found in the fifteenth
and sixteenth-century albums preserved
at the Topkap1 Palace collection (fig.
155). 28 China has replaced India as the
location for the famous incident when
Sa'di reveals that the moving idol in
a temple is actually manipulated by a
monk. The augury states that treacheries
will be revealed and that whoever seeks
his fortune will succeed. 29

26
Today, four monumental copies of Falnamas written in Persian are known. These Falnamas,
including Kalender's version are examined in the catalogue of the exhibition 'Falnama. The Book
of Omens', took place at Smithsonian Institution, Arthur M. Sackler Gallery. See Washington D.C.
2009.
27
For and his works see pp. 213-215 in this book.
28
ISM, H. 2153, fols. 123b,150a; H. 2154, fol. 34a. See <;:agman 1985, p. 35, figs 83A, 84, 85.
' See Washington D.C. 2009, pp. 148-149, for further discussions of the painting.
2

Dreams, fears, love stories and adventures

 157 ....

157 Adam and Eve expelled from The other Ottoman painting in the
Paradise. Kalender Pasha, Fa/name, Falname is in the style of Hasan,
1614-1616, TSM, H. 1703, fol. 7b. whose works were introduced above.
It depicts the expulsion of Adam and
Eve from Paradise (fig. 157). Crowned
with halos to signify their sanctity and
covering their nakedness with leaves,
Adam and Eve hold hands on the
flowery banks of one of the rivers of
Paradise. Eve holds sheaf of wheat, the
forbidden fruit in the Islamic tradition.
In the background stands a paradisiacal
tiled pavilion with a portico, and at its
door, an angel (possibly Ridwan, the
custodian of Paradise) bites his finger
in astonishment as he observes the inci-
dent. As the peacock and the serpent
play an important role in the expulsion,
they are also included in the scene. The
text on the facing page prophesizes that
following a time of profound sadness,
the seeker will be once again happy,
but that he or she will not appreciate an
important position bestowed upon him
or her; it also warns against malevo-
lent, wicked people and members of the
opposite sex. 30
The illustrations of the Beast of
the Earth (Dabbetii'l-Arz), Paradise and
Hell included in the Falnama were
likely associated with the apocalyptic
expectations, which were common in
Ottoman and other Islamic cultures
in the last decades of the sixteenth
century. 31 Apart from the widespread
consumption of eschatological accounts
that marked 1000 AH (1591-1592) as
the "End of Time," a group of illus-
trated works points to the existence of
a different realm in the Ottoman art of
painting: the Apocalypse and signs of
its imminent arrival. Originally written
in Arabic by Abd al-Rahman al-Bistami
(d. 1454?) perhaps for Sultan Murad II
(r. 1421-1444; 1446-51) on the signs of
Apocalypse, the text of Miftah al-Jafr
al-Jami (The Key to the Comprehensive
Prognostication) was instrumental in the
conception of the Sultan as Messiah in
the Ottoman palace, particularly dur-
ing the mid-sixteenth-century reign of
Sultan Siileyman I. 32

30
See also Washington D.C. 2009, pp. 100-101.
31
Fleischer 2000.
32
Fleischer 1992, pp. 169-171; Fleischer 2001, pp. 292-295, Washington D.C. 2009, pp. 232-243.

196-197 4 New themes in Ottoman painting

158 In line with the translation trend that
accelerated towards the end of the cen-
tury, in 1597-98 the text was translated
into Turkish and expanded, probably
at the suggestion of Gazanfer Agha,
the chief white eunuch of the harem,
by b. Seyyid Mehmed bin Seyyid
Burhan. Entitled Tercilme-i Miftah-r Cif-
ru 'l-Cami, the work was dedicated to
Sultan Mehmed Ill. In his epilogue,
states that he used three Arabic copies
given to him from the imperial treasury,
one of which was illustrated, as the
source of his translation. In a section
of the text, which indirectly cites the
Ottoman dynasty, the consecutive group
portraits of sultans from Osman I to the
sultan in power suggest an approximate
date for the copies. The mention of
eleven Ottoman sultans in the Arabic
original used by shows that an
earlier, non-extant copy was completed
during the reign of Selim IJ.3 3
Possibly meant for the treasury of
Sultan Mehmed III and currently pre-
served at the Topkap1 Palace, Cifru 'l-Ca-
mi contains illustrations executed in the
court style that emerged with
Hasan. 34 One such example portrays
the advent of Dabbetil 'l-Arz, one of
the best-known signs of the approach-
ing Apocalypse (fig. 158). According to
the text, which was elaborated by
with additions to the Arabic original,
Dabbe, an enormous beast with limbs
resembling different animals, will be
sent before the Day of Resurrection,
carrying the rod of Moses and the
seal of King Solomon. On the Day of
Resurrection, he will rub the faces of
.. the believers with the rod of Moses and
bathe them in Divine Light; he will mark
the faces of infidels with the seal of
Solomon. In a natural setting consisting
of Hasan's characteristic depic-

33
Yaman 2002, p. 150. It appears that the Bistami wrote in the 1440s was rewritten with updates
and additions over time. Apart from the ISM copy (B. 373) the illustrations of which are introduced
here, another illustrated example that includes the Ottoman sultans until Ahmed I is preserved
at IDK (T 6624, Edhem-Stchoukine 1933; And 1998, pp. 188-199, 226, 286.) The paintings sug-
gest that the work was directly copied from the ISM example. Dated 17 4 7 ( 1160 AH), another
pocket-book-sized copy is preserved at the CBL (No. 444). The eighteenth-century interpretation
of the work repeats all of the details of the Topkap1 and IDK Cifru'l-Cami's illustrations. However,
the human figures have no hands or feet and their heads are replaced by a rose or a headgear.
Reflecting an uniconoic approach, this particular copy intended for prince Mustafa (Later Mustafa
III), constitutes an intriguing example of how tradition evolves with the trends of the period
(Minorsky 1958, pp. 80-82; And 1998, p. 48).
34
ISM, B. 373. Stchoukine 1966a, pp. 99-100, pis CIV-CV; Yaman 2002.

198-199 4 New themes in Ottoman painting

tion of pointed hills with thick contours, 158 The Beast of the Earth. b.
the beast is depicted as a much more Seyyid Muhammed, Tercilme-i Miftah-1
sympathetic creature than his descrip- Cifru'/-Cami, 1595-1600, TSM, B. 373,
tion in the text; he is about the stamp fol. 291 b.
the seal on the face of the figure at the 159 The conquest of Constantinople.
forefront of the crowd before him. An b. Seyyid Muhammed, Terciime-i
unconventional image in Islamic ico- Miftah-t Cifru'/-Cami, 1595-1600,
nography, this portrait of Dabbe reflects TSM, B. 373, fol. 257b.
the creativity and original interpretation
of the artist's uninhibited imagination.
Another illustration is based on a
prophecy regarding the conquest of
Constantinople (fig. 159). Surrounded
by seas, the city is symbolized by Hagia
Sophia within the city walls. Amidst
the soldiers in the city, a group of
pouches resting in front the 'Conqueror'
of the city and another, newly deliv-
ered group represent the distribution
of spoils mentioned in the text. The
figures dressed in European fashion in
the boats in the foreground must be
the 'infidels' expelled from the city. As
conveyed by the words of Ali b. Abu
Talib in the text, the foretold conqueror
of Istanbul, Muhammed b. 'Abdullah, is
seated on a gold stool. Although his tur-
ban is wrapped in the Arab tradition, his
strong resemblance to Sultan Mehmed II
may indicate the artist's desire to histo-
ricize the prophecy and to associate it
with the Ottoman dynasty.
Apart from its illustrations, another
significant aspect of Cifru 'l-Cami is
the demonstration of the influential
role court aghas played in producing
works of Ottoman art of painting. As
stated above, translated books
from the imperial treasury. It is highly
probable that this book was procured
by Gazanfer Agha. Following the afore-
mentioned chief black eunuch Mehmed
Agha, Gazanfer Agha was the second
official to play an important role in the
artistic and cultural endeavors of the
palace. A close confidante of Sultan
Selim II since his princedom, during
which he served as the provincial gov-
ernor of Ktitahya, Gazanfer accompa-
nied the Sultan to Istanbul upon his
enthronement. He was castrated and
joined the ranks of the eunuchs. Apart
from serving as the chief white eunuch
of the harem and the overseer of the
palace, he was also head of the Privy
Chamber under Selim II, Murad III, and

Dreams, fears, love stories and adventures

160
Mehmed III. Gazanfer Agha's power
over the harem granted him influence
on the decisions of the palace. 35 He was
a patron of writers, poets, and scholars
and was "thus visited by scholars from
distant lands. "36
The other extant illustrated copy of
Terciime-i Miftah-t Cifru 'l-Cami was
executed for Sultan Ahmed I. While
the artist's style relates closely to the
works of Nakka§ Hasan, he nonethe-
less stands out with a finer brush-
work. 37 The same artist also worked
on two illustrated copies of Ahval-i
Ktyamet (The Circumstances of the Day
of Resurrection), a text written in a
plain Turkish by an anonymous author.
These manuscripts point to the ongoing
popularity of apocalyptic images and
the diversification of Ottoman visual
culture in line with social fears and
expectations. 38 A painting in the copy
housed at the Siileymaniye Library,
depicts the archangel lsrafil (Raphael)
blowing the trumpet (sur) on the Day
of Judgment (fig. 161). A second one
from the same manuscript shows the
Paradise, inhabited by young men and
women, entertaining amongst the jew-
el-like pavilions. According to the text,
when a special wind blows in Paradise,
sounds rise from the knurls of trees,
the doors and windows of pavilions
open, and the minds of the believers
are imbued with the scent of musk and
amber emanating from the hills (fig.
160). Several illustrated folios from
another copy of Ahval-i Ktyamet are
currently preserved in a private collec-
tion in London. 39 Ornate with gilding
between the lines and illustrated more
meticulously than the other copies, this
example was most likely intended for
the sultan's library.
Based on their pictorial style, these
undated books on the Apocalypse can
be ascribed to the reigns of Sultans
Mehmed Ill or Ahmed I. Along with

35
Fleischer 1986, pp. 72-73.
36
Mehmed Sureyya 1996, val. II, p. 546. For his patronage of book arts, see Tanmd1 2004, pp.
47-50; Fetvan 2005, pp. 257-296.
37
rOK, T 6624. See above, footnote 33.
38
One of the copies is in Istanbul (ISK, M. Hafid Efendi, 139) and the other is in Berlin (PSB, Ms.
Or. Oc. 1596). Although the paintings in the Istanbul copy are fewer in number, both manuscripts
are almost identical in size and the images are executed by the same artist. The illustrations of the
Istanbul copy are included in a study on the text. Y1ldlz 2002. For the Berlin copy, see Stchoukine,
Flemming, et al. 1971, pp. 229-237. Also see, And 1998, pp. 234-253, 288-289. Apart from these
examples, four paintings from a dispersed copy illustrated in Baghdad around the same time are
preserved at the Philadelphia Free Library (Lewis Ms. 0. T4-T7). Milstein 1990, pp. 95-96.
39
Keir Collection London, N.9-2. Meredith-Owens 1976, pp. 227-228. Although the catalogue sug-
gests that the illustrations were taken from a copy of Siyer-i Nebi, these thirteen paintings belong
to an Ahval-i Ktyamet manuscript.

200-201 4 New themes in Ottoman painting

 161 160 Paradise. Anonymous, Ahval-i
Ktyamet, 1600-1610, ISK, M. Hafid
Efendi, 139, fol. SOb.
161 The Archangel lsrafil blowing
the trumpet on the Day of Judgment.
Anonymous, Ahval-i Ktyamet, 1600-
1610, ISK, M. Hafid Efendi, 139,
fol. 22a.

Matali'ii's-Sa'ade, Cifru'l-Cami and a Curious inhabitants of distant lands:

few other examples that will be intro-
duced below, these works, which are
markedly similar in terms of both their
style and their iconographies, point to
repetition and mass-production of illus-
trated manuscripts. This rarely encoun-
tered mode of production in Ottoman
painting may be explained with con-
temporary political and cultural condi-
tions that increased demand for illus-
trated books.
Marvelous and strange creatures
Upon the order of Sultan Murad III, Su'udi,
whose translation of the Matali 'ii 's-Sa 'a de
was introduced above, wrote a work based
on Spanish books and their Italian trans-
lations, entitled Tarih-i Hind-i Garbi
(History of the West Indies). The work may
be owed not only to the sultan's political
and economic concerns, but to his inter-
est in distant lands as well. 40 While last

40
While the translator of the work is not identified, it is generally accepted as Su'udi. Having
conducted extensive research on the text and published the English translation, Goodrich asserts
that Su'udi edited text for the sultan's liking. Goodrich 1990, p. 19. For the work, also see Lunde
1992; !zgi 2003.

Dreams, fears, love stories and adventures

162 Southern fur seal and fire birds.
Su"udi, Tarih-i Hind-i Garbi, 1583-
1584, IBDK, 4969.
163 The water creature and
inhabitants on Kubagu Island. Su'udi,
Tarih-i Hind-i Garbi, 1580-1590,
Istanbul, TSM, R. 1488, fol. 63a.

202-203 4 New themes in Ottoman -painting

section of the book that introduces the
extraordinary plants and animals of the
New World with illustrations is trans-
lated from Spanish and Italian, it is also
akin to the Islamic culture of "marvels"
and their visual interpretations, which
became popular through al-Qazwini's
book of cosmology and geography titled
Adja 'ib al-Makhluqat wa-Ghara 'ib al-
Mawjudat (Marvels of Creatures and
Strange Things Existing). In the illus-
trated copies of Su'udi's work, phrases
such as "this is how they depicted it..." 163

to introduce the paintings demonstrates

that the translated works were also
illustrated. 41 Dated 1583-4 (991 AH),
the copy of Hind-i Garbi, which bears
only four illustrations today, was prob-
ably presented to sultan Murad 111. 42 Its
paintings include a scene that portrays
Christopher Columbus in the presence of
the King Ferdinand of Spain. 43 The other
three paintings depict curious animals
living on the islands, sometimes mixed
with Islamic legends. 44
The depiction of a Haitian fur seal
manifests a rich interpretation (fig. 162).
The fur seal and its pup are seen on the
shore of an island surrounded by mine-
filled mountains and a fresh-water river
running through its center, depicted in
accordance with its description in the
text. Meanwhile, Spaniards with torches
in their hands are on a nightly expedition
to see the birds that radiate light from
beneath their wings. Possibly produced
later, one of the almost identical copies
of the Tarih-i Hind-i Garbi is currently
preserved at the Topkap1 Palace.45 One
of its paintings features a half-human,
half-fish water creature that occasion-
ally appears in the sea around 'Kubagu'
island (fig. 163). The scene shows the
water creature caught by the islanders.

41
While some of the illustrations of Italian and Spanish books on America printed in the 1530s
were used in the Hind-i Garbi, a primary source that includes all the illustrations has not been
identified.
42
Bayaz1t State Library, No. 4969. Goodrich 1990.
43
Goodrich 1990, fig. I.
44
In the illustration depicting the marvelous birds, for example, the large bird in the center, is
modeled on the legendary bird Simurgh, carrying the albino baby Zal in her claws. According to
Firdawsi's Shahnama, when the white-haired Zal was born, his father Sam carried him away and
exposed upon Mount Alburz. Then the Simurgh that dwelt upon the mount carried him to the peak
to feed and protect him along with her own nestlings. Many illustrated Shahnamas include the
scene of Simurgh bringing back Zal to his father, which apparently inspired the artist of Hind-i
Garbi for this visual interpolation. For a reproduction of the painting, see Goodrich 1990, fig. 83.
45
TSM, R. 1488. For the known illustrated manuscript and printed copies of the work, see Goodrich
1990, pp. 21-29.

Dreams, fears, love stories and adventures

 164 :.;!'l.r

165

204-205 4 New themes in Ottoman painting

The snail-like animals depicted in the
sea may be pearl-oysters, which accord-
ing to the text were the islanders' main
source of nourishment In fact, the author
notes that a certain individual named
'Kastalyon' made a fortune by collecting
a large number of pearls from the island
in 1523. While the illustrations of the
manuscript do not reflect the otherwise
meticulous style of Ottoman artists, they
demonstrate the diversity of written and
visual sources of Ottoman art, and attest
to the palace's interest in exploring the
"marvels" of the world.
The same interest is also manifested
in other illustrations of "marvels." The
illustrated copies of al-Qazwini's Adja'ib
al-Makhluqat must have served as the
main source for these paintings. al-Qaz-
wini's work and its Persian variants were
translated into Turkish from the four-
teenth century onwards. A translation
was started for prince Mustafa (d. 1553)
by his tutor Siiruri (d. 1562) but left
unfinished upon the death of the prince.
Lavishly illustrated in the typical style of
Hasan, a copy of Siiruri's trans-
lation was probably made in the early
1590s.46 Two pages facing each other in
the first section of the book pertaining to
cosmology depict the signs Sagittarius,
Capricorn and Aquarius (fig. 164). The
illustrations that depict the wondrous
creatures living on the islands to the east
of the Indian Ocean follow established
patterns of Arabic and Persian marvel
books produced in various parts of the
Islamic world from the late thirteenth
century onwards, interpreted in the style
of Hasan (fig. 165). The creatures
depicted on two pages include those that
live on the islands in the Sea of China,
resembling humans but feeding on fruits
by flying from tree to tree; the hairless
cat that lives on 'Rayic' Island and has
wings stretching from its ears to its tail; 164 Sagittarius, Capricorn and
the ibex whose meat tastes like the sour Aquarius. Sururi, Terciime-i Aca'ibii'l-
meat of a camel; and the snake that lives Mahlukat ve Gara'ibii'/-Mevcudat,
in the mountains and swallows a water ca. 1590, TSM, A. 3632, fols 33b-34a.
buffalo and an elephant in one gulp. 165 Wondrous creatures on the
Another copy of the same work islands in the Indian Ocean. Sururi,
with an identical pictorial program Terciime-i Aca'ibii'/-Mahlukat ve
was made for an official of the courtY Gara'ibii'l-Mevcudat, ca. 1590, TSM,
Replete with illustrations of an artist A. 3632, fols 99b-1 OOa.
whose style resembles Hasan's,
this manuscript attests to the popu-
larity of such themes in the Ottoman
court. 48 Hasan is indeed known
to have illustrated another work of this
genre. The beginning and end of the
manuscript no longer exists, making
it impossible to determine the origi-
nal work and its translator. However,
a note later added to the first folio
indicates that it is the Tevarih-i Aca 'ib
al-Mahlukat (Histories of the Wonders
of Creation) written by Plato upon the
request of Alexander the Great. The
text is most likely a free translation
from a Persian originaJ.49 The remain-
ing part of the manuscript includes
ninety paintings. Apart from intriguing
creatures of distant lands and marvels
of nature, these also depict charms and
statues with miraculous powers.
New images for ancient stories:
lllustrations of adventures and tales
Apart from the wonders of distant lands,
complex and interconnected tales of
numerous protagonists of unknown
countries also garnered interest; rel-
evant texts were lavishly illustrated. The
images in story books written in or trans-
lated into Turkish, which became popular
particularly during the reigns of Murad
ill and his son Mehmed ill, broadened
the scope of Ottoman artists and allowed

46
ISM, A. 3632. Ak.alay 1977b, pp. 124-125; Ak.alay 1979, pp. 610-613, figs 8-9. For the text, see
Kut 1985, pp. 190-191.
47
LBL, Add. 7894. An inscription on its first folio states that the copy was made for
(chief of the gate keepers of the Palace) Ahmed Agha. Although his identity remains unknown, a
certain Ahmed Agha (d. ca. 1590), who was the steward of the gate keepers (Kaptctlar kethildast)
was mentioned as the superintendent of Nurbanu Valide Sultan Mosque in Istanbul in a nine-
teenth-century biography. Mehmed Siireyya 1996, vol. 1, p. 146. For the manuscript and its illus-
trations, see Meredith-Owens 1969, pp. 26-27; Titley 1981, No. 60.
48
The illustrated copies of Siiruri's translation continued with seventeenth to nineteenth-century
examples. ISM, H. 409, R. 1088, R. 1662, BPSB Ms. Or. Quart 1828. 1997.
49
LBL, Harleian 5500. Titley 1981, No. 13. Meredith-Owens notes that with certain additions, it was
translated in the fifteenth century to Turkish from a text written under the Samanids (819-999).
Meredith-Owens 1969, pp. 25-26.

Dreams, fears, love stories and adventures

166 The ruler converses with
women coming out of a hammam.
Anonymous, Ktrk Vezir Hikayesi,
ca. 1580, IUK, T. 7415, fol. 20b.
167 The shaykh captured by the
officers of the ruler. Anonymous, Ktrk
VezirHikayesi, ca. 1580, IOK, T. 7415,
fol. 23a.
206-207
them to express their imagination. These
paintings were executed in the picto-
rial conventions of the period. Similar
human types, animals, and creatures
were replicated; depictions of nature and
architecture were repeatedly composed in
a similar manner. However, the subject
matters were fresh in each case, illustrat-
ing different tales. Albeit with some vari-
ation and interpolations, the majority of
these tales came into Ottoman literature
from Arabic and Persian literature, trans-
lated into Turkish before the sixteenth
century, though illustrated versions do
not seem to have been executed before
the late sixteenth century. 50
In his book composed after his release
from captivity, renowned musician and
translator Ali Ufki Bey (Albert Bobovi; d.
ca. 1675), who entered the Topkap1 Palace
as a Polish captive and lived there for
more than a decade, describes the people
of the Inner Court (Enderun) and the edu-
cation of the pages there, pointing to the
role of stories in language teaching. He
notes that they were obliged to read reli-
gious books, and in particular the Koran
in Arabic. Apart from grammer manuals
and lexicons, Persian books on the cur-
riculum included the works of Sa'di and
Hafiz. Adds Bobovi, "...but at the same
time, they read other books comprised
of texts full of rich and beautiful ideas
written in elaborate prose, and verse, all
of which simultaneously use phrases in
Turkish, Arabic, and Persian." The books
listed by Bobovi include collected stories,
which offer moral, ethical, religious guid-
ance as well as heroic narratives. 5 1 Animal
fables such as Hiimayunname and Kelile
ve Dimne, stories such as "A Thousand
and One Nights" (Elf Leyaij and epic tales
of heroes such as Seyyid Battal apparently
formed the common cultural background
of the royal pages, the future officials of
the Ottoman administration.
One of the books mentioned by
Bobovi, entitled Ktrk Vezir Hikayesi
50
The earliest known illustrated book of this genre is Musa Abdi's Camasbname on the adventures
of Camasb, son of Prophet Danyal (Daniel). Dated 1527 (933 AH). it includes illustrations in a pro-
vincial style, rather than being the work of a court artist. Titley 1981, No. 1; And 2002, pp. 46-47.
51
Bobovius 2002, pp. 106-107.
52
Gibb 1886; KlZlltan 1991; KlZlltan 2002.
53
IDK, TY 7415. Klz1ltan 1991, pp. 127-132. The other copy dated 1585-86 (995 AH) which
includes seventeen illustrations, is housed at the UUL (No. 111). Tomberg 1849, p. 63.
54
Klz11tan 1991, p. 132.
(Story of Forty Viziers) was translated
to Turkish twice in the first half of the
fifteenth century, first for Murad II and
then for Mehmed II, from a lost Arabic
original. One of the protagonists of the
story is a young prince who is slandered
by his stepmother. In order to delay the
execution of the prince, forty viziers of
the sultan narrate forty stories for forty
days on the distrustfulness of women.
Meanwhile, the stepmother (Hatun)
recounts forty stories for forty nights on
how sons cannot be trusted. Transformed
into an entertaining educational book
through moral lessons, the work's alter-
nating stories seem to have been widely
read at the Ottoman palace. 52
One of the two illustrated copies of
the text is preserved in Istanbul today. 53
This small manuscript (9.9 x 5.9 em)
includes twelve miniatures in the style
of Ustad Osman, probably executed in
the late years of the artist. The extrac-
tion of erotic stories from the text 54
suggests that perhaps the work was
intended for one of the court women.
Most probably prepared in the late
1580s, one of the illustrations in the
manuscript depicts the ruler of Egypt
conversing with women coming out of
a hammam (fig. 166). According to the
story, the ruler questions God's miracles
and is thus miraculously sent by a
shaykh to an island. He sees a widow at
the gate of a hammam, marries her, and
spends seven years on the island. Upon
his return by means of another miracle,
he finds that nothing has changed. In
reality, only a "moment" has elapsed.
This miracle cements his belief in God.
Still, he is so enraged with the shaykh
that he orders his execution. At the end
of the long story, the shaykh is killed
through the treacherous act of a spy-
ing concubine sent by the ruler when
she leaves the room with an excuse to
fetch water and lets in the killers. The
illustration shows the shaykh returning
4 New themes in Ottoman painting
Dreams, fears, love stories and adventures
 with candles in his hands, as the intrud-
ers approach to kill him (fig. 167). As
manifested in previous examples, these
illustrations indicate that apart from
illustrating Ottoman history, Osman also
worked on other projects. 55
Another illustrated manuscript that
brings together entertaining and edu-
cational stories includes two different
works. 56 The binding suggests that the
two works were bound together in
the nineteenth century. The first book,
which includes fourteen illustrations,
is poet Hakkl's partial translation of
Baharistan (Abode of Spring), a com-
pilation of stories on various topics
written in 1478 by renowned Timurid
poet Jami. Fables from the eighth chap-
ter and satirical stories from the sixth
chapter of Baharistan were selected for
translation. Hakkl notes that the trans-
lation was made upon the request of
the chief eunuch; the first letters of the
hemistiches constituting the eulogistic
poem at the beginning of the text iden-
tifies the name of Gazanfer Agha. The
allocation of such considerable space
to him in the introduction suggests his
patronage. Gazanfer Agha, who was
instrumental in producing the illustrated
translation of Cifru'l-Cami for the sul-
tan, now emerges with a commission
intended for his personal library.
The manuscript was illustrated by
two artists. The first one is
Hasan, the most esteemed artist of the
period who had also worked on the Cif-
ru '1-Cami. The involvement of a high-
ranking court official such as
Hasan in the illustrations of Gazanfer
Agha's book suggests the closeness of
the two men and the Agha's status. One
of the illustrations by Hasan depicts a
story that condemns cupidity (fig. 168).
A mouse carries to its nest the gold
coins it has stolen from the pouch of
a nuts and dried fruits vendor, whose
shop it lived on for years. Realizing
this, the vendor discovers the mouse's
nest - filled with gold and silver coins
like a moneychanger's shop - with the

55
Mentioned earlier with reference to books illustrated in the decorative-Khorasan style (p. 59),
Tuhfetu 'l-Ahyar, which includes illustrations dated to the 1540s, includes similar stories. Translated
to Turkish for prince Bayezid (d. 1561), the work is the earliest known illustrated example of its
kind. Renda 2004.
56
TSM, H. 1711. <;:agman 1978a; Kut 1986.

208-209 4 New themes in Ottoman painting

 help of a string he ties to the animal's
neck. He retrieves his money, removes
the mouse from its nest, and delivers it
to the claws of a cat for punishment.
The mouse thus pays the price of its
ingratitude. In the illustration, a young
employee of the shop watches in aston-
ishment, drawing a lesson from the
event. Holding the string around the
mouse's neck in his hand, the vendor
appears on the right. At the foot of the
168 The grocer sets a trap for the
mouse. Hakk1, Terciime-i Baharistan,
ca. 1600, TSM, H. 1711, fol. 14a.
169 The camel put up for sale with
a cat hung around its neck. Hakk1,
Terciime-i Baharistan, ca. 1600, TSM,
H. 1711, fol. 36b.
169

shop counter we see the mouse in front

of its nest, a red money pouch, and a
tabby cat eagerly awaiting the mouse's
delivery. Datable to ca. 1600 this paint-
ing by Nakka§ Hasan exemplifies how a
court artist depicts a scene from urban
daily life. With ceramic containers
lined on the shelves, displays of fruit
on the counter, scales, weights, and the
money chest emptied by the mouse,
the animated layout of the shop shows
that Hasan Pasha's keen observational
skills are not limited to his depiction of

I historic events. This scene also repre-

sents the changing themes of Ottoman
painting in the late sixteenth and early
seventeenth centuries.
A second group of illustrations in
Baharistan is executed in an entire-
ly different style. Using small fig-

I
ures, busy compositions amidst rich
nature depictions, fine brushwork, and
a diversity of colors, these illustrations
reflect a pictorial convention that is

I
markedly distinct from the plain narra-
tive of Hasan and reveal the influence
of sixteenth-century Persian painting.
This group of illustrations is possibly
made by an artist trained at the Safavid
royal studios. 57 One of the illustrations
portrays the story of a Bedouin who
lost his camel (fig. 169). Swearing to
sell his camel for a pittance if he finds
it, the Bedouin regrets this decision
once the camel is found. He hangs a
cat around the camel's neck and yells
that he is selling the camel for one pul
(the equivalent of three and the
cat for 100 A man approaches
the Bedouin and says, "The camel is
inexpensive, had it not been for the
necklace around its neck!"

57
<;:agman 1978a, p. 26.

Dreams, fears, love stories and adventures

170 Ferruh falls and breaks his foot.
b. Seyyid Muhammed, Destan-1
Ferruh u Huma, 1601-1602, IUK,
T. 1975, fol. 175b.
171 Ferruh catches a wild horse.
b. Seyyid Muhammed, Destan-1 Ferruh
u Huma, 1601-1602, IUK, T. 1975,
fol. 183b.
210-211
Another text in the same volume is
comprised of poetical explanations of
proverbs and idioms. Presumably made
during the same period as the illustra-
tions of Baharistan, these depictions
can be regarded as relatively plain or
even simple; however, they are unprec-
edented with respect to their themes.
Portraying twenty-eight of the proverbs
in the book, these illustrations visualize
the brief yet explicit impact of writing
with a similar minimalism and attest to
the rich visual culture of the period. 5 8
Another work commissioned by
Gazanfer Agha also includes illustra-
tions of Nakka§ Hasan. Entitled, Des-
tan-r Ferruh u Huma (The Epic of Ferruh
and Huma) the work is the rewriting (in
prose by b. Seyyid Muhammed)
of I$kname (Book of Love), a love story
written in verse by a certain Mehmed,
to be presented to Sultan Bayezid I's
son Siileyman in 1397. Dated
1601-02 (1010 AH), the copy with
thirty-four illustrations is currently pre-
served in the Istanbul University Library
and was possibly intended for Sultan
Mehmed III.s• The illustrations of this
work closely parallel those of the afore-
mentioned Cifru '1-Cami. Furthermore,
the same trio of patron, author and artist
was involved in the preparation of the
work: Gazanfer Agha, b. Seyyid
Muhammed, and Nakka§ Hasan Pasha.
This time; however, the illustrations are
not based on a preliminary example. In
visualizing the text, Nakka§ Hasan drew
the unprecedented illustrations from his
imagination. Filled with interconnected
adventures, this romance recounts the
love story of Numan Shah's son Ferruh
and princess Huma. In one of the illus-
trations, as Ferruh and Huma ascend the
stairs of a tower pavilion they visit out
of town for a feast, Ferruh falls down
and breaks his foot (fig. 170). The high
pavilion appears on the right, in front of
the thick-contoured pink hills typical of
58
For the illustrations and their relevance to the text, see Kut 1986.
59
rOK, T. 1975. Edhem-Stchoukine 1933, No. 8; Stchoukine 1966a, pp. 137-138, pis CII-CIII; And
2002, pp. 76, 290, 292. Another copy, left incomplete, is preserved at TSM (R. 1484). It contains
blank spaces for illustrations. It was copied in the same year with the University copy 1601-02
(1010 AH). Karatay 1961b, No. 2814.
60
rOK, T 9303. Edhem-Stchoukine 1933; And 2002, p. 75.
61
LBL, Or. 3298. Titley 1981, pp. 40-44, No. 24.
62
Sadruddin Aga Khan Collection, Ms. 31. Welch-Welch, 1982, pp. 38-39, No.9; Geneva 1985, p.
136, No. 109. For the text, see Meredith-Owens 1989.
Nakka§ Hasan. In the foreground, Ferruh
holds his broken ankle as a young
attendant sprinkles rosewater on his
face to refresh him. About to collapse
with grief, Huma is supported by her
ladies-in-waiting on the left; the girls
at the pavilion watch the incident with
astonishment and sadness. This painting
is further testimony to his the breath
of Hasan's narrative approach, which
we have observed in the illustration of
the mouse and the fruit seller. Another
illustration in the manuscript depicts
one of the adventures of Ferruh, Huma,
and their companions at sea. Following
an accident, Ferruh seeks shelter on an
island; as he hunts with the rulers of the
island, he catches an untamed horse that
no one could approach. The crags where
the wild horses live cut the painting
diagonally. The horses, one of which is
about to be captured by Ferruh, domi-
nate the scene (fig. 171).
As mentioned earlier, illustrated with
the distinctive style ofNakka§ Hasan and
his assistants during the reigns of Murad
III and Mehmed III, a number of manu-
scripts including strikingly similar com-
plex tales of love and heroism have sur-
vived to date. Dated 1589-90 (998 AH),
Feramurz b. Hudadad's Krssa-i $ehr-i
60
$atran (The Tale of the City of
which includes sixty-four illustrations,
and the undated Krssa-i Ferruhruz (The
Tale of Ferruhruz), which has sixty-five
illustrations similar to those of Ferruh
u Huma and dedicated to Sultan Murad
III, are among such examples. 61 Currently
preserved in a private collection, a copy
of the Tuhfetu 'l-Leta 'if (The Gift of the
Pleasantries), which Ali b. Nakib Hamza
wrote in 1593-94 (1002 AH) based on
a Persian or Turkish original, contains
sixty-nine illustrations in the style of
Nakka§ Hasan. 62
Quite similar in terms of their dimen-
sions, calligraphic scripts, page layouts
and pictorial styles, these manuscripts
4 New themes in Ottoman painting
share yet another common feature: the
texts are written in Turkish. The emer-
gence and spread of this new literary
taste is possibly either the cause or the
outcome of the dissolution of the office
of and the royal studio from
the 1590s. The spread of a visual cul-
ture beyond the history of the Ottoman
dynasty can be ascribed to the late six-
170-171

teenth and early seventeenth centuries.

The long lasting historical projects of
the royal studio are thus replaced by
these repetitive, rapidly designed, and
somewhat mass-produced illustrated
manuscripts.

Dreams, fears, love stories and adventures

Historical painting in the seventeenth century: The poet
Nadiri and the painter

212-213
As discussed earlier, late sixteenth- same artist executed all the paintings in 172 Ali Pasha departs
century texts recounting the achieve- the manuscript except for one. The style from the Topkapt Palace.
ments of provincial governors, cam- of this painter is recognizable from a Kelami, Vakayi'name-i Ali Pasha,
paign commanders, and grand viziers number of manuscripts and individual 1603, ISK, Halet Efendi 612,
were written and copied as illustrated paintings and remains influential until fols 9b-1 Oa.
deluxe manuscripts. The same tradition the mid-seventeenth century. 2 Showing
continued into the first half of the sev- stylistic similarities to Nakka§ Hasan,
enteenth century as well. An example one of the illustrations in the manu-
of this genre is the Vakayi'name (chron- script must have been executed by one
icle) of Ali Pasha, the sword-bearer of his followers (fol. 5b).
of the Sultan, who was trained at the In 1574, the royal tutor Hoca
Inner Palace (Enderun). In 1601, Sultan Sa'duddin Efendi completed his history,
Mehmed III appointed Maiko\ Ali Pasha which makes for interesting reading to
(d. 1604) as the governor-general of this day. Entitled Tacu 't- Tevarih (Crown
Egypt. Written upon the order of Sultan of Histories), the text covers the period
Mehmed III by an author known by the
pseudonym Kelami, the Vakayi'name-i
Ali Pasha narrates the exploits of Ali
Pasha in Egypt. It was copied in ta 'liq
script and illustrated possibly after Ali
Pasha returned to Istanbul. Some of the
events narrated in the text are portrayed
in seven illustrations, one of which is
designed on a double page. 1 The first
painting depicts Ali Pasha in the audi-
ence of Sultan Mehmed III as he is
bestowed with the title, whereas the sec-
ond one shows his departure from the
Topkap1 Palace to assume his new post
in Egypt. The other illustrations depict
Ali Pasha's accomplishments in Egypt.
The illustration of the Pasha's depar-
ture from the Topkap1 Palace spreads
to a double page (fig. 172). The page
on the right features the Pasha and his
retinue as they exit the Imperial Gate
of Topkap1 Palace. The page on the left
portrays the high officials of the state
as they advance in neat lines to the east
of the Hagia Sophia. Dressed in a green
inner robe and a white kaftan lined with
black fur, the young Maiko\ Ali wears a that extends from the founding of the
moustache in both illustrations as he has Ottoman state until the end of Sultan
just been promoted from sword-bearer. Selim I's reign. Used by Seyyid Lokman
However, in the Egypt illustrations, he as reference for the first volume of the
has grown a full, black beard. The inclu- Hunername and the Serna 'ilname, no
sion of Egyptian elements in the attires illustrated copies of the Tacil 't- Tevarih
of local officers and the topography of produced before the seventeenth cen-
the venues in the scenes that take place tury have survived. In all copies except
in Egypt indicate that the artist designed for one of the illustrated seventeenth-
his compositions with special attention century examples, artists only depict
to the time and place of the events. The portraits of the sultans. 3 In these illus-

1
ISK, Halet Efendi 612. 1974, p. 64, pl. 40; Seyhan 1991 , pp. 175-201.
2
Istanbul 2000, pp. 325-328, 330, 333-335 ; And 2002, pp. 305, 385; Schmitz 1992, fig. 269.
3
TOK, T. 5970. Istanbul2000, pp. 302-303; ISM, R. 1112. Karatay 1961b, No. 654.

Historical painting in the seventeenth century: The poet Nadiri and the painter
173 Sultan Orhan, c;andarll Halil
Pasha and Molla Alaeddin Esved.
Mehmed Haki, Tercilme-i $aka'ik-i
Nu'maniwe fi Ulemail'f-Devletii'I-
Osmaniwe. ca. 1620, TSM, H. 1263,
fol. 12b.
174 Zenbilli Ali Efendi. Mehmed
Haki, Tercilme-i $aka'ik-i Nu'maniwe fi
U/email'f-Dev/etii'I-Osmaniwe.
ca. 1620, TSM, H. 1263, fol. 159b.
214-215
trations, the sultans, seated on their
thrones in a chamber, are portrayed in
the company of viziers and aghas of
the Privy Chamber. Currently preserved
in Paris and copied by calligrapher
ibrahim b. Mustafa on 19 March 1616
(Rabi I 1025 AH), a copy of the Tacii't-
Tevarih; however, is the only illustrated
example that includes narrative paint-
ings. 4 The fourteen illustrations of the
manuscript reinterpret the compositions
used in Seyyid Lokman's volume 1
of the Hiinername or volume 2 of the
In the illustration depict-
ing the death of Osman I, the sultan is
stretched on a floor bed in front of his
tent; he is surrounded by tearful mourn-
ers reciting the Koran (fol. 42a). Another
painting shows Sultan Murad II's wed-
ding ceremony (fol. 138b): seated across
from one another, Murad and his bride
Hatice Halime Sultan converse as a
dancer sways to the accompaniment of
musicians in different poses, playing a
variety of instruments. A black eunuch
gazing through a vestibule on the left,
as well as two dark-skinned youngsters
parting the curtain of the door on the
right, secretly watch the festivity in the
chamber. It is noteworthy that before
1580, the black eunuchs of the harem
were not included in the historical scenes
depicting Sultan Murad ill. However, the
black aghas, who were empowered at
the palace as of late sixteenth-century,
are included in this particular illustra-
tion. Following the depictions in Arifi's
Osmanname, the portrait of a female
member of the court appears for the
very first time in a historical manuscript
in this wedding scene. The interest in
genre scenes in early seventeenth cen-
tury must have been influential in the
iconography of this scene. While they
do not necessarily represent a particular
member of the royal family, the genre
scenes with women were frequently
included in album paintings or other
illustrated books popularized during the
reign of Ahmed I. The colors used in the
paintings, the design of the composi-
• Musee Jacquemart-Andre, No. D. 262. Halbout du Tanney 1979.
5
PBNF, Suppl. Turc 524. Paris 1983, No. 112.
• ISM, B. 408, fols. 6b, 7b, 8a, 28b.
7
ISM, H. 1263. Onver 1949a.
tions, and drawings of the figures in the
Tacii 't- Tevarih point to the hand of a
single artist who emulated the style of
Ustad Osman. Sa'duddin Efendi's Selim-
name (Book of Selim), which focuses
on the reign of Sultan Selim I, was also
illustrated, most likely in early seven-
teenth century. 5
Interestingly enough, illustrated
examples of Hoca Sa'duddin's his-
tory were prepared not during the
twenty-five years in which he reigned
over the palace, but more than fifteen
years after his death. It should not
be a coincidence that the decision to
illustrate his works overlaps with the
period in which Sa'duddin Efendi's
son Mehmed Esad Efendi (d. 1625)
served as the chief mufti in 1615-1622.
Mehmed Esad Efendi's daughter was
married to Sultan Osman II (r. 1618-
1622). Known for his strong ties with
the palace circle, Mehmed Esad Efendi
may have received support from Sultan
Ahmed I and the bibliophile court
members in the illustration process of
his father's works. The inclusion of his-
torical paintings in the album executed
for Sultan Ahmed I validates the desire
to depict historical texts. 6
An illustrated biography, a divan
and from the early
seventeenth century
As noted earlier, sultanic portraiture was
an extension of the Ottoman Palace's
interest in illustrated histories; the illus-
tration of biographies was another man-
ifestation of the same interest. Prepared
during the reign of Sultan Osman II,
the Terciime-i 'ik-i Nu 'mani-
yye fi memau '1-Dev1etii '1-0smaniyye
(Translation of the Crimson Peonies
on the Learned Men of the Ottoman
Dominion) constitutes another example
of illustrated biographies. 7 Originally
written in Arabic by isameddin Ahmed
b. Muslihiiddin Mustafa
(d. 1561), this special copy with forty-
4 New themes in Ottoman painting
nine illustrations is the Turkish version
translated by Mehmed Haki of Belgrade
during the reign of Sultan Siileyman I.
The text includes an epilogue written
by a certain Ahmed c;:elebi, who, after
mentioning the author and transla-
tor, gives detailed information on the
preparation of the book. 8 Accordingly,
during the reign of Sultan Osman II,
second vizier Gtircti (Georgian) Mehmed
Pasha (alive in 1625) commissioned a
copy with the portraits of scholars and
shaykhs mentioned in the Saka 'ik-i
Nu'maniyye to Bey. Ahmed <;:elebi
had likened Bey to Mani (ca. 216-
from him and holds a book with an elab-
orate binding, while Halil Pasha looks
in from the window. Another illustra-
tion portrays the chief mufti Zenbilli Ali
Efendi (d. 1526; fig. 174). Inside one of
the buildings in the style typical
Ali Efendi lowers his basket (zenbiQ from
the window. A figure waits below to
place his letter, most likely a petition, in
the basket. As recognizable from other
illustrations of the peaks of the
hills in the background are transformed
into human heads (fig. 17 4).
173-174

76), the founder of Manichaeism, who,

according to tradition, was the most
talented painter of all time. Thus,
Bey was the Mani of his time and the
hero of the art of representation; he was
also known for his eloquence and wit.
According to Ahmed <;:elebi, the work
was of such splendor that the artists
who depicted the Garden of Paradise
(Bag-z irem) would applaud a thou-
sand times upon seeing these portraits;
Chinese (Httay) artists, on the other
hand, would prostrate before them and
express their commendation.
The colophon does not indicate a
date; however, several individuals and
events mentioned in the epilogue sug-
gest that this copy was completed in
the 1620s. The text implies that Gtircti
Mehmed Pasha commissioned the work
as a gift for Sultan Osman II. As an
illustrated biographical text - like the
aforementioned Me§airii'§-Suara - the
portraits were intended to immortal-
ize outstanding names of the glorious
past of the dynasty and the state. It was
further stated that with the inclusion of
their portraits in this work, scholars and
shaykhs would rest in peace and give
their blessings. 9
In one of the paintings, Sultan Orhan
(r. 1326-1362), Molla Alaeddin Esved
(alive in 1380) and c;:andarh Halil Pasha
(d. 1387) are portrayed at Sultan Orhan's
madrasa in iznik (fig. 173). Modeled after
Sultan Orhan's portrait by Ustad Osman
in the Serna 'ilname, the sultan is seated
on the left. Alaeddin Esved sits across

8
TSM, H. 1263, fols 258b-260b.
9
For a recent study on $aka 'ik-i Nu 'maiye, its epilogue and paintings see Degirmenci 2008.

Historical painting in the seventeenth century: The poet Nadiri and the painter Nak$i
 Divan-1 Nadiri
Known by the pseudonym Nadiri,
Mehmed b. Abdiilgani (d. 1626) was
a distinguished bureaucrat, poet, and
calligrapher who served as a teacher,
a qadi Uudge) and a kazasker (chief
military judge). He was close to pal-
ace circles and married the daughter
of Sunullah Efendi (d. 1612), who
replaced his teacher Sa'duddin Efendi
as the chief mufti. His strong ties with
175-176
the palace are manifested in the poems
he dedicated in his Divan to Sultans
Murad III, Mehmed III, Ahmed I, as
well as Gazanfer, Server and Ali Aghas,
central figures of the court. Almost all
copies of Nadiri's Divan - one of which
10
ISM, H. 889. Atll 1978, pp. 104-105, figs 5-9; Tanmd1 2003, pp. 135-145; Fetvac1 2005; pp.
287-292.
11
See And 2002, pp. 184, 201 for examples from the illustrations.
216-217
is illustrated - are produced in early
seventeenth century. 10
The illustrated copy ofNadiri's Divan
includes eight paintings executed by
one artist. They illustrate the verses
referring to sultans Murad ill, Mehmed
III and Ahmed I, the grand vizier Sinan
Pasha, the chief mufti Mustafa Efendi,
Gazanfer Agha and mirahur (equerry)
Ali Agha. The paintings depict scenes
from the private lives of these indi-
viduals, as well as their public perso-
nas, with details that are not included
in the poet's verses. 11 Here, the artist
visualizes persons he knew and events
he witnessed - in other words his own
first-hand observations - even though
4 New themes in Ottoman painting
they may not necessarily be detailed in
the text. Images replace words; a num-
ber of features that are not conveyed in
the text are transmitted to the viewer.
The artist adds his experiences, cultural
knowledge, and accounts of what he
witnessed, experienced or heard to the
scarce historical information contained
in the text.
In the painting illustrating Nadiri's
verses on Sultan Ahmed I's arrival in
Edime, the young Sultan Ahmed, who is
yet to grow a beard, is dressed in osten-
tatious attire. Mounted on a decorated
horse, he advances over a multi-colored
spread with his running footmen and
guardsmen (fig. 17 5). Three pages of
the Privy Chamber and other courtiers
view the sultan from the upper row. The
people of Edime watching the marching
sultan are featured in the lower part of
the illustration and behind a hill at the
top. The Selimiye Mosque built by the
celebrated architect Sinan is depicted
in the upper left comer to symbolize
Edime. Having ascended the throne
in 1603 at the age of fourteen, Sultan
Ahmed I visited Edime twice, in 1605
and in 1612. This painting must depict
the sultan's first visit to the city, for
Nadiri was the judge of the city in 1605
and the youthful sultan in the painting
was not older than sixteen.
Another painting in the manuscript
shows Gazanfer Agha in front of his
madrasa built in 1596 in
Istanbul (fig. 176). The first miiderris
(professor) of Gazanfer's madrasa was
none other than Nadiri. In the paint-
ing, the students are seated on the left
side of the domed classroom, miiderris
Nadiri sitting across from them. Domed
student rooms appear on two sides; the
water fountain is featured in the lower
left, whereas at the top, the Aqueduct of
Valens is seen in the background with its
massive arches. In the lower right comer
Gazanfer Agha arrives on horseback
with his retinue at the madrasa, which
bears an inscription above the door,
containing his name. Hence, in illustrat-
ing the verses eulogizing Gazanfer, the
artist depicts the agha together with the
2
' 1985, pp. 43-57.
Historical painting in the seventeenth century: The poet Nadiri and the painter
author, Nadiri. Although this particular 175 Sultan Ahmed I arriving in
copy of Nadiri's collected poems does Edirne. Nadiri, Divan, ca. 1605, TSM,
not offer any information on its artist H. 889, fol. lOa.
and the date of its completion, based on 176 Gazanfer Agha visiting his
the possible date of the event depicted madrasa. Nadiri, Divan, ca. 1605, TSM,
in the first painting, the illustration of H. 889, fol. 22a.
the manuscript can be ascribed to 1605,
the year Sultan Ahmed I visited Edime
for the first time. The distinctive stylistic
features of the paintings in the Divan
point to the hand the artist who
illustrated the $aka 'ik-i Nu 'maniyye.
Lavishly illustrated in the royal studio
by a distinguished artist, the Divan of
Nadiri was perhaps the first and last col-
lected poems by an Ottoman poet who
was not a sultan.
Nadiri
Part of the illustrations in the same
poet's work, entitled $ehname-i Nadiri
(Book of Kings by Nadiri), is by
as well. As mentioned earlier, follow-
ing the appointment of Ta'likizade as
historiographer during the reign of
Sultan Mehmed III, obvious differences
began to emerge in the §ehname tradi-
tion. Nadiri's $ehname does not offer
a rich content like the poetic texts by
the §ehnamecis such as Arifi or Seyyid
Lokman. It nonetheless constitutes the
last example of illustrated dynastic his-
tories of the Ottoman palace. In his fore-
word, Nadiri notes that although he ini-
tially aspired to write an iskendername,
he decided to write the events of Sultan
Osman IT's reign in Turkish, in the
meter of Firdawsi's Shahnama. Nadiri
recounts the death of Sultan Ahmed
I (1617), the enthronement of Sultan
Osman II, the Safavid-Ottoman war,
the Safavid ambassador's arrival in
Istanbul bearing gifts, the naval battles
of the Admirals Guzelce Ali and Halil
Pashas, Sultan Osman's departure for
the Khotin campaign and the Battle of
Khotin (in modem Ukraine). Describing
a victorious return from a battle that
in fact ended in defeat, the poet ends
the work with an account of the new
pavilion and the royal boat that Sultan
Osman had commissioned. 12
177 The battle of Karchagay Khan The illustrated copy of Nadiri's
and Canibek Giray. Nadiri. Sehname, Sehname is preserved at the Topkap1
ca. 1620, TSM, H. 1124, fols 18b-19a. Palace Library. 13 The undated manu-
178 Sultan Osman II marching to script's first folios are missing and
Khotin. Nadiri, Sehname, ca. 1620, some have been repaired. 14 Painted by
TSM, H. 1124, fols 53b-54a. artists working in diverse styles, nine
of its eleven paintings are designed
on double-pages. An illustration by
one of the artists reflects the influ-
ences of the Isfahan style from the
late sixteenth-century. Portraying the
1617 battle between the Crimean Khan
Canibek Giray (r. 1610-1623; 1628-
163 5) and the Safavid commander
Karchagay Khan of Yerevan (d. 1623),
the artist identifies himself with Aka
Riza - a renowned Safavid painter who
produced works in the late-sixteenth
and early-seventeenth centuries - by
inscribing "humble Aka Riza" on a bro-
ken shield, and seeking to demonstrate
his adherence to tradition (fig. 177).
Another painting of the manuscript
shows Sultan Osman II and the state
officials as they embark upon the Khotin
campaign (fig. 178). In the double-page
miniature, Sultan Osman, dressed in cer-
emonial attire, advances on horseback
at the center of the procession. Behind
him and to the left on horseback is the
chief black eunuch Siileyman (d. 1622),
who was a key figure in the politics of
the period. With their excessively large
heads and white turbans, the officials
proceed in clustered rows. Comprised
of men, women, children and soldiers,
the crowd watches the ceremony in
the foreground. The buildings of the
by-passed city are visible in the upper
left comer. Stylistically, the painting
relates closely to the work of N
who also illustrated Nadiri's Divan. The
last painting of the Sehname-i Nadiri
illustrates the new pavilion and royal
boat built on the order of the sultan
(fig. 179). 15 The miniature is by an artist
whose style is different from On
the right, Sultan Osman is seated on a
throne at a pavilion in the imperial gar-
den of the Topkap1 Palace. He is flanked
by three aghas of the Privy Chamber

13
TSM, H. 1124. Stchoukine 1966a, pp. 104, 141, 149, pls CX-CXII; Atasoy and <;:agman 1974, pp.
69-70, pls 45-46; And 2002, pp. 88, 186, 208-209, 230; Degirmenci in press a.
14
A few illustrated folios presumably removed from this work are preserved at DCBL. Minorsky
1958, No. 418.
15
1985, pp. 417-418.

218-219 4 New themes in Ottoman painting

 177

178

Historical painting in the seventeenth century: The poet Nadiri and the painter
179 Sultan Osman II in his new
pavilion and royal boat. Nadiri,
ca. 1620, TSM, H. 1124,
fols 73b-74a.
180 Shapur II imprisoned by
the Byzantine emperor.
Tiirki, 1616-1620, NYPL,
Spencer Turk. Ms. 1, fol. 457a.
181 Siyavush undergoes the fire
ordeal. Tiirki,
1616-1620, NYPL, Spencer Turk.
Ms. 1, fol. 163a.
179
220-221
on the right and the chief black eunuch
Stileyman Agha with the vizier Mehmed
Pasha on the left. On the left page, at
the shore immediately outside of the
palace walls is the richly ornate impe-
rial boat with a golden phoenix on the
stern. Sultan Osman is seated in the
deck pavilion with three lanterns; he
is accompanied by the chief gardener
behind, two aghas of the
Privy Chamber on the left, as well as
the white and black eunuchs of the pal-
ace. Other attendants appear behind the
closely seated oarsmen. The pages of
the Inner Palace are lined up before the
walls of the palace, respectfully waiting
for the Sultan.
It appears that during the years in
which this last with minia-
tures was prepared for the Ottoman sul-
tan, the tradition of illustrating Turkish
16
NYPL, Spencer Turk. 1. Schmitz 1992, pp. 254-265.
translations of Firdawsi's Shahnama
by a renowned artist of the period
was still upheld. However, unlike their
precedents, these seem to have been
perceived as independent literary works
rather than as part of an ongoing proj-
ect on Ottoman dynastic history. One
such example is an illustrated copy of
$ehname-i Tiirki. It was copied
in ta 'liq script by Mawlawi Abdi
between 1616-1620 ( 1026-1030 AH)
for Sultan Ahmed I's son-in-law Hafiz
Pasha (d. 1632). 16 Some of its illustra-
tions were executed by One of
N paintings portrays the captiv-
ity of the Sassanian king Shapur II by
the Byzantine emperor (Kayser-i Rum)
(fig. 180). The armchair in which the
Byzantine ruler is seated, his attire,
the architectural elements of the build-
ing rising in the background, and
4 New themes in Ottoman painting
the clothes of courtiers correspond to
European fashion. The soldier stand-
ing on the lower left corner of the
illustration with a scepter in his hand
is inspired by sixteenth-century Dutch
engravings. 17
The majority of the paintings are
produced by a close follower of Dstad
Osman. One of his illustrations por-
trays young prince Siyavush as he is
made to walk through fire to belie
his slanderous stepmother (fig. 181).
The people watching Siyavush enter

the burning golden flames on his

black steed are forced to cover their
faces and eyes from the heat of the
fire, which takes up a large part of
the painting. The visual impact of the
fire's dominance across the scene and
the dramatic depiction of the observ-
ers' reaction to this huge fire indicate

11
At1l 1978, p. 109, figs 19-20; Schmitz 1992, fig. 282.

Historical painting in the seventeenth century: The poet Nadiri and the painter
182 Rustam killing the white ele-
phant. Medhi, ?ehname-i Tiirki, 1620,
UUL, Celsing 1, fol. 69b.
183 Sultan Osman II enthroned in
the presence of white and black
eunuchs. Medhi, ?ehname-i Tiirki,
1620, UUL, Celsing 1, fols 1b-2a.
222-223
that the artist was not only a follower
of Ustad Osman in terms of style, but
that he upheld the latter's observation-
al approach and the visual tradition he
established.
Upon chief black eunuch Mustafa
Agha's request, the poet Medhi (alive
in 1620), made a new prose translation
of Firdawsi's Shahnama. The first vol-
ume of one of the illustrated copies of
18
UUL, Celsing 1. Atll 1978, p. 106, figs 11-14.
19
On this illustration, which depicts the presentation of the book, see Degirmenci 2009.
20
State University Library, Ms. Or. 1378. Abdullaeva 1997.
21
PBNF, turc. 326. Stchoukine 1971, No. 49-50, pls XXXII, XLV.
22
Istanbul 2000, p. 274, 317-318, 322, 324.
23
ISM, H. 2165, fol. 61b. Stchoukine 1971, pl. XI.
this translation is currently preserved
in Uppsala. 18 Copied in ta 'liq script in
1620 (1029 AH), the work contains
twenty-eight illustrations by In
the first illustration that spreads over a
double page, Sultan Osman II is seated
on his throne in a courtyard of the
palace (fig. 183). The man to the left
of the throne is possibly chief black
eunuch Mustafa Agha, who commis-
sioned the Shahnama translation to
Medhi. The other black eunuchs are
visible on the right end. The agha
standing alone in front of the black
eunuchs holds a book under his arm. 19
Three aghas of the Privy Chamber
stand on the right side of the sultan's
throne while the white eunuchs appear
in a group on the side.
One of the images of Medhi's
$ehname depicts Rustam's fight
against a white elephant (fig. 182).
Leaping out of his room in his night-
gown, the portly Rustam clubs the
proportionately smaller elephant on
the head. While two figures in the
back try to revive another figure that
fainted with fear, residents from the
upper storeys of the building watch
the scene from their windows and
balconies depicted in typical
style. The second volume of this $eh-
name-i Tiirki is in St. Petersburg. 20 It
is copied in ta 'liq script by Cevri in
December 1620-J anuary 1621 (Rabi I
1030 AH); the majority of the twen-
ty-nine illustrations are by
Currently preserved in Paris, another
copy of volume 2 of Medhi's transla-
tion contains two paintings by
the other pictures were added later. 21
Other than manuscript illustrations,
N also executed individual paint-
ings, consisting of portraits of the sul-
tans, which are preserved in albums. 22
In one of these portraits, a sultan is
depicted amidst a gilded tree, animals
and decorative motifs; he sits majesti-
cally on a grey horse and attentively
watches the scene across (fig. 184). 23 A
4 New themes in Ottoman painting
 183

Historical painting in the seventeenth century: The poet Nadiri and the painter Nak§i
 I
184 Sultan Mehmed Ill. Album fortress on a river bank below the hill
painting, ca. 1600, TSM, H. 2165, that slopes down the right side of the
fol. 61 b. painting, and the infantrymen emerging
185 The battle of Nadiri, from the fortress, some of which point
Divan, ca. 1605, TSM, H. 889, fol. ?a . their rifles to the mounted troops on the
left, are barely perceptible. Drawn with
a fine-tipped black brush in a smaller
scale yet with great attention to detail
and depth, this illustration corresponds
Nak§i's distinctive style. Based on extant
184 portraits of the sultan, the ruler on
horseback must be Mehmed III and
the castle below must be the Fortress
of Eger, which was identified with the
sultan. 24
The bodies of the figures in Nak§i's
illustrations are oddly slender, curved,
and elongated; their oversized heads
and white turbans are disproportionate
to their bodies. The bodies of the fig-
ures depicted in profile and from the
back are deformed, and their ethnic
traits are reflected in facial features
or attires. Nak§i often uses familiar
portraits of sultans and court officials.
As mentioned in the final lines of the
$aka 'ik-i Nu 'maniyye, details such as
the face of a man or a horse looking
at the audience from the side of a wall,
the unexpected appearance of an owl
or a rabbit, the transformation of a
hill's contours into a distorted human
face, or a pickpocket amidst the crowd
watching the sultan, are reflections of
Nak§i'S sense of humor in his paint-
ings. A striking example of this humor
is encountered in the depiction of
an incident that, although frequently
cited in written sources, was never
illustrated until Nak§i. In the scene,
which takes place during the Battle of
Ha<;ova (Mezokeresztes), cooks chase
enemy soldiers with pots, pans, and
ladles. While the incident is referred to
- without even specifying the battle's
name - by a few words in a poem
from Nadiri's Divan, the illustration
that Nak§i represents on the follow-
ing page includes the enemy-chasing
cooks in the battle scene (fig. 185). 25
Conveying a sense of movement and
depth, the door and window openings,
arch spans, and the three-dimensional,

24
For portraits of Sultan Mehmed III, see Istanbul 2000, pp. 216-219.
25
Tamnd1 2003, pp. 137-140, fig. 3.

224-225 4 New themes in Ottoman painting

I model-like and white-washed views of
the fortress and the city all constitute
the most outstanding features of the
artist's style. White and burgundy 185
dominate the painter's works. Forming
the background of figures dressed in
dark clothes, elements such as build-
ings or hills are painted in lighter
shades to draw attention to the figures
at first glance. Nak§i incorporates his
favorite details from Safavid, Indian
and Chinese paintings or European
engravings to create new composi-
tions. 26 A fine example of this is
observed in a painting of the Falnama
which was introduced earlier. In the
painting depicting "The Poet Sa'di
Dressed as a Monk," the figure of Sa'di
is a copy of Chinese paintings found in
the Aq Qoyunlu and Safavid albums at
the Topkap1 Palace Library (figs 155-
156).27 The majority of sources that
Nak§i was inspired by or copied are
still preserved at the Topkap1 Palace
Library; this alone suggests that Nak§i
had access to these sources or to indi-
viduals who were familiar with them.
In fact, Nadiri - with whom Nak§i
worked to illustrate his poetry - was
not only a high-ranking bureaucrat,
but also the son-in-law of the chief
mufti Sunullah Efendi, a powerful
figure of the court circles. It is thus
possible that Nak§i was a member of
the Inner Palace (Enderun) and that
this privilege granted him access to
the paintings preserved at the Palace
library.

The last illustrated

example of the gazaname genre

Sultan Murad IV (r. 1623-1640) com-

manded the Baghdad campaign in
1638. While this event led to the
writing of the $ehin§ahname-i Mura-
di, which gives an account of the
campaign and other historic events of

26
A1Jl 1978, figs 19-20.
27
ISM, H. 2153, fols 123b, 150a; H. 2154, fols 33b-34a. The notations written by Ahmed I on two
folios of the album suggest that the sultan - whom served - also perused this album. ISM,
H. 2153, fol. 87b. These verses on wisdom and ignorance were written on the margin by Sultan
Ahmed I in 1616 (1025 AH). A hadith on fasting and Paradise written in 1615 (1024 AH) with the
same handwriting is on the border of a page in another album. ISM, H. 2160, fol. 4a (<;:agman
1985, p. 35).

Historical painting in the seventeenth century: The poet Nadiri and the painter
186 Kenan Pasha marching to Drama. 186

Tulu'i ibrahim, Pa?aname, ca. 1630,

LBL, Sloane 3584, fol. 20a.

226-227 4 New themes in Ottoman painting

the period, no illustrated copy of this
work is known. However, the Pa$aname
(Book of the Pasha) by Tulu'i ibrahim
Efendi emerges as the final example
of the illustrated gazaname tradition. 28
The latter is an account of the 1626-
1629 Ottoman wars in the Balkan
provinces and across the Black Sea
commanded by Admiral Kenan Pasha.
The manuscript with five illustrations
is copied in ta'liq script (ca. 1630).
The first two illustrations depict Sultan
Murad IV on his throne in the company
of court officials, whereas the third
shows Kenan Pasha as he is vested with
hil'at (robe of honor) in the presence
of Sultan Murad. The two remaining
images illustrate the events during
the campaign. One of these depicts
Kenan Pasha on his way to Drama in
Macedonia (fig. 186). Mounted majesti-
cally on his horse on the right, Kenan
Pasha is accompanied by his pages who
carry his water and sword. On the left
is a mounted man with a lance while
infantrymen with halberds and rifles
occupy the front. Moving in an arch, a
group of cavalrymen on the left side of
the illustration carry flags. A military
band and banners are located behind
a hill on the upper right. Comprised
of women, men, and children, the
non-Muslim inhabitants of the nearby
area demonstrate their protest with
different gestures. A man standing on
the left lifts up a cup in flames. The
composition of this particular illustra-
tion indicates that the reverberations of
style reached the paintings of
the Pa$aname.

28LBL, Sloane 3584. Meredith-Owens 1961, pp. 76-82; Stchoukine 1971, p. 43, pis Xill; Titley
1981, no. 61, figs 51-52.

Historical painting in the seventeenth century: The poet Nadiri and the painter
Ottoman albums and single-folio paintings

228-229
Early examples of Ottoman album
production
The murakka, or album, is a type of
codex that brings together single-folio
works of renowned contemporary and
past calligraphers, artists, illumina-
tors and paper cutters in a single vol-
ume. As distinct from illustrated manu-
scripts, the paintings, drawings, illumi-
nations, or calligraphic examples in a
murakka are not necessarily connected
to a specific text. In other words, while
the intention of compiling a murakka-
album is occasionally to protect and
preserve, the main objective is to form
a collection of works of fine art that
are deemed "valuable." Apart from
illuminators, painters and scribes, vas-
sale masters were also instrumental in
meticulously pasting works one by one
on the pages of a murakka, for they
skillfully joined the papers without a
trace. Although their date and prov-
enance varied, these single-folio works
were placed on the same page with
careful calculation, skill, and harmony.
Some of the albums prepared for an
important patron would contain a pref-
ace [mukaddeme or that would
identify the album compiler and the
patron, and would sometimes include
the biographies of Islamic manuscript
artists. The murakka would then be
bound in an equally well-made bind-
ing. While the earliest examples of
such works point to the existence of a
tradition that dates as far back as the
fifteenth century, 1 the spread of murak-
ka production as a distinct branch of
Islamic art of the book and the subse-
quent examples that epitomize this art
form emerge towards the mid-sixteenth
century. Numerous murakkas prepared
for rulers, princes, and other members
of the ruling class have survived, par-
ticularly from the sixteenth-century
Safavid period. 2 From the second half
of the same century onwards, Uzbek
and Mughal artists also assembled
albums for the court elite.
The earliest examples of select
albums designed at the Ottoman royal
studio are dated to the mid-sixteenth
century. Possibly prepared for Siileyman
I, one such example includes a diverse
collection: several drawings in the
kalem-i siyahi technique/ extraordi-
nary illuminations attributed to the
most famous illuminator of the period
Kara Memi and to his students, the
works of renowned Safavid calligra-
phers such as Shah Mahmud Nishaburi,
and a paper-cut image of a garden rem-
iniscent of palace gardens. 4 Designed
with outstanding mastery, this album
was possibly created towards the end
of Sultan Siileyman's reign to bring
together unique works collected in
the palace treasury. The various cal-
ligraphic examples, the illuminations
and the brush-work ink drawings all
indicate that the album was prepared
in the third quarter of the sixteenth
century. It does not contain any works
that can be ascribed to a later date.
As it predominantly includes works
by the renowned Safavid calligrapher
Shah Mahmud Nishaburi, the album is
named after him, the Nishaburi Album.
The album stands out with its original
and unique binding made from tortoise
shell [baga). With unconventional illu-
minations and halkari decorations by
the famed Ottoman illuminator Kara
Memi and his students, it epitomizes
the aesthetic taste that flourished dur-
ing the reign of Siileyman I at the
Ottoman court. Conceived primarily
as a calligraphic album, one of its last
folios includes a paper-cut garden, as
well as two drawings executed with

1
The majority of the fifteenth-century albums that have survived to date are preserved at the
Topkapt Palace Museum Library. For these albums, see Grube-Sims 1985; Roxburgh 1999;
Roxburgh 2005, pp. 37-147.
2
Among the famous murakkas of the sixteenth century, the following constitute the most impor-
tant ones: Bahram Mirza album dated 1544-45 (TSM, H. 2154), Emir Hiiseyin Bey album dated
1560-1561 (ISM, H. 2151), Emir Gayb Bey album dated 1564-1565 (ISM, H. 2161), Shah Tahmasb
album ca. mid-sixteenth century (lDK, F. 1422), and another album dated 1563-1564 (TSM,
H. 2156). For the prefaces presenting valuable information related to the arts of the book, see
Roxburgh 2001; Thackston 2001. See Roxburgh 2005, p. 181, ff., for the Safavid albums.
3
Kalem-i siyahi, literally black-pen, is a specific pictorial technique, executed in black ink using
brush. For further information on the kalem-i siyahi technique, see London 2005, pp. 148-153.
• IOK, F. 1426. Istanbul 1983, E. 63-64; Washington D.C. 1987, pp. 105-109; c;:agman 1990.

Ottoman albums and single-folio paintings

 kalem-i siyahi in saz style. 5 The paper-
cut garden is unsigned and the exact
date of its production is unknown;
inscribed in muhaqqaq script, the vers-
es framing it were added during the
compilation of the album and thus shed
light on the date of its production. A
number of these verses on springtime
are selected from the spring kaside
(ode) by the renowned Ottoman poet
Mesihi (d. 1512-13). The other half is
taken from the spring kaside by Baki
(d.1600), one of the most outstanding
Ottoman poets. Baki wrote this kaside
for Semiz Ali Pasha, who served as a
vizier during the reign of Siileyman
I. Following Riistem Pasha's death in
1561, Semiz Ali Pasha became the
grand vizier and held this post until his
death on 28 June 1565. These selected
verses around the paper-cut spring
garden indicate that the grand vizier
Semiz Ali Pasha possibly commissioned
this album to present it to Sultan
Siileyman as a gift. However, the half-
illuminated medallion left without a
dedicatory inscription on the first page
suggests that Semiz Ali Pasha passed
away before he could present this mag-
nificent album to the Sultan. 6
Another important Ottoman album cur-
rently preserved at the Nationalbibliothek
in Vienna was prepared in Istanbul by
Mehmed Cenderecizade in 1572-1573
(980 AH) and offered as a gift to Sultan
Murad ill after his enthronemene The
content and original compilation of this
album, which includes several subse-
quent additions, closely resembles the
Nishaburi album. Written in Persian by
its compiler Cenderecizade, the intro-
duction is comprised of examples from
Timurid and Safavid works. 8 The Murad
ill album includes drawings by Ottoman
and Safavid artists executed in saz style in
the kalem-i siyahi technique that can be
dated to the second half of the sixteenth
century as well as single-figures by Veli
5
Washington D.C. 1987, pp. 104-107, No. 49a-f.
6
For this paper-cut garden attributed to
7
VNOB, Cod. Mix. 313. The work is known as the Sultan Murad ill album due to the dedication in
an illuminated medallion, see Duda 1983, pp. 106-160; Duda 1987; Froom 2001.
• Froom 2001, pp. 49-64; Thackston 2001, pp. 30-31.
9
Collectively known as saz yolu or saz style, the ink drawings executed with the kalem-i siyahi
technique in the Ottoman court art were created by
'
0
TSA, D. 9706. Meri'; 1953, p. 3.
230-231
Can and Riza, paintings by Ottoman and
Safavid artists, full-page (levha) illumina-
tions by Ottoman illuminators, calligraph-
ic works of fifteenth and sixteenth century
Timurid, Turcoman, Safavid and Ottoman
calligraphers, and a paper-cut garden
similar to the previous album. The albums
prepared at the Ottoman imperial studio
are not limited to these two examples.
The majority of kalem-i siyahi illus-
trations in these albums are attributed
to Shah Kulu (d. 1556),9 who worked
at the Ottoman imperial studio between
1520 and 1556. Virtually all of the
works attributed to him are executed in
the saz style with kalem-i siyahi tech-
nique. The Turkish word saz denotes
a dense forest in which lions, drag-
ons, monkeys, phoenixes, various birds,
and all kinds of wild creatures live.
The word originates from Far Eastern
and Central Asian mythology. The first
examples of the illustrations in this
style were executed with black ink and
brush by Ilkhanid, Jalayirid, Timurid
and Turkman artists in Persia as of the
fourteenth century. One of the most
outstanding artists of Ottoman painting
and decoration, Shah Kulu reinterpreted
this style at the Ottoman Palace. The
earliest information on Shah Kulu is
encountered in a salary register of the
court artists dated to 1526 (932 AH).
Referred to as a painter in the register,
Shah Kulu is allocated a daily wage
of 22 and listed in the foremost
rank of the painter-illuminators. In the
document Shah Kulu is recorded as an
exile from Tabriz who came to Amasya
and was later transferred to the imperial
allocations (Hassa harcz) in Istanbul. He
was enrolled in the salary register in
December 1520 (Muharrem 927 AH). 10 In
subsequent salary registers dated to the
months of March-May 1545 (Safar-Rabi
I 952 AH), it appears that Shah Kulu was
the head of the group of painter-illumi-
nators of Anatolian origin (Rumiyan).
Mehmed, see 1992, pp. 250-252, fig. 1.
Kulu. See Mahir 1986, on this subject.
4 New themes in Ottoman paintiny
He received a daily wage of 25
and was from Baghdad. As the creator
of an innovative brush technique, Shah
Kulu's contributions towards Turkish
decorative arts were also recognized by
Mustafa Ali of Gelibolu who wrote his
Menakzb-t Hunerveran (Artists' Exploits)
on the calligraphers, illuminators and
painters. Ali states that Shah Kulu
arrived in Vilayet-i Rum (Anatolia) dur-
ing the reign of Siileyman I. He adds
that a private, independent studio was
given to him at the Palace where the
sultan would occasionally watch him
work, and that he was appointed as the
head of old and new masters. Noting
that Shah Kulu was a pupil of Aka
Mirak of Persia, he recognizes the for-
mer as the inventor of a new popular
style that confirms the verse, "the art of
a newcomer is lovelier than that of his
predecessor." By wishing that his nature
were just as beautiful as his art, Mustafa
Ali clearly points to Shah Kulu's bad
temper and mentions that he would be
more famous than Bihzad otherwise. 11
Shah Kulu was also a famous poet,
writing under the pen name Penahi.
In his celebrated biographical work,
(d. 1571) provides us with
an extraordinary medhiye (eulogizing
poem) on Shah Kulu's artistic skills: "...
He was the second Mani in painting.
Perhaps Mani was his chartered slave.
If he were to make seven kinds of illu-
mination eight heavens would
be jealous ... If he were to paint spring
flowers, spring would arrive in winter-
time. This star-filled sky was a replica
of his pin-decorated papers; this blue
sky was a hue from his indigo inkpot.
The blackness of the ink in the inkpot
is the water of life; the fish he painted
comes to life and flees to the Indian
Ocean to save itself. If he were to paint
a lock of his beloved's hair, the violet
would be wilted. Bihzad could not rival
him in the art of representation. If he
were to paint the mouth of a beauty,
no one could comprehend its mystery.
If he were to paint a cloud, the world
" Mustafa Ali 1926, p. 65.
12
Mahir 1986, p. 116.
13
TSA, D. 4104, fol. 1b; Mahir 1986, p. 116.
14
1986, p. 68.
IS WFGA, 37. 7.
Ottoman albums and single-folio paintings
would be flooded with rain. If he were
to paint the sea, the waves would rise.
Birds would fly from his cypress tree. If
he were to paint a river, it would make
the wheels of a mill revolve. In short, he
was the ruler of the land of painting." 12
Sources also reveal the date of
Shah Kulu's death. A document per-
taining to the rewards the sultan dis-
tributed for the bayram of 1556 (963
AH) announces his passing. 13 While
information on Shah Kulu in various
sources identifies him as a musavvir
(painter), his specific style of colored
paintings is not known. The drawings
he made in the saz style using the
kalem-i siyahi technique, however, are
well known. These works are marked
by legendary animals such as drag-
ons and phoenixes, lanceolate leaves
on curved or sharp-angled branches,
peony blossoms and flower bouquets,
as well as forest fairies (peri) whose
clothes are decorated with the skill and
precision of a jeweler. Their perfection
attests to Shah Kulu's praised mastery.
According to another document, Shah
Kulu presented a portrait of a fairy as a
bayram gift to Sultan Siileyman. 14 This
is perhaps the fairy currently housed in
the Freer Gallery in Washington D.C.
(fig. 187). 15 Based on a strong imag-
ination, these drawings collectively
known as saz yolu, constitute one of
the fundamental styles of the Ottoman
decorative arts for centuries.
Several single folio paintings and
kalem-i siyahi drawings found in the
Ottoman albums are signed by Veli
Can. Veli Can was a student of the
Safavid court painter Siyavush. He
traveled from Tabriz to Istanbul in the
early 1580s and was later enrolled in
the painters division of the organiza-
tion of the court artists (Ehl-i Htrej) .
Documents indicate that he worked on
the illustration of manuscripts at the
royal studio between 1582 and 1588.
In fact, Veli Can is also mentioned
among the artists who illustrated the
second volume of the Hunername and
 187 Drawing of a fairy, signed by
Kulu. Album painting, 1540-1550,
WFGA, 37.7.
188 Drawing of a peony and a bird,
signed by Veli Can. Album painting,
1580-1590, TSM, E. H. 2836, fol. Sa.
189 Drawing of a fairy, signed by
Veli Can. Album painting, 1580-1590,
TSM, H. 2162, fol. Sb.
187
the copy of Ziibdetii 't- Tevarih prepared
for Murad III. 16 Saz paintings signed
by him reveal that he was particularly
skilled in the kalem-i siyahi technique
occasionally colored with diluted pink
and gold, depicting standing or lying
double or single male figures, saz com-
positions, peony blossoms (fig. 188),
fairies, (fig. 189) and animals.
The popularization of album
production
Other factors play a significant role in
the popularization of Ottoman album
production outside the court. While
album production at the palace begins
as early as the latter part of the sixteenth
century, the production of loose-leaf
paintings and albums in the real sense
became widespread during the reign of
Ahmed I. In fact, an album compiled
by Vassal Kalender in the early sev-
enteenth century holds a distinct place
in Ottoman arts of the book with its
large dimensions, leather binding with
medallions and corner-pieces, graceful
layouts of the folios, and the informa-
tion presented in its preface. Although
the Falname of Kalender which was
introduced earlier has a certain con-
textual unity in its images paired with
related texts, it is also a compilation
of autonomous paintings, and, in this
respect, it is an album. In combining
these paintings, Kalender, who appears
to have been an illuminator (milzehhip)
as well, framed them with paper bor-
ders - or passe-partout in the current
terminology - ornate with unifying
golden decoration. 17 Contemporaneous
sources recognize Kalender as a court
official who due to his skill at joining
papers was called vassal. 18 Prior to the
Falnama Kalender compiled two albums
for Sultan Ahmed I. One of these is a
compilation of calligraphic samples. 19
Its preface, written by an unidentified
author, implies that Kalender assembled
this album as a gift to the Sultan to
show his gratitude for being appointed
as the supervisor of the ongoing con-
struction of the Sultan Ahmed Mosque,
in 1610. The second album includes
calligraphies, narrative scenes, drawings
and paintings of single figures, as well
as the portraits of Ottoman sultans. 20 In
the preface, Kalender states that he was
directly commissioned by the sultan to
compile an album of the existing works
in the treasury, works of previous and
contemporary calligraphers and paint-
ers, which were presented to the sultan.
He further adds that he attained this
honor because the sultan had admired
the albums he designed in the art of
vassale that he learned from his eminent
master, Muhammed Baghdadi.
Kalender conveys priceless information
on album compilation in his introduc-
tion recording how he was keen on the
integrity, harmony and balance of the
dimensions and colors of the works
he put together while assembling the
calligraphies and paintings according
to size and color, and bordering them

16
Ianmd1 1991.
17
See pp. 194-195 in this book.
18
According to a contemporazy historian Mehmed-i Rumi b. Mehmed's (d. 1640) Tarih-i Al-i
Osman (Histozy of the Ottoman Dynasty) Kalender was a court usher and served as trustee
of the endowments of Selim I. As an official working in the palace, he was in close contact with the
eunuchs and the other agas of the court. Later, he became a steward of the gate (Kapl Kethudas1)
He gained their respect and was commended particularly by the chief black eunuch Hac1 Mustafa
Agha. Upon Mustafa Agha's suggestion, he was appointed as the second treasurer (dejterdar-1
sani). Later, when a building supervisor was needed for the Sultan Ahmed Mosque, the construc-
tion of which commenced in 1607-1608 (1016 AH), he was appointed as the building supervisor
and keeper of the revenue (hafiz-l mal), again upon recommendation of Mustafa Agha. As he
ardently served this post, when the vizier YusufPasha died in November 1614 (Shavval 1023 AH);
the viziership and the royal domains were given to Kalender. Kalender Pasha died two years after
his appointment and was buried in the garden of the Atik Ali Pasha Mosque. Mehmed finishes his
account of Kalender Pasha by noting that he was a mild and abstinent man, and an unmatched
vassal and binder (Tarih-i Al-i Osman, ISK, Lala ismail Efendi, 300, fol. 64b). Also see Selaniki
1989, vol. 2, p. 487; Mehmed Sureyya 1996, vol. 3, p. 858; Barkan 1979b, p. 287, for Vassal
Kalender (Pasha). In an eulogizing poem in his Menak1bu'l-Hunerveran, Mustafa Ali describes at
length the unrivalled mastezy ofKalender in vassale: Mustafa Ali 1926, pp. 76-77 (For an English
translation of the poem see Washington D.C. 2009, p. 68).
19
ISM, H. 2171. Versailles 1999, No. 146, Washington D.C. 2009, p. 70.
20
ISM, B. 408. Some of the illustrations in this album have been published. Unver 1963; !nal 1984,
pp. 83-96; Sinemoglu 1991, pp. 204-212; Renda 2001a, p. 32; Washington D.C. 2009, fig. 6.4.

232-233 4 New themes in Ottoman painting

Ottoman albums and single-folio paintings
 190 Portraits of Sultan Murad Ill with various papers. 2 1 The illustrations
and various other individuals. Album in various sizes are meticulously com-
paintings, ca. 1610, TSM, B. 408, fol. 8b. bined and the margins are adorned with
191 Young couple entertaining and gilded decoration. Illustrations from a
a performance of a group disguised historical manuscript and portraits of
in masks. Album paintings, ca. 1610, Ottoman sultans, most of whom are
TSM, B. 408, fol. 19a. shown holding a golden globe (kllll
elma) to symbolize the cities which
Ottomans were determined to conquer,
190
are added to the beginning and end of
the volume. 22 One of the pages includes
individual portraits of various young
Ottoman men and a religious figure
resembling those in the aforementioned
$aka 'ik-i Nu 'maniyye (fig. 190). The
single figures in various poses depicted
on a plain background or in front of a
hill resemble contemporaneous Safavid
works. Some of the figures are directly
adopted from sixteenth-century Safavid
album paintings, which represent the
Ottoman artists' openness to interac-
tion and adaptation. 23 The portrait of
the sultan seated on a golden throne in
the upper left is entirely in the Ottoman
tradition. Due to his physical features
recognized from other portraits, the sit-
ter must be Sultan Murad III. Possibly
painted by Nakka§ Hasan, this portrait
reflects not only the variety of illus-
trative themes in the album, but the
diversity of their artists as well. On yet
another page, a spring entertainment
is portrayed above; below, an audience
watches the musical performance of a
masked group. The candles in front of
the musicians indicate that the scene
depicts a nighttime festivity (fig. 191).
On another folio that includes scenes
from Ottoman daily life, two young men
sitting under a tree in the countryside
converse as they read the books in their
hands (fig. 192). Some servants work-
ing on the waterfront in the foreground
and others picking fruit from trees are
part of this lively genre scene. Known
as the Album of Ahmed I, this volume
is considered to be the predecessor of
the kind of albums created in that cen-
tury. Details such as headdresses, belts

21
B. 408, 1b-4b. See Unver 1963, for the original preface and its French translation.
22
See Istanbul 2000, pp.30 1-302, for the portraits of the Ottoman sultans in the album. A portrait
of Sultan Mehmed II added to this album was possibly painted during his reign. Later, possibly as
it was being added to the album, it was painted over for repair. Istanbul 2000, p. 91.
23
For the connection between Ottoman album illustrations and their Safavid counterparts, see ina!
1984.

234-235 4 New themes in Ottoman painting

Ottoman albums and single-folio paintings
192 A literary gathering of two
young men. Album painting, ca. 1610,
TSM , B. 408, fol. 28a.
193 Coffee-House. Album painting,
ca. 1610, DCBL, T. 439, fol. 9a.
194 Resting on a riverbank. Album
painting, ca. 1720-1730, TSM, H. 2148,
fol. 8a.
and jewelry are meticulously depicted
in the attires of single figures - par-
ticularly of women - set against a plain
background. The musical festivities of
women, masked performances, and rural
scenes imply that a fresh range of sub-
jects has entered into Ottoman painting.
Another album closely related to that
of Kalender is preserved in Dublin. 24
Several paintings in this album, for
example the scenes depicting young
men sitting in the countryside, relax-
ing with wine and music, are marked
albums include valuable samples of cal-
ligraphy, illumination, and paper cut
technique. The scenes particularly point
to the significant changes in content
and style in early seventeenth-century
Ottoman painting. Genre scenes are also
encountered in other albums in the pal-
ace collection. Among these, the illus-
tration portraying a notable resting on
the riverbank is an interesting example
(fig. 194). 26 While horses are groomed
on one side, dough is kneaded and food
is cooked on the other. An interesting

by a stretch of landscape in the back-
ground giving a sense of depth (fols 2b,
3a, 10a).25 Another painting is a genre
scene in the truest sense with figures
in a coffee parlor playing backgam-
mon, making music, or chatting over
coffee. Even the coffee stove itself all
depicted in great detail (fig. 193). Both
view of nature stands out in the back-
ground. Pulling a hay-filled ox-cart, a
villager is about to cross the bridge over
the river. In the background, hills lined
across several planes, trees at the foot of
the hills, and the meandering riverbanks
render the composition a sense of depth.
The artist clearly seeks a third dimen-

24
DCBL, T. 439. Minorsky 1958, pp. 68-71, pls 29-34.
25
For the reproduction of one of these paintings see Minorsky 1958, pl. 29.
26
TSM, H. 2148, fol. 8a. Renda 1977b, p. 30; Renda 1988, p. 51, fig. 40.

236-237 4 New themes in Ottoman painting

sion in the illustration. It is evident that
he carefully observed his surroundings
and toyed with spatial compositions that
could be considered innovative in the
miniature tradition.
Numerous European books, maps,
and engravings found their way to
the Ottoman palace in the seventeenth
centmy. Placed in various albums, the
engravings, mostly of French or Dutch
origin, include landscapes, rural scenes,
or mythological and religious illustra-
tions.27 For example, one of the illus-
trations symbolizing various phases of
human life is entitled, "adolescence".
Both this scene and the engraving that
portrays the story of Romulus killing
Amulius feature the typical character-
istics of seventeenth-century Baroque
painting (figs 195-196). The exaggerated
facial expressions, the undulating lines,
27
For albums from ISM (H. 2135, H. 2148), see Kundak 2009. For an engraving from H. 2148, see
Anl 1978, fig. 20.
28
See pp. 215-221 in this book.
Ottoman albums and single-folio paintings
and the increasing depths of space draw
immediate attention. The collection and
preservation of such engravings - dated
from the early seventeenth to eighteenth
centuries - in the albums shows the
court's interest in such works. There is no
doubt that the court artists were familiar
with the European illustrations in the
albums. These illustrations also played
a significant role in the search for new
techniques and styles that would become
increasingly rooted in Ottoman painting.
For example who was introduced
194
earlier through his illustrations in histori-
cal and literary manuscripts, employed
similar techniques to convey a sense of
depth in his paintings. 28
During the seventeenth century,
albums were also produced outside of
the palace in Istanbul. Dominated by
single-figure drawings, these are gener-
 195 Adolescence. Album painting,
ca. 1720-1730, TSM, H. 2148, fol. 17b.
196 The murder of Amilius by
Romulus. Album painting, ca. 1720-
1730, TSM, H. 2148, fol. 21b.
197 Deli Huseyin Pasha. Costume
Album, 1645-1648, IDM, 2380,
fol. 89a.
ally known as "costume albums." These
albums, mostly produced for the foreign
market, must have been illustrated by
artists working outside the palace. Such
artists in town are known to have exist-
ed since the sixteenth century and their
work is of great significance. 29 As indi-
cated by the famous seventeenth-cen-
tury Ottoman author Evliya the
artists were included just as illuminators
and bookbinders among the guilds of
artisans in Istanbul. For example Evliya
speaks of nearly a thousand individu-
als working in the upper story of the
Arslanhane (The Hall of Lions) and in
a hundred other shops. Evliya
refers to these artists as "esnaj-1 nak-
cihan" (guild of painters of the
world), mentions their masters from the
of the palace were occasionally invited
to the palace for specific commissions. 31
These artists executed paintings for
various patrons and prepared costume
albums in their shops.
Since the fifteenth century, Europeans
had been intrigued by attires worn both
by court members and by subjects of
different social classes and regions.
Increasingly after the sixteenth century,
political and commercial relations brought
many Europeans, diplomats, merchants,
and travelers to the Ottoman Empire.
Some of these published their memoirs
with images of the Ottoman lands and
costumes. The introduction of Ottoman
costumes to the western world was pio-
neered by drawings published in books
by Nicolas de Nicolay/ 2 who accompa-

195-196

previous centuries, and adds that these
artists painted buildings and objects as
well. 30 He further notes that the forty
artists he refers to as "esnaj-1 nakka-
musavviran" (guild of illuminator-
painters) working in four different shops
drew portraits and historical paintings.
The payment records found at the pal-
ace indicate that artists working outside
nied the ambassador Gabriel d'Aramon
- sent to Istanbul in 1553 by the French
King Henry IT (r. 1547-1559) - and by
the German painter Melchior Lorichs of
Flenburg33 in the retinue of ambassador
Augier Ghislain de Busbecq, who was
sent to the Ottoman palace by the Holy
Roman Emperor in 1555. Following these
two books, illustrated travel journals and

29
The term "bazaar painters" was coined by Metin And to identify painters working in private
workshops outside of the palace. And 1985a. Also see And 1990; And 2002, pp. 15-17.
30
Evliya c;elebi 1996, p. 261; Mahir 2005, p. 73.
31
A document dated 1583 related to the production of TiEM Zilbdetil't Tevarih (no. 1973), cites
artists "brought from the surrounding areas" to work with the court artists on the manuscript.
32
illustrations of Ottoman life and costumes, Nicolay's Les Quatres premiers livres de navigations
et peregrination orientales was printed in Lyon in 1568. For the new edition, see Nicolay 1989.
33
Lorichs had hoped to print the illustrations he drew in Istanbul in two volumes, but the book
was printed after his death: Wolgerrissene und geschnittene .figuren in Kupfer und Holtz durch den
Kunstreichen witnerilmbten Melcher Lorch .fiir die Mahler Bildhawer unde Kunstliebenden an Tag
geneben, 1619.

238-239 4 New themes in Ottoman painting

costume albums were widely published
across Europe.34 Referred to as "costume
book" by the British and "trachtenbuch"
by the Germans, the costume albums
sometimes included a brief introduction;
often the texts were merely confined
to captions below or above the illustra-
tions.35 The albums that displayed the
lands, ethnic origins, and social status of
individuals were quite popular in Europe
during this period. Increasingly intrigued
by different lands, the Europeans began
preparing costume albums on a number of
countries; Ottoman costume albums thus
became widespread as well. Such works
served as guides to travelers and helped
them to understand the structure of a for-
illustrations available. Depending on the
buyer, the illustrations were captioned
with explanatozy notes in Italian, French,
English, and sometimes in more than one
language. Often taken abroad by foreign
travelers, the majority of these albums
are currently preserved in museums,
libraries, and private collections outside
of Turkey. 39 They are significant docu-
ments that shed light on the activities of
lesser-known painters outside the palace.
Having traveled to Istanbul as the
representative of the Turkey Company
in 1616, Peter Mundy commissioned an
album comprised of a variety of Ottoman
costume illustrations. Dated 1618 and
known by his name, the first album that 197

eign society.36 With a few exceptions, six-
teenth-centuzy Ottoman costume albums
were illustrated by European artists. 37
After the sixteenth century, such
albums were produced in Istanbul as
well. 38 Their illustrations document
Ottoman palace officials as well as cos-
tumes worn by subjects of certain pro-
fessional or ethnic groups. The random
arrangement of the illustrations in some
albums, the change in the writing style
from one page to the next, the disarray
of page numbers, and even the diver-
sity of painting styles all indicate that
a mass production took place at the
workshops. The number of illustrations
was determined on demand and the
albums were compiled from the single
Mundy brought to London is of the same
type as a second album dated to 1620-
1622. Both albums include single figures
documenting male and female costumes.
The paintings in the Mundy album are
placed between elaborate paper-cut dec-
orations. The second album is simpler. 40
Prepared in the mid-seventeenth cen-
tuzy with mostly Italian captions, a third
set of costume albums, which currently
has eleven known copies, constitutes a
separate group. Relatively smaller in size,
these albums are roughly dated to 1640-
1660, corresponding to the reigns of
Sultan ibrahim (1640-1648) and Sultan
Mehmed IV (1648-1687). 41
The only example from this group
found in the museums of Turkey is pre-

34
Costume albums produced during the second half of the sixteenth century are preserved in
various European museums and libraries: DSLB 1. Kassel Landesbibliothek (MS. Hist 31) ; Dresden
Kupferstichkabinett (Ca. 169-170); Bremen Staats und Universitatsbibliothek (Ms. Or.9) ; Coburg
Kunstsammlungen der Veste Coburg (Hz. 12); VONB (cod. 8615, cod. 8626, 3325); PNBF (Od. 2);
Oxford, All Souls Collection (Ms. 314); OBL (Or. 430); Cambridge, Trinity College (James No. 896);
Athens, Gennadios Library (AB, 896), Jerusalem, L.A. Mayer Memorial Museum (No. 930). For the
contents and illustrations of the albums from this period, see And 1993.
35
Renda 2003, pp. 1096-1099, footnotes 32-34.
36
Schick 1999, pp. 625-628.
37
Currently located at the Herzog-August Bibliothek in Wolfenbtittel, album Ms. No. 206 was
illustrated by an Ottoman artist, whose style is closely related to Osman's. Haase 1995 ;
Hasse 2002; Schick 1999, p. 627, footnote 11. Another album (Ms. Or. 9) located at the Staats und
Universitatsbibliothek in Bremen features details that evoke the style of Ottoman artists of the
period. Koch 1991. Currently preserved in a private collection, an album entitled Diirr-i $ahvar
(Magnificent Pearl), which was compiled by Seyyid Ali b. Seyyid Mustafa el-Bursavi and copied
on 25 July 1589 (15 Ramadan 997 AH), contains fifty-one illustrations depicting barbers, coffee
parlor owners, dervishes, young men and women standing, seated, on horseback, holding a book
or a flower. Each illustration features a single figure; the identities of most figures are revealed
in the captions next to the portrait. These paintings are portraits of sixteenth-century dwellers of
the capital and, in a sense, reflect the same convention as the single-figures in costume albums.
Geneva 1985, p. 135, No. 108.
38
Schick 2003.
39
Renda 1998, pp. 153-178.
"" A briefe relation to the Turckes, their Kings, Emperors and Grandsigneurs, LBL, 197 4-6-17-013
(Mundy Album) and LBL, 1928-3-23-046. Titley 1981, pp. 2-3, 20-21 , pl. 4 ; Sinemoglu 1991.
41
The dimensions of these albums are approximately 10 x 17 em. See Renda 1998, pp. 171-177,
for a comprehensive list.

Ottoman albums and single-folio paintings

 198 A bride. Costume Album, 1645-
1648, IDM, 2380, fol. 112a.
199 Interior of a caravansaray.
Costume Album, 1650-1660, VMC,
Cicogna 1971 (gia MCCCXLVIII), fol.
171 (from Istanbul 1995).
200 Sultan Mehmed IV and
musicians. Costume Album,
1650-1660, VMC, Cicogna 1971 (gia
MCCCXLVIII). fol. 175 (from Istanbul
1995).
198
served at the Istanbul Deniz Mtizesi (Naval
Museum). The note offering the name
of its owner on the first folio indicates
that it belonged to the collection of an
Englishman. 42 The 124 illustrations of the
album include portraits of sultans Murad
N and ibrahim. Furthermore, the inclu-
sion of Rania commander Deli Htiseyin
Pasha's portrait suggests that the Ottoman
campaigns to Crete in this period were
also taken into consideration (fig. 197).
The campaigns were conducted between
1644 and 1669, the year in which the
island was finally seized. Thus the dip-
lomatic relations between the Venetian
Republic and the Ottoman Empire were
strained but intense during this period.
Hence, it is possible to date the album to
1645-1648. The absence of Mehmed N's
portrait in the album confirms this date. 43
There are explanatory notes next to
the two sultan portraits in the album.
The inscription next to the portrait of
Murad N reads, Conquistatore di Babilo-
nie (conqueror of Babylonia), and notes
that he is the brother of Sultan ibrahim.
Deli Htiseyin Pasha is referred to as the
"Hanya Pasha" (Pasha of Rania). Each
illustration features a caption in Italian
above, as well as a Turkish title in
Ottoman script below. The album also
includes images of the grand vizier and
various state officials, members of the
military class, tradesmen, and merchant
groups. Among the female figures are
the illustrations of haseki kadtn (child
bearing favorite of the sultan), female
musicians, and a veiled bride with her
trousseau displayed (fig. 198). The note
next to the illustration indicates that her
veil remains unopened until the wedding
night. A similar album is preserved in
Berlin. It is also written in Italian and
dated to the 1650's.44 Both albums con-
tain almost identical illustrations. The
Berlin album, however, features several
additional themes, such as two lovers
embracing and a woman bathing at a
hammam. 45 Another album that begins
with the portrait of Sultan ibrahim is
currently preserved in Warsaw. 46 Anum-
ber of single folio costume illustrations
found in other museums and collections
must have been produced in the same
workshops, during the same period. 47
Two albums, compiled roughly
between 1640 and 1660 are different in
content, yet reflect the style of the same
period. These two albums housed at the
Marciana Library and the Correr Museum
in Venice hold a distinctive place among
the other albums with Italian captions.
Their illustrations are not restricted to
costume studies as some of them repre-
sent certain places or events. The illus-
trations of the album at the Marciana
Library resemble the albums mentioned
above. 48 The Cicogna album at the Correr
Museum, on the other hand, cannot
entirely be considered as a costume
book. 49 Its fifty-six illustrations are dis-
tinct, as they reflect the experiences
of the Venetian bailos Soranzo and
Ballarino in Istanbul. In 1649, the grand
vizier Sofu Mehmed Pasha convened the
Venetian delegation, but upon realizing
that Venice would not relinquish Crete,
he arrested the diplomats and imprisoned
them at the Yedikule dungeons. In one
of the illustrations, a hand-tied Soranzo
appears in front of the dungeon where
he is imprisoned. 50 A year later, in 1650,

42
Four gastronomy-related illustrations from this album were previously published by Giinay Kut.
See Kut 1984. The album was displayed in the Women in Anatolia exhibition held at Topkap1
Palace Museum in 1993. See Istanbul 1993, pp. 112, 205.
43
On Cretan battles and Ottoman-Venice relations in this period, see Yiicel-Sevim 1991, pp. 88-97,
139-145, 165-168.
44
BSMK, Lipp 17, 116. Renda 1998, figs 4-6, 8-14. The album was displayed at an exhibition held
in Frankfurt in 1985 See Frankfurt 1985, p. 69, 1/32.
45
Renda 1998, figs 17-18.
46
Biblioteka Narodowa in Warsaw. Zajaczkowski 1965a; Majda-Zajaczkowski 1967, p. 129, figs
44-45.
47
Renda 1998, pp. 157-158.
48
Poggi diverse del vestire dei Turchi, VBNM, Cod. It. N. 491 (5578). 23.5 x 17 em; sixty-four
paintings. See Venice 1993, pp. 4, 12-14.
49
The dimensions are similar to other examples (21 x 15 em). This album was displayed at the
Vedute di Venezia ed Istanbul Attraverso i Secoli exhibition held at the Topkap1 Palace in 1995.
See Istanbul 1995, pp. 223-294. Also, see And 1990, pp. 5-12. In 1925, Taeschner published a lost
supplement that was a part of this album: Taeschner 1925.
50
Istanbul 1995, p. 272, fig. 189.

240-241 4 New themes in Ottoman painting

bailo Soranzo returned to his country
with much difficulty. Another chain of
events portrayed in the album entails
the land and naval battles against the
Venetians in the <;:anakkale (Dardanelles)
straits in 1655. These include the battle
of the Ottoman and Venetian ships near
<;:anakkale and the fall of the Limni for-
tress.51 The album also includes several
genre scenes, such as the illustration of 199
a caravansaray (fig. 199). Travelers on
horseback entering the market building
and the shops catering to them at the
gate document the commercial life of
Istanbul. Another interesting painting
shows Mehmed IV listening to lady musi-
cians (fig. 200). Next to him stands the
chief black eunuch. Musicians perform
with various instruments before him. The
costumes of women and the headdresses
of the period are depicted in great detail.
This volume complements the album that
was published by Taeschner, but lost in
the ensuing years.
The Italian captions in the major-
ity of the albums and the inclusion
of events and individuals concerning
Venice suggest that they were originally 200
designed for Italians. The delegations
that visited Istanbul due to the conflicts
between the Venetian Republic and the
Ottoman Empire on Crete and other
islands must have taken an interest in
these types of albums. The similarities
of size, content, and illustrations of the
albums suggest that they were produced
in the same years and at the same
Istanbul workshops.
The albums dated to subsequent
years are markedly different; their
details are richer and more figures are
included in the paintings. Not only a
diversity of individuals, but also their
professions or activities - such as
barbers cutting hair, or women bath-
ing in front of a basin in the ham-
mam - are portrayed. Currently pre-
served in Stockholm, an album with
122 illustrations and accompanying
captions in Swedish was purchased
by Claes R;'Uamb, who was sent to
Istanbul in 1657-1658 as an ambas-

51
Istanbul 1995, pp. 280-282, figs 197-198.
52Swedish Royal Library Ralamb 8.0 Nr. 10. Stockholm 1985, p. 205, No. 16; Renda 1990, pp.
10- 15; Renda 1998, figs 26, 28; Majda 2006, pp. 197-265.

Ottoman albums and single-folio paintings

201 Hamza flies towards Mount Oaf
on Simurgh. Album painting, ca. 1750,
TSM, H. 2134, fol. 2.
202 Adam, Eve and their sons.
Anonymous, Si/silename, 1682, VGM,
Kasa 4-181-4, fol. 9b.
203 Murad IV, ibrahim I and Mehmed
IV, signed by Musawir Hi.iseyin.
Anonymous, Si/silename, 1682, VGM,
Kasa 4-181-4, fol. 40a.
201
sador to Mehmed IV. 52 An album found
in Vienna also includes similar genre
scenes. 53 Other albums of this kind are
encountered in auction catalogues. 54
A careful study of such examples
reveals that local production of costume
albums commenced in the late sixteenth
century and significantly increased
in the seventeenth century. The great
resemblance in content and style in these
albums indicates that a specific size
and stereotype must have been created
and that the paintings replicated each
other accordingly. The same costume
stereotypes have been repeated since
the aforementioned illustrated book of
Nicolas de Nicolay. Undoubtedly, addi-
tions and changes were made according
to the interests of the patrons. Evidently,
the illustrations in these albums are
the joint products of Eastern tradition
and Western aesthetic taste. The local
masters adapted the Ottoman miniature
tradition to the costume stereotypes cre-
ated by the Westerners.
The large-sized loose-leaf paintings
created in the second half of the seven-
teenth century, presumably for display,
constitute a different genre. 55 Most likely,
the large paintings included and survived

53
VONB Cod 8574. Vienna 1983, p. 96.
54
With the date of 1660 on the portrait of Mehmed N album, the album published in the 1989
Sotheby's auction catalogue is the latest example of the group. For the album with French and
Turkish captions, see Sotheby's 1989, Lot 109.

242-243 4 New themes in Ottoman painting

in palace albums were used to accom-
pany storytelling. 56 The mqj ority of these
are comprised of sultanic portraits and
the tales of the prophets. An illustration
of Prophet Muhammad's uncle Hamza
An innovative artist of the late
seventeenth century: Musavvir
Huseyin lstanbuli
Following the reign of Mehmed IV, 202

(d. 625) flying towards Mount Qaf on the
mythical Simurgh portrays one of the
widely known Hamza stories in perform-
ing arts (fig. 201). Hamza's legendary life
and extraordinary adventures constitut-
ed the contents of the works collectively
known as the Hamzaname (Book of
Hamza) in folk literature. They were read
at the garrisons of the Janissary Corps, at
the frontier castles and coffee shops, or
were narrated by storytellers. 57 This illus-
tration was possibly used to complement
a similar narrative. Dressed as an Arab
warrior, Hamza holds a lion-headed
mace in his hand. Flying between the
douds and the stars, Simurgh's body is
comprised of various human and animal
depictions. 58 In the large-scale sultanic
portraits, the majority of the sultans
are depicted on horseback; the captions
above the portraits reveal their identi-
ties and deeds. 59 Such illustrations were
possibly used in oral accounts about the
sultans. Narrating stories with images is
an Asian tradition that has permeated to
Persia and Anatolia. 60 The accounts of
Evliya and Selaniki also confirm
that this tradition was highly popular
among the Anatolian public and that the
illustrations were used in musical and
oral performances at the festivities in
Istanbul. 61 It is argued that such illustra-
tions were made by the artists outside of
the palace and were probably presented
as gifts to the palace during religious
holidays, weddings and circumcision
ceremonies. 62
innovations began to emerge in Ottoman
painting. The residence of Ottoman sul-
tans at the Edime Palace in the second
half of the seventeenth century required
the court artists to resume their activi-
ties there. While only a few of the man-
uscripts prepared at the royal studio in
Edime have survived, some silsilenames
(genealogies) and costume albums reflect
the new trends in Ottoman painting.
Active in the late seventeenth cen-
tury, particularly in the 1680s and 90s,
Musavvir Htiseyin, played a significant
role in Ottoman painting. The renowned
artist signed his works as Htiseyin el
Musavvir or Htiseyin Istanbuli, indicating
that he was of Istanbul origin even if he
worked in Edime. There is very little infor-
mation available on the life of Musavvir
Htiseyin. However, it appears that he was
a well-accepted, active artist of the palace
during the reigns of Sultans Mehmed IV
and Silleyman ll (1687-1691). 63 In fact,
compared to earlier examples, his sultanic
portraits are more realistic in style.
Musavvir Htiseyin upheld the tradition
of medallioned genealogies (silsilename),
which was common in the late six-
teenth century. Associating the lineage of
Ottoman sultans with the Islamic past and
the prophets back to Adam, the portraits
of these genealogy books reveal certain
innovations while their content is similar
to previous examples. illustrated by the
artist, the Silsilename of 1682 (1094 AH)
ends with the portrait of Mehmed IV. 64
The seal-shaped signature next to the

55
The dimensions of the illustrations are approximately 38-40 by 20-30 em.
56
TSM, H. 2132-2134. Mahir 1999; Mahir 2005, pp. 74, 108, fig. 31; And 1985b, pp. 40-45.
57
Some of the Hamzaname copies preserved at Istanbul libraries contain records on when, by
whom, and in which coffee house they were read. See Albayrak 1997, p. 517.
58
Mahir 1999, pp. 127-128, fig. 9; And 1985b, p. 10. Encountered particularly in Mughal and
Safavid album paintings, the iconographic origin of similar animals -represented with various
animal and human body parts, as well as creatures- remains unknown. Possibly derived from
Indian legends, the use of this particular image in the body of Simurgh is possibly connected to
the supernatural character of this legendary bird.
59
See Mahir 1999, figs 8-9; Istanbul 2000, pp. 327-328, 330, for these portraits of the sultans.
60
Atasoy 1972b; Mahir 2005, p. 108, footnote 57.
61
Mahir 2005, pp. 138-139.
62
Mahir 2005, p. 139.
63
See Konyah 1970, pp. 46-56; Bayram 1981; Majer 1999, Istanbul 2000, pp. 336-349, for infor-
mation on the artist.
64
VGM, No. Kasa 4-181-4 No. 1872). A facsimile of the work was printed. Silsilename
2000. Also, see Bayram 1981, pp. 279-281.

Ottoman albums and single-folio paintings

204 An Ottoman lady. Costume sultan's portrait reads, "bende Hiiseyin el-
Album, 1688, PBNF, O.D. 7, fol. 4 (from Musavvir' (Painter Htiseyin, the servant).
And 2002). The artist pays great attention to detail,
and particularly to clothing. In the land-
scapes that he sets as background to the
prophets in medallions, he attains a sense
of depth and uses shading in certain
details. His figures have distinctive facial
expressions. Such details are apparent
in the illustration showing Adam and
Eve sitting next to each other (fig. 202).
The same feature is valid for sultanic
portraits as well. In his sultanic portraits,
Musavvir Htiseyin utilized earlier models
established by Dstad Osman in 1579 yet
204
the portraits of the sultans in his gene-
alogies appear more realistic. It is quite
apparent in the portrait of Mehmed N
that the artist closely studied the sultan
(fig. 203). The natural facial expression
of the sultan who is seated on an ornate
throne explains why the artist has chosen
to refer to himself as musavvir. Htiseyin
illustrated a second Silsilename, which is
closely related to the first. The note writ-
ten at the end of this second Silsilename,
presumably finished in 1683, reveals
that the work was commissioned by the
grand vizier Koca Mustafa Pasha, and
presented to the sultan before the Vienna
campaign. 65 Here, Sultan Mehmed N is
once again seated on an ornate throne;
the only difference is his turban and
the agha of the Privy Chamber standing
next to him. It is thought that Musavvir
Htiseyin painted a series of sultanic
portraits extending from Osman I to the
reigning sultan. 66
Musavvir Htiseyin was also active
during the reign of Sultan Stileyman
II. Two Silsilenames he prepared in this
period are different from the others in
terms of format. For the medallioned
portraits in this work, he employs a bust
form. The Silsilename currently pre-
served in Vienna includes the date 1692
(1104 AH) and the signature of Htiseyin
el-Musavvir. 67 The bust portraits of both
Mehmed N and Stileyman II stand out
with their natural facial expressions. The

65
VONB, A.F. 50. Two separate facsimiles of this manuscript were printed. Subhatu'l Ahbar 1968;
Subhatu'l Ahbar 1981. Also, see Stchoukine 1971, p. 71; Vienna 1980, pp. 248-250; Bayram 1981,
pp. 265-272; Majer 1999, pp. 463-464; Istanbul 2000, cat. 101.
66
Preserved at IOK (T. 9365), the portrait of Mehmed N showing him with his two privy chamber
pages is attributed to portrait painter Huseyin. Istanbul 2000, pp. 341-343.
67
VONB, A.F. 17. Majer 1999, pp. 464- 465 ; Istanbul 2000, p. 366, cat. no. 102.1.

244-245 4 New themes in Ottoman painting

same characteristics are observed in the
strikingly similar portraits found in the
Warsaw Silsilename, which include cap-
tions in French. 68
Other than the Silsilename cop-
ies, there are two albums attributed to
Hiiseyin in the Bibliotheque National
in Paris. The album dated 1688 was
probably commissioned by the French
diplomats in Istanbul and intended to be
a gift to King Louis XIV (r. 1643-1715)
introducing him to the new Ottoman
ruler Sultan Siileyman II, his palace, his
harem and Ottoman society. 69 The sec-
ond album is dated later and belongs to
the library of Louis XV (r. 1715-177 4).
However, it also contains a portrait
of Sultan Siileyman II, and the paint-
ings are executed by the same hand.
It is assumed that this album was also
brought to Paris by the French diplo-
mats, but was presented to the new king
in the ensuing years. 70 Apart from the
sultanic portraits of the period, both
albums include single figures of men and
women as well as genre scenes similar
to the previous costume albums. With
respect to their stylistic features, the
illustrations in these albums are attrib-
uted to Musavvir Hiiseyin Istanbuli.
The diversity in female figures attests
to a more frequent inclusion of female
themes in Ottoman painting in this
period. For example, in the illustration
depicting a court woman and her ser-
vant, the clothes, the elaborate depic-
tion of porcelain vases on the table, and
the natural facial expressions indicate
that the artist treated his subject like a
genre scene based on personal observa-
tion (fig. 204). The spatial arrangement,
color combinations, the softness of the
brush strokes, and the occasional shad-
ing not only show the artist's mastery
but also suggest the painter's familiarity
with European painting. It is assumed
that Musavvir Hiiseyin knew European
painting well and adopted European
68
Warsaw Biblioteka Narodowa, Boz 183. Majda-Zajaczkovski 1967, pp. 131-132; Istanbul 2000,
p. 344; Mahir 2005, p. 75.
69
PBNF, Cabinet des Estampes, Od. 6. Unver 1958b; Istanbul 2000, p. 344.
70
PBNF, Cabinet-des Estampes, Od. 7. Unver 1958b, p. VIII; Istanbul 2000, p. 344.
71
Istanbul 2000, p. 345.
72
See Renda 2003, pp. 1102-1103; Istanbul 2005, pp. 44-55, for cultural relations during this
period.
73
See Lewis 1982, pp. 156-167; Renda 2003, pp. 1104-1105, for seventeenth-century Ottoman
publications on Europe. For further information on relations, see Renda 2003, pp. 1103-1104.
Ottoman albums and single-folio paintings
pictorial conventions in the sultanic
portraits he painted for his European
clients as manifested in these two man-
uscripts.71 Following the same trend,
Levni, who was presumably a student
of Hiiseyin Istanbuli, and his contempo-
raries, brought new trends into Ottoman
painting in the early eighteenth century.
These trends and techniques
encountered in Ottoman painting dur-
ing the second half of the seventeenth
century are the products of an artistic
milieu in Istanbul. The diplomatic
and commercial relations between the
Ottoman Empire and European coun-
tries gained momentum during this
period. Working in the retinue of
European delegations frequenting the
Ottoman capital, the artists painted
official ceremonies, Ottoman costumes,
and interesting genre scenes. Hence,
an increasing number of European art-
ists began to assume their place in the
local art circles. 72 The Ottomans, on the
other hand, gradually became better
acquainted with Europe and developed
a renewed interest in European science
and culture. Many European scien-
tific texts were translated to Turkish.
Dutch geographer Jean Bleau's Atlas
Minor was translated by Katip
(d. 1658) and Atlas Major was trans-
lated by ibrahim Miilhemi (d. 1650).
Katip and Evliya dedi-
cated a large section to Europe in their
Cihanniima (Geographia Orientalis)
and Seyahatname (Book of travels),
respectively, popularizing information
about Europe and the Europeans. 73
Particularly after the 1683 defeat of
the Ottomans in Vienna and the subse-
quent Treaty of Karlowitz (1699), cul-
tural interaction between Europe and
the Ottoman Empire would intensify;
the planned westernization process of
Ottoman administrators in the eigh-
teenth century was to create a new
cultural and artistic environment.
The art of painting in Ottoman provinces

246-247
Ottoman paintings produced outside
the main centers, i.e. outside the pal-
ace, Istanbul, and Edime, were often
commissioned from local artists in the
second half of the sixteenth century by
Ottoman officials serving in provinces
such as Aleppo, Damascus, Cairo, and
Baghdad, and were intended either for
their own private collections or for pre-
sentation to the reigning sultan. 1
Cairo, Damascus and Aleppo
al-Qazwini's work on cosmology and
geography Adja 'ib al-makhluqat, and
as ground decoration appear to carry 205 Zi.ihre (Venus). ai-Oazwini,
the stylistic features of Aq Qoyunlu Adja'ib a/-Makh/uqat, 1520-1521, TSM,
Shiraz Turkman miniatures of the late- H. 408, fol. 17b.
fifteenth century.4 A Mamluk copy of
al-Qazwini's work prepared in the fif-
teenth century was probably used as a
model for this manuscript. A copy that
may have served as a model is yet to be
discovered; however, subsequent works
that are replicas of the Cairo example
in terms of their texts and illustrations
are known. One such work is a copy
with 520 illustrations, prepared in the
1620s in Aleppo or Damascus. Its paint-
205

its Persian and Turkish translations were

previously introduced through several
copies produced in Istanbul. 2 A copy
of the Arabic original preserved at
the Topkap1 Palace Library is the first
known illustrated manuscript executed
in a province under Ottoman rule. 3 It
was copied in Cairo in 1520-21 (927
AH) for the treasury of Sultan Siileyman
I. The binding, illuminations and the 286
illustrations of al-Qazwini's accounts
are of fine workmanship. Planetary
symbols are depicted in the illustrations
of the chapter on celestial bodies. In
three of these, Zilhre (Venus) is repre-
sented by a woman playing the ud (lute)
in the upper right (fig. 205). Below,
the seated man holding a sword in his
hand, looking at the human-faced sun is
Merih (Mars) (fig. 206). Finally, on the ing style is a poor imitation of the Cairo
left page, $ems (the Sun) is represented manuscript. 5 A second manuscript is
by two human-faced circles and by a the Turkish translation commissioned
man reclining between books (fig. 207). to Taha bin Muhammed in 1699-1700
The harmonic combination of uncon- (1111 AH) by Hac1 ibrahim Pasha, the
ventional colors and the gilded circles governor-general of Egypt. This trans-
representing stars across the dark-blue lation was copied in the same year in
sky are striking in the paintings. The Baghdad, includes and 244 illustrations
large flowers decorating the dark green, by a rather inattentive artist who fol-
violet and dark orange hilltops, and the lows the style and iconography of the
oversized figures are other outstand- Cairo example. 6
ing features of the illustrations. The Written by the Ottoman bureau-
typology of the figures and plants used crat Alaeddin Ali (d. 1543) and

1
Iamnd1 2001, pp. 501-508, 767-770.
2
Streck 1967, pp. 528-532. See pp. 204-205 in this book for several examples with Ottoman
illustrations.
3
ISM, H. 408. Karatay 1966, No. 7172; Iamnd12001, pp. 501, 767.
• Ianmd1 2001, p. 767.
5
Gotha Landesbibliothek, A. 1507. Riihrdanz 1977, pp. 119-126.
6
ISM, H. 400. Karatay 1961b, No. 1332. See Stchoukine, Flemming, et al., pp. 244-260; Majda
1999, pp. 177-183, for other illustrated copies of this text executed in seventeenth to eighteenth
centuries.

The art of painting in Ottoman provinces

206 Merih (Mars). ai-Qazwini, Adja'ib
ai-Makhluqat, 1520-1521, TSM,
H. 408, fol. 17b.
207 (Sun). ai-Qazwini, Adja'ib
ai-Makhluqat, 1520-1521, TSM,
H. 408, fol. 18b.
presented to Sultan Silleyman I, the
Hiimayunname is based on the Arabic
and Persian translations of Kalila wa
Dimna, the Fables of Bidpai. The stories
offer advice on social life, state admin-
istration, and morality through animal
tales in an elegant and allusive lan-
guage. 7 Regarded as an unprecedented
work in the art of Turkish prose, the
book was highly popular during and
after its conception, and a few illus-
trated copies were produced in the
late sixteenth and early seventeenth
centuries. The first known illustrated
manuscript of the Hiimayunname was
copied in ta 'liq script by Muhammed
b. Muhsin bin Burhan in the Ottoman
Egypt on April 1567 (Shavval 974 AH)
for the library of finance director (deft-
erdar) Mustafa. 8 Its thirty illustrations
were meticulously and elegantly painted
by a local artist within a narrow space
proportionate with the size of the book.
An unillustrated copy of the
Hiimayunname decorated with a beauti-
fully illuminated heading bears a colo-
phon identifying it as copied by
Mehmed Ahlaki in ta 'liq script on 13
June 1571 (20 Muharram 979 AH) at
the Aziziyah madrasa near the Umayyad
Mosque in Damascus. 9 At the end of
the text it is stated that the manuscript
was copied for an Ottoman bureaucrat,
Mehmed Aydmzade. Copied on
September 1604 (Jumada I 1013 AH) by
the same scribe, another Hiimayunname
contains ten elaborate illustrations. 10
While the provenance of this copy is not
indicated, the stylistic characteristics of
its paintings are closely related to those
of numerous works prepared in Ottoman
Baghdad in the late sixteenth and early
seventeenth centuries that will be dis-
cussed in detail below. Thus, after hav-
ing worked in Damascus, Scribe
Mehmed Ahlaki must have traveled to
Baghdad in the late sixteenth century to
work for new customers or for a patron
known to him from Damascus. 11
As mentioned earlier, Mustafa Ali,
who was appointed as the timar regis-
trar of Aleppo in 1578, completed his
historical book Nusretname in Aleppo
in 1581, and commissioned a copy from
local illuminators and painters. 12 It is
generally assumed that this work is the
illustrated copy of the Nusretname cur-
rently preserved in London. 13 Completed
on 25 April-4 May 1582 (Wednesday,
1-10 Rabi I 990 AH), the manuscript
includes six paintings, five of which
are spread over double pages. While not
comparable with those in the previously
mentioned copy prepared for the Sultan
Murad ill, these illustrations neverthe-
less bear stylistic features that resemble
the works of Istanbul court artists. 14 The
manuscript not only reflects the impor-
tance of the cultural and artistic envi-
ronment of Aleppo, but also epitomizes
the commission of an Ottoman official.
Written in the Mirror for Princes (Nasi-
hatname) genre, Mustafa Ali's Nusha-
tii 's-Selatin (Counsel for Sultans) was
also produced in Aleppo in 1581 (989
AH). A copy of this work was prepared
most likely in Aleppo in the same year
it was written. 15 Copied in the nasta 'liq
script by Kas1m, the illuminated heading
and halkari decorations on the margins
of the first two pages are the works of
a master. Only three of the folios with
blank spaces for the paintings have
actually been illustrated. Opting for
bright colors, the artist adheres to the
court style in his compositions. Safavid

7
Aklin 1989, pp. 315-318.
8
TSM, H. 359. inal 1976, pp. 439-465.
• TSM, H. 358. Karatay 1961b, No. 2842; Tanmd1 2001, pp. 502, 767. For another unillustrated
copy of text was completed in Damascus in 1586 (994 AH), see TSM, H. 365. Karatay 1961b, No.
2843; Tanmd1 2001, p. 502.
10
TSM, H. 357. Karatay 1961b, No. 2839; Tanmd1 2001, pp. 502, 768. According to a notation
on the flyleaf, the manuscript was obtained from the heritage of Mehmed Emin Efendi (d. 1802).
11
Having established numerous pious foundations in Damascus and appointed several times as
the governor-general of the province, Sokolluzade Hasan Pasha (d. 1602) met this calligrapher in
Damascus. As indicated later in this section, Scribe Mehmed must have come to Baghdad
during the governorship of Hasan Pasha. See pp. 255-256, 261 in this book.
12
Fleischer 1986, p. 105.
13
LBL, Add. 22011. Meredith-Owens 1969, p. 27, pls rv, XVI-XVIT; Titley 1981, No. 9, figs 6-7.
14
For the copy executed in the royal studio, see pp. 167-171 in this book.
15
TSM, R. 406. Karatay 1961b, no. 1525; Fleischer 1986, pp. 95-105.

248-249 4 New themes in Ottoman painting

illuminators and painters such as Veli
Can of Tabriz, were present in Aleppo
in the 1580s. 16 While the illustrations
of Nushatii 's-Selatin bear no relation
to the known works of Veli Can, his-
torical data shows that Safavid artists
were part of the lively artistic milieu of
the Ottoman elite in Aleppo. It is also
known that a similar rapport previously
existed in Aleppo during the second
half of the sixteenth century between
the celebrated Ottoman poet Bald and
the Safavid-Turkman painter and poet
Sadiqi Beg, who served as the book-
keeper of Shah Abbas I (r. 1587-1629)Y
Despite the lack of illustrated materials,
the information compiled from vari-
ous sources, though minimal, enables
researchers to speak of the existence
of an art milieu among the intellectual
circles of Aleppo.

Baghdad
The presence of the tombs of renowned
mystics in Baghdad, those of Ali ibn
Abu Talib in Najaf and of Husayn's in
Karbala prompted Muslim pilgrims and
mystics to visit these cities; the loca-
tion of Baghdad on the road that con-
nected the maritime trade of the Persian
Gulf to northern Mesopotamia, on the
other hand, attracted merchants of vari-
ous lands and religions to this city.
Starting with Baghdad and its envi-
rons, visiting the Holy Land on their
way to the pilgrimage in Mecca was
of utmost importance for both Shi'ite
and Sunni Muslims. It thus appears that
some artists arrived in Baghdad, visited
the Holy Land, and traveled on to Mecca
either in their older age or when they
found themselves without a patron. One
of the artists who journeyed to Baghdad
thus was the Khorasanite calligrapher
Hasan Ali Mashhadi. Towards the end
of his life he traveled from Herat to
Madina, and after having sojourned in
Baghdad for three to four years and
visited the holy shrines in the area, he
continued on to Mecca and Madina,
and died there in 1592-1593. When
he arrived in Ottoman Baghdad during

'
6
Fleischer 1986, p. 106.
17
Gandjei 1975, p. 114.

The art of painting in Ottoman provinces

208 Zayn ai-Abidin delivers the
Friday sermon at the Mosque of
Damascus. Fuzuli, Hadikatu's-Su'ada,
1594, ISK, Fatih, 4321, fol. 253a.
209 Hasan on his deathbed. Lami
c;:elebi, Maktel-i Al-i Resu/, 1602-1603,
TiEM, T. 1958, fol. 10b.
250-251
his visit to Karbala, Hasan Ali copied,
in ta 'liq script, some sections from the
mystic Abd Allah Ansari of Herat's
Munajat (Intimate Invocations), which
is a collection of essays on Sufism.
Currently preserved in two separate
volumes, the paintings and marginal
halkari decorations depicting a forest on
a dark background constitute dazzling
examples of their kind. Hasan Ali may
have copied this manuscript between
1588 and 1590. The illustrations and
marginal decorations were executed by
an artist from Mashhad, who possibly
migrated to Karbala with him. 18
It appears that besides migrant Safavid
artists, Ottoman bureaucrats serving in
Baghdad also invigorated, or were influ-
enced by, the cultural atmosphere of
the city. When Mustafa Ali arrived in
Baghdad in 1585, he met nearly thirty
poets living in the city. During his one-
year stay in Baghdad, Ali spent time with
Safavid poets and writers. After having
met and befriended Qutb al-din Yazdi,
who served as calligrapher and story-
teller in the court of the Safavid Shah
Tahmasb, Ali was inspired by Yazdi's
work on the biographies of renowned
Islamic calligraphers. After returning to
Istanbul, he wrote the Menaktb-t Hii.ner-
veran (The artists' exploits) on 1587 (995
AH) and dedicated this work to Hoca
Sa'duddin, the royal tutor. 19 During his
stay in Aleppo in 1583, Ali wrote the
Cam iii 'l-Buhur der Mecalis-i Sur (The
Compilation of the Seas on the Scenes
of the Celebration), which pioneered the
emergence of a new literary genre, the
Surname (Book of Festivity). 20 While he
was still in Baghdad, Ali commissioned
a deluxe copy of this work. It was cop-
ied in elegant naskhi script with blank
spaces provided for illustrations. The
paintings were never made; however,
the dedication to Sultan Murad III, the
name of Mustafa Ali, and the date 1585-
1586 (994 AH) are inscribed in dark-blue
naskhi script inside a medallion with an
illuminated frame at the beginning of
the book. 21
18
<;:agman-Tamnd1 1996, p. 140.
19
Fleischer 1986, p. 123, 127.
2
° Fleischer 1986, pp. 106.
21
TSM, B. 203. Karatay 1961b, No. 2347.
22
<;:agman 1979; Milstein 1990.
Similar to the Middle Ages, the lively
cultural atmosphere of sixteenth-cen-
tury Baghdad was supported by art-
loving administrators ruling over the
city. The existence of numerous illus-
trated books ascribed to 1590-1606 in
Ottoman Baghdad has led to stylistic
analyses and studies on the identity of
the patrons who commissioned these
works. 22 The stylistic features of the
paintings produced in Baghdad work-
shops are distinctly different from the
rigid, formal, and solemn style of those
from the royal studio in Istanbul. One
of the main characteristics of these
illustrations is the dynamic crowd of
figures wearing oversized turbans (figs
208, 209, 211). This crowd is comprised
of city dwellers of diverse cultures,
shaykhs and dervishes of various sects,
and Western travelers or merchants, as
well as religious figures; the chaos of a
city that embraces these different groups
is reflected in the illustrations. Drawn
from the front, side and back, they
are depicted in informal and familiar
poses and different postures, sometimes
with a grotesque, almost caricature-like
appearance. They are not portrayed
in tight rows, but rather in dispersed,
mixed groups engaged in various activi-
ties. The racial and cultural differences
are reflected in the faces and attires of
the figures (figs 210, 212, 213, 214).
Drawing on a rich imagination, the illus-
trations convey a vivid style through
which scenes from the daily lives of
ordinary people are also revealed. The
same richness and diversity is also
observed in the choice of colors. Yellow,
dark green, red, black, brown, bright
blue and in particular orange are fre-
quently used. Among other characteris-
tics of the illustrations are multi-colored
hills with convoluted contours, animals
peeking from behind or beside mas-
sive and dynamic trees that themselves
rise behind hills or curl to the sides, an
urban landscape that fills the empty
space in the upper comer, and terraced
structures filled with crowds. In some,
4 New themes in Ottoman painting
hills, trees, and figures extend beyond
the frame; spreading across the margins
often decorated with halkari, these cre-
ate impressive compositional elements
(fig. 214). Most of the manuscripts are
copied in the ta 'liq script by different
calligraphers. Depictions of urban cen-
ters with mosques used as shorthand for
the cities, oversized turbans on figures,
and the composition of figures in lines
to create an illusion of depth are all
elements related to Ottoman pictorial
conventions. Nevertheless, it is evident
that the repercussions of late sixteenth-
century illustrated manuscripts pro-
duced in Safavid Shiraz, 23 as well as the
style of a group of decorated, somewhat
Khorasan-eque books 24 - whose prov-
enance cannot be ascertained - have
23
illu-; 2000, pp. 73-96.
24
Milstein-Riihrdanz-Schmitz 1999.
The art of painting in Ottoman provinces
had an effect on the elements of nature,
colors, genre scenes, decorated interiors,
marginal halkari decoration, and illumi-
nations of these works.
Thematically, the Baghdad paint-
ings are distinct from the manuscripts
illustrated at the Istanbul royal studio.
Popular particularly among the Shiites,
literary works on the martyrs of the
Islamic world constitute the most fre-
quently illustrated books. Written by
Sufi poet and writer Lami (d.
1532?) of Bursa, one such example
is Maktel-i Al-i Resul (Killing of the
Prophet's Family), on the martyrdom
of the Prophet Muhammad's grandsons.
Of the two known illustrated copies of
this book, the one dated to 1602-1603
(10 11 AH) is preserved at the Museum
210 Malik removes Yusufs chains.
Fuzuli, Hadikatu 's-Su'ada, ca . 1595,
TiEM, 1967, fol. 33a .
211 Rumi meets with Shams Tabrizi
in Konya. Suhrawardi, Camiii's-Siyer,
ca . 1600, TSM, H. 1230, fol. 121 a.
212 Nahid's departure for Syria to
marry Darab. Firdawsi, Shahnama,
1595-1600, TSM, H. 1486, fol. 322a.
213 Entertainment of a nobleman in
the countryside. Fuzuli, Beng u Bade,
1599-1600, DSL, Eb.362, fol. 25a.
of Turkish and Islamic Arts in Istanbul. 25
In one of the paintings, the Prophet's
grandson Hasan is depicted on his
deathbed (fig. 209). Relatives watch in
despair while Hasan, lying on a bed
placed in the iwan, talks to his brother
Husayn. The architecture and the land-
scape reflect the climate of warm lands.
The renowned Turkish poet Fuzuli (d.
1556) spent his life across present-day
Iraq, in Hilla, Karbala, and Baghdad, and
wrote poetry in Turkish, Persian, and
Arabic. 26 Realizing that all accounts on
the martyrs of Karbala were in Arabic
and Persian, and that the Turkish elite
could therefore not learn the truth about
this tragedy, he decided to write a Turkish
version. Entitling his work Hadikatu 's-
Su 'ada (The Garden of the Blessed) and
basing it on Husayn Wa'iz al-Kashifi's (d.
1505) Rawzat al-Shuhada (The Garden of
Martyrs), Fuzuli begins with references
to the stories of the former prophets. He
then gives an account of the suffering
of the Ahl-al Bayt (The family of the
Prophet), the deaths of Fatima, Ali and
Hasan, and the martyrdom of Husayn
in Karbala. 27 The Hadikatu 's-Su'ada was
widely popular among Turkish statesmen
and members of various religious orders,
and was read like a sacred book, particu-
larly by the Prepared between
1594 and 1604, ten illustrated copies of
the text, all with miniatures executed in
the same style, have survived to date (figs
208, 210, 216). 28
The earliest known illustrated exam-
ple of Hadikatu's-Su 'ada is dated June

210-.2 11

25
T. 1958. The other undated copy is preserved at the LBL (Or. 7238). See <;:agman 1979, pp. 654-
655, figs 5-7 ; Milstein 1990, pp. 107- 108, figs 26-28, pl. XII.
26
Karahan 1996, pp. 240-246.
27
Fuzuli 2003 .
28
Milstein 1990, pp. 100-104, figs 10-23, pls V-VII.

252-253 4 New themes in Ottoman painting

1594 (Shavval 1002 AH). One of the
images in this copy portrays Zayn al-
Abidin, the son of Imam Husayn, deliver-
ing the Friday khutba (sermon) from the
pulpit of the Mosque of Damascus. The
audience consists of Yazid, the son of
the Ummayad caliph Muawiyah, and the
people of Damascus, including women
looking through the window (fig. 208). 29
One of the illustrations in an undated
copy depicts a scene from the life of the
biblical prophet Yusuf: after rescuing
Yusuf from the well into which he was
thrown by his brothers and buying him
from them, Malik has Yusuf unshack-
led and dressed in beautiful clothes
(fig. 210). 30 On the right, while Malik
converses with Yusuf, one of his men
puts shoes on the latter, while another
29
ISK. Fatih 4321. <;:agman 1979, p. 652, fig. 1.
30
TiEM, 1967. <;:agman 1979, p. 653, fig. 2; Milstein 1990, p. 102, figs 13-15, pls VI-VII.
31
New York, Brooklyn Museum, No. 70.143. Milstein 1990, pp. 103-104, fig. 22.
The art of painting in Ottoman provinces
holds the clothes he will be dressed in.
Yet another painting shows the moment
before Fatima's death (fig. 216). Realizing
that her death is imminent, a bathed and
beautifully dressed Fatima is about to
enter her room. The image features her
paternal uncle's daughter Asma on her
side, as well as Hasan and Husayn, who
have just bid farewell to their mother,
on the left. The colophon of a Hadi-
katu 's-Su 'ada copy with illustrations in
the aforementioned style, currently pre-
served at the Brooklyn Museum in New
York, attests to the fact that this style
was developed outside of the Istanbul
royal studio. Accordingly, the work was
copied in Baghdad by Scribe Husayn al-
Kashani in 15 November-14 December
1602 (Jumada II 1011 AH). 31
212-213
254-255 4 New themes in Ottoman painting
 Written in Turkish in his younger 214 Rumi converses with the water
days, Fuzuli's Beng u Bade is a masnawi monster. Mahmud Dede, Sevaktbu'/-
on hashish and wine. The only known Menaktb, 1599, TSM, R. 1479,
illustrated copy of this work contains fol. 115a.
paintings executed in the Baghdad style. 215 The crows burn the cave of
The information in the colophon not the owls. Kmal1zade Ali
only confirms that this style was devel- Hilmayunname, ca. 1600, TSM, R. 843,
oped in Baghdad, but it also helps iden- fol. 264a.
tify the patron of the manuscripts that
manifest a stylistic unity. According
to the colophon, the book was copied
in Baghdad in 1599-1600 (1008 AH) 215

by Scribe Mustafa b. Muhammad al-

Rizawi al-Husayni for Hasan Pasha, the
Ottoman governor-general of Baghdad.
One of the three paintings in the book
portrays an entertainment scene of a
nobleman in the countryside (fig. 213). 32
Dervishes of various orders are depicted,
all dressed in diverse costumes; a noble-
man is pictured above, sitting content-
edly amidst the boisterous crowd in the
countryside.
A history book with miniatures in the
Baghdad style cements the information
on the provenance and patron of the
works. A follower of the Suhrawardiyya
Sufi order which emerged in Baghdad,
Muhammad Tahir bin Shaykh Nurullah
al-Najibi al-Suhrawardi (alive in the
second half of the sixteenth centu-
ry) wrote his Cam iii 's-Siyer (Collected
Biographies) in Turkish. The sole known
illustrated copy of the work, possibly
the autograph version, is preserved
in two volumes at the Topkap1 Palace
Museum. 33 The text is a world his-
tory, beginning with the creation of the
universe. It covers the history of the
prophets, the epic history of Iran, and
the Islamic periods up to the Mongols.
According to the information the author
gives in the preface, the work was writ-
ten upon the request of grand vizier
Sokollu Mehmed Pasha's son Hasan
Pasha (d. 1602), who was appointed as
governor-general to Baghdad with the
rank of vizier. Thus, following Fuzuli's
Beng u Bade, the name of Hasan Pasha
once again appears in relation to manu-
script production in Baghdad. Historical

32
DSL, Eb. 362. Rtihrdanz 1982, pp. 143-162.
"H. 1369 (volume I); H. 1230 (volume II). Karatay 1961b, No. 1080-1083; Milstein 1990, pp. 110-
111, figs 35-38.

The art of painting in Ottoman provinces

216 The death of Fatima. Fuzuli, sources reveal that Hasan Pasha became
Hadikatu's-Su'ada, ca. 1595, TiEM, governor-general of Baghdad in 1598
1967, fol. 94b. and that he held this post until his
217 Timur's envoy in the presence of death in 1602. 34 Displaying all the fea-
Sultan Bayezid I. Mirkhwand, Rawzat tures of the Baghdad style, a miniature
ai-Safa, 1599-1600, LBL, Or. 5736, of Suhrawardi's work illustrates the
fol. 172b. meeting of Rumi with Shams Tabrizi
in Konya (fig. 211). At the center of
the illustration, Rumi, walking with his
disciples, converses with Shams, who
has appeared before him in dervish
216
clothes. Wearing large white turbans or
tall brown felt caps (sikke) and dressed
in loose robes predominantly in red,
yellow, and orange, the figures take up
most of the painting. Bunches of flow-
ers are placed intermittently on the dark
and light green background; a tree and
several animals appear behind the hill.
Silsilenames (Genealogy), known
also by the titles of Z iibdetii 't- Tevarih
and Subhatu'l-Ahbar, are abridged his-
torical accounts written in a genealogi-
cal format. Starting with Adam, they
outline the histories of outstanding
religious and historical figures, proph-
ets, early Islamic rulers, and Ottoman
sultans. In the Ottoman tradition, gene-
alogies of this kind date as far back as
Sultan Bayezid II. By the reign of Sultan
Siileyman I, they evolve into a well-
established historical genre. However,
the replacement of the names of the
individuals in the round medallions of
Silsilenames with their portraits, and
the production of a large number of
copies, was most possibly pioneered by
the Baghdad studios. Some copies of
these works feature introductory sec-
tions in Arabic and subsequent texts
in Turkish. They include portraits of
all prophets and saints recognized by
Islam, pre-Islamic Persian rulers, and
reigning members of Muslim dynasties.
Depicted in a seated position within
circles, the portraits are connected with
lines to indicate lineage; short, explan-
atory notes are inscribed next to their
names. Almost all Ottoman genealogies
begin with Adam and continue up to
Mehmed III, the reigning sultan. Many
copies were updated through the addi-
tion of stylistically different portraits

34
Gokbilgin 1964, pp. 325-329; Tamnd1 2003, pp. 133-136.

256-257 4 New themes in Ottoman painting

 of the sultans that ruled in subsequent
years. There are twelve extant copies
of the Silsilename, the illustrations of
which are in the Ottoman Baghdad
style. The end of the Arabic section at
the beginning of three copies indicates
that they were copied in 1597-1598
(1006 AH). The scribes of the manu-
217
scripts refer to themselves as "dwell-
ers of Baghdad" but do not identify
themselves, which indicates that the
manuscripts were copied in Baghdad. 35
Like Fuzuli's Hadikatu's-Su'ada, the
production of so many illustrated cop-
ies of Silsilename suggests that the
books were commissioned or purchased
by Ottoman officials either for their
private collections, or to be presented
as a gift to the sultan, or to high-level
court officials in Istanbul. 36 Among
these, an undated copy, attributable
to 1595-1600 due to the style of its
portraits, may be representative of
these nearly identical copies. Currently
preserved at the Topkap1 Palace, this
copy was extended during the reign
of Sultan Mustafa II (r. 1695-1703) by
the addition of those sultans follow-
ing Mehmed IIJ.3 7 Two pages from the
chapter on prophets feature their por-
traits connected to each other through
lines: Musa (Moses), Harun (Aaron),
Shu'ayb (Jethro), Danyal (Daniel) and
Isma'il (Ishmael) are depicted on the
right page; Davud (David), Silleyman
(Solomon), Zekeriyya (Zachariah),
Yahya (John the Baptist), Isa (Jesus)
and Iskandar-i Zulqarnayn, who was
included in the genealogy of the proph-
ets, are depicted on the opposite page
(fig. 218). Another double-page from
the manuscript's chapter on Ottoman
sultans shows Selim I and Silleyman
I inside connecting medallions on the
right side, and sultans Selim II, Murad
III and Mehmed III portrayed on the left
(fig. 219). As manifested in these exam-
ples, the sultanic portraits are based

35
Two of the manuscripts were copied by Yusuf b. Muhammad al-Dizfuli (ISM, H. 1591 and H.
1324), and the third one was copied by Abu Talib lsfahani (DCBL, T. 423).
36
See Istanbul 2000, pp. 43-47, 188-201, for general information about the Baghdad silsilenames.
See also 1979, pp. 658-660, figs 18-21; Milstein 1990, pp. 111-113.
37
ISM, A. 3110. Bayram 1981, p. 263, figs 27, 32, 41, 49, 54, 60; see Istanbul 2000, p. 373 for
the added chapter.

The art of painting in Ottoman provinces

 on the models developed for Dstad
Osman's $ema 'ilname. With the facial
features of the sultans, the objects some
218
of them hold, the details of their cos-
tumes and turbans, their sitting posi-
tions, and the cushions behind, these
portraits then are reduced interpreta-
tions of Osman's works (figs 91-93).
This similarity recalls the existence of
manuscripts or portraits that carried
such models from Istanbul to Baghdad.
In fact, $ema'ilname copies, ascribed to
Baghdad due their style, confirm this
connection. 38
The book entitled Sefername (Book
of Travels), which recounts the jour-
ney from Konya to Basra of Yusuf
Pasha, appointed to the Baghdad
governor's office in 1605-1606 (1014
AH), exemplifies the ongoing activity
of illustrated manuscript production in
Baghdad. 39 The seven miniatures of
the work are executed in the typi-
cal Baghdad style, which suggests that
Ottoman officials appointed to Baghdad
after Hasan Pasha continued to commis-
219 , r'""
sion works from local artists.
Although there is no indication on
the colophons to suggest that the works
were copied in Baghdad, the stylistic
features of the illustrations lead us
to assume that numerous illustrated
manuscripts were produced in the same
milieu of Baghdad as the aforemen-
tioned works. Currently preserved at
the Topkap1 Palace Museum, an undat-
ed illustrated manuscript of Kmalizade
Ali animal fable, Humayun-
name, includes paintings similar to
the ones in the 1604 copy mentioned
above. Its eighty-seven paintings stand
out with their nimble drawing style,
rich colors and figures with expres-
sive faces; the manuscript also features
freely executed marginal decorations. 40
According to one of the tales, owls
kill crows during a night raid. A vizier
of the surviving crows' ruler deceives
the owls into moving away from their
unsavory dwelling place and into a
beautiful cave. One night, when all
owls gather at the cave, the crows set
the sticks and twigs they have piled

38
See Istanbul 2000, p. 199, footnote 27, for information about the copies of the $ema'ilname that
may have been produced in Baghdad.
39
PBN, turc.127. Milstein 1990, pp. 88, 113-114.
40
TSM, R. 843. 1979, pp. 656-657, figs 11-13; Milstein 1990, p. 107, fig. 25, pl. XL

258-259 4 New themes in Ottoma11 painting

up at the cave's entrance on fire. The
illustration depicts the cave of the owls
as it is burned down. The extensive use
of orange and pale green, the spread
of gilded flames over the margins and
the lines, the black stains representing
the crows, and the depiction of a lone
owl fleeing the massacre outside of the
frame all create a powerful dramatic
impact (fig. 215).
The illustrated works in Baghdad
style are not exclusively written in
Turkish. They also include important
works of Persian literature. One such
example is the Rawzat al-Safa (The
Garden of Purity) of Mirkhwand, who
was raised in the rich cultural environ-
ment of Herat in the late fifteenth cen-
tury and was influenced by Sufi circles.
The eleven illustrations in the sixth
volume of the text copied in naskhi
script by Ali b. Muhammed Tustari in
1599-1600 (1008 AH) are executed in
Ottoman Baghdad style. 41 The illustra-
tion depicting Timur's envoys in the
audience of Sultan Bayezid I is modeled
on the historical books of the Ottoman
royal studio, especially the enthrone-
ment or audience scenes in the first
volume of Seyyid Lokman's Hiinerna-
me (fig. 217). In line with the tradi-
tion of Ottoman sultanic portraiture,
Sultan Bayezid I sits cross-legged on
the throne. He is flanked by aghas of
the Privy Chamber and state officials in
formal poses. Timur's two ambassadors
are visible in the foreground. Featuring
the conquests of Timur's army and the
audience scenes of Timurid rulers, other
illustrations of the manuscript are sty-
listically influenced by the miniatures
of the Zafarnama (Book of Victory),
attributed to late-fifteenth century
and to the celebrated artist Bihzad of
Herat. 42 All of these features demon-
strate that the artist who illustrated
the Rawzat al-Safa was familiar with
famous art collections from different
regions of the Islamic world.
Another Persian work illustrated in the
Baghdad style is Firdawsi's Shahnama,
41
LBL, Or. 5736. Milstein 1990, pp. 108-109, figs 29-32.
42
See Arnold 1930; Bahari 1997, pp. 70-81, for the illustrations in this copy of Zafarnama.
43
ISM, H. 1486. Atasoy-<;:agman 1974, p. 60, pl. 36; <;:agman 1979, p. 656, fig. 8; Milstein 1990,
p. 100, pl. N.
44
Eskandar Monshi 1978, pp. 958-959, 1076-1077.
The art of painting in Ottoman provinces
the various Turkish translations of which 218 Moses, Aaron, Shu'aib, Daniel
were previously introducedY Its paint- and Ishmael; David, Solomon,
ings are impressive with their rich colors Zechariah, John and Jesus. Yusuf b.
and proportionately crowded figures. The AbdOiatif, Si/si/ename, 1595-1600,
important figures in the miniatures stand TSM, A. 3110, fols 7b-8a.
out with their sizeable physiques and 219 Sultan Selim I, Sultan Siileyman
attire ornate with large hatayi motifs. I; Sultan Selim II, Sultan Murad Ill
Although bearing no relevance to the sub- and Sultan Mehmed Ill. Yusuf
ject matter, dervishes dressed in various b. AbdOiatif, Silsilename, 1595-1600,
robes representing their respective sects, TSM, A. 3110, fols 14b-15a.
and figures wearing Janissary headgears
are included in the crowd. One of the
fifty-five illustrations of the manuscript
depicts Nahid, the Byzantine emperor's
daughter, going to Iran to marry the
Persian shah Darab. According to the
Shahnama, a gold palanquin and a gold
crown were prepared for Nahid. Holding
bejeweled gold vessels in their hands,
sixty maidens wearing gold crowns were
seated in Nahid's palanquin, 300 camels
carried gifts for Darab, and high-ranking
priests and noblemen led the bridal
procession. The illustration depicts this
magnificent procession (fig. 212). Seated
in her ornate palanquin on the camel in
the upper right, Nahid parts her curtain
and looks directly at the viewer. Mounted
on their camels, the maidens in lavish
costumes hold vessels in their hands. By
depicting the two males on horseback
in front of the convoy in larger scale
than the other figures, the artist identi-
fies them as high-ranking priests leading
the bridal procession. It is not only the
style of the illustrations that identi-
fies this book as a product of Baghdad
workshops: the name Mahmud and the
date 1614-1615 (1023 AH), legible inside
the large oval seal stamped on the first
folio, also strengthen the connection to
Baghdad. Historical information sug-
gests that the owner of the seal, Mahmud
Pasha, (alive in 1623) was the governor-
general of Baghdad in 1608 and 1615.
His father was Yusuf Sinan
Pasha (d. 1605), the renowned admiral
who briefly served as grand vizier. 44
Similar to his predecessors in Baghdad,
Mahmud Pasha became a patron of book
artists of Baghdad and came to own this
 exquisite and lavishly illustrated copy of
Firdawsi's Shahnama.
Illustrated in a similar setting and
featuring stylistic parallels with the
aforementioned works, the Sevaktbu 'l-
Menaktb describes the miraculous
deeds of Rumi. A masnawihan (reciter
of the masnawi of Rumi) from Konya,
Mahmud Dede (d. 1602) translated the
text from Persian to Turkish in Konya
on the order of Sultan Murad III. One
of the two extant illustrated copies,
dated May 1599 (Zil-Qa'da 1007 AH)
is in the Topkap1 Palace. A painting
of the manuscript illustrates the fol-
lowing incident: after Rumi and his
retinue arrive at a thermal spring in
which a monster supposedly resides,
Rumi converses with the offending
monster, and convinces it to obey
him (fig. 214). 45 The painting extends
the frame and spreads to the margins.
The conversation between Rumi and
the monster takes place at the cen-
ter of the scene; at the bank of the
thermal spring, all kinds of creatures
swarm. The men and women around
Rumi watch the incident attentively.
As seen in the lower and upper parts
of the illustration, the people who
are unaware of the incident are busy
themselves with their daily chores.
Although the illustrated copies that
were produced nine years after its ini-
tial translation in Konya appear to be
the works of different artists, they are
nevertheless stylistically similar to the
miniatures of Bahgdad.
As manifested in the works dis-
cussed above, the name of Hasan
Pasha, son of the prominent grand
vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha, stands
out in the works produced in Ottoman
Baghdad. Hasan Pasha enjoyed affec-
tation and grandeur. During his gover-
norship in Baghdad, he commissioned
numerous works of art. One of these
was a throne ornate with branches,
leaves, and fruits in gilded silver. 46
During his time in Baghdad, he also
45
TSM, R. 1479. Unver 1973;
of the same work is at the Pierpont Morgan Library (M. 466) in New York. Schmitz, et. al. 1997,
pp. 84-90; Milstein 1990, pp. 97-99, figs 3-7, pis II-ill.
46
Gokbilgin 1964, p. 328.
47
Bagc1 1995a.
48
NYMMA, No. 45.174.5. Tanmd1 2003, pp. 133-136, fig. 1.
260-261
had a silver door made for the entrance
of the tilavet (recitation) room of the
Mawlawi convent in Konya. This ges-
ture demonstrated not only his love
of art, but also his interest in the
Mawlawi order. 47 Hasan Pasha must
have been one of the principal patrons
of illustrated manuscripts produced in
the workshops of Baghdad. Illustrated
in the Baghdad style, a portrait of
Hasan Pasha in a copy of the renowned
Ottoman poet Baki's Divan attests to
the intense transaction between Hasan
Pasha and the artists. 48 The painting
including Hasan Pasha's portrait is
located between the verses where Baki
indirectly refers to him. These verses
are, in fact, about the Safavid prince
Haydar Mirza, who was brought to
Istanbul as a peace hostage in 1590.
Hasan Pasha was assigned to meet the
prince in Anatolia and to escort him to
Istanbul. His name is not mentioned in
the poem; however, as the witness of
the incident, Hasan Pasha must have
guided the artist when the Divan was
illustrated in Baghdad. Although Baki
was undoubtedly the most famous
Ottoman poet in the second half of the
sixteenth century, a complete illus-
trated copy of Baki's Divan has not
survived to date. The illustration with
the portrait of Hasan Pasha possibly
belongs to a Divan copy with elabo-
rate paintings, presumably prepared
for Hasan Pasha in Baghdad. Only
several illustrated folios of this work
have survived to date.
Based on the examples mentioned
above, it appears that among Ottoman
provinces, Baghdad was the production
site of illustrated books as commodities
from the second half of the sixteenth
century until the early seventeenth
century. The subjects of a majority
of the works illustrated are related to
mysticism. Most of them are on Sufism,
some of the authors are Sufis, and
whether or not they bear any relevance
to the subject matter, Mawlawis or
1979, pp. 660-661, figs 22-24. The second illustrated copy
4 New themes in Ottoman painting
dervishes of other orders are included
in the illustrations. It is therefore pre-
sumed that the books were produced
in dervish convents, and - due to this
order's popularity in Baghdad - par-
ticularly in Mawlawi lodges, by artisan
Sufi masters for influential patrons
interested in Sufism, possibly to gener-
ate income for the order. 49

49
f;agman-Tanmd! 2005, p. 525.

The art of painting in Ottoman provinces

Revivals and innovations

264-265
The eighteenth and nineteenth cen-
turies were a period of moderniza-
tion for the Ottoman Empire when
consecutive reformist sultans initiated
an institutionalized westernization and
led to a profound cultural transforma-
tion in the Empire. During this period,
a new cultural milieu emerged, new
styles and techniques were explored in
all branches of art, and art education
was progressively institutionalized. This
period brought innovations to Ottoman
painting. Actually growing political
and commercial relations between the
Ottoman Empire and Europe in the
seventeenth century had already begun
influencing the cultural milieu. In paint-
ing, the genre scenes and costume
depictions predominantly compiled in
albums had replaced illustrated histo-
ries and certain Western trends made
their appearance towards the end of the
century. The illustrations of Musavvir
Hiiseyin, for example, were the products
of this new milieu.
In the eighteenth century, Ottoman
painting entered a true period of experi-
mentation and innovation. The reign
of Ahmed m (r. 1703-1730) is of vital
importance with respect to the develop-
ments in Ottoman painting. Actually it is
considered to be a rather peaceful period
in Ottoman history, although there were
certain conflicts. The Ottomans were
forced to declare war against Russia;
because the Swedish King Karl XII (r.
1697-1718) defeated by the Russians
had sought political asylum in the
Ottoman Empire. In 1711, the Treaty of
Poltava was signed with the defeated
Russians, and the Battle of Austria,
provoked by King of Austria Karl VI
(r. 1711-40), ended with the Treaty of
Passarowitz, which led to some territori-
al losses. In the ensuing years of Ahmed
ill's reign, particularly during the period
of grand vizier Damad ibrahim
(1718-30), peace was maintained. Later
' See Altmay 1973; irepoglu 1999c, pp. 15-24;
Era.
2
irepoglu 1986.
3
Several sections of this sefaretname were published. Yirmisekiz Mehmed Efendi Sefaretnamesi
1976. It was also translated to French: Sefaretname. Relation de l'ambasade de Mehmed Efendi a
Ia cour de France en 1721 ecrite et traduit par Julien Galland (Constantinople-Paris, 1757). See
Unat 1968, for sejaretnames written by Ottoman ambassadors.
• 1982, pp. 513-515 ; Lewis 1982, pp. 168-169.
5
irepoglu 1999c, pp. 29-35.
Revivals and innovations
referred to as the Tulip Era due to the
passion for flowers, or more specifically
tulips, the Ottoman Empire embarked
upon deliberate cultural interactions
with Europe. ' Drawings and engravings
of French palaces and gardens found
among several European sources pre-
served at the Topkap1 Palace Museum
attest to the fact that the embassies sent
to Europe by Ahmed ill and his grand
vizier not only observed the technical
and economic developments in Europe
but they also brought back books, draw-
ings and engravings on the cultural
institutions and activities in those coun-
tries. 2 Mehmed Efendi (Yirmisekiz (:ele-
bi) (d. 1732) and his son Said Mehmed
(:elebi (d. 1761), who traveled to France
in 1721 and 17 42, respectively, kept
abreast the art trends in France and
even commissioned their portraits to
French artists. In describing the impe-
rial ceremonies, palaces, and gardens of
France in his Sefaretname (The Account
of the Embassy) Yirmisekiz Mehmed
(:elebi also conveys his observations on
culturallife. 3
During the Tulip Era, the Ottoman pal-
ace experienced one of its most enlight-
ened periods; the fresh literary and sci-
entific milieu originating in the court of
Ahmed ill brought innovations to every
branch of the arts. In 172 7, (:elebizade
Said Efendi ordered ibrahim Miiteferrika
(d. 17 45) to establish a printing house
and started the publication of Turkish
books. The first book to be published was
the Arabic-Turkish dictionary known by
the name of its author, Vankulu. The
establishment of the printing house con-
stituted a significant stage in cultural life
and had a profound impact on the liter-
ary milieu. 4 The poets of the period broke
away from the Persian forms of the past,
focused on new, local themes. During
this time, music attained a true Ottoman
identity as well. 5 New trends appeared in
architecture and painting.
1987, for general information on the Tulip
 220 Sultan Selim I. Anonymous, Kebir
Musawer Silsilename, 1710-1720,
TSM, A. 3109, fol. 9b.
221 Sultan Ahmed Ill. Anonymous,
Kebir Musawer Silsilename, 171 0-
1720, TSM, A. 3109, fol. 22b.
222 A group of musicians, signed
by Levni. Album painting, 1720-1730,
TSM, H. 2164, fol. 17b.
22Q-221
266-267
Nakka§ Levni and his circle
Known by the pseudonym Levni,
renowned artist Abdtilcelil (d.
1732) and his circle breathed new life
into the art of miniature. Active in
Edime, particularly during the reign
of Mustafa II (r. 169 5-1703 ), Levni
is encountered in Istanbul after 1707.
While there is little information avail-
able on the life of the artist, his name
is mentioned in historiographer Hafiz
Htiseyin Ayvansarayi's (active between
1765 and 1787) Mecmua-i Tevarih (The
Compilation of the Histories) as poet
and painter. It is also noted that Levni
initially worked in saz style at the royal
studio and subsequently painted minia-
tures. 6 It is presumed that Levni was a
student of renowned Musavvir Htiseyin
in late seventeenth century. 7 Levni seems
to have had a privileged position in the
royal household. The epithet (a
title of respect) indicates that he was a
man of high esteem. 8 In The History of
• Ayvansarayi 1985, p. 175.
7
Majer 1999, pp. 463-471.
• It appears that Levni initially worked at the Edime palace and came to Istanbul in ca. 1707 upon
the request of the sultan. According to a document dated 14 November 1706 (6 Recep 1118 AH)
his daily wages in Edime was 20
p. 40-41, for the document.
9
See Istanbul 2000, p. 372, for the portraits. L'abbe Toderini notes that he saw the portraits made
for Cantemir. Toderini 1789, vol. III, p. 60; Renda 1977b, p. 35.
10
ISM, A. 3109. Renda 1977b, p. 204; irepoglu 1999c, pp. 52-85; Istanbul 2000, pp. 402-421.
" irepoglu 1999c, p. 40.
12
The text on the sultans was written later by the poet Mii.nib during the reign of Sultan Selim ill.
irepoglu 1999c, p. 54.
the Growth and Decay of the Othman
Empire written by Moldovan prince
Dimitrie Cantemir, who had lived at the
Ottoman Court with interruptions from
168 7 to 1710 as a honored hostage. The
author himself states that the portraits
of the sultans he used in his book were
painted by the chief artist of the sultan.
Hence, these portraits, which end with
that of Sultan Mustafa II, are attrib-
uted to N Levni. In the ensuing
years, engravings of these portraits were
made by Claude de Bose and printed
in Cantemir's book published in 1734.9
One of Levni's earlier works is
Kebir Musavver Silsilename (The Great
Illustrated Geneaology) which includes
portraits of twenty-three sultans, from
Osman I to Ahmed III. 10 It is assumed
that the artist began painting the por-
traits in Edime during the reign of
Mustafa II and added the portrait of
Ahmed III upon his return to Edime
when he presented the album to the
reigning sultan. In a petition he extend-
ed the Sultan in 1706, Levni writes that
he has been impoverished due to an
eye disease and wishes to present this
work, the Silsilename to the sultan. 11
Despite bearing the title of Silsilename
(Genealogy), the work is in fact akin to
a sultanic portrait album; it differs from
the sixteenth and seventeenth century
genealogies that extend from Adam and
Eve to the latest sultan in reign. In other
words, the portraits do not correspond to
a text and unlike its predecessors; they
are not placed in medallions, but are
painted individually on separate pages. 12
With these portraits, Levni started a new
era in sultanic portraiture. In these por-
traits, the sultans sit more comfortably
and appear more voluminous. While
the artist uses the iconography cre-
ated by Ustad Osman in the sixteenth
century and continued in the seven-
BOA ibnillemin Mii.stediyat 301. Also, see irepoglu 1999c,
5 New trends in Ottoman painting
teenth century, the lively expression
he renders to the faces distinguishes
this series. Free of stereotypes, the por-
traits attain a more natural appearance.
Although the detailed fabric motifs on
the costumes and cushions adhere to
the tradition of brushwork that goes
back to the saz style, there are novel-
ties. Decorative details borrowed from
European portraiture, such as ruffled
curtains, are frequently encountered in
the backgrounds. In the portrait of Selim
I, for example (fig. 220), the sultan sits
cross-legged, holding a bejeweled mace
on his knees. His fur-lined red kaftan,
bejeweled belt and dagger, the motifs on
his costumes and the cushion he leans
against demonstrate the fine brush tech-
nique of the artist. The ruffled curtain in
the upper right comer; however, is a new
motif. The color gradations and light and
shade effects in the drapery folds and the
curtains in the background indicate that
the artist is freely introducing new con-
ventions. The expression of vehemence
and determination felt in Selim I's face
reflects the personality of a sultan who
realized significant conquests.
Ahmed III's portrait closely resem-
bles the portraits of Mehmed IV in
the medallioned silsilenames painted by
Musavvir Hiiseyin (figs 221, 203). While
some of the portraits painted by Nakka§
Hiiseyin 13 feature servants behind the
sultans, in this portrait of Ahmed III, the
figure next to the throne is the crown
prince. The reversible kaftan of the
prince matches the sultan's. The high-
backed, elaborately decorated throne of
the sultan is ornate with popular motifs
of the period, such as tulips and hya-
cinths. The variety of motifs is observed
on the carpet as well. The portraits in
Kebir Musavver Silsilename are used as
models in eighteenth-and nineteenth-
century portrait albums and genealo-
gies. Blending tradition with new con-
ventions, Levni started a new era in
sultanic portraiture.
Levni's portraits of single figures dis-
play similar features. These forty-eight
13
See Istanbul 2000, pp. 365, 369; see pp. 243-245 in this book.
14
TSM, H. 2164. See irepoglu 1999c, pp. 144-181, for all of the illustrations.
15
irepoglu 1999c, p. 144.
16
See pp. 242-243 in this book.
17
TSM, H. 2164, fol. 17b.
Revivals and innovations
portraits he presumably painted between
1710 and 1720 are compiled in a single
album. 14 Forty-two of these portraits
bear the signature of Levni, who often
signed his name on a plant in the lower
comer. Dressed in fashionable clothes of
the period, men and women - includ-
ing Europeans and Persians - who play
music, dance, recline, drink and smell
flowers, document the joyful and luxu-
ry-loving life style, as well as entertain-
ment and fashions of the time. In most
of the portraits, the name and
profession of the depicted
person is inscribed above. It
is believed that these portraits
were intended to illustrate
characters in popular sto-
ries.15 As stated above, such
tradition of representational
painting was widespread in
the seventeenth century. 16 In
these portraits the three-quar-
ters profile view is used and
the costumes, the headgear
and hairstyles are meticu-
lously depicted. Levni's musi-
cians attest to the popularity
of music, particularly among
women (fig. 222). 17 Here, four
women playing zurna (shawn
or double reed flute), musikar
(pan pipe), daire (tambourine)
and tanbur (long-necked lute)
are framed by an arch sup-
ported by two pillars. This
architectural detail implies
that the musicians are seated
in one of the porticoes of the
palace. As the young musi-
cians play the instruments in
their hands, they seem to be
absorbed in the profundity
of the music. The low-necked
dresses, wide belts, headgears wrapped
with laced kerchiefs display women's
fashion in the Tulip Era. The way Levni
has lined his figures in the composition
once again reveals his mastery in spatial
organization. The album also includes
individual portraits of a European man
223 A European woman, signed by
Levni. Album painting, 1720-1730,
TSM, H. 2164, fol. 13b.
224 Ok Meydan1. Vehbi, Surname,
1727, TSM, A. 3593, fols 1Ob-11 a.
223
268-269
and woman (fig. 223). 18 The European
woman is dressed in a low-necked dress
ornate with lace; she holds a fan in her
gloved hand and wears her hair down.
All the details of her attire, the motifs on
her fan and on the transparent -possibly
organza- skirt are elaborately depicted.
The same approach is also apparent in
the portraits of men. The artist must
have utilized the European books and
engravings that have found their way to
the palace. 19
There is no doubt that Surname-i
Vehbi (Book of Festivities by Vehbi) is
the most famous work of Levni and of
the Tulip Era. 20 Written by renowned
poet of the period Seyyid Hiiseyin Veh-
bi (d. 1736), this work constitutes one
of the last examples of Ottoman illus-
trated histories. Surname-i Vehbi is
the account of the festival held on
18 September-2 October 1720 on the
occasion of the circumcision of the
18
TSM, H. 2164, fols 13b-14a. irepoglu 1999c, p. 168.
19
See irepoglu 1986, for similar examples.
20
TSM, A 3593. Dnver 1949b, pp. 22-25; Renda 1977b, pp. 35-37; At!l 1993; At!l 1999; irepoglu
1999c, pp. 87-143. See Surname 2000, for the facsimile.
21
See pp. 146-149 in this book.
22
Suyolcuzade Mehmed Necib 1942, p. 70. BOA Ali Emiri Tasnifi, III. Ahmed 571. A document
dated 1721 (1134 AH) indicates the required materials and costs for the preparation of this work.
Ugur Derman introduced this document for the first time. See Derman 2005.
four princes of Ahmed III (Stileyman,
Mehmed, Bayezid and Mustafa) as well
as Damat ibrahim Pasha's son and five
thousand poor children. The twenty-day
long circumcision festivities took place
at the Ok Meydam and the Golden Hom
and ended with the circumcision of the
princes at Topkap1 Palace a week later.
Throughout the festival, the professional
guilds in the Empire displayed their
skills and products in front of the tents
set up at the Ok Meydam for the sultan,
grand vizier, viziers, other high-level
state officials, and foreign guests. The
sultan and the state officials watched
the evening spectacles at the Golden
Horn from the Aynahkavak Pavilion.
Similar to the circumcision ceremony
of prince Mehmed during the reign of
Murad III, these celebrations were also
aimed to demonstrate the power of the
Ottoman State. 21 The work is replete with
details that reflect the social structure of
the period. In the illustrations, emphasis
has been placed on the characteristics of
the environment, as well as the behav-
ior and reactions of individuals from
different segments of society. There is
no doubt that the objective behind the
depiction of this magnificent circumci-
sion ceremony is both to emphasize the
power of the Ottoman palace and to
express the longing for the widespread
festivities contemporaneously held in
Europe. Lavishly illustrated with 137
paintings, Surname-i Vehbi was com-
pleted seven years later. It appears that
while he was serving as qadi in Tabriz,
poet Vehbi was summoned to Istanbul
to write this work - which he began
immediately after the festivities were
over - and that Huseyin Bey (d.
1743) and Levni were the calligrapher
and artist of the work, respectively. 22
In 1725, Hiiseyin finished writing
the text in ta 'liq script; upon Levni's
completion of the illustrations, the work
was presented to the Sultan in 1727-28.
5 New trends in Ottoman painting
 The hundred thirty seven illustrations
in the Surname-i Vehbi are works of
Levni. Two of the miniatures (20b and
173a) are signed by the artist. The dou-
ble-page illustrations of the manuscript
deviate from the compositional design
of traditional Ottoman miniatures. The
sultan and his retinue are placed on the
right-hand page, whereas the spectacles
that take place before them are depicted
on the left-hand page. Such a compo-
sition provides a right-to-left flow. A
different method is also employed in the
multi-figured procession of the guilds.
Unlike classic miniatures, the figure
groups are placed across the scene not
in parallel or facing rows, but as lines
advance in a curve from top to bot-
tom, thus conveying a sense of depth.
Through such spatial arrangements,
23
ISM, A. 3593, fols lOb-lla. At1l 1999, pp. 242-243; irepoglu 1999c, pp. 96-97.
Revivals and innovations
Levni renders dimension to his composi-
tions. The depiction of the Ok Meydam,
where the spectacles take place, is such
an example (fig. 224). 23 Here, the artist
uses a higher skyline, thereby comfort-
ably placing the imperial tent of the sul-
tan, as well as the tents set up for guests,
in the large space that he thus creates.
The sultan's tent is located on the right,
whereas the tents of Damad ibrahim
Pasha and other officials are on the left.
The tents of women are placed in front
224
of the At1c1lar Tekkesi seen above. A
model fortress and saluting guns draw
attention in the foreground. Festivity
preparations are underway at the spec-
tacle area on the right. The buildings
lined behind the hills in the back further
expand the space. Levni uses such back-
ground details in numerous miniatures.
225 Parade of various guilds. Vehbi,
Surname, 1727, TSM, A. 3593, fols
139b-140a.
226 Performance of acrobats and
musicians at the Golden Horn. Vehbi,
Surname, 1727, TSM, A. 3593,
fols 92b-93a.
225
270-271
The combination of light and dark gra-
dations of green on the branches of the
tree is markedly distinct from the trees
in classic Ottoman miniatures, which
feature even the slightest veins on the
leaves. Levni thus employs techniques
foreign to traditional manuscript paint-
ing, such as light and shade and color
gradations.
The multi-figured scenes reflecting
the procession of the guilds reveal the
artist's mastery in creating space. In
the procession of fabric vendors, silk
thread vendors, ironmongers, sailors,
lighthouse keepers and jewelers (fig.
225), 24 for example, the royal tents of
the sultan and grand vizier are placed
in the upper section of the right page,
24
ISM, A. 3593, fols. 139b-140a. Atll 1999, pp. 51-52; irepoglu 1999c, pp. 135-136.
whereas the tent of European ambassa-
dors is in the upper section of the left.
In this particular scene, which includes
more than a hundred figures, several
guilds parade before the sultan in cir-
cular rows descending either in their
carts or on foot, holding their products
in their hands. Among these, a puppet
dancing with a tray on its head, a jug-
gler seated on an ox, and an acrobat
carrying a man seated on the jug on his
head draw attention. A special place is
allocated to the European ambassa-
dors among the audience. Presumably
French and Russian, these ambassadors
are seated in European-style chairs
with their dragomen standing beside.
The attires of the European guests are
5 New trends in Ottoman painting
elaborately depicted. The groups of
figures in Levni's compositions are cut
by the frame giving the impression
that a larger number of people were
included in the procession. On the
left, the trees seen on the hills above
emphasize the depth of space. Another
successful technique of the artist is the
different facial expressions he renders
to his figures occasionally staring at
each other.
A different spatial arrangement is
apparent in the festivities held at the
Golden Hom. The scene portraying the
acrobats on the water is the most impres-
sive (fig. 226). 25 The sultan watches the
show from the Aynahkavak Pavilion
together with two of his princes and
25
TSM, A. 3593, fols 92b-93a. AtJl 1999, pp. 39-40; irepoglu 1999c, pp. 127-130.
Revivals and innovations
the aghas. Grand vizier Damad ibrahim
Pasha is seated in a magnificent trireme
anchored in front of the Imperial Arsenal
on the right. Three European ambassa-
dors are in a separate boat. Other guests,
musicians, and dancers watch from the
boats below. Acrobats perform on the
ropes pulled between two vessels. With
a ferace (dustcoat)-clad dummy inside,
a carriage is pulled over the double rope
between the masts of the two vessels in
226
the front. It appears that the carriage is
remotely operated to slide over the rope
and enter the galleon at the other end.
Dancers perform on round trays over
the ropes stretched between the vessels
on the left and the tree trunk near the
Arsenal. According to the text, once the
227 A night performance at the
Golden Horn. Vehbi, Surname,
ca. 1729, TSM, A. 3594, fols 76b-77a.
272-273
spectacle is over, the dancers jump in
the water and swim. 26 Other details also
draw attention. The tightrope walker
with swords in both hands in the lower
right comer, two figures climbing the
masts of the trireme on the far left, and
the fish in the sea indicate that the artist
further embellishes his composition with
such realistic details. The vessels on the
left and the right are cut by the frame,
expanding the space in the composi-
tion. Aynahkavak Pavilion and garden
in the back, the nearby houses, and the
slipways of the Arsenal constitute the
background of the scene. Here, Levni
once again reveals his mastery in creat-
ing depth. The light and dark shades of
green in the trees are the signs of his
innovative painting technique.
As irepoglu notes, few artists in his-
tory are recognized as emblematic fig-
ures of the period in which they lived. In
Unver's words, "Levni lived through this
period, and this period lived through
Levni. "27 While preserving traditional
values on one hand and introducing
new concepts of space and figural repre-
sentation as well as painting techniques
on the other, the miniatures of Levni
hold a vital place in Ottoman painting.
There were other successful artists
active in Levni's circle. Featuring 140
illustrations, a second copy of Surname-i
Vehbi possibly prepared for Grand Vizier
Damad ibrahim Pasha constitutes an
important example of painting in this
period. 28 Similar to the manuscript pre-
sented to the sultan, it is presumed
that this copy was prepared -but never
completed- under the supervision of
Vehbi to be offered as a gift to the Grand
Vizier, possibly upon the orders of the
sultan at approximately the same time.
Several folios are missing from the first
part of the manuscript; it appears that
Suyolcuzade Mehmed Necib Efendi (d.
1758) is the calligrapher and ibrahim
Efendi is the artist. In his work on cal-
ligraphers, Suyolcuzade Mehmed Necib
26
irepoglu 1999c, p. 127.
27
irepoglu 1999c, p. 183; Unver 1949b, p. 6.
28
TSM, A. 3594. Renda 1977b, pp. 37-38.
29
Suyolcuzade Mehmed Necib 1942, p. 70; Derman 2005.
30
TSM, A. 3594, fols 76b-77a.
31
TSM, R. 816. Renda 1977b, pp. 38-40; Renda 1980a, pp. 481-496.
32
See Levent 1973, pp. 60-66, 76-77; Renda 1980a, p. 483, for further information on Atayi and
his works.
Efendi notes that he is the calligrapher
of this particular surname copy and that
ibrahim Efendi is the artist_2 9 There is no
other information available on
ibrahim, who never signed any of his
miniatures. The illustrations in the manu-
script follow the same order as Levni's
Surname. Nonetheless, it is not possible
to find Levni's fine technique in figure
depictions and decorative details. Still,
the artist is adept in spatial compositions.
In the illustration portraying a nocturnal
spectacle at the Golden Hom for exam-
ple, the view of Aynalikavak Pavilion,
as well as the hammam, mosque, kiosk,
and gardens in the back is executed like
a small-scale landscape composition (fig.
227). It is evident that ibrahim
attempted at optical perspective experi-
ments.30 In this respect, these attempts
are more successful compared to Levni's
compositions. The different shades of
green created with soft brush strokes
on the leaves of trees lined in the back
indicate that the artist carefully observed
nature. The dancers on a raft, the figures
riding on swings, and others watching
them from a boat stand out with their
vivid facial expressions.
It appears that ibrahim worked
on other manuscripts during the same
period. Dated 1141 (1728 AH), a Ham-
se-i Atayi manuscript displays his style. 31
Often known as Nevizade Atayi (d. 1636),
Ataullah bin Yahya was a seventeenth-
century poet known for his masnawis.32
Comprised of five masnawis, his Hamse
was frequently illustrated in the first half
of the eighteenth century. In fact, during
the Tulip Era, Atayi was the forerun-
ner of a literary movement initiated by
renowned poets like Vehbi and Nedim.
His works include stories on the teachings
of religion, ethics and Sufism, discourses
on good and evil, the heroic deeds of
past figures, and fables. The work also
includes odes to various quarters of
Istanbul. He does not refrain from using
colloquial expressions and obscenities.
5 New trends in Ottoman painting
 Often presented as humor, the stories in chip comes out. He talks to the fountain:

I fact provide examples of social criticism.

In line with the text, the majority of the
stories in this manuscript are illustrated
in a realistic and, at times, wry manner.
A simple narrative prevails. By using
oversized figures with large faces, the
artist exaggerates facial expressions to
emphasize the moralistic aspect of the
stories. This particular aspect is evident
"They dogged you for misbehaving. This
should teach me a lesson." The expres-
sion of the Hoca gaping at the sud-
den burst of water immediately stands
out in the painting. Another illustration
portrays the story in which a philan-
derer marries a woman whom he deems
young; on their nuptial night, when he
uncovers her face and realizes that she

227

in the miniature depicting a Nasreddin

Hoca story (fig. 228). 33 As the story goes,
Nasreddin Hoca arrives at a fountain,
the faucet of which is dogged with
wood chip, presses his mouth against
the faucet, and gets soaked once the

33
ISM, R. 816, fol. 193a; Renda 1980a, p. 493 .

Revivals and innovations

 228 Nasreddin Hoca at the fountain.
Nevizade Atayi, Hamse, 1728, TSM,
R. 816, fol. 193b.
229 An elderly bride. Nevizade Atayi,
Hamse, 1728, TSM, R. 816, fol. 102a.
230 A view of the Bosphorus.
Nevizade Atayi, Hamse, 1721, BWAM,
W. 667, fol. lOa.
228-229
274-275
is old and unattractive, he stops phi-
landering (fig. 229). 34 The mother of the
young philanderer dresses up an elderly
woman and presents her as a bride to
her son. Seen in profile, the exaggerated
expression on the wrinkled face of the
old woman, whose sagging folds of flesh
are covered in lavish clothes, adds to the
absurdity of the event. The details of her
attire are equally compatible with the
female figures in Levni's album. A stylis-
tic integrity is prevalent in the miniatures
of the manuscript. While they appear
simpler in form, ibrahim's use
of pastel, harmonious colors in nature
scenes and the compositional constructs
he creates with large figures without
34
ISM, R. 816, fol. 102a; Istanbul 1993, pp. 206-262.
35
Renda 1980a, pp. 486, 492.
36
BGAM, W. 666; TIEM, 1969; LBL, Or. 13882; Free Libracy of Philadelphia, T. 97.
37
BGAM, W. 666; Renda 1981.
38
BGAM, W. 666, fol. lOa. Renda 1981, p. 25; Renda 1988, p. 62.
resorting to excessive background detail
strongly resemble Levni's illustrations.
More importantly, illustrating unprec-
edented subjects, the artist generates a
new iconography. 35
There are four other illustrated cop-
ies of Hamse-i Atayi. 36 The earliest one
is prepared in 1721 (1134 AH). 37 Copied
by Hayrullah Hayri, the artist of thir-
ty-eight illustrations of the manuscript
remains unknown. While the artist's style
is markedly different from both Levni and
ibrahim, he is nonetheless attuned to the
innovations of the period. Rather than his
figures, the artist stands out with his mas-
tery in creating a sense of depth. In the
first section of the Hamse, a view of the
Bosphorus complements the masnawi that
lauds the beauties of Istanbul (fig. 230).38
As the ca'iques and sailboats drift over the
Bosphorus waters flowing towards the
Black Sea, two figures are seen crossing
the Bosphorus between the two fortresses
Rumeli Hisan and Anadolu Hisan. The
small mosque at Anadolu Hisan , the rows
of guns in front of it, and the namazgah
(open-air place of prayer) further down
indicate that the artist strives to convey
5 New trends in Ottoman painting
a realistic portrayal of the area. This view
of the Bosphorus is in fact akin to a bird's
eye-view landscape. Thicker brush strokes
and color gradations are evident on the
water, on the leaves of the trees, and on
the roofs. The artist attempts to convey
a sense of depth in all the interior and
exterior scenes depicted in his miniatures.
It appears that the artist also execut-
ed single paintings. Currently preserved
at the Free Library of Philadelphia, two
images -one portraying the Mawlawi
dervish Lodge, and the other a country- 230

side excursion of women- are depicted

in the same style. Both illustrations
attest to the fact that the artist had a
strong grasp of perspective. 39
Floral illustrations are also quite com-
mon during this period. Often decorating
the folios and bindings of poetry books,
these illustrations reflect the interest in
flowers among the court circles of Ahmed
ill. Travelers' accounts, Ottoman texts and
documents reveal that the palace featured
numerous tulip gardens and that in the
course of (light-spreading) festi-
vals, scaffolds would be set up in the gar-
dens for flower vases. During this period in
which palaces, homes, fountains, and car-
riages were ornate with floral illustrations
and reliefs, odes were written to flowers
and books were embellished with pictures
of tulips, roses, and hyacinths. 40 Written
by Dervi§ Mustafa bin El-Hac Mehmed
and illustrated in 1727-28 (1140 AH),
a Mecmuast (Anthology of Poems)
contains floral illustrations painted by
renowned illuminator Ali Uskiidari (fig.
231). 41 With their curling leaves, double
roses, chrysanthemums, and opium pop-
pies burst to life out of Uskiidari's brush
on their stems. Comprised of poems dedi-
cated to hyacinths, a Sumbiilname (Book
of the hyacinth) dated 1736 (1149 AH)
includes hyacinth illustrations that cover
entire folios. 42 Floral illustrations featured
in various other albums and bindings
of this period reveal that plants move
beyond serving as superficial decorative
motifs and attain vivacity and volume.

39
Free Library of Philadelphia T.9. Renda 1981, p. 27; Tanman 1998, p. 188.
40
See Atasoy 2002, pp. 169-207, for detailed information on this subject.
41
IDK, T. 5650. Unver 1954, pp. 21-22; Renda 1988, figs 60-61; irepog!u 1998, pp. 161-172;
Atasoy 2002, pp. 171-177, figs 263-281; Duran 2008, pp. 140-153; Derniriz 2005, p. 94. The author
ascribes these illustrations to another artist named Mehmed.
42
TSM, H. 413. Demiriz 1987; Atasoy 2002, pp. 181-182, figs 200-201.

Revivals and innovations

231 Hyacinth and cyclamen. Ali
Oskudari, Album, IOK, T. 5650, fol. 34a.
232 Cassiopeia. Abdul Iatif Razi,
Terciime-i ikdii'l Cuman fi Tarihi Eh/i'z-
Zaman, 1727-1747, TSM, B. 274,
fol. 21a.
233 Zes. AbdUl Iatif Razi, Terciime-i
ikdii'l Cuman fi Tarihi Ehli'z-Zaman,
1727-1747, TSM, B. 274, fol. 23a.
234 A young woman, signed by
Buhari. Album painting, TSM, H. 2143,
fol. 16a.
235 A woman bathing in front of the
marble basin, signed by Buhari. Album
painting, 1741-1742, TSM, YY. 1043.
232-233
276-277
New themes, new artists
Another example that demonstrates
the variety of subjects in manuscript
painting of this period is Tercilme-i
'Ikdil 'l-Cuman .fi Tarih-i Ehl-i Zeman
(Translation of The Pearlstring of the
History of the Men of the Times).
Originally written in Arabic by Badr
al-Din al-Ayni (d. 1451) this world
history, which includes a section on
cosmography and astrology at the
beginning, translated into Turkish by
Abdiillatif Razi (d. 1734). Dated 1693-
94 (1104 AH) and 1747 (1160 AH),
43
I\Jx, T. 5953. ISM, B. 274. Renda 1977b, pp. 32-33, 43-44, 203-204, 215-216; (,;agman-Tanmd1
1986, figs 178-181.
44
See pp. 204-205 in this book.
there exist two illustrated copies of
the work. 43 The signs of zodiac, the
human, animal, and bird figures in
the manuscript reveal a fresh pictorial
convention. Including female nudes,
these illustrations are markedly distinct
from their counterparts in astrology
books produced in the previous cen-
turies.44 Set on a blue background, the
figures stand out with their weighted
stance and almost life-like dimen-
sions. Constellation Zat al-Kursi ("The
Seated One"; Cassiopeia), for example,
is depicted as a half-naked female who
sits cross-legged on a throne, holding
sheaf of wheat in her hand (fig. 232).
The color gradations in the folds of the
drapery across her legs and the shading
applied to her contours are foreign to
the Ottoman art of painting. The same
style is also evident in the depiction
of Zes. Once again, the constellation is
depicted as a half-naked female figure;
with her hands open, she seems to be
5 New trends in Ottoman painting
flying in the sky (fig. 233). Shading
and toning effects stand out in the
fabric covering her body. The nearly
accurate proportions of the body, the
effects of light and shade and the sense
of volume in these illustrations suggest
that they were inspired by a European
source. Though related to the subject,
the inclusion of such half-naked female
figures in a manuscript is the sign of
a new concept in Ottoman painting.
Abdullah Buhari (d. 1745?) was an
artist active in the first half of the eigh-
teenth century, roughly between 1726
and 17 45. His figures also feature con-
his largest album. 45 Compared to Levni,
Buhari's figures appear more voluminous
and freely moving (fig. 234). They seem
to have been drawn from a live model.
Buhari also pays attention to details of
clothing, headgear, and even the dif-
ferent types of footwear. 46 Depicting a
naked woman pouring water over body
and hair, the artist challenges the tra-
ditional representations (fig. 235). The
prototype for this figure is found in
seventeenth-century costume albums. 47
However, the artist succeeds in freeing
from traditional forms and depicting his
voluminous figures moving comfortably

. 234-235

siderable innovations. The portraits of in space. Abdullah Buhari also painted

men and women painted by the artist,
who signed and dated his miniatures,
are compiled in various albums. The
album of twenty-two portraits executed
by the artist between 1726 and 1745 is
floral compositions48 and landscapes.
Two landscape compositions by the artist
are found on the binding of a 1728-1729
(1141 AH) copy of the Timurid historian
Mirkhwand's Rawzat al-Safa preserved

45
rOK, T. 9364. Some other paintings by Buhari are survived in albums at the Topkap1 Palace
Library, H. 2143 and YY. 1043.
46
Mahir 1999, pp. 70-82.
47
See Renda 1998, p. 166, for seventeenth-century costume albums that include female figures
bathing in front of a marble basin.
46
TSM, H. 2155, fols 18b, 39b, 40a. Atasoy 2002, figs 283-284.
49
TSM, E. H. 1380. Renda 1977b, pp. 176-177; Renda 1988, p. 61.

Revivals and innovations

236 Mecca (right) and Medina (left).
ai-Jazuli, Da!a'il a/-Khayrat. 1780, TSM,
YY141, fols 14b-15a.
237 Landscape, signed by Buhari.
Outer cover of a binding, TSM,
E. H. 1380.
278-279
at the Topkap1 Palace. 49 Depicting a
waterfront pavilion in the Tulip Era and
houses on both sides of a river, these
two compositions were the harbingers of
landscape painting in Ottoman art (fig.
237). Such landscapes often decorate lac-
quer bindings and writing boxes. 50
Another genre of manuscript pop-
ularized in the eighteenth century is
the prayer book known as Dala 'il al-
Khayrat (The Evidentiary Guide of Pious
Deeds), which includes depictions of
Mecca and Medina. 51 Written in Arabic
by Moroccan scholar al-Jazuli (d. 1465),
the text is a collection of prayers for
Prophet Muhammad, to be recited in a
certain order on every day of the week.
Easily carried by their owners due to
their small size, these manuscripts begin
with the hilye (beautiful description) of
the Prophet Muhammad, list his names
and the characteristics of the place where
his relatives are buried. The double page
following this section includes depic-
tions of Ka'ba and its precinct and
the Prophet Muhammad's tomb at his
50
A large landscape by Mehmed is featured on the cover of a manuscript dated 1732 (1145 AH),
rOK T. 2962. Renda 1988, p. 61. See Renda 1977b, p. 179; Renda 2000, pp. 92-95, for landscapes
executed in paper cut technique by
51
Bagc1 2003a, pp. 13-16.
sz Karadavud n.d., p. 369.
Mosque in Medina. These holy sites are
not described at length in the text;
however, the depictions portray both
regions in topographic detail. Hundreds
of copies of this Dala 'il al-Khayrat have
been executed between the late seven-
teenth and late nineteenth centuries.
The inclusion of such accurate Mecca
and Medina depictions in the Dala 'il
al-Khayrat copies is possibly related to
the belief which was expressed by Kara-
davudzade (d. 1756) in his extended
translation of the text: "Upon seeing the
illustration of Muhammad's holy tomb,
when those, who believe in Muhammad
and embraces His faith, pronounce salat
wa al salam (peace and blessing be upon
him) with reverence and respect, they are
forgiven. "52 The successful application
of optical perspective draws attention in
the Mecca and Medina views in a Dala 'il
al-Khayrat dated 1778 (1203 AH), cop-
ied by ismail Ziihdti (d. 1806) (fig. 236).
In both illustrations, the road stretches
inward between the hills, the use of soft
brush strokes to convey the impression
Hasan Eyyubi on the desk drawer, TSM, C.Y. 463.
5 New trends in Ottoman painting
that the hills in the back are covered in
clouds of mist, and the light and dark
shades of blue in the sky all indicate that
Western painting techniques are increas-
ingly adopted in Ottoman art.
The last examples of the illustrated
manuscripts and albums
It appears that in virtually all of the
manuscripts illustrated towards the end
of the century, the depictions are exe-
cuted in watercolor and gouache; hardly
any gilding is used, the paint layer
is increasingly thinned, and Western
techniques such as light and shade and
perspective are adopted. One of the lat-
which is longer than Hubanname begins
with the heading, 'Der beyan-1 manzu-
me-i maksud' (In describing the desired
poetry). Apart from the characteris-
tics of women from thirty-three dif-
ferent nations, the book also describes
feminine rituals such as the bath, birth,
countryside entertainments, and neigh-
borhood raids. In describing the male
and female members of each nation,
the author not only offers information
on their physiognomy, but the areas in
which they live. Dated 1793 (1206 AH),
the copy that includes both Hubanname
and Zenannname is the only illustrated
example known to date. 54 Separately
237

est examples of illustrated literary works

is Hubanname ve Zenanname (The Book
of Beautiful Men/ Lovely Ladies) by
Enderunlu Faz1l (d. 1810), a popu-
lar poet of this period. Faztl's epithet
"Enderunlu", i.e., of the Enderun (Inner
Palace), refers to his education at the
palace school. Written in masnawi style,
this particular work describes the beau-
tiful men and women of various nation-
alities across the world. 53 At the begin-
ning of Hubanname, the author speaks
of the sublimity of God and argues that
He created beauty to test human beings.
He then continues with praises to Sultan
Selim ill (r. 1789-1807) and conveys
information about himself and his work.
Faztl notes that in writing about nations
he is not familiar with, he sought help
from earlier works and he provides
a chronogram giving the date of his
work as 1206 (1793 AH). The text of
Hubanname starts with the heading, 'Der illustrated copies of and
beyan-1 kiire-i ruy-1 zemin' (In describ- also exist. Single folios
ing the earth) as well as a world map, from Zenanname are found in cer-
and describes the beautiful men of thir- tain private collections. 57 Non-illustrated
ty-three different countries. Zenanname, copies of these works are also preserved

53
Numerous editions of Enderunlu Fazil's Hubanname ve Zenanname were published in the nine-
teenth centu:ry. The Zenanname was translated to French: Decourdemanche 1879; Levent 1973, pp.
26, 145, 335. Also, see i\en 2001, for Enderunlu FaZil and his works.
54
Hubanname ve Zenanname. !OK, T. 5502. See Renda 1977b, pp. 221-222, for a list of the illus-
trations.
55
For the Hubanname with thirty-seven illustrations -formerly in the Binney collection and cur-
rently preserved at LACMA, see Binney-Denny 1979, No. 78, f. See Schmitz 1992, pp. 267-270, for
the Hubanname preserved at NYPL. The text and illustrations are dated to 1798 (1212 AH) and the
nineteenth centu:ry, respectively.
56
See Titley 1981, No. 23, for the Zennanname (LBL, Or. 7094) with forty miniature paintings.
57
London, Khalili Collection. Geneva 1995, No. 158. See Binney-Denny 1979, No. 79, for two
Zenanname folios currently preserved at Harvard University Museum.
58
Renda 1977b, p. 47, footnote 27.

Revivals and innovations

238 An English gentleman. Fazll
Enderuni, Hilbanname ve Zenanname,
1793, IUK, T. 5502, fol. 65a.
239 A Russian lady. Fazll Enderuni,
Hilbanname ve Zenanname, 1793, IUK,
T. 5502, fol. 135b.
240 Entertainment in Kag1thane. Fazll
Enderuni, Hilbanname ve Zenanname,
1793, IUK, T. 5502, fol. 78a.
280-281
in a number of museums and libraries. 58
The first known illustrated Hubanname
ve Zenanname of 1793 is copied by Seyyid
Yahya. With thirty-nine in Hubanname
and forty-four in Zenanname, the work
features a total of eighty-three illustra-
tions. Hubanname opens with a world
map and· informs the reader that human
beings live across four continents, name-
ly Asia, Africa, Europe, and America.
Europe is noted as the best of these
continents, whereas Istanbul is marked
as the most sacred. Starting with India,
the first fifteen illustrations are dedi-
cated to the Eastern countries and the
Mediterranean islands. The next set of
illustrations feature the men of Istanbul,
as well as of Balkan and European lands.
Entitled "diinya-i cedid" (the new world),
the last illustration in Hubanname fea-
tures America. As described in the text,
the huban (beautiful young men) of this
continent are unattractive, half-naked
men dressed in pelt. 59 Noting that the
most handsome of men live in Europe
and Istanbul, Faztl identifies the British
men as the most handsome of its kind
and describes him as having "a fair skin
59
IOK, T. 5502, fol. 68a.
and a well-balanced stature." The British
man in the illustration is a fair-skinned
brunette with a graceful physique (fig.
238). He is dressed in yellow trousers, a
pink vest and shirt, and black shoes with
buckles. Behind him is a plain with scat-
tered trees. The attires of European men
and women are elaborately depicted in
the entire manuscript.
Zenanname begins on folio 73a. Fazli
lauds his own text, noting that while writ-
ing about women of various nations was
a challenging task, he collected the most
accurate information about both their
appearance and the areas in which they
lived. The illustrations begin with a coun-
tryside entertainment in Kagtthane (fig.
240). A group of women are entertaining
themselves in the gardens of Sadabad
Pavilion, built over the Kagtthane River
during the reign of Ahmed ill. Two
women smoking pipe under the trees are
seiVed privately. A few women sway in
the swing, while others converse or prom-
enade. Seated next to the fountain pool
in the back, a male figure holds a flower
bouquet. The text reveals that the flow-
ers are sent by one of the women. Built
on the channels in the Kagtthane River
during the reign of Ahmed ill, Sadabad
Pavilion itself is depicted in detail. As one
ofthe most original depictions of this pal-
ace famed for its gardens, small pavilions
over the channels, and fountain pools,
this illustration documents the palace that
was renewed over time and subsequently
demolished. The sense of depth that the
artist conveys in this illustration indicates
that he is familiar with optical perspec-
tive. The figures in the foreground are also
well arranged. Similar to Hubanname, the
European figures in Zenanname are more
elaborate. In the text, a Russian woman is
described as having "a pale complexion,
blue eyes, and a body like white snow."
There is little information available on
her attire in the text; however, the white
blouse and the yellow embroidered green
jacket she wears over her grey skirt, as
well as her white hat ornate with rib-
bons, flowers, and pearl strings convey
the impression that she is modeled after
a European source (fig. 239). Soft brush
5 New trends in Ottoman painting
strokes and pastel colors stand out in
all the illustrations, indicating that book
illustrations are now predominantly exe-
cuted in watercolor.
The artist of the Hubanname ve
Zenanname remains unknown. The
single-folio illustrations preserved in
the Khalili Collection and at Harvard
University are presumably produced
by the same artist or painting studio. 60
Nonetheless, the artist's figurative style
is not as successful as his use of space;
there are certain anatomical dispropor-
tions in the figures. The illustrations
may have been executed by one of
the local artists working on the popu-
lar costume albums of the period. In
fact, comparative studies have revealed
that the style of this particular art-
ist prevails in other albums as well.
Currently preserved at the University
of Warsaw Library and dated to 1779-
80, an album containing a portrait of
Sultan Abdiilhamid I (r. 1774-89) fea-
tures strikingly similar illustrations. 61
The illustrations of yet another album
60
See footnote 57.
6
This album was added to the collection of King Stanislaw II Augustus Poniatowski in 1781.
'
Istanbul 1999a, pp. 273-323.
62
Victoria and Albert Museum. See Murphy 1988, p. 222, for this album in the Searight Collection.
63
See 2001, pp. 152-176, for the results of this comparative study.
Revivals and innovations
preserved at the Victoria and Albert
Museum in London appear to be the
work the same painting studio. There
are significant similarities between the
poses and facial expressions of the fig-
ures.62 The difference between the illus-
trations of Hubanname ve Zenanname
and the Ottoman costume albums pre-
dominantly designed for Europeans
is that the former includes images of
European and Asian men and women.
The artist of this work must thus have
referred to foreign sources. A com-
parison with European costume albums
does in fact reveal that the European
attires in these illustrations comply
240
with the trends of the period. 63
In the eighteenth and nineteenth cen-
turies, numerous European artists trav-
eled to Istanbul, painting images of the
city and publishing illustrations - partic-
ularly documenting costumes - in vari-
ous travel journals and similar reference
books. As noted earlier, certain forms
were designed for the costume albums
designed first by Europeans and later by
 local masters from the sixteenth-cen-
tury onwards. These forms are repeated
in virtually all of the references. The
same tradition is valid for eighteenth
and nineteenth-century albums. Often
encountered in museums and collec-
tions across the world, these albums
241 -some of which contained explanatory
o\
notes in English, French, Italian, and
Greek- were prepared at the painting
studios of Istanbul (fig. 242). 64 It is thus
possible that the masters preparing such
albums were local painters - including
non-Muslims and Levantines - in con-
tact with the group of European artists
who had been working in Istanbul for
some time. Almost all of these albums
document the different costumes worn
by men and women across the Ottoman
Empire; they occasionally include genre
scenes as well. Yet, albums featuring
European costumes, such as the ones in
Hubanname ve Zenanname, are uncom-
mon. A rare example is Kitab-t Cografi-
ye (Book on Geography), an illustrated
manuscript written in catechetical meth-
od. 65 Apart from several maps, the work
includes watercolors depicting natives
of various countries. Here, the male and
female figures are not portrayed individ-
ually, but as part of a composition. The
depiction of Sultan Mahmud Il (r. 1808-
1839) in a modem uniform and fez dates
the manuscript to the years following the
dress-code reform of 1828. In the folio
featuring Italians and Slovenians, an
Italian man and woman appear in fash-
ionable costumes of the period in a room
decorated in European style (fig. 241).
The Slovenians, on the other hand, are
represented by more rural looking figures
of men and women. The illustrations in
this album strongly resemble costume
albums produced in Europe. The Ottoman
text suggests that the illustrations were
perhaps designed by a local artist, yet
copied from European illustrations.
In the eighteenth and nineteenth cen-
turies costume albums were produced not

64
The most important ones are as follows: LBL, 1974-6.17.012 (1 and 2). Titley 1981, No. 5-6.
lAM Library Album. Tuchelt 1966, University of Warsaw Library, T. 171, see footnote 61. VONB,
cod. 8562-8564. Unterkirscher 1959, vol. I, p. 120; Gennadius Library, Athens, A. 989-22. Celsing
Collection, Sweden. Brown 2003; Schmitz 1992, pp. 275-277 at the NYPL; Ankara Museum of
Ethnography 8223, 9005. Renda 1980, pp. 49-61. Ankara National Library, 554-559. Baytemir
2003. See Petropoulos 1976; Atasoy 1986, for albums in private collections.
65
ISM, H. 441.

282-283 5 New trends in Ottoman painting

 only for foreigners, but for the Ottomans 241 Italians and Slovenians. Costume
as well. Such albums either introduce Album, 1B40-1B50, TSM, H. 441,
costumes of various nations across the fol. 19a.
world or often feature official costumes 242 An Ottoman lady. Costume
worn by Ottoman court members and Album, AEM, 9005, fol. 11.
state officials. Two albums prepared dur- 243 The chief mufti. Costume Album,
ing the reign of Selim III, for example, 1790-1 BOO, TSM, A. 3690, fol. Sb.
consist of official Ottoman attire. One 244 The chief admiral. Costume
of these starts with a portrait of Selim Album, 1790-1 BOO, TSM, A. 3690,
III. 66 He is followed by high-ranking fol. 6b.
officials, such as the grand vizier, chief
black eunuch, the chief mufti, the naval
commander, and the chief military judge
of Rumelia, as well as other officials,
including kulluk neferi (subaltern in the
Janissary Corps), cebeci (armorer), and
(coffee tender). The descrip-

242 243- 244

tions are written in Ottoman Turkish. It

appears that two different artists worked
on the album (figs. 243-244). 67
All of these examples indicate that
after the second half of the eighteenth
century, album production became
widespread both in the court circles and
outside the palace; artists of different
origins worked on the production of
these albums across studios in Istanbul.
One other type of album that became
popular was that of sultan portraits.

66
ISM, A. 3690. See Renda 1977b, pp. 223-224, for a list of the illustrations.
67
Copied from this album, another album with fewer illustrations and featuring a portrait of grand
vizier Bayrakdar Mustafa Pasha is currently preserved at rOK. T. 9362. Renda 1977b, pp. 22 5- 226.

Revivals and innovations

Search for new techniques and media
in sultanic portraiture

284-285
From the fifteenth century onwards, sui- Silsilename that Levni had illustrated. 245 Sultan Mustafa Ill. Si/silename,
tank portraiture evolved as an indepen- Set against a plain, monochromatic ca. 1757, TSM, A. 3109, fol. 26a.
dent branch of Ottoman painting. In the background, the sultans are depicted
eighteenth century, this branch attained frontally, seated on their thrones (fig.
new forms and techniques. It is evident 245). 4 Rafael's style was applied to a
that sultans, who sought to portray the number of subsequent sultanic portraits.
Ottoman Dynasty from the onset, increas- In fact, portraits later added to the six-
ingly adopted the European visual tradi- teenth -seventeenth-century silsilenames
tion. In the second half of the eighteenth follow the same form. 5
century, reformist sultans accelerated the The oil-on-paper portraits that Rafael
development of sultanic portraiture, com- painted constitute a significant step in
missioning portraits to local and foreign the transition from paper to canvas in
masters. Gouache and oil portraits were Ottoman painting. 6 The artist painted
then produced adopting European tech- large-scale oil portraits of both Mustafa
niques and forms, demonstrating that
sultanic portraits were no longer intended 245
for albums or manuscripts but to be hung
on the walls. 1 In fact, sources reveal that
some portraits were placed in the houses
of the members of the sultan's family. 2 In
other words, the portraits were no lon-
ger confined to manuscripts or albums
kept at the palace treasury or presented
to viziers and grand viziers; they had
become moveable assets. This does not
necessarily imply that manuscripts or
portrait albums were no longer produced.
As indicated below, in the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries -until the invention
of photography- numerous sultanic por-
trait albums were produced.
Painter Rafael (or Refail, d. 1780)
revolutionized sultanic portraiture in the
second half of the eighteenth century. In
a number of sources, Refail is referred
as Rafael Manas or Manasi; he is also
recognized as an architect and musician,
who painted portraits of Mahmud I (r.
1730-1754), Osman ill (r. 1754-1757),
Mustafa ill (r. 1757-74) and Abdtilhamid
I. Sources reveal that the artist studied
painting in Italy and produced religious
paintings for churches. 3 Particularly
active during the reigns of Mustafa
ill and Abdtilhamid I as a court artist,
Rafael introduced and developed a new
form through the portraits of the last
four sultans he added to Kebir Musavver

1
Istanbul 2000, pp. 378-463.
2
irepoglu 1999a, p. 391; Istanbul 2000, p. 392.
3
Toderini 1789; Pamukciyan 1987 ; D'Ohsson 2002, p. 274. See Siirbahan 2002; Kiirkman 2004,
pp. 712-721, for artists from the Manas family.
4
Istanbul 2000, cat. 118.1, pp. 2, 123.
5
See Renda 1977b, pp. 60-61; Istanbul 2000, cat. 119, for the portrait of Sultan Mustafa ill attrib-
uted to Rafael in the No. 9366 Silsilename-i Osmaniye at the !OK. See Istanbul 2000, pp. 191, 395,
cat. 121, for similar examples attributed to Rafael and his school.
• Istanbul 2000, cat. 121.

Search for new techniques and media in sultanic portraiture

 246 Portrait of a woman, signed by
Rafael. Album painting, ca. 1770-
1780, TSM, H. 2143, fol. 4a.
247 Genealogical tree of the
Ottoman sultans. 1800-1805, oil on
canvas, TSM, 17/133.
248 Genealogical tree of the
Ottoman sultans. 1866-1867, oil on
canvas, TSM, 17/135.
246
III and Abdiilhamid F In each of the
portraits, the sultan is seen frontally; the
portrait covers the entire canvas. Both
the details of his attire and his expres-
sion are depicted with care. Rafael also
portrayed Selim III, while he was still a
prince. According to the inscription on
the back, the prince was only twelve
years old at the time. In the portrait,
Selim stands before a plain background;
he is also depicted frontally. 8
Rafael produced paintings other than
sultanic portraits. These are comprised
primarily of single male and female fig-
ures executed in oil on cardboard. The
female figure, which slightly lifts her
skirt to reveal her inner robe, recalls the
depictions in costume albums produced
during the same period. Nonetheless, it
is evident that this figure is painted by
an artist who is familiar with Western
painting techniques (fig. 246). 9 Rafael's
individual portraits include a female
figure with a high headdress (hotoz} and
carrying a bow in her hand and a quiver
on her back. 10 In describing the Istanbul
of this period, Giambattista Toderini, the
Italian abbot who sojourned in Istanbul
between 1781 and 1786, mentions hav-
ing seen the painting of a court woman
holding a tray among such portraits of
men and women the artist had painted. 11
An interesting example in the search
for new techniques and materials in
the portraits of the sultans is an album
that employs the collage technique.
This is a copy made by calligrapher
Mir Mehmed Emin in 1786-87 (1201
AH) from Osmanzade Ahmed Taib's (d.
1724) kmal-i Tevarih-i Al-i Osman, a
history of the Ottoman Empire until the
reign of Ahmed III. 12 The section until
the reign of Abdiilhamid I was added
to the text in the ensuing years. In the
twenty-seven sultanic portraits in the
album, collages are made with glossy
paper on details such as jewelry, dag-
gers, and buttons. Painted by more than
one artist, the portraits follow Levni's
patterns. However, the paint layer is
thinner, shading is used in the cloth-
ing, and friezes of landscape are added
to two of the portraits. These portraits
indicate that the artists experimented
with different techniques in the second
half of the eighteenth century.
Another genre of sultanic portraiture
that emerged during this period is the
genealogy trees executed in oil. Strikingly
similar to the genealogy charts com-
monly used by noble families of Europe,
the portraits in these paintings are set
within medallion frames hanging from
the branches of a tree that covers the
entire surface. In order to represent dynas-
tic pedigree, the portraits are connected
with ribbons; the founder of the dynasty
Osman I is often placed at the top and
the reigning sultan in reign is placed at
the bottom. The names of the sultans
are inscribed underneath the medallions
in either Ottoman or Latin alphabet. The
first three genealogical trees known to
date have been produced during the reign
of Abdiilhamid 1. 13 One of the three
oversized (330 x 220 em) trees is found
at the Gripsholm Castle, another at the
Celsing Manor in Sweden, respectively,
and a third at Topkap1 Palace. 14 The trees
at Gripsholm Castle and Topkap1 Palace
include a view of Sultanahmed Mosque
and Square in the background. The por-
traits are copied from Kebir Musavver
Silsilename. Documents pertaining to the
production of these family trees reveal
that Mouradgea D'Ohsson -who served
as the dragoman of the Swedish Embassy
at the time- had local artists of Istanbul
copy the portraits from an album that was
released from the palace to be bound. He
then took these copies to Paris in 1784
with the intention of using them in his

7
Istanbul 2000, cat. 122, 126, 127.
8
ISM, 17/117. Istanbul 2000, cat. 131. There are three more portraits that show Selim III as prince.
ISM, 17/112 and 17/113. The third portrait is preserved at SabanCl University's Sakip SabanCl
Museum Collection.
9
The album in ISM (H. 2143) includes three portraits by Rafael: 3a, 4a and 6a. The unsigned
portraits at 4a and 4b are also attributed to him. Stchoukine 1971, pp. 88-89; Renda 1977b, pp.
216-217.
10
Stchoukine 1971, pl. XCN.
11
Pamukciyan 1987, p. 31.
12
ISM, E.H. 1435. Renda 1977b, p. 219; irepoglu 1999b; Istanbul 2000, cat. 117.
13
See Renda 1996c, for detailed information on these types of genealogy trees.
14
Gripsholm Castle (Grh Nr. 227); Celsing Manor at Biby; ISM 17/130.

286-287 5 New trends in Ottoman painting

book. 15 It appears that upon the wish of
the Swedish King Gustav III (r. 1772-1792)
whom he had met in Paris, D'Ohsson com-
missioned three large-scale genealogical
trees on which these portraits would be
placed. 16 Hence, these large-scale trees
initiated the tradition of genealogical trees
at the Ottoman palace. Upon his return
to Istanbul in 1792, D'Ohsson offered the
third tree as a gift to Sultan Selim III. This
created such excitement at the palace that
he commissioned smaller family trees to
the best artists in Istanbul and presented
them to the sultan and various state offi-
cials. 17 The subsequent group of genealog-
ical trees was produced during the reigns
of Mahmud II, Abdillmecid (r. 1839-61)
and Abdillaziz (r. 1861-76). Among the
twelve similar trees known to this date,
some are preserved at the Topkap1 Palace,
and the others are kept in private col-
lections.18 Portraits on these trees are in

247-248

15
Entitled, Tableau General de /'Empire Othoman Mouradgea D'Ohsson's book was printed in Paris
between 1780 and 1820, first in three and later in five volumes.
16
See Istanbul 2000, p. 398; Renda 2003b, p. 177, for the genealogy trees in Sweden. See Renda
2002a, pp. 66-67, for detailed information about D'Ohsson and his project.
17
This information is also conveyed in a letter by D'Ohsson. See Renda 2002a, p. 67.
18
Six of the trees are preserved at the Topkapr Palace and the other six other are kept in private
collections. Three are from the reign of Sultan Selim ill, three are from the reign of Sultan Mahmud
III, five are from the reign of Sultan Abdiilmecid, and one is from the reign of Sultan Abdiilaziz.
See Renda 1996c.

Search for new techniques and media in sultanic portraiture


249 Sultan Selim Ill, signed by
Kostantin Kap1dagh. Color engraving,
1793, TSM, A. 3689.
250 Sultan Selim Ill, signed by
Kostantin Kap1dagh. Black and white
engraving, 1793, TSM, A. 3689.
251 Kostantin Kap1dagh, Osman I.
Gouache, 1804-1806, TSM, 17/69.
252 Osman I. Painting: Kostantin
Kap1dagh, copper plate: John Young,
1806, TSM, 17/71.
249-250
288-289
bust form. One tree that ends with Selim
Ill - to which portraits of Mustafa IV (r.
1807-1808) and Mahmud II were later
added - is inscribed in Ottoman Turkish
(fig. 247). Others include inscriptions in
Latin or Greek as well as Ottoman Turkish.
The latest genealogical tree known to date
features a Bosphorus view on one side,
and a view of the pyramids from Cairo
on the other (fig. 248). The latter possibly
symbolizes the continuing Ottoman sov-
ereignty in Egypt. As different from other
examples, the portrait of Osman I is placed
in a separate frame in the lower section of
the tree. Although it is produced in 1867,
during the reign of Sultan Abdiilaziz, it
does not include a portrait of the sultan;
his name and title are inscribed and his
royal monogram (ni§an) is found at the
top. Instead of his portrait, the artist has
chosen to represent the sultan in reign
with his royal monogram. The portraits
and the landscapes below indicate that
this is the work of an adept local artist.
There is no doubt that Ottoman genealogi-
cal trees were inspired by their European
counterparts. While the majority of the
trees are unsigned, the Ottoman or Greek
inscriptions they bear mark them as the
works oflocal artists, who must have ben-
efited from portrait albums in their work.
r
The increasing popularity of sultan-
ic portraits in the second half of the
eighteenth century as well as in the
nineteenth century indicates that such
portraits were presented to various state
officials and to foreign ambassadors.
Portraits were now used for diplomatic
purposes and even as a means of pro-
I
paganda. Selim Ill was the first sultan
to have commissioned his portrait to be
printed and distributed. During the reign
of Selim Ill, the Ottoman Empire entered
a process of enlightenment and modern-
ization that would last until early twenti-
eth century. Marked by the proclamation
of Tanzimat Fermam (the Noble Script,
literally, the Edict of Reorganization)
in 1839, a series of reform movements
aimed at a more secular regime in the
Western sense, was initiated with Selim
Ill's Nizam-t Cedid (New Order) program.
This program entailed modernization in
the government organization, education
and diplomacy, and, most importantly,
a large-scale military reform. From this
period onwards, the sultans invited for-
eign architects and artists to commission
immense European-style palaces, as well
as paintings portraying a plethora of
themes.
Selim ill realized that commissioning
portraits constituted a symbol of power
for European rulers and that presenting
portraits as gifts was part of that tradi-
tion. He believed that his own portrait
would epitomize the secular nature of
the Westernization policies he imple-
mented. Moreover, he was aware of
the impact of the printing industry in
Europe. He thus commissioned portraits
to be printed and distributed to high-
level Ottoman bureaucrats, ambassa-
dors, and foreign rulers. He was one of
the sultans whose portrait was most fre-
quently painted by local and European
artists. As a result of his commissions,
not only portraits, but several oil paint-
ings, including ceremonial scenes, were
produced throughout his reign.
Selim Ill commissioned an engraved
portrait of himself. Produced both in
black-and-white and in color, this is
a half-length portrait of the sultan in
three-quarters profile. He is dressed in a
red, fur-lined outer kaftan and a yellow
inner kaftan, carrying a dagger in his
5 New trends in Ottoman painting
bejeweled belt and a fan-shaped aigrette
on his turban (figs 249-50). A view of
the Tophane Barracks is placed under-
neath the medallion framing the portrait,
symbolizing Selim's military reforms of
1791-92. The caption under the portrait
reads, "dessine par Constantin Capu-
daghle sujet ottoman, l'annee 1208 grave
par Schiavonetti a Londres." Evidently,
the portrait is drawn by renowned art-
ist Kostantin Kap1dagh and engraved
by Schiavonetti in London. Numerous
black-and-white and color copies of
the portrait are found at Topkap1 Palace
Museum and in various European collec-
tions.19 A document from the archives of
Topkap1 Palace clearly indicates the com-
mission to Kostantin. 20 Painted in 1803,
during the early years of Selim ill's reign,
length standing portraits, the sultans
are depicted in three-quarters profile.
Underneath the portraits set inside
medallions, are scenes from the lives of
sultans in rectangular frames (fig.251).
The names of the sultans are inscribed
in the Ottoman alphabet above the
frames. In order to avoid any misspell-
ing of names within the oval frames
as they are transcribed to French or
English during the printing process in
London, the sultans' names were written
in Latin letters on the back of the origi-
nal paintings when they were sent to
London. In painting portraits of earlier
sultans, Kostantin must have referred to
portraits by Osman and Levni, as well as
251-252

this portrait constitutes the first commis-

sion of an Ottoman sultan to have his
portrait printed in Europe. In this regard,
it demonstrates that Selim ill adopted
the European royal tradition of offering
portraits as gifts as a token of diplo-
matic relations. The exchange of por-
traits between Selim ill and Napoleon is
documented in a letter the sultan sent to
his grand vizier. Accordingly, the sultan
notes that of all the gifts he received from
Napoleon, he was most impressed by the
king's portrait Other documents reveal
that the printed portrait of Selim ill was
delivered to Napoleon by Muhib Efendi,
the Ottoman ambassador in Paris.21
It is evident that Selim ill wished to
propagate the Ottoman dynastic image
across Europe. This printed portrait
was the first step of his comprehensive
project realized in London by engraver
and printer John Young which came to the large-scale family trees mentioned
be known as The Young Album. With a above. Yet, by depicting them standing,
view to possessing a series comprised rather than the traditional seated pose,
of printed portraits of all Ottoman sul- he developed a new and truly European
tans, Selim ill gave Kostantin Kap1dagh style of portraiture. The soft brush tech-
a second commission, who in turn nique used in the facial features and the
painted gouache portraits of twenty- folds of fabric indicate that the painter
eight Ottoman sultans. In the half- had mastered the technique of western

19
ISM, H. 1839, 17/160, 165,401,496. Copies available at PBNF (N2) and VONB Portratsammlung
(35 33/1, 8-9r).
20
ISM, 570/20. The document states that approximately seventy copies were printed. See Renda
1996b, pp. 150-151, for more information about this document.
21
In a letter he wrote to the grand vizier in 1806, Selim ill mentions the portrait he received from
Napoleon I and that he would like to send a large-scale painting in return (BOA Hatt-1 Hiimayun
14805). The Iopkap1 Palace Collection carries a single ring with the portrait of Napoleon I (TSM,
2/3699). In a letter he wrote to Bab-l Ali (BOA Hatt-1 Hiimayun 5881), Ambassador Muhib Efendi
explains in detail how he sent the portrait of Sultan Selim ill to Napoleon I. See Renda 1999, p. 572.

Search for new techniques and media in sultanic portraiture

 253 Sultan Mahmud II. Salahzade painting. An artist of Greek origin who
Mahmud Hemedani, Fihrist-i $ahan ve was active roughly between 1770 and
Zeyilleri, ISK, Nafiz Pasha 1183, 1810, Kostantin must have been trained
fol. 112b. in Europe and without doubt, he was
254 Portraits of the Ottoman sultans. familiar with the European portraiture
Tomar, prior to 1829, TSM, H. 1896. tradition. Mentioned in various Ottoman
255 Sultan Murad IV. Album, documents, the artist received a num-
ca. 1820, Suna-inan collection, ber of commissions from Selim III. It
fol. 17. appears that he was recognized in the
256 Sultan Mustafa Ill. Album, art circles of Istanbul not only as a por-
ca. 1820, Suna-inan collection, trait painter, but an artist well versed in
fol. 26. religious paintings as well. 22
The portrait series of Kostantin Kapl-
dagh was approved by Selim III and sent
to London in 1806 to be printed. Once in
London, the engraving and printing pro-
cess of the portraits was commissioned to
John Young. The copper engraving and
253
print of Osman I's portrait was sent to the
Ottoman palace for approval (fig.252).
Unfortunately, following the dethrone-
ment of Selim III in 1807, the project was
postponed until 1815, the year in which
the portraits were printed by Young
upon the orders his successor Mahmud
II. A foreword and a brief text convey-
ing information about the sultans were
added to the work. 23 In the foreword he
wrote for his book, John Young praises
Selim III as a great patron of the arts
and commends him for his endeavors
to break the prejudices against painting
in the Empire. He further points out that
the artist who painted the portraits was
a great master of drawing and color. The
repercussions of these printed portraits,
which came to be known as the Kap1dagh
series, continued throughout the nine-
teenth century both across the Ottoman
Empire and in Europe; they were used
as reference in a number of subsequent
series and genealogical trees. 24
Based on Kap1dagh models, more than
twenty portrait series have survived to
date; the entirety of these series was
produced during the reigns of Selim Ill,
Mahmud II, and Abdillmecid. 25 Some of

22
Constantin's name is transcribed as Constantin Capoudaghle in French sources, as Konstantinos
Kyzikenos in Greek and as Kostantin Kap1dagi in Ottoman Turkish. The portrait series he painted is
referred to as the Kap1dagh series here. See Papas 1987, for his work located at the St. Demetrius
Church at In Istanbul. See Renda 1996b, for more information about the artist.
23
Published in London in 1815 as: J. Young, A Series of Portraits of the Emperors of Turkey from
the Foundation of the Monarchy to the year 1815. There are nearly eighty copies of the Young
Album at the Topkap1 Palace Museum (ISM, H. 2614-2694).
24
See Istanbul 2000, cat.138 (01-27), for the portraits in the Young Album.
25
A list comprising a majority of the series was presented in Renda 1977b, cats. 26, 27, 28, 29 ;
Renda 1992a, pp. 38-39.

290-291 5 New trends in Ottoman painting

the series are in the form of albums; with
the exception of the sultan's names and
their years in power, they include no
other text. Only a few convey information
borrowed from Osmanzade Ahmed Taib's
kmal-i Tevarih-i Al-i Osman. The major-
ity ofthe albums are 24-29 x 17-19 em in
size and several are in scroll form. Most
of the portraits follow the Kap1dagh for-
mat; they are set inside medallion-shaped
frames with the names of the sultan and
their dates of reign inscribed above or
below. Depending on the artist, some of
the portraits reflect varieties in the depic-
tion of facial features and expressions. The
scroll-shaped Tomar in the Topkap1 Palace
stands out with the masterly executed
portraits in Kaptdagh format. (fig. 254).26
In the albums produced after 1829, Sultan
Mahmud II is often portrayed twice-
dressed in traditional costume in one
portrait and wearing the uniform and fez
26
Albums resembling the Kap1dagh style: ISM, H. 896, 2027, 17/203, BPSB 3064.
Search for new techniques and media in sultanic portraiture
as part of the new dress-code he enforced
in the other (fig.253). Some of the albums
are larger in size and the portraits are set
against interior or exterior background,
often with buildings commissioned by the
sultans. The portraits in the album cur-
rently preserved in the Collection
feature such details. Sultan Murad IV, for
example, is depicted in his usual war attire
in a room; the dagger in his belt, the sword
in his hand and the shield before him, as
well as a second sword and epee, the rifle,
cartridge belt and powder flasks in the
255-256
window frame, and the pistols handing
from the wall fill the entire composition,
all symbolizing his martial disposition.
(fig. 255). The portrait of Mustafa III is
more spectacular (fig. 256) Seated in his
golden ceremonial throne (Bayram Tahtt),
the sultan is seen inside a large building.
The inscription plate on the building's
door conveys the name of the sultan. A
 257 Sultan Siileyman I. Album,
1840-1850, KMM, M. 114, fol. 26b.
258 Sultan Mahmud II. Album,
1840-1850, KMM, M.114, fol. 88b.
259 Sultan Mahmud II. Album,
1840-1850, KMM, M. 114, fol. 27b.
260 Sultan Selim Ill in audience. Oil
on canvas, 1789-1790, TSM, 17/163.
257
throne is visible in the farthest chamber.
This entire architectural setting symbol-
izes his fame as a bani (builder). Preserved
at the Mevlana Museum in Konya, the
album that ends with a portrait of Sultan
Abdillmecid is the latest in date. 27 The
portrait of Silleyman I in this album is
executed in the traditional format; how-
ever, the minarets and aqueducts in the
background symbolize his patronage of
architecture (fig. 257). Similar to some
other albums, Mahmud II is portrayed
twice in the Konya album. In the first por-
trait, he is shown in traditional attire (fig.
258), whereas in the second, he is dressed
in navy blue brocade setre (frock-coat)
and trousers, and wears a fez (fig. 259). In
the background is the Nusretiye Mosque
Several oil portraits and ceremonial
scenes were painted during the reign of
Selim III. This alone indicates that the
sultan was not only interested in inno-
vative painting techniques and materi-
als, but in the new functions of painting
as well. Among the paintings Selim III
commissioned is a large-scale audi-
ence scene that depicts his accession
to throne or a bayram reception (fig.
260). In the scene, the sultan is seated
on his throne with his grand vizier and
viziers lined next to him. Officers of
all ranks are gathered in ceremonial
order to congratulate the sultan. While
the painting is unsigned, both the soft
brush strokes and the elaborate archi-
tectural details confirm this portrait to
258-259

built by the sultan and a gun carriage
symbolizing the barracks next to it. Some
albums from the Abdillmecid era include
bust portraits. While the format of these
portraits diverge from the Kap1dagh series,
the facial features and attires emulate his
style. 28 These albums confirm the presence
of studios producing portrait albums for
diverse costumers in Istanbul and prove
that -as in the case of the aforementioned
costume albums- artists of different ori-
gins worked in these studios.
be the work of Kostantin Kap1dagh. It
is, after all, only natural for such an
official ceremonial scene to be painted
by an artist who received important
commissions from the sultan. Selim III's
portrait in this scene closely resembles
his other portraits by Kostantin. The art-
ist is equally diligent in his portraits of
the grand vizier, the viziers, and other
officials. Depicting an audience scene
of this kind, such a large-scale painting
was possibly hung in one of the outdoor

27
See Renda 1992a; Renda 1999; Bagc1 2003a, cat. 111.5, for the Klra\ album and the albums at
the Mevlana Museum.
28
An album featuring bust portraits is currently preserved at the Binney Collection of CHUAM
(Fogg Museum). Another - known as the Taeschner album - is located at the lnstitut fi.ir Geschichte
und Kultur de Nahen Orients at the University of Munich (Binney-Denny 1978, pp. 136-137).

292-293 5 New trends in Ottoman painting

 2$0

Search for new techniques and media itt sultanic portraiture

261 Sultan Selim Ill. Anonymous,
Kebir Musawer Si/silename, ca. 1789,
TSM, A. 3109, fol. 30b.
262 Sultan Selim Ill at the marble
pavilion. Gouache, 1790-1795,
TSM, 17/31.
263 Portrait of Sultan Selim Ill,
signed by Kostantin Kap1dagh. 1803,
TSM, 17/30.
294-295
venues open to official visitors at the
Toplukap1 Summer Palace or the mabeyn
(private apartments) in which the cer-
emonies took place, rather than the
private chambers of the Palace, which
were often covered with mural decora-
tions. At this point, Selim ill was aware
that paintings hanging on walls carried
a certain function. This audience scene
attributed to Kaptdagh, as well as the
Selim ill portrait -signed "Kostantin"-
depicting the sultan in his private cham-
ber demonstrate that the majority of the
commissions were given to Kostantin
(fig. 263). 29 There is no doubt that the
sultan's portrait added to Kebir Musav-
ver Silsilename was also painted by him
(fig. 261). Another portrait of the sultan
ascribed to the artist shows him seated
on the throne at the marble pavilion at
Topkap1 Palace. The view of Marmara
stretching towards the Uskiidar shores in
the background is noteworthy (fig. 262).
The spatial arrangement of the compo-
sition and the masterful execution of
the landscape with soft brush strokes
29
ISM, 17/30. Istanbul 2000, cat. 134.
30
Renda 1996b, pp. 145, 160; Renda 1999, pp. 558, 574.
31
The printed portrait of the sultan seated on the ceremonial throne exists in various collections.
A copy at the French Consulate in Istanbul reads, "Dessine et grave d'apres le tableau rapporte de
Constantinople en 1807 a S.M. Imperiale par M.P.A. Lambert Conseiller d'Etat. Gregorius del."
Istanbul 2000, cat. 496.
32
ISM, 17/49, 17/60, 17/62. Istanbul 2000, p. 448.
33
Istanbul 2000, cat. 143-145.
-similar to the miniature portrait in
Silsilename- reflect Kostantin's style. 30
There must be other portraits of Selim ill
executed by local artists. For example,
it appears that there was a portrait for-
mat -showing the sultan on the Arife
throne- from which several prints were
made. While the name of the artist who
painted the original portrait remains
unknown, the prints bear the names of
artists such as Gregorius or Atamian,
suggesting that the original portrait was
the work of a local artist_3 1
The bust portrait was another genre
that emerged during the reign of Selim
III. Several examples preserved at
Topkap1 Palace suggest that this genre
was introduced to Ottoman painting by
Europeans. 32 As manifested by various
printed examples of such bust portraits,
this format was popularized by European
artists during his reign. Several print
portraits of Selim ill found in Europe are
based on the original portraits painted
in Istanbul. 33 This further proves that the
bust portrait introduced to the Ottoman
palace by European artists was frequent-
ly employed in prints and the aforemen-
tioned genealogical trees.
A relatively more Western iconogra-
phy was introduced in sultanic portraiture
during the reign of Mahmud Il, a great
reformist who followed the path of Selim
ill. By then, Westernization was prevalent
in all domains of social and cultural life.
During Mahmud IT's reign westerniza-
tion was institutionalized. One of the first
regulations he enforced in Asakir-i Man-
sure-i Muhammediye, the new army he
established, was the replacement of the
turban-kaftan attire with a European uni-
form and a tasseled fez. In 1829, the dress-
code reform was implemented among
the civilians as well. These reforms had a
significant influence on the art circles in
the empire. Mahmud Il had his portraits
hung on the walls of official buildings. He
further commissioned small sized portrait
5 New trends in Ottoman painting
medals, ni$an, a decoration bearing min-
iature portrait of the sultan, which came
to be known as Tasvir-i Hilmayun (impe-
rial portrait) to be presented as gifts to
high officials and foreign ambassadors. 34
It is presumed that Mahmud II had his
portrait struck on coins. While there was
strong political opposition to the use of
portraits in such official manner, Mahmud
Il's endeavors had a profound impact on
the cultural milieu. 35 263

The portraits of Mahmud II painted

before the dress-code reform gener-
ally follow the Kaptdagh typology. 36
Some of his portraits printed in Europe
often represent the sultan in tradi-
tional attire, commanding his army on
horseback. It appears that the prints
are based on the original portraits sent
from IstanbuP 7 The different prints
indicate that numerous artists received
commissions from the sultan. 38 The
most significant portraits of Mahmud II
are painted during the final decade in
his reign in which he worked on major
reform programs in administration and
education. In all of these portraits, the
sultan is dressed in a Western uni-
form, cape, and fez. Undoubtedly, the
most important portrait form popular-
ized during this period is the portrait
medal, the Tasvir-i Humayun men-
tioned above. Approximately 5-6 em
in diameter, these bust portraits mostly
painted on ivory reveal the sultan
in his new uniform and red, tasseled
fez. 39 In order to show that these are
to be worn around the neck, the sultan
is depicted in some portraits with a
chained medallion decoration. Dated
1832, such a portrait painted by Mar-
ras constitutes the first example of this
kind; it is thus concluded that these
portrait medals were first executed by
this French artist of Spanish origin,
who is known for his ivory portraits

34
Documents in Ottoman Empire archives state that these were also presented to foreign diplomats.
BOA, 23410. A jeweled box featuring a portrait of the sultan was given to the Russian Consul
General in Alexandria in 1833: BOA, 20282.
35
Istanbul 2000, pp. 449-452.
36
Istanbul 2000, cat. 147r.
37
One such print reads, "Dessine d'apres nature par Bias Hofel a son passage partant de
Constantinople." PBNF, Cabinet des Estampes, N2-D201517. The same print is also found at VONB
Portraitsammlung, 37.34/2.4.
30
Having visited Turkey in 1819-1820, Sir Charles Eastlake (1793-1865) painted the sultan in a
traditional costume (Istanbul 2000, p. 450).
39
See Renda 2002b, for detailed information about portrait medals.

Search for new techniques and media in sultanic portraiture

 264 Sultan Mahmud II, signed by
Marras. Oil on ivory, 1832, TSM,
17/208.
265 Sultan AbdUimecid, signed by
Sebuh Manas. Oil on ivory, 1850, TSM,
17/217.
266 Sultan Mahmud II. Oil on canvas,
1828-1830, TSM, 17/115.
267 Sultan AbdUimecid. Oil on
canvas, ca. 1850, TSM, 17/118.
264-265
(fig. 264). Sources reveal that the artist
stayed for some time in Istanbul. 40 Such
portrait medals were subsequently pro-
duced by local artists as well.
More significant are the sultan's oil
portraits executed after his reforms. A
new iconography emerged from these oil
portraits. Often painted by local or for-
eign artists in the aftermath of the 1828
reforms, the iconography in these por-
traits is designed to reflect the reforms
of the sultan. Such an example currently
preserved at Topkap1 Palace is attributed
to a local artist (fig. 266). 41 In the por-
trait, the sultan is seated in a European
armchair; displaying the imperial edict
he holds -in his hand, he points forward.
The imperial edict is the symbol of his
reforms. Stretching towards Saraybumu,
a panorama of Istanbul stands out in
the background. The sultan is possibly
depicted in one of the palaces along the
Bosphorus. He may in fact be at the for-
mer <;;:uagan Palace he commissioned in
1836. This portrait is attributed to Sebuh
Manas (d. 1889), who also painted por-
trait medals. 42
The iconographic forms introduced
during the reign of Mahmud II were
upheld in the portraits of his successor
Abdiilmecid. The ivory portrait medal-
lions were produced in large quantities
during this period. 43 Signed in Ottoman
script by Sebuh Manas and dated 1851
(1267 AH), such a portrait medal reveals
that the artist who worked at the palace
in Mahmud II's reign was still active
during this period. (fig. 265). 44 Sebuh
Manas was sent to the Ottoman Embassy
in Paris as an interpreter and he studied
painting during his stay. In fact, he
was awarded the Mecidiye Order for
his portraits. Portraits by Sebuh Manas
are often encountered in private collec-
tions.45 Sebuh Manas's brother Rupen
Manas (d. 1875?) was also posted in
Paris; while the two brothers were still
there, they painted other oil portraits
of the sultan. 46 Dated 1857, a large oil
painting signed by Rupen Manas was
offered as a gift to the Queen of Sweden;
it is currently preserved at the Drott-
ningholm Palace in StockholmY In the
portrait, the sultan stands on a veran-
dah, holding a sword in his left hand;
a view of Istanbul is visible behind
him. Similar in size, a nearly identical
portrait found at Topkap1 Palace also
depicts the sultan on a verandah, this
time pointing at a map of the Ottoman
Empire. There is do doubt that the map
symbolizes the lands over which he
rules (fig. 267). 48 The realistic expression
on the sultan's face, the masterful brush
technique, and the use of soft light sug-
gest that this portrait is the work of
Rupen Manas. It is known that Rupen
Manas was commissioned portraits to
be sent to the Ottoman embassies across
Europe and that the artist painted a
portrait of the sultan for the Ottoman
Embassy in Berlin. 49 Abdiilmecid com-

40
Dunlap 1834, p. 142.
41
See Istanbul 2000, pp. 250-252, for Sultan Mahmud II portraits painted by European artists.
42
Istanbul 2000, cat. 150.
43
ISM, 17/216, 218, 220, 221, 222. Istanbul 2000, cat.156.
44
Pamukciyan 1993, p. 286; Siirbahan 2002, pp. 60-63; Kiirkman 2004, pp. 589-592.
45
Istanbul 2000, p. 454.
46
Following his post in Paris, Rupen Manas was appointed to the Ottoman Consulate in Milan. See
Pamukciyan 1994, p. 286; Siirbahan 2002, pp. 53-59; Kiirkman 2004, pp. 587-588, for his works.
47
Istanbul 2000, p. 455.
•• A similar, large-scale painting shows the sultan on the steps of the palace. A view of Istanbul is
visible in the background (17/103). Though it is unsigned, this painting can be attributed to one
of the Manas brothers.
49
Siirbahan 2002, pp. 54-55.

296-297 5 New trends in Ottoman painting

missioned portraits to European artists
as well. He even ordered a series of oil
portraits that begin with the portrait of
Sultan Osman I. 50 Painted by French art-
ist Jean Pqrtet, the portraits are identical
in size; they are in bust form with the
of the sultans names inscribed in the
upper section in the Latin alphabet. 51 It
is known that Sultan Abdiilmecid also
posed for British artist Sir David Wilkie
50
Istanbul 2000, p. 454, fig. 94.
51
ISM, 17/33-17/52. Istanbul 2000, cat. 65.
52
Istanbul 2000, cat. 161.
Search for new techniques and media in sultanic portraiture
(d. 1841). 52 The iconography of this por-
trait diverges from the official portraits
of the sultan. Dressed in his uniform
and white gloves, the sultan is leisurely
seated on a European-style armchair,
holding a sword. According to sources,
this particular pose was demanded per-
sonally by the sultan.
Sultanic portraiture continued with
increasing technical and iconographic
266-267
 268 Portrait of Sultan AbdUiaziz,
signed by Josef Manas. Mixed
technique on paper, 1892, TSM,
17/233.
269 Sultan Abdiilaziz. Oil on
photograph, TSM, 17/228.
270 Portrait of Sultan Abdiilhamid II,
signed by Antranik. 1918, mixed
technique on ivory, TSM, 17/239.
271 Ottoman sultans. Color print,
TSM, 17/816.
272 Sultan Mehmed Mixed
technique on paper, TSM, 17/240.
268-269
298-299
variety in the second half of the nine-
teenth century. While new models and
formats were employed, certain tra-
ditional styles were maintained. For
example, the ivory portrait medals were
produced until the twentieth century.
A young member of the Manas family,
Josef Manas (1835-1916), continued
producing these medals during the
reigns of Abdiilaziz and Abdiilhamid
II (r. 1876-1909) (fig. 268). 53 Portrait
medals were also produced by Vil;hen
Abdullah (d.1906), who belonged to
the Armenian family of photographers
working for the Ottoman court and
who was known for his portraits paint-
ed on ivory and mother of pearl (fig.
269). In the meantime, photography
became widespread during the reign of
Sultan Abdiilaziz; Abdullah Brothers
were appointed as the official pho-
tographers of the palace during this
period. They also painted oil portraits
based on photographs. 54
Due to the spread of photography,
the monumental portrait tradition ended
with Sultan Abdiilaziz. Nonetheless,
small-scale oil portraits and portrait
53
Josef Manas was the cousin of Sebuh and Rupen. He was also educated in Paris and received
commissions from Sultans Abdiilaziz and Abdiilhamid IT. He even produced an ivory portrait of
the German emperor. An inventory register at the IOK. (9079, 34) lists the commissions given to
the artist by Sultan Abdiilhamid IT. See Siirbahan 2002, pp. 66-69; Kiirkman 2004, pp. 584-585.
54
Istanbul 2000, pp. 456-457.
55
Istanbul 2000, p. 460, cats. 180-181, 186.
56
ISM, 17/240. Istanbul 2000, cat. 182.
medals were still maintained. They were
produced during the reigns of subse-
quent sultans Abdiilhamid II, Mehmed
(r. 1909-18) and Vahdettin (r.
1918-22) (figs 270-272). Apart from por-
traits of previous sultans, Abdiilhamid II
commissioned portraits of royal family
members as well. Antranik Efendi was
an artist renowned for his portrait med-
als during this period. His signed works
and archive documents indicate that his
studio was active until the early 1920s.55
Antranik combines shades of green,
blue, and yellow in the background of
his portraits. His soft brush technique
borders on Impressionism. The standing
portrait of Mehmed dressed in
royal uniform differs from portrait med-
als (fig. 272). It is larger in size and dis-
plays Western iconography. 56 The paint-
ing is unsigned; however, the choice of
colors and the brush technique is akin to
the portraits of Antranik.
Another type of sultanic portraiture
made its appearance during the reign
of Mehmed Large color prints
were produced with portraits of all the
5 New trends in Ottoman painting
Ottoman sultans (fig. 271). On such a
print, surrounded by bust portraits of
sultans set in medallions, the portrait of
Mehmed Re§ad at the center is flanked
by Mehmed II and Selim I, two sultans
who made the most significant con-
quests in Ottoman history. 57 Views of
the Ottoman army and navy are visible
in the background. The portraits are
copied from the Kap1dagh series in the
Young Album and from portrait medals.
As discussed above, the last epoch of
Ottoman sultanic portraiture was quite
diversified in terms of material, iconog-
raphy, style, and technique. As indicated
earlier, while new models and formats
were continuously developed until the
reign of Abdiilmecid, traditional styles
were continued as well. Depicting the
sultans in three-quarters profile, the
57
ISM, 17/816. Istanbul 2000, cat. 186
Search for new techniques and media in sultanic portraiture
Kap1dagh typology was employed in
the portrait series until the end of the
Abdiilmecid era. In the individual por-
traits of the sultans; however, the popu-
lar iconography of European royal por-
traits was adopted. The heroic pose, in
which the standing sultan is surrounded
by objects symbolizing his military and
civil authority, maintained its popular-
ity until the hegemony of photography
towards the end of Abdiilaziz's rule.
More importantly, new European tech-
niques and iconography were embraced
by local artists. This further under-
271-272
lined the uncontested significance of
the sultans' patronage of the arts for
the developments in Ottoman painting.
Evidently, new techniques and content
began to dominate the art of painting
beyond portraiture.
From wa11s to canvases

300-301
In the eighteenth and nineteenth centu-
ries, various branches of painting other
than manuscript illustration emerged,
rendering new functions to painting. As
noted earlier, the large-scale sultanic
portraits intended for wall display led to
the establishment of monumental paint-
ing in the Western sense. In fact, easel
paintings would be the most widespread
genre in nineteenth-century Ottoman
painting; particularly after the Tanzimat
era, art education would be institution-
alized and contemporary movements
would be adopted. Mural paintings thus
hold a distinctive place in this context.
(painted decoration on walls/
ceilings) evolved as a unique branch of
art in Ottoman architecture. The painted
dations, and perspective. The earliest 273 Wall paintings in the hall. 1789.
examples are found in Istanbul in the Valide Sultan Wing, Topkap1 Palace,
mid-eighteenth century at the Harem Harem.
Apartments of Topkap1 Palace, in the
sections added or redecorated by the
sultans of the time, and they certainly
shed light to the development of this
genre in the capital. 1 In a number of
rooms, the friezes surrounding the cor-
nices or panels on the upper parts of
the walls are ornate with landscapes,
which are dominated by views of the
Golden Hom and the Bosphorus. Rivers
flowing into the sea, small bridges span-
ning them, garden pavilions cooled by
jet fountains, and garden terraces with
273

decorations made on plaster, stone and

wood throughout the centuries were com-
prised of geometric and floral motifs in
line with the conventions of the period.
In the eighteenth century, however, a
new decorative program was employed
in wall painting. While vases with flow-
ers and bowls filled with fruits decorated
walls during the Tulip Era, in the second
half of the century, they were replaced by
landscape compositions and still lifes set
in Baroque or Rococo frames. Widespread
in European architecture, Baroque and
Rococo styles also reached the Ottoman
Empire in the eighteenth century and were
primarily reflected in architectural deco-
ration. Although the decorative program
evolved over time, traditional
techniques were maintained in murals,
eventually giving way to oil paintings in
the second half of the nineteenth century.
Initially encountered in the court circles
of Istanbul, such paintings soon spread
across the whole Empire, decorating man- flowers are featured in virtually all
sions, fountains, as well as mausolea the paintings. Elaborately drawn with
and mosques. They hold an important meticulous detail, waterfront mansions
place Ottoman art reflecting the transition and kiosks document numerous Istanbul
from traditional manuscript illustration to buildings that are no longer extant (figs
Western-style painting. 273-274). None of the paintings, how-
Similar to eighteenth-century manu- ever, include figures. White buildings
script and albums illustrations, the wall with red roofs, green trees with fading
paintings - comprised predominantly leaves here and there, deep blue rivers,
of landscapes - display new techniques and a pinkish sky denote the use of a
such as light and shade, color gra- limited range of colors and indicate that

1
In recent years, numerous studies have been published on eighteenth and nineteenth-centuzy wall
paintings. See Renda 1977b, pp. 77-170; Ank 1988; Renda 1988, pp. 69-86; Renda 1998a; Renda
2003c, pp. 935-940 for primacy sources.

From walls to canvases

274 Wall painting from the Imperial
Ward of Sultan Selim Ill. Late eight-
eenth century. Topkap1 Palace, Harem.
274
302-303
the artists still used the traditional veg-
etable pigments.
The mural paintings in the two-
storey wooden apartment Sultan Selim
ill added to the Harem are executed in
this style. One of the panels in the privy
chamber of Sultan Selim ill features a
waterside mansion with a jet fountain
(fig. 274). The accurate perspectival
representation of the palace composed
of various pavilions and the use of soft
brush strokes on the hills and trees in
the background mark this panel as the
work of a master artist. The panoramic
Istanbul views placed between Baroque
and Rococo decorations on the upper
part of the walls in the Valide Sultan
(Queen Mother) wing on the second sto-
rey of the same complex constitute the
most impressive examples of this new
decorative program (fig. 273). All the
paintings in the Sultan Selim ill wing -
dated 1789 (1204 AH) - are attributed
to the renowned court painter Kostantin
2
Renda 1996b; Renda 2001b.
3
Renda 1996b, pp. 154-155, figs 7-9; Renda 2001b, figs 11-12.
• Renda 2001b, figs 2, 13, 14.
5
Renda 1977b, pp. 108-123.
6
irepoglu 1986, pp. 56-61; irez 1990, figs 3, 4, 7, 17.
7
Istanbul landscapes commissioned by Swedish Ambassadors Gustav and illrich Celsing are
housed at the Celsing Manor in Sweden. See Adahl 2003; Renda 2003b.
Kap1dagh and his assistants. 2 Other
murals by Kostantin attest to the art-
ist's mastery of landscape paintings. As
noted in the previous chapter, drawn by
Kostantin and engraved in London, the
portrait of Sultan Selim ill is found in a
binding with town views drawn in the
same style with the murals on its front
and back doubleurs (figs 276-277).3 The
artist's soft brush strokes and successful
use of light are well reflected in these
landscapes. The two landscapes attrib-
uted to Kostantin found in a copy of the
Divan-t jzhamiden Muntehab (Selected
Poems from ilhami's Divan) composed
of poems by Sultan Selim (ilhami) and
those dedicated to Selim ill by other
poets, are almost identical with the
murals in the Valide Sultan Apartment
(fig. 275). 4 The views included at the
bottom of the sultan portraits painted
by Kostantin Kap1dagh for The Young
Album are also similar in style (com-
pare figs 249-251). A skilled landscape
painter, Kostantin was instrumental in
the spread of the genre of wall painting.
Similar mural paintings encountered
in private mansions and waterside houses
in Istanbul in the same period indicate
that there was a group of artists produc-
ing such murals for non-royal patrons. 5
There is no doubt that the Ottoman
court pioneered this new architectural
decoration and gave rise to its popularity
in other circles. The plans of European
palaces and gardens, as well as designs
of interior decoration housed at Topkap1
Palace archives attest to this fact. 6 The
thriving diplomatic and commercial rela-
tions during this period enticed many
European ambassadors, merchants, trav-
elers, and artists to the Ottoman capital.
Recognized as 'Peintres du Bosphore'
(Bosphorus painters), these artists mostly
painted scenes of Istanbul and received
commissions from the European ambas-
sadors in Istanbul. 7 Similar to murals, the
landscapes of European artists document
the topography of Istanbul and numer-
5 New trends in Ottoman painting
ous structures that have not survived to - were predominantly the non-Muslim 275 View of Istanbul. Divan-1
our day. The European painters drew masters who were able to receive some ilhami'den Milntehab, ca. 1809-1810,
Istanbul from roughly the same vantage academic training. Large-scale portraits TSM, H. 912, fol. 3b.
points and depicted the same districts of the sultans painted by these artists 276 View of and Istanbul
and buildings. Sources reveal that their remained in the court circles until the straits, Bursa and Edirne painted by
studios in Istanbul were the meeting reign of Mahmud II, who ordered his oil Kostantin Kap1dagil on the doublure
point of Levantine, non-Muslim and portraits to be hung in state offices. of the binding. 1793, TSM, A. 3689.
Muslim artists. It is thus natural that In the second half of the nineteenth 277 A view of Istanbul painted by
local artists adopted the same repertoire. 8 century, mural paintings attained a rich- Kostantin Kap1dagl1 on the doublure
There is no doubt that the local artists er content and oil was used instead of the binding. 1793, TSM, A. 3689.
who painted murals also received com- of the traditional technique.
missions for oil or watercolor landscapes, Panoramic Istanbul scenes were still
as well as costume or portrait albums popular; districts, such as Kag1thane
mentioned above. River, Goksu Meadow and Bay
Regardless of their geography, be it as well as buildings such as the Galata
the various regions of Anatolia or the
275-276
Balkans, Syria and Egypt, the rapidly
spreading mural paintings across the
Empire were dominated by landscapes
(fig. 278). This propagation intensified
during the reign of Sultan Selim Ill,
for the empowered provincial notables
were in close contact with the capital,
which, in tum, led to the dissemination
of new trends originating in Istanbul.
In order to decorate the buildings they
commissioned -and primarily their own
mansions- these individuals often sum-
moned artists from the capital. In time,
local artists increasingly adopted the
new decorative program. Their artists
notwithstanding, these paintings are
replete with innovations, both in terms
of content and style. 9
Murals made a considerable contri-
bution towards the espousal of new con-
cepts of painting in the Ottoman Empire.
More importantly, artists chose land-
scape paintings as the most appropriate
277
genre for the application of Western
modes in painting. Only depicted in
book illustrations for centuries, human
figures; however, were still absent from
wall paintings, as society was not quite
ready for figural representation on a
monumental scale. Furthermore, in
order to execute paintings with figures
or portraits along western lines, it was
necessary to have studied anatomy and
drawing from live models. Hence, artists
who applied new techniques in eigh-
teenth and nineteenth-century paint-
ings - particularly in sultanic portraits

8
See Boppe 1989; Germaner-inankur 2002, for foreign artists and their activities in Istanbul.
9
Renda 1977b, pp. 124-170; Ank 1988; Renda 1996d; Weber 2002.

From walls to canvases

 Tower, Leander Tower, and
Lighthouse were repeatedly illustrated
r
(fig. 279). Different compositions were
encountered in the paintings of this period
reminiscent of European postcards featur-
ing building styles foreign to Ottoman
architecture, or exotic plants unique to
warmer climates. Hunting scenes and
game animals were frequently portrayed
as well. More importantly, human fig-
ures - albeit smaller in scale - entered
mural paintings. Such innovations were
also adopted in the provinces. 10 Murals
painted in the second half of the nine-
teenth centmy were entirely European in
terms of technique and style. The similar-
ity of content and style in these paintings
suggests that the same templates and
possibly photographs and engravings
were used as models. In fact, a strikingly
similar content is noted in easel paintings
of the period as well.
Art education in the European man-
ner was initiated in imperial institutions
in the nineteenth century. Mathematics,
geometry, and technical drawing les-
sons were included in the modem cur-
ricula at the technical schools estab-
lished one after the other. Starting with
the Muhendishane-i Bahri-i Humayun
(Imperial School of Naval Engineering),
the Muhendishane-i Berri-i Humayun
(Imperial School of Engineering for
Artillery Officers and Army Engineers),
later the Mekteb-i Harbiye (Military
Academy), and - following the procla-
mation of the Tanzi mat - the Schools of
Sanayi (Industry) and Mulkiye (Political
Science), as well as secondary schools
(idadi) and the teacher training col-
leges shaped art education until the
founding of the Sanayi-i Nejise Mektebi
(Academy of Fine Arts) in 1883.
The use of single-layer paint, the
absence of figures, and the success-
ful application of linear perspective
were common to artists trained at such
schools. Similar to mural paintings,
they too depicted various quarters of
Istanbul with topographic precision.
Hiiseyin Giritli's painting depicting the
Ytldtz Palace gardens epitomizes the
topographic landscapes common to the

10
Renda 1988, pp. 82-86; Weber 2002.

304-305 5 New trends in Ottoman painting

second half of the nineteenth century 278 Wall painting depicting a view
(fig. 280). from the Bosphorus found in the
The role of the Ottoman palace should Had1moglu Kanak. 1796. Bayramir;,
not be underestimated in the adoption of 279 Landscape with Kiir;iiksu
easel painting in the Western sense. The Fountain. ca. 1880-90, Wall painting
art collections formed at the palace and from the Dolmabahr;e Palace, Harem
the activities of the European painters Apartments, Room no. 212.
commissioned by court circles played 280 From the Gardens of Yild1z
a role in the developments observed in Palace. Hiiseyin Giritli, Oil on canvas,
the art of painting. Artists who trav- Last quarter of the nineteenth-century,
eled to the Ottoman capital during the IRHM.
reign of Sultan Abdiilaziz not only
worked for the palace, but gave art les-
sons and participated in exhibitions as
well. 11 Consequently, they assumed an
important place in the artistic milieu
of IstanbuL Having been invited to
Istanbul by Sultan Abdiilaziz, French 280

painter P. D. Guillemet (d. 1878), for

example, established a private art school
named Academie de dessin et de pein-
ture at his own studio in 1874 with the
sultan's consent. 12
The true representatives of the new
westernized style of painting in the
nineteenth century were artists sent
to study in Europe, as they person-
ally received academic art education
abroad rather than learning western
techniques second hand. Reformist sul-
tans of the post-Tanzimat era- such as
Abdiilmecid and Abdiilaziz - not only
sent these artists to Paris for training,
but they also established the Mekteb-i
Osmani (Ottoman School) in Paris to
facilitate their education. In session
between 1860 and 1874, the school
admitted graduates of both military and
civil schools. 13 Historic sources indicate
that artists such as Ferik ibrahim Pasha
(d. 1891), Hiisnii YusufBey (d. 1861) and
Ahmed Emin Bey (d. 1891), who were
sent abroad during Sultan Abdiilmecid's
reign, produced easel paintings as well
as murals upon their return. 14
Trained first at the Mekteb-i Osmani
and later at the Academy of Fine Arts in
Paris· Ahmed Pasha (Ahmed Ali, d.
1907) was a pioneer among such paint-
ers. Having attracted Sultan Abdiilaziz's
attention at Paris Universal Exposition

11
Germaner-inankur 1989; inankur 1999.
12
Thalassa 1912, p. 11.
13
Cezar 1995, pp. 395-396.
14
The most important sources for detailed information on military school graduate-painters are
Mehmed Esad's publications on these schools. See Mehmed Esad 1310.

From walls to canvases

281 A deer in a forest. Ahmed
Pasha, Oil on canvas, ca. 1870, IRHM.
282 A forest. Suleyman Seyyid, Oil on
canvas. Early twentieth century, IRHM.
283 Sultan Ahmed Mosque. Ahmet
Ziya Akbulut, Oil on canvas, 1897,
IRHM.
284 Portrait of Naile Hamm. Osman
Hamdi, Oil on canvas, 1908, IRHM.
306-307
of 1867, he was appointed as the palace
marshal upon his return and charged
with forming the art collection at the
palace. 15 It appears that while in Paris,
Ahmed Pasha was influenced
by pre-Impressionist French academic
painting. The deep spaces and the soft,
but strong use of light in his landscapes
and still lifes draw attention. He unites
atmospheric effects with perspective,
and brings out the simplicity and vigor
of objects in nature, as if reluctant to
break with tradition completely (fig.
281). In this respect, his landscapes
resemble the murals of the period. In
fact, sources prove that like many of his
contemporaries, he painted murals. 16 It
was also Ahmed Pasha who orga-
nized the first collective art exhibition
in Istanbul in 1873.
15
Istanbul 2008.
16
Erol 1988, pp. 110-111; Renda 2003, pp. 950-951.
17
Boyar 1948, pp. 25-33.
Siileyman Seyyid (d. 1913) was anoth-
er artist trained in Paris. Recognized
mostly for his still lifes, Seyyid, who
also painted a number of landscapes,
figurative compositions, and portraits,
was noted for his delicate brush tech-
nique and powerful use of light (fig.
282). Both Ahmed Pasha and
Siileyman Seyyid are distinguished from
nineteenth-century artists who tended to
copy photographs or engravings. 17 Halil
Pasha (d. 1939) constitutes yet another
representative of the Paris school paint-
ers. With his vivid colors, thick brush
strokes, and flickering patches of light,
Halil Pasha deviated from other artists
and verges on Impressionism. Other
Ottoman artists who did not have the
opportunity to study in Europe also
stand out in the history of Turkish
5 New trends in Ottoman painting
painting. They appear to have been 283

influenced by Orientalist painters who

traveled to Istanbul. Among these,
Hiiseyin Zekai Pasha (d. 1917) is rec-
ognized for his landscapes filled with
historic buildings. 18 A photographic pre-
cision of detail is evident in his paint-
ings; what renders him fame among
the artists of the period, however, is his
masterful use of color and light. Ahmet
Ziya Akbulut (d. 1938), who painted in
the same manner, on the other hand, is
known for his two books on perspec-
tive entitled, Amel-i Menaztr ve Usulii
(The Art of Perspective) and Ameliye-i
Penn-i Menaztr (A Scientific Method of
Perspective) (fig. 283). 19 Among those
artists who did not study in Europe,
Hoca Ali RIZa (d. 1930) stands out with
his innovative style. His poetic land-
scapes have a special place in Turkish
painting. His work is characterized by
close observation of nature, study of
atmospheric effects, and skilled use of
light and shade and color tones. 20
Though he was not a military school
graduate, Osman Hamdi (d. 1917) was
nonetheless educated in Paris dur-
ing the second half of the nineteenth
century. He was an archaeologist and
the founder of the Imperial Museum
(present-day Archaeological Museums
of Istanbul). Osman Hamdi holds a
unique place in the Ottoman art of
painting as the pioneer of figurative
compositions and portraiture and is
also known for his portraits of women21
(fig. 284). While still in Paris, he was
influenced by French academic paint-
284
ers and the Orientalists in particular.
His figures are often poised in or near
historical monuments reminiscent of the
Orientalist mode in European painting.
Unlike the Orientalists; however, he did
not attempt to create a mystical world of
the East. Rather than creating an exotic
mode, he portrayed figures in the correct
historical settings of his native country
with almost a photographic realism.
Formal academic education in the arts
started with the founding of Sanayi-i
Nefise Mektebi by Osman Hamdi in

'"Erol1988, figs 106-107, 123-128; Renda 2003c, figs 609, 610.

19
Cezar 1995, pp. 345-346.
20
Erol 1988, pp. 123-148.
21
Cezar 1995, pp. 197-360.

From walls to canvases

 1883. Apart from Osman Hamdi him-
self, teachers of the academy included
renowned artists of the period
Ahmed Pasha and Halil Pasha, as well
as Europeans like J. Wamia-Zarzecki
(d. 1924), Salvator Valeri (d.1946), and
Philippa Bello. (d.1909). 22 From 1885
onwards, the Academy of Fine Arts
began to hold annual exhibitions of
works by its students. By the end of the
nineteenth century, Istanbul had become
a true center of arts; several exhibitions
285
22
Thalasso 1912, pp. 15-18. Edhem 1924/1970, pp. 36-46
23
Cezar 1995, v. 2, pp. 421-445.
24
Thalasso 1906.
25
Edhem 1924/1970, p. 43
26
Edhem 1924/1970.
27
Artun 2007.
308-309
were organized attracting the European
painters working in the Ottoman capital
as welP 3 In the early twentieth century,
salon exhibitions similar to the Paris
Salons were held in Istanbul. At the insti-
gation of Alexandre Vallaury, (d. 1921)
who taught architecture at the academy,
these exhibitions were held from 1901
to 1903 in the Pera district, which had
become a popular venue for exhibitions
displaying works of a variety of artists
including European painters working in
Istanbul, teachers at the Academy, and
non-Muslim artists of the period. 24
An Academy of Fine Arts for Women
was opened in 1914, giving women the
opportunity of art education. 25 In the
year 1915, another major art event took
place in Istanbul: an exhibition held in
the Academy of Fine Arts consisting of
works by nineteenth century Turkish
artists and European artists who had
worked in the Ottoman capital such as
French Orientalist Jean-Louis Gerome
(d.1904), Polish Stanislas Chlebowsky
(d. 1884) and Russian-Armenian Ivan
Aivazovsky (d.1900). The exhibition
was comrpised mainly of the paint-
ings from the imperial collections and
copies of paintings by major European
artists of the past, including Tiziano,
Velasques, Rubens, Watteau and Goya. 26
More innovative movements in paint-
ing were introduced in the first decades
of the twentieth century by artists who
graduated from the Academy of Fine
Arts and were sent to Europe to con-
tinue their education. Trained mostly
at Academie Julian in Paris, 27 these
artists, collectively known as the 1914
Generation or the (;:all1 group, taught at
the Academy upon their return. ibrahim
<;:alh (d. 1960), Nazmi Ziya (d. 1937),
Hikmet Onat (d. 1977) Feyhaman Duran
(d. 1970), Avni Lifij (d. 1927), Namlk
ismail (d. 1935), and other artists of this
generation introduced a new style and
content to Turkish painting. They no
longer confined themselves to landscapes
of Istanbul but painted genre scenes,
5 New trends in Ottoman painting

rural life, social events, and even nudes.
Contrary to the sharp contours and dark
shadows favored by their predecessors,
their thick brush strokes and flickering
light effects reveal an approach dose to
Impressionism, although they are con-
sidered as academic followers of the
movement. In fact, the late nineteenth-
century landscapes of Halil Pasha and
Hoca Ali R1za formed a bridge that led to
the works of this generation.
Although this group of artists
favored a more academic Impressionism,
Nazmi Ziya comes closest to French
Impressionism in his landscapes with
his pastel tones dominating in patches
of pink, green and yellow executed in
vigorous brush strokes (fig. 285). 28 A
soft shimmering light filters through the
trees, turning objects and figures into
shadows or silhouettes. Nam1k ismail,
on the other hand, experimented with
new themes. 29 He painted rural scenes,
portraits of men and women, as well
as nudes (fig. 286). He was deeply
interested in the changing image of
women in Ottoman society striving for
modernization. ibrahim is also
28
Erol 1995.
29
Rona 1992.
'" Ozsezgin 1995, Giray 1997
" irepoglu 1986a.
From walls to canvases
285 Morning. Nazmi Ziya, Oil on
known for the versatility and dyna-
canvas. First quarter of the twentieth-
mism he brought to Turkish painting century, IRHM.
using diverse techniques and thick lay- 286 Lady reclining?. Nam1k ismail. Oil
on canvas, 1917, IRHM.
ers of paint dominating the settings of
daily life (fig. 287). 30 Similar to Nam1k
ismail, he painted numerous portraits
of women. One other artist noted for
portraiture was Avni Lifij who, in his
short life, produced paintings of a wide
subject matter, landscapes and portraits,
as well as paintings with a social con-
tent (fig. 288). Feyhaman Duran was
the prolific portraitist in the group. His
286
portraits reflect the sensitive perception
with which he approached his models
reflecting their personalities and inner
worlds on canvas (fig. 289). 31
Early in the twentieth century, paint-
ers began to form societies staging joined
exhibitions to encourage interest in art
among the general public. The Society of
Ottoman Painters was founded in 1908
and even published a monthly magazine,
which was the forerunner of art jour-
nals in Turkey. After 1916, the society
held annual exhibitions at the Societa
Operaia, a building in Pera owned by the
Italian colony in Istanbul until 1911. The
 building was subsequently transformed
into the student dormitory of Galatasaray
Lycee (Mekteb-i Sultani), the leading edu-
cational institution in Istanbul. The exhi-
bitions held at these venues thus came to
be known as Galatasaray Exhibitions. 32
Almost all the members of the 1914 gen-
eration participated in these exhibitions.
Another significant event was the
establishment of the Studio in 191 7
upon the initiative of art historian and
painter Celal Esad Arseven (d. 1971).
Arseven's objective was to found a to
produce paintings to be hung in govern-
ment offices and to be displayed abroad.
Supported by the director of the Bureau
288
287
of Information, the studio was opened
in the district in Istanbul. 33 This
project was greatly supported by Sultan
Abdiilaziz's son Caliph Abdiilmecid
Efendi (d. 1944), an artist like his father
and known for his landscapes and por-
traits.34 All the leading Turkish artists
including the Caliph himself did paint-
ings for an exhibition to be held in
32
Istanbul 2003, Istanbul 2009.
33
Goren 1997.
34
Istanbul 2004.
310-311
Vienna. The exhibition first opened in
Istanbul in 1917 under the title 'Pictures
of War,' as all the artists worked with
themes of World War I and the Gallipoli
Campaign. The exhibition was repeated
in Vienna the same year; it was the first
traveling exhibition of Turkish artists in
a European country. After World War I
in 1919, the society changed its name
to Society of Turkish Painters and held
regular exhibitions. The same group of
painters continued their activities with
even greater momentum after the estab-
lishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923.
In conclusion, advances in Western
style painting were attained as a result of
the endeavors of court circles and the sub-
sequent endorsement of Istanbul's intel-
lectual and cosmopolitan classes. Initially
confined to court circles alone, activities
in this area gradually ·Spread beyond the
palace to forge a new artistic milieu.
Patronage of the arts by European diplo-
mats in Istanbul and the European artists
who traveled to Istanbul also nurtured this
5 New trends in Ottoman painting
development. The change in the social 287 Magnolias. ibrahim c;all1. Oil on
status of the non-Muslims and Levantines cardboard, 1923, IRHM.
and the restructurings of the relations 288 The 14 Generation of painters
between the capital and the provinces, (Portraits of Ahmet Ziya Akbulut.
on the other hand, were instrumental in ibrahim !;alii, Feyhaman Duran,
propagating the capital's cultural transfor- Dag, Hikmet Onat). Feyhaman
mation across the empire. For westerniza- Duran. Oil on canvas, 1921, IRHM.
tion, modernization and cultural change 289 Urban developments or
to have any profound impact on the Municipal workers in Kad1k1iy. Avni
public at large; however, Turkey would Lifij. Oil on canvas, 1916 IRHM.
have to wait for a comprehensive cultural
policy, which would be implemented after
the establishment of the Turkish Republic.
Inevitably more derivative and imitative
of European models in the nineteenth
century, Turkish painting was able to dis-
cover its own path during the Republican
Period.

289

From walls to canvases

312-313
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326-327
328-329
lndex
1914 Generation 308, 310
A Thousand and One Nights (Elf
Leyal) 206
Aaron 257, 259
Abbas I, Safavid ruler 249
Abd Allah Ansari of Herat 250
Abd al-Rahman al-Bistami 196
Abd al-Rahman Jami see Jami
Abdi, bookbinder 159
Abdillcelil see Levni
Abdullah Brothers 298
Abdullah Buhari see Buhari
Abdullatif Khan 94
Abdullatif Razi 276
Abel 30, 99, 134
Abu Ayyub al-Ansari 26, 28, 34,
121-122
Abu Ma'shar al-Balkhi 192
Abu Sa'id, Ilkhanid ruler 93
Academie Julian 308
Academy of Fine Arts 304-305, 308
Adam 50, 98-99, 134, 137, 196,
242-244, 256, 266
Adja 'ib al-Makhluqat wa-Ghara 'ib
al-Mawjudat 33, 203, 205, 247-
248
Ahdi of Baghdad 87
Ahl-al Bayt (The family of the
Prophet) 252
Ahmed b. Abdullah, painter 149
Ahmed 215
Ahmed el-Nuri b. Mustafa 159
Ahmed Emin Bey 305
Ahmed Feridun 82, 113-114, 118-
119, 126
Ahmed Karabagi 118-119
Ahmed Karahisari 185
Ahmed Pasha 28, 109
Ahmed 39
Ahmedi 23-24, 28-34, 50, 94
Ahval-i Ktyamet 200-201
Aivazovsk:y, Ivan 308
Aka Mirak 231
Aka Riza 218
Akbar 94
Akbarnama 94
Akbulut, Ahmet Ziya 306-307, 311
Akkerman (Belgorod-Dnestrovski) 80
Alaeddin Ali 24 7
al-Aqsa Mosque 138
album 36, 38-40, 50, 67, 87, 89,
91, 194, 195, 214,222, 224-225,
228-230, 232, 234, 236, 238-245,
266,268,276,282-283,286,
289-292, 299, 302
45
Aleppo 24, 77-78, 152, 167, 247-250
Alexander Romance 29-30
Alexander the Great see iskender,
iskandar
Alexandre Vallaury 308
Alexandria 73, 176, 295
Alexios m Komnenos 30
AliAgha 216
Ali b. Abu Talib 199
Ali b. Nakib Hamza 210
Ali painter 134, 247, 255, 258
Ali Macar Reis 74, 83
Ali Pasha 213, 230, 232
Ali Quli Khan I 72
Ali ShirNawa'i 46,56-57, 59, 61,66
Ali Ufki Bey (Albert Bobovi) 206
Ali Uskudari see Uskudari
Ali, caliph 138, 163
Ali b. Nakib Hamza 210
al-Jazuli 278
Al-Khidr 140-141
Alqas Mirza, Safavid prince 76,
102, 113
al-Qazwini 33, 120, 203, 205, 247-
248
al-Suhrawardi, Muhammad 255
al-Zakhra, Andalusian physician 25
Amasya 23-26, 43, 230, 230-261
Amel-i Menaztr ve Usulii 307
Ameliye-i Penn-i Menaztr 307
Amir Khalil 56
Amir Khusraw Dihlawi 53, 56
Anabasis 29
Anadolu Hisan 274
Anatolian Turkmans 43
Andrea Vavassore 7 4
Angiolello 43
Antranik Efendi 298
Aq Qoyunlu 40, 44, 48, 51-52, 55-
56, 65
Arab 28, 33
Arifi (Fethullah 98-102,
104, 106, 109-111, 113, 118,
133-134, 141-142, 214, 217
Arifi ofHerat 57, 59, 64
Arrian 29
Arseven, Celal Esad 310
Arslanhane (The Hall of Lions) 124,
126, 238
Asafi 167, 171-175
Asakir-i Mansure-i Muhammediye
294
85, 132, 231
At Meydam see Hippodrome
Atamian 294
Ataullah bin Yahya 272
Atayi 189, 272, 274
Atrc!lar Tekkesi 269
atlas 74, 83
Atlas Major 245
Atlas Minor 245
Atlas-t Hiimayun 74
Attar 56-57, 59
Audience Hall, Topkapr Palace 155
Augier Ghislain de Busbecq 238
Avni Lifij 308-309, 311
Aynahkavak Pavilion 268, 271-272
Sultan 192
Bab-1 Humayun, Topkapr Palace
25, 103, 213
BabU's-Saade, Topkapr Palace 103,
155
Babu's-Selam, Topkapr Palace 126,
145
Babur, founder of the Mughal
dynasty 94
Baburnama 94
Badi al-Din Manucehr al-Taciri al-
Tabrizi 27
Badiuzzaman Mirza, Timurid prince
53, 56-57, 63-64
Badr al-Din al-Ayni 276
Baghdad 24, 77-78, 87, 95, 97-98,
231,247-
253, 255-261
Baharistan 208-210
Bahram Gur see Bahram V
Bahram Mirza, Safavid prince 40,
229
Bahram V, Iranian king 53-54
Baki 230, 249, 260
Ballarino, Venetian balio 240
Barbaros Hayreddin Pasha 80, 87,
98, 104-106
Barquq, Mamluk sultan 159
Bartolomeo Bellano 37
Baysunghur, Timurid prince 56
Bayrakdar Mustafa Pasha 283
Belgrade 81-82, 98, 113-114, 120-
121, 215
Bellano 37-38
Bello, Philippa 308
Beng u Bade 252, 255
Bey Sarayr 23
Beyan-t Menazil-i Sejer-i Irakeyn-t
Sultan Siileyman Han 76
Bidpai 51, 248
Bihzad 56-57, 85, 184, 231, 259
Bijan 114, 116
Bilqis (Queen of Sheba) 49, 50
Bobovi see Ali Ufki Bey
Bosphorus 74, 156, 274-275, 288,
296,301-302,305
Budin 80, 105
Buhari 276-278
Bukhara 52
Buraq 140, 160
Bursa 23, 26, 39, 51-52, 67, 131-
133, 185, 251, 303
Bustan of Sa'di 195
Cain 99, 134
Cairo 72-74, 96, 247, 288
Camiii'l-Buhur der Mecalis-i Sur 250
Camiii's-Siyer 252, 255
Canibek Giray, Crimean ruler 218
Cantemir, Dimitrie, Moldovan
prince 266
Celsing 286, 302
Cern Sultan 26, 43, 48, 132
Cenderecizade 230
Cerrahiyyetii 'l-Haniyye 25
Cevahirii 'l-Gara 'ib ve Terciimetii 'l-
Bahrii'l-Aca'ib 189
Chamber of Petitions, Topkapr
Palace 102
Charles v, Holy Roman Emperor 89
Cifru'l-Cami 198-201, 208, 210
Cihanniima 245
Cinani 189
Civitates Orbis Terranum 74
Claes Ralamb 241
Claude de Bose 266
Claudius Ptolemy 36
Constantin Capoudaghle see
Kostantin Kaprdagh
Costanzo da Ferrara (Costanzo di
Moysis) 37, 39-40
Council Hall, Topkapr Palace 119,
145
court painter 50, 113, 231, 302
c;:agaloglu Yusuf Sinan Pasha 259
c;:aldrran 56
ibrahim 308-309, 311
group 308
c;:anakkale 241, 303
c;:andarh Halil Pasha 214-215
c;:elebizade Said Efendi 265
. c;:rragan Palace 296
D'Ohsson, Mouradgea 285-287
Dabbem'l-Arz 196, 198
Dal Mehmed see Asafi
Dala'il al-Khayrat 278
Damad Ibrahim Pasha, grand vizier
265, 268-269, 271-272
Damascus 85, 247-248, 250, 253
Danyal (Daniel) 206, 257, 259
Dara 30
Darir 159-165 Firasetname 179 Halife Abdiilmecid see Sultan Ilkhanid 24, 93, 95, 230
Darius 30 Firdawsi 23, 32, 35, 94-96, 99, 114, Abdiilmecid Imam Husayn, 253
Darvish Muhammad, the Aq 116, 133, 171-172, 179, 185, 192, Halil, Aq Qoyunlu ruler 56 Isfahan 218
Qoyunlu painter 56 203,217,220,222,252,259-260 Halil b. Abdullah Edirnevi 45 Ishmael 257, 259
Dasitan-t Tevarih-i Muluk-i Al-i Firdevsi 48-49, 99 Halil Pasha 217, 306, 308-309 Iskandar (see also iskender) 23, 30,
Osman 29 Francesco Berlinghieri Fiorentino halkari 59-62, 168, 182, 190, 229, 48, 54
David (Davud) 257, 259 36 248, 250-251 Iskandar-i Zulqarnayn 23, 30, 48,
Davud inebazari 52 Franr;ois I, French king 89 Halku'l-vaad (La Goulette) Fortress 73, 257
Deli Hiiseyin Pasha 238, 240 Futuhat-1 Cemile by Arifi 106, 109 124 Iskandarnama (see also
Hasan Eyyubi 278 Fuzuli 250, 252, 255-257 Hamdi 65-66 iskendername) 23, 32, 34
Mahmud b. Abdullah Hamdullah 43 210
N 50-51 Gabriel 138, 160, 164 Hamdullah Hamdi 190-191 Isma'il 257
Mehmed 99 Gabriel d'Aramon 238 Hamse 65-66, 190 Isolario 71
Mehmed Ahlaki 248 Galata 74, 77-78, 82-83, 85, 128 Hamse-i Atayi 272, 274 Israfil (Raphael) 200-201
Mustafa bin El-Hac Mehmed Galatasaray Exhibitions 310 Hamza Mirza, Safavid prince 172
275 Gate of Peace, Topkap1 Palace 145 Hamza, prophet Muhammad's uncle
Destan-t Ferruh u Huma 210 Gayumars 96 242-243 i:brahim b. Mustafa, calligrapher 214
104 Gazaname 166-167, 175, 177, 181, Hamzaname 243 ibrahim Efendi, painter 272
Dilsuzname 26-28, 32 182, 225, 227 Hanya Pasha 240 Ibrahim Khan, Safavid ambassador
Dimitrie Cantemir see Cantemir Gazanfer Agha, chief white eunuch Harun 257 155
Divan 56-57, 59-64, 67, 145, 155, 167, 171, 173, 183-185, 198-200, Hasan, grandson of Prophet Mu- ibrahim Miilhemi 245
214, 216-218, 224, 260 208, 210, 216-217 hammad, 78, 138, 162, 252-253 ibrahim Miiteferrika 265
Divan-t hhamiden Muntehab 302- Gazavat-1 Hayreddin 72 Hasan Ali Mashadi 249-250 ibrahim Pasha Palace 77, 147
303 Gencine-i Feth-i Gence 17 4, 17 5 Hasan Pasha, son of Sokollu ibrahim Pasha, grand vizier 62-63,
Divan-t Nadiri 216 genealogical tree 50, 286-288, 290, Mehmed 248, 255-256, 258, 260 71-73,98
Drama 226-227 294 Hasht Behesht 53 icmal-i Tevarih-i Al-i Osman 286,
Dulkadirli Turkmans 62 genealogy 50, 133-134, 159, 256, hatayi 59 291
Durr-i Derya 87 266, 286-287 Hatice Halime Sultan 214 ilhami 302-303
Durr-i $ahvar 239 Gentile Bellini 36-40 Hatifi 46-48, 53, 59, 93 ilyas Katip 123
Dust Muhammad 40 Geographike 36 Haydar Mirza, Safavid prince 1 7 4, inebahtl 78, 80-81
George Amiroutzes 31, 35 260 intizami 146-147, 149
Ebussu'ud Efendi, the chief mufti Georgia 167, 175, 215 Haydar Reis see Nigari Isa Bey 145
119,174 Gerome, Jean-Louis 308 Hayreddin Pasha 72, 80, 87, 98, isameddin Ahmed b. Muslihiiddin
Edirne 23, 27, 29, 31, 34, 43, 48, Ghazan Khan, llkhanid ruler 93 104-106 Mustafa 214
61, 217, 243, 247, 266, 303 Ghazi Giray Khan, Crimean ruler 172 Heavens 159-160 iskender (Alexander the Great, see
Eflatun of Shirvan 113, 133, 142 Ghaznavid 94 Henry II, King of France 238 also Iskandar) 23-24, 28-32, 34,
Eger 109, 224 Ghilan 62 Herat 32, 46, 52-57, 61-64, 93, 99, 55, 94,116,140- 141,16
Eger campaign 179, 182-184 Giambattista Toderini 286 249-250, 259 iskender-i Zulqarnayn 140
Egri Fetihnamesi 182-185 Giovanni M. Angiolello 43 Hippodrome (At Meydam) 76-77, iskendername (see also
Ehl-i Hiref 44, 55, 113, 159, 231 Giovio 87, 91 124, 147, 170 Iskandarnama) 23-25, 28-35, 50,
Elf Leyal 206 Gog and Magog 30, 140-141 Historia of Kritovoulos 25, 30 94, 217
Elias 141 Goksu 303 Historia Turchesca of Angiolello 43 ismail Ziihdii 278
Enbiyaname 98-100, 110, 134, 141 golden globe 234 History of Alexander 23, 29 ismihan Sultan 191
Enderun 7 4, 164 Golden Horn 74, 78, 82, 85, 268, Hoca Ali R1za 307, 309 izmit 168
Enderunlu Fazil 279 270-272 Hoca Sa'duddin 171, 182, 213-214,
esnaf-t musavviran Gorgora 170-171 250 Ja'far al-Sadiq, the sixth imam 193
(guild of illuminator-painters) Gori Fortress 175 Hubanname 279-282 Ja'far Tabrizi 56
238 Gouache 285, 288, 294 Hubanname ve Zenanname 279-280 Jahanara Begum 153
Eve 99, 134, 137, 196, 242, 244, Gripsholm Castle 286 Humayunname 206, 248, 255, 258 Jalayirid 24, 192-193, 230
266 Guillemet, P.D. 305 Hunername 82, 130, 142-144, 149- Jami 46, 54, 56-57, 59-61, 190-
Evliya 83, 124, 194, 238, Giilek 80 152, 173, 175, 179, 181, 213- 191, 196, 208
243,245 Gulistan of Sa'di 116 214, 231, 259 Jami al-Tawarikh by Rashid al-Din
Eyiip 78, 82, 85, 87, 185 Giilnar 66 Hunkarname 25 93
$u'ara 87 Hiirrem (Roxelana) 123 Jean Bleau 245
Failakus 30 Guy u Chawgan 64 Husayn 78, 162, 249 Jeremiah 137, 138
Falname 193-196, 225, 232 Giizelce Ali Pasha 217 Husayn al-Kashani 253 Jerusalem 63, 72, 138, 161, 190, 239
Farid al-Din Attar 56-57 Husayn Mirza, Timurid ruler 46, 56, Jesus Christ 138, 257, 259
Faridun 97-98 Habil 99, 110 61, 63 Jethro 257
Fatima 162-164, 252-253, 256 HaCl ibrahim Pasha 247 Husayn Wa'iz al-Kashifi 252 John de Valois 55
Fatma Sultan 192 Har;ova (Mezokeresztes) 182, 224 Hiiseyin, Prophet Muhammad's John the Baptist 257
Felix Petancius see Petancius Hadaiku'l-hakaik 189 grandson 138, 265 John VIII Palaeologus 36
Fenerbahr;e 304 Hadikatu's-Su'ada 250, 252-253, Hiiseyin, painter, see Musavvir Jonah 137-138
Feramurz b. Hudadad 210 256-257 Hiiseyin Joseph see Yusuf
Ferhad 44-45, 66, 67 Hafiz 59, 191, 206 Hiiseyin ofKefe 191 Julius Caesar 29
FerhadPasha 154,173-175,177,181 Hafiz Hiiseyin Ayvansarayi 266 Hiiseyin Bey 268
Feridun Bey 118-119 Hafiz Pasha 220 Hiiseyin Ayvansarayi 266 Ka'ba 140, 172, 278
Ferik ibrahim Pasha 305 Hafiz-i Abru 93 Hiiseyin Giritli 304-305 Kag1thane 82, 280
Ferruh u Huma 210 Haft Awrang 61 Hiiseyin Istanbuli, see Musavvir 303
Ferruhruz 210 Hagia Sophia 77, 124, 199, 213 Hiiseyin kalem-i siyahi 229-232
Fethullah see Arifi Haji Fakhri al-Kirmani 29 Hiiseyin Zekai Pasha 307 301, 303
Feyhaman Duran 308-309, 311 Hakkl, poet 208-209 Hiisnii YusufBey 305 KalenderPasha 194-196,232,236
Filibus 30 Husrev it $irin 44-46 Kalila wa Dimna 51-52, 206, 248

330-331 lndex
Kandil Garden 156 Leyla 190-191 Mehmed Pasha, Georgian vizier 215 Mustafa b. Muhammad al-Rizawi
Kanunname 48 Leyla vii Mecnun 190-191 Mehmed Pasha, vizier 220 al-Husayni 255
Kara Ahmed Pasha 109 Lifij, Avni 308-309, 311 Mekteb-i Harbiye 304 Mustafa b. Veli 159, 164
Kara Mehmed, bookbinder 159 Limni 241 Mekteb-i Osmani 305 Mustafa Darir see Darir
Kara Memi 229 Ltitfii Abdullah, painter 149 Melchior Lorichs 74, 238 Mustafa Rumuzi 17 5
Karabagi 118-119 Melik-i Ummi 50-51 Miintehab-t Bahriyye 73
Karadavudzade 278 Ma'ali 25 Menaktb-t Hiinerveran, 38, 87, 231,
Karbala 78, 249-250, 252 Ma'ruf93 250 Nadir Shah, Afshar king 93
Karchagay Khan, Safavid Madina 28, 249 132, 215 Nadiri Mehmed b. Abdtilgani 212-
commander 218 Magog 30 Mevlana Ebul Fazl Mehmed bin 213, 215-225, 227
Karl VI, Austrian king 265 Mahmud b. Abdullah Nakka§ 50-52 Hakimtiddin idris 120 Najaf 78, 249
Karl XII, Swedish king 265 Mahmud Dede 255, 260 Mevlid 29 39, 51, 83, 85, 266-267,
Kaside 230 Mahmud I 285 Mi'raj 138, 159-161 272, 274
Kas1m 248 Mahmud Pasha 259 Michelangelo 85 Nakka§ Ali 118-120, 123, 130-132,
Katibi26-28,32,34 Mahmud Pasha, grand vizier 31 Miftah al-Jafr al-Jami 196 141-142, 149-150
Katip 73, 245 Mahmud Tebrizi, painter 51 Mir Ali b. Muzaffar al-Tusi 25 Nakka§ Hasan (Pasha) 95, 164,
Kay Ka'us 32, 33 Mahmud, Ghaznavid ruler 94 Mir Mehmed Emin 286 178-179, 181, 183-185, 189, 196,
Kay Khusraw 95 Mahmud, painter 149, 259 Mirkhwand 93, 256, 259, 277 198, 200, 205, 208-210, 213, 234
Kazvin 149 Maiden's Tower (see also Leander Mirza Huyi 100 Nakka§ ibrahim 272, 274
Kebir Musavver Silsilename 266- Tower) 77-78 Modon 80 26, 43, 126
267, 285-286, 294 Majma al-Tawarikh by Hafiz-i Mohacs 105, 150-151 Nak§i 195, 215, 217-225, 227, 237
Kelami 213 Abru 93 Moll a Alaeddin Esved 214-215 Namlk ismail 308-309
Kelile ve Dimne see Kalila wa Majnun 53, 54, 184 Molla Tiflisi, painter 134 Napoleon I 289
Dimna Maktel-i Al-i Resul 251 Molla Yunus, painter 149 Nasihatname 248
Kenan Pasha 226-227 Malhun Hatun 100-101 Moses 189-190, 198, 257, 259 Nasreddin Hoca 273-274
Kerman 29 Maiko\ Ali Pasha 213 Mosul24 Nasrullah 52
Khamsa 52-54, 56, 66-67, 97 Malta 81, 120-121 Mount Abu Qubays 162 Nasuh b. Karagoz b. Abdullah el-
Khawaja Ghiyath al-Din 56 Mamluk 43, 247 Mount Alburz 203 Bosnavi see Nasuh
Khorasan 25, 53, 57, 59, 61, 64, 96, Manasi 285 Mount Arafat 82, 138 Nawa'i 46, 56-57, 59, 60-61, 66-67
100, 102, 173, 208, 251 Manas, Joseph 298 Mount Damawand 97-98 Nazmi Ziya 308-309
Khotin 217-218 Manas, Rupen 296 Mount Hira 160 Nevizade Atayi see Atayi
Khusraw, last shah of the Sassanian Manas, Sebuh 296 Mount Qaf 242-243 Niccolo Sagundino 29
Empire 44, 46-47 Manijeh 116 Mouradgea D'Ohsson 286-287 Nicolas de Nicolay 238, 242
Khusraw Parviz 44, 95 Manisa 36, 83, 103, 114, 126, 179- Muawiyah 253 Nigari (Haydar Reis) 84-85, 87, 89,
Khusraw wa Shirin 46-47 180 Mughal 94, 153 91, 105, 114
Khwaje Ali 54 Mantiq al-Tayr 57, 59 Muhammad Khudabanda, Safavid Nightingale 27
Kili (Kilia, Kiliya) 80 Manuchehr, Georgian atabeg 27, ruler 172 Ni§ann Feridun Bey see Ahmed
Kmal1zade Ali 255, 258 170-171 Muhammad Tahir bin Shaykh Nu- Feridun
Kmal1zade Hasan 85, 87 Marras 295-296 rullah al-Najibi al-Suhrawardi 255 Nizami 23, 32, 35, 44, 47-48, 52-
album 292 Mashhad 250 Muhammad, the prophet 27-29, 54, 56, 97, 191
Ktrk Vezir Hikayesi 206 Masnawi ofRumi 168, 172, 260 40, 52, 56, 78, 99, 100, 128, 131, Nizam-t Cedid 288
Ktssa-i Ferruhruz 210 masnawihan 260 133, 138, 140, 145, 158-164, Noah 137, 142
Ktssa-i 210 Matali'ii's-Sa'ade ve Yenabi'u's- 184, 190, 195, 243, 251, 255, Numan Shah 210
Kitab al-Bulhan 192 Siyade 192-193, 201 257, 278 Nushatii's-Selatin 167, 248-249
Kitab-t Bahriyye 71-73, 121 Matrakp Nasuh 74, 76-78, 80-82, Muhammed b. 'Abdullah 199 Nusretiye Mosque 292
Kitab-1 Cografiye 282 114, 181 Muhammed b. Abdtilkerim b. Nusretname 167-168, 171, 173,
Kitabkhana 56 Matteo de' Pasti 36 Muhammed 61 191, 248
Ktyafetii '1-insaniye fi 'ilii 'l- Mawlana Qiwam al-Din 56 Muhammed b. Mahmud Rengi el- Nuzhatu'l Ahbar der Sefer-i
Osmaniye 130-131 Mawlawi 275 Buhari 52 Sigetvar 82, 113-114, 151
ktztl elma 234 Mawlawi Dervi§ Abdi 220 Muhammed b. Muhsin bin Burhan
Konya 78, 133, 168, 252, 256, 258, Mecca 138, 140, 159-163, 172, 249, 248 oil painting 288, 296, 301
260, 292 278 Muhammed 232 Ok Meydan1 268, 269
Kostantin Kap1dagh 288-292, 294- Mecmu' -i Menazil of Miihendishane-i Bahri-i Hiimayun Onat, Hikmet 308, 311
295, 299, 302-303 Nasuh 76, 78, 80 304 Osman Hamdi Bey 306-308
Kritovoulos of Imbros 25, 30 Mecmua-i Tevarih 266 Miihendishane-i Berri-i Hiimayun Osman Pasha 154-155, 171-174, 177
Kubbe Altt (Council of State) 155 Mecnun 190-191 304 Osman, painter, see Ustad Osman
Kulliyat-t Ha.fiz-i Abru 93 Medhi 222 Muhib Efendi 289 Osmanname 100, 102, 214
Killliyat ofKatibi 27 Medina 278 Munajat 250 Osmanzade Ahmed Taib 286, 291
Ktitahya 85, 89, 133 Mehmed, painter 149 Mundy, Peter 239
Mehmed Agha, chief black eunuch Muradiye mosque 180 Oljeytii 93
La Goulette see Halkul Vaad 133, 146, 171, 175, 177, 199 murakka (see also album) 229 Ozdemiroglu Osman Pasha 154-
Lajos II, Hungarian king 104-105 Mehmed b. Abdillgani see Nadiri mural painting 301-304 155, 171, 173-174, 177
Lala Mustafa Pasha 167-168, 171, Mehmed b. Haydar, painter 149 Musa (Moses) 206, 257
174, 177, 191 Mehmed b. Mehmed el-Fenari Musavvir Htiseyin Istanbuli 140,
Lami 250-251 Ta'likizade see Ta'likizade 242-245, 265-267 Palaeologus 36
Layla 54, 184 Mehmed Bey, painter 134 Mustafa Agha, chief black eunuch Paolo Giovio 87, 91
Layla wa Majnun 54 Mehmed Bursavi 134 222, 232 225-227
Leander Tower 304 Mehmed Cenderecizade 230 Mustafa Ali 38, 39, 87, 89, 167- Pedani Fabris 38
Leonardo da Vinci 85 Mehmed fortuneteller 194 168, 171, 173-174, 191, 231-232, Peintres du Bosphore 302
Lepanto 78, 80 Mehmed Aydmzade 248 248, 250 Penahi 231
Levni245, 266-272,274,277,285- Mehmed Esad Efendi 214 Mustafa b. Abdtilcelil 167 Pera 308-309
286, 289 Mehmed Haki 214-215 Petancius 85
Pir Ahmed b. iskender 64, 66, 67
Piri Reis 71, 72, 73, 74, 83, 121
Pisanello 36, 55
Plato 205
Portet, Jean 297
Prince Bayezid, son of Silleyman I
208
Prince Mehmed, son of Murad ill
142, 146, 155-156, 173
Prince Murad, son of Mehmed I 23
Prince Murad, son of Selim II 179
Prince Mustafa, son of Ahmed ill
198, 205
Prince Mustafa, son of Silleyman I
205
Prince Selim son of Siileyman I 85,
91, 113-114, 116
Princely Court 23, 43
Privy Chamber, Topkap1 Palace 102,
104-106, 122, 141, 147, 156, 164,
170, 185, 192, 199, 214, 217-218,
220,222,244,259,302
Qabil 99, 110
QafMountain 168 Mount Qafa
koysak farkh ama olsun
Qansu al-Ghawri 95
Qara Qoyunlu 97
Qasim al-Husayni al-Aridi al-
Qazwini see al-Qazwini
Qas1m Gunabadi 93
Qaydafe 34
Qazvin 102, 172-173
Queen of Sheba (Bilqis) 48-50
Quintus Rufus 29
Qutb al-din Yazdi 250
Qvarqvare V (Gorgora) of Georgia
170
Rab-1 Rashidi 93
Rafael 285, 286
Rahimizade ibrahim 167,
174-175
Rashid al-Din 93
Rawzat al-Safa 93, 256, 259, 277
Rawzat al-Shuhada 252
110-111
Refail, see Rafael
Revan fortress 156
Riyazu 'ara 87
Riza 218, 230
Rose 27, 39
Roxelana (Hurrem Sultan) 123
Rudabeh 96, 100
Rumeli Hisan Fortress 156, 274
Rumi 168, 172, 191, 232, 252, 255-
256, 260
Rumuzi 175-176
Rustam 96, 114, 116, 222
Rustem Pasha, grand vizier 76, 230
Sa'di 56, 116, 194-195, 206, 225
Sa'duddin Efendi 213-214, 216
Sadiqi Beg 249
Safavid 40, 43, 53, 56-57, 63, 76-
77, 93, 97-98, 101-102, 106, 113,
126, 128, 154-155, 167, 171-175,
182-183, 195, 209, 217-218, 225,
229-231, 234, 243, 248-251, 260
332-333
Said Mehmed <;:elebi 265
Salman 26, 28, 34
Samanid 94
Samarkand 55
Sanayi-i Ne.fise Mektebi 304, 307
Sarayburnu 296
Sassanian 44, 220
Saz style 66, 230-232, 266-267
scriptorium (kitabkhana) 56
Sefaretname 265
Sefername 258, 265
Selaniki 183, 232, 243
Selimiye Mosque 217
Selimname 62-64, 80, 214
Selimname Nasuh 80
Selimname ofHoca Sa'duddin 214
Semiz Ali Pasha 230
Serpentine Column 147
Sevaklbu 'l-Menakfb 255, 260
Seyahatname 245
Seyahatname of Evliya <;:elebi 124
Seyyid Ali b. Seyyid Mustafa el-
Bursavi 239
Seyyid Lokman 83, 112-113,
115, 117-131, 133-134, 137-138,
140-147, 149-157, 159, 167,
171-172, 175-176, 179, 213-214,
217, 259
Seyyid Meh[em]med b. Emir Hasan
192
Seyyid Yahya 280
Shah Isma'il I, Safavid ruler 40, 43,
56-57, 93
Shah Jahan, Mughal ruler 153
Shah Kulu 230-231
Shah Mahmud Nishaburi 229
Shah Tahmasb, Safavid ruler 76,
101-102, 106, 109, 128, 229, 250
Shahanshahnama 93
Shahi 59-60
Shahnama 23, 32-33, 64, 93-97,
100, 114, 116, 133, 171-172,
179, 185, 192,203,217,220,
222, 252, 259, 260
Shahrukh, Timurid ruler 56, 93
Shams al-Din Muhammad b.
Abdallah Nishapuri see Katibi
Shams Tabrizi 252, 256
Shapur 46-47
Shapur II, Sassanian king 220
Sharaf al-Din Ali Yazdi 57, 93
Shaykh Ebu Said 118
Shaykh Edebali 100
Shaykh Hamdullah 43
Shaykhi, Aq Qoyunlu painter 56
Shibani Khan 93
Shiraz 26-27, 32, 44, 46, 49, 52-53,
56, 93, 95, 97, 106, 185, 247, 251
Shirin 44, 46-48
;iirin 44-46, 48, 53, 66-67
Shirvan 101, 113, 167, 171
Shu'ayb 257
Shuja al-Farsi 60
Sigismondo Malatesta 36
Silsilanama 50
Silsilename 242-245, 256-257, 259,
266-267, 285, 286, 294
Silsilename-i Osmaniye 285
Sinan Bey, Safavid court painter
38-40, 91
Sinan Pasha, grand vizier 175-177,
180-181, 216
Sinan, chief architect 98, 217
Sindbadnama 61
Siyavush, prince 220-221
Siyavush, painter 231
Pasha, grand vizier 133,
138, 141-142, 173
Siyer-i Nebi 140, 159-162, 164-
165, 184, 189, 200
Sofu Mehmed Pasha, grand vizier
240
Sokollu Mehmed Pasha, grand
vizier 109, 113, 118-119, 121-122,
126, 130-131, 151, 191, 255, 260
Solomon, king-prophet 48, 49, 50,
99-100, 198, 257, 259
Soranzo, Venetian balio 240-241
Stanislas Chlebowsky 308
Subhatu'l-Ahbar 256
Suhrawardi 252, 255-256
Sultan Abdiilaziz 159, 287, 288,
298-299,305,310
Sultan Abdiilhamid I 159, 281,
285-286
Sultan Abdiilhamid II 298
Sultan Abdiilmecid 287, 290, 292,
296-297, 299, 305, 310
Sultan Ahmad, Jalayirid ruler 192
Sultan Ahmed Mosque 232
Sultan Ahmed I 185, 189, 194-195,
198, 216-217,
225, 232, 234
Sultan Ahmed ill 159, 265-268,
275, 280, 286
Sultan Ali Mashhadi 56
Sultan Bayezid I 28, 32, 34, 55,
100, 210, 256, 259
Sultan Bayezid II 43-46, 48-51,
53-56, 59, 61, 65, 74, 80, 85,
110, 256
Sultan Husayn, Timurid ruler 46,
56-57, 61, 63
Sultan ibrahim I 239-240, 242
Sultan Mahmud II 159, 282, 287-
288, 290-292, 294-296, 303
Sultan Mehmed I 144-145
Sultan Mehmed II 23-25, 27-30,
34-40,44,46,48, 55, 64, 71,
77, 85, 87, 91, 95, 131-132, 145,
199, 206, 234, 299
Sultan Mehmed III 113, 153, 156,
159, 176, 179, 182-183, 185,
189, 191, 195, 198, 200, 205,
213,
257, 259
Sultan Mehmed N 239, 240-244, 267
Sultan Mehmed 298-299
Sultan Murad I 100, 131
Sultan Murad II 23, 44, 95, 196,
206, 214
Sultan Murad ill 82, 113, 118, 120,
126, 128-131, 133-134, 137-138,
140-142, 146, 150, 153-154, 156,
159, 164, 167, 170-171, 175, 179-
180, 189, 191, 192, 199, 201, 203,
205, 210, 214, 216, 230, 232, 234,
248, 250, 257, 259, 260, 268
Sultan Murad N 194, 225, 227,
240, 242, 290-291
Sultan Mustafa II 257, 266
Sultan Mustafa ill 198, 285, 290-291
Sultan Mustafa N 288
Sultan Orhan 214-215
Sultan Osman I 100, 130, 132-133,
142, 144, 198, 214, 244, 266,
286, 288, 290, 297
Sultan Osman II 195,214-215,
217-218, 220, 222
Sultan Osman ill 285
Sultan Selim I 53, 56-57, 61-64,
71, 74, 80, 96, 131, 142, 144,
213-214, 232, 257, 259, 266-
267, 299
Sultan Selim ll87, 89-91, 113-114,
118-120, 123-124, 126-128, 132,
133, 141-142, 191, 198-199,
257, 259
Sultan Selim ill 61, 266, 279, 283,
286-290, 292, 294, 302-303
Sultan Siileyman I 56, 61-64, 71-
73, 76-78, 80-82, 85, 87, 89, 91,
95,98-99, 101-106, 113-114,
116, 118-123, 129, 133, 141-
142, 149-152, 180-181, 194,
196, 215, 229-231, 247-248,
256, 259, 292
Sultan Siileyman II 243, 245
Sultan Ya'qub, Aq Qoyunlu ruler
51, 56
Sultanahmet Square 124
Sultaniyya 53, 77, 98
Sunullah Efendi 216, 225
Surname-i Humayun of Intizami
250
Surname of intizami 142, 146-147,
149, 184
Surname ofVehbi 268-269, 272
Su'udi 192, 201-203
Suyolcuzade Mehmed Necib Efendi
272
Suzi 46
Siileyman Agha, chief black
eunuch 218, 220
Silleyman <;:elebi, son of Bayezid I
28, 210
Siileyman Seyyid 306
Siileymaniye Mosque 123, 147, 149
SUleymanname of Uzun Firdevsi
48-50,99
SUleymanname of Nasuh
80
SUleymanname of Arifi 87, 101-
102, 104-106, 109-110, 113, 118
Sumbiilname 275
Sururi 205
Szigetvar 81-82, 113-114, 118-
119, 121, 150-151
b. Abdullah 114
;>ah Kulu 230, 232
.>aka'ik-i Nu'maniyye 214-215,
217, 224, 234
.>eca'atname 171-173, 175
;>ehdi 95
Muradi 225
82, 118, 120, 126,
128, 131, 145, 153, 154, 156, 167,
171-172, 175, 177, 179, 185, 214
Sultan Mehmed 153
.>ehname 92, 94-96, 98, 114, 116,
118-120, 123, 124, 126, 128-
129, 133-134, 153, 156-
157, 172, 177, 179, 181-183,
185, 214, 217-218, 220, 222
lndex
 94-95, 98-99, 112, 113- Tevarih-i Aca'ib al-Mahlukat 205 Vakayi'name-i Ali Pasha 213
115, 117-119, 126, 129-131, 133, Tevarih-i Al-i Osman 94-95 Valeri, Salvator 308
137, 141-143, 145-147, 149, 151, The History of the Growth and Vallaury, Alexandre 308
153, 155, 157, 159, 178-179, 189, Decay of the Othman Empire 266 Vankulu 265
211, 217 Timi§oara 109 Vasari 38
Lokman 149 Timur 93, 100 vassale 229, 232
Al-i Osman 100, 129, Timurid 23, 26, 32, 34, 39, 46, 52, vassals 170
133-134, 153 56-57, 61, 63, 85, 93, 190, 208, Vehbi268-270, 272
Melik-i Ummi 50-51 230, 259, 277 Veli Can 134, 149, 172, 230-232,
Nadiri 217-218 Timurnama 93 249
Selim Han 118-120, Toderini, Giambattista 266, 285- Venice 29-34, 37-39, 43, 72-74
123-124, 126, 177 286 Vi'>hen Abdullah 298
Sultan Mehmed-i Salis Tomanis Fortress 173 Vienna 310
182 Tomar 290-291 Vusuli Mehmed c;:elebi 132
Tilrki of 96, 98, Tomar-t Hiimayun 129, 133-134
114, 116, 185 tomb ofRumi 168
Tiirki ofMedhi 222 Tophane Barracks 289 wall painting 301-303, 305
78 Topkap1 Museum 36, 44 Wamia-Zarzecki, J. 308
Ahmed Pasha 305-306, 308 Topkap1 Palace 25, 27, 29, 36, 38- Wilkie, Sir David 297
129-132, 141-142, 40, 53-55, 61, 63, 71, 73, 77, 81,
192, 257-258 85, 93, 95, 97, 102-103, 105, 110,
Al-i Osman of 113, 119, 123, 130, 133-134, Ya'qub 51, 56
Ta'likizade 179-180 142, 144, 155, 159, 167, 168, Yahya (John the Baptist) 162, 164,
Ahmed Karabagi 118- 170-171, 176, 195,198,203,206, 257
119 213,218,225,229,240,247, Yajuj and Majuj see Gog and
Sabuncuoglu 25 255, 257-258, 260, 265, 268, Magog
Amidi 96, 114 278, 286-287, 289-291, 294, Yaqut al-Musta'simi 43
b. Seyyid Mehmed bin Seyyid 296, 301-302 Yazd 65
Burhan 198 Toqmaq Khan, Safavid ambassador Yazdi 250
Seyyid Muhammed 199, 210 126, 128 Yemen 83, 172, 175-177, 181
Hasan 172 Toqmaq Khan, Yerevan ruler 154 Yerevan 154, 156, 167, 218
Dag 311 Tower of Justice (Topkap1 Palace) Y1ld1z Palace 304-305
44, 53 119, 145, 155 Yirmisekiz Mehmed c;:elebi 265
Ahmed, painter 39, 87, 91 Trabzon (Trebizond) 30-31, 35, 38 Young, John 288-290, 299, 302
Mecmuast 275 Transoxiana 53, 57 Young Album 289-290
Bidlisi 62-64 Tukhfat al-Ahrar 60-61 Yusuf (Joseph), prophet 57, 59,
Tuhfetu'l-Ahyar 62, 208 190, 252-253
Tuhfetu 'l-Guzat of Matrak'>l Nasuh Yusufb. Abdtilatif 259
Tabriz 27, 40, 43, 46, 51-54, 56-57, 74, 76 Yusufb. Abdullah, painter 149
64, 77, 80, 93, 95, 97-98, 102, Tuhfetu'l-Leta'if 164, 210 Yusufb. Muhammad al-Dizfuli 257
106, 149, 167, 172-173, 230-231, Tulip Era 265, 267-268, 272, 278, Yusuf c;:erkes Pasha 258
249, 268 301 Yusuf Jami 54
Tabrizi 26-27, 56 Tulu'i ibrahim Efendi 226-227 Yusuf of Herat 99
Tacii't-Tevarih 101, 213-214 Turcoman 230 YusufPasha 232
Tactiddin ibrahim b. HlZlr Ahmedi Turkman 26, 31-32,34,43, 48, 52, Yusufu Ziileyha 64-66, 190
see Ahmedi 56,62, 65,230,247,249
Taha bin Muhammed 247 Tursun (Dursun) Bey 25, 30
Tahmasb, Safavid ruler 229, 250 Zachariah 257
Taki al-Din Muhammed al-Rasid Zafarnama 93, 259
128 Ugurlu Mehmed, son of Uzun Zafername 82-83, 93, 118-120,
Ta'likizade, Mehmed b. Mehmed Hasan, the Aq Qoyunlu ruler 55 122, 145, 151
el-Fenari 83, 167, 173-175, 178- Umayyad 28 Zahhak 97-98
185,217 Umayyad Mosque 248 Zal 96, 100, 203
Tamgac 24 UmurBey 23 Zal Mahmud Pasha Mosque 87
Tanzimat 288, 301, 304-305 Uzbeks 53, 57 Zat al-Kursi (Cassiopeia) 276
Tanzimat Fermam 288 Uzeyr, prophet 137-138 Zayn al-Abidin 250, 253
Tarih-e Nadiri 93 Uzun Firdevsi Musa) Zekeriyya 257
Tarih-i Al-i Osman 232 48, 99 Zenanname 279-282
Tarih-i Ebu '1-Feth 30 Uzun Hasan, Aq Qoyunlu ruler 55 Zenbilli Ali Efendi, chief mufti
Tarih-i Feth-i Estergon ve 214-215
istulnibelgrad of Matrakp Nasuh Zeyrek Agha, dwarf 146, 170-171
80 Usktidar 77-78, 82, 151, 294 Zulfiqar (scimitar) 163
Tarih-i Feth-i Yemen 83, 17 5-177 Usktidari 275-276 Zulfiqar Khan, Safavid ambassador
Tarih-i Hind-i Garbi 201-203 Ustad Osman 100, 106, 112-121, 183-184
Tarih-i Sultan Bayezid 78, 80 123, 125-127, 129-133, 137, Zulqamayn (see also iskender and
Tasvir-i Hiimayun 295 141-145, 147, 149-151, 153, 155, Iskandar) 23, 30, 48, 73, 140,
Terciime-i 'Ikdii '1-Cuman fi Tarih-i 157, 159, 164, 176-177, 179, 257
Ehl-i Zeman 276 183, 185, 190-192, 206, 214-215, Ziibdetii't-Tevarih 50, 129, 133-
Terciime-i Miftah-t Cifru '1-Cami 221-222, 244, 258, 266 134, 137-138, 140-142, 144,
198-200 190, 232, 238, 256
Terciime-i 'ik-i Nu 'maniyye fi Ztileyha 64-66, 190
memaii '1-Devletii '1-0smaniyye 214 Vahdettin 298
334-335
Acknowledgement

Ankara Etnografya Miizesi (Ethnographic Museum): 242 photo: Hadiye Cangokc;e

Arthur M. Sadder Museum, Harvard University Art Museums, the Edwin Binney, 3rd Collection of Turkish Art at the Harvard
University Art Museums.© President and Fellows of Harvard College: 71, 72, 152
Beyaz1t Devlet Kiitiiphanesi (Beyaz1t State Library): 162 photo: Hadiye Cangokc;e
Bayerische Staatsbibliothek: 33, 34
Bibloteca Nazionale Marciana: 5, 6, 8, 9
Bibliotheque National de France: 1, 145, 153, 154
Bodleian Library, University of Oxford: 2
The British Library: 186, 217
Chester Beatty Library.© The Trustees of the Chester Beatty Library, Dublin: 19, 80, 81, 82, 83, 99, 129, 131, 193
Dresden Sachsische Landesbibliothek: 213
Dolmabahc;e Sarayt: 279
Fatih Millet Kiitiiphanesi: 94, 95 Photo: Hadiye Cangokc;e
Had1moglu Konag1 : 278 photo: Giinsel Renda
istanbul Arkeoloji Miizeleri (Archaeology Museums): 40 photo: Hadiye Cangokc;e
istanbul Deniz Miizesi (Naval Museum): 197, 198 photo: Hadiye Cangokc;e
istanbul Resim Heykel Miizesi (Museum of Fine Arts): photo: Hadiye Cangokc;e: 280, 281, 282, 283; photo: Erdal Aksoy: 284,
285, 286, 287, 288, 289
istanbul Universitesi Kiitiiphanesi (Istanbul University Library): 29, 43, 45, 46, 87, 88, 89, 90, 136, 137, 138, 139, 142, 143,
144, 166, 167, 170, 171, 231, 238, 239, 240
Konya Mevlana Miizesi (Istanbul University Library): 257, 258, 259 photo: Hadiye Cangokc;e
Los Angeles County Museum of Art © Museum Associates I LACMA: 59, 151
Metropolitan Museum of Art: 18
The National Gallery in London: 12
The New York Public Library, Spencer Collection, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations: 124, 125, 180, 181
Ozel koleksiyon: 58, 284 photo: Erdal Aksoy
Smithsonian Institution, Freer Gallery of Art and the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery: 14, 78, 187
Suna-inan Klrac; Koleksiyonu: 255, 256 photo: Hadiye Cangokc;e
Siileymaniye Kiitiiphanesi (Siileymaniye Library): 42, 160, 161, 172, 208, 253 photo : Hadiye Cangokc;e
Topkap1 Sarayt Miizesi (Topkap1 Palace Museum): 3, 4, 10, 11, 13, 15, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 35, 36, 37,
38,44,47,48,49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 73, 74, 75,76, 77, 79, 84, 85, 86, 91,92,
93, 102, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123; 126, 127, 128,
130,132, 133, 134, 135, 140, 141, 146, 147, 149, 150, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 163, 164, 165, 168, 169, 173, 174, 175, 176,
177, 178, 179, 184, 185, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 194, 195, 196, 201, 205, 206, 207, 211, 212, 214, 215, 218, 219, 220, 221,
222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 241, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252,
254, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277 photo: Hadiye Cangokc;e
Tiirk ve islam Eserleri Miizesi (Museum of Turkish and Islamic Arts): 96, 97, 98, 100, 101, 103, 148, 209, 210, 216 photo:
Hadiye Cangokc;e
Uppsala Universitetbibliotek: 16, 182, 183
Vabflar Genel Miidiirliigii (General Directorate of Foundations): 202, 203 photo: Giinsel Renda
Walters Art Museum: 39, 41, 230