ELITE SERIES NICHOLAS VICTOR SEKUNDA ANGUS McBRIDEFirst published in Great Britain in 1986 by Osprey Publishing, Elms Court, Chapel W Oxford OXe gL! United Kingdom: Email: inf@ospreypublishing.com . Boiley, © 1985 Osprey Publishing Lee Reprinted 1987, 1986), 1990, 1992. 1993, 1904. LOK. 1995, 1998, 1999, 2000 All Fights reserved, Apart from any far clealing for the purpese of private study. research, ¢ permitted under the Copyright Designs ancl Patents Act, 1988, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any farm or by any means, electranic, electrical, chemical, mechanical, optie:, photocopying, recording or otlierwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. Enquiries should be adlressecl to the Publishers, icismn oF review, as British Library Cataloguing in Publicaiton Data Sekunda, Nick ‘The Ancient Grecks 1, GreeceArmed Forces 1. 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Email: hnfo@ospreydirect.co.uk Visit Osprey ww w.ospreypublishing.comEDITOR: MARTIN WINDROW ELITE SERIES THE ANCIENT GREEKS Text by NICHOLAS VICTOR SEKUNDA Colour plates by ANGUS McBRIDEIntroduction The subject of this book is Greek warfire in the Classical Period, which stretches ftom the Greek victories over the Persian Empire at the beginning of the 5th century BC to the death of Alesaunder the Great at the end of the 4th century, During this peviod we see city-states such as Athens and Sparta grow to become major world powers, challenging even the mighty Persian Empire. By the middle of ic warfare had Urat the gth century, however, inter-s the Greeks to such an extent Macedon’s power grew virtually unchecked. The main aim of this book is to give the reader as full an account as possible of Greek military dress Guring the period. There ean be little doubt that in the Archaic period, which preceded the Classical, Greek warriors simply wore what dhey wanted, and, uniform” was unknown, During the Glassical Period, however, the state hegan to play nnilitary an increas! gly important réle in military organi- taking responsibility for arming and equipping its citizens, or compelling the citizens to equip themselves up to a certain standard. ‘Lhe nsull was uniformity in dress and equipment. At first the ar sation, eve y might bedistinguished hy some “field sign’ such as a helmet or a shield painted in some distinguishing colour—or by a uniform: shield device, Subsequently, the state might enjoin its citizens to equip themselves in cu ofacertain model. Regional diffe ‘asses or helmets neces in dress and weaponry also played their part in this process. So did periodic fads in military fashion, seen_most dearly in the widespread i doption of Lakonian soles of military dress by Sparta’ allies duzing her period of supremacy. Lt does not seem that the majority of Greek armies entered the Pelopontiesian War in uniform, but the situation had changed dramatically by the end of he war. By the midldlc of the qth century uniform had become general The literary texts are an invaluable source of The Ancient Greeks ‘This bronze statuette, probably of Lakonian manufacture, has been dated to the early sth century. Our Plate Ar ix based om this figure, but for che addition of the staff in his hand. The transverse crest could be a badge Atheneum, Hartford, Conn.)information to the archaeologist trying w recon struct an accurace picture of military dress, but by themselves they are not sufficient. They might tell us what colour a tunic was, but they can tell us nothing of its cut, or of the appearance of the wearer's helmet, ci sword, ass oF Funerary monuments are our most important source in this, respect, for they tend to give quite a detailed and accurate picture of the deceased: an sculptor would no more dream of showing a Spartan wearing an Attic helmet than a modern ancient one would of showing a British paratrooper wearing, an Argentinian sombrero, Sometimes, fugitive traces of the original colour may still be lefi on the surface of sculptures to aid our work, Vase paintings, especially Attic, are a second major source, but here we must he morc careful, since most Attic vases were made for the export market and may not depict Great Panathenaic Festiv following Svore: recovered, on wl farther discussion im text. (After trchuilogikon De dokana, or “beams’, of Castor : 1m grave relief. It has b ‘suggested that Ute dokana were cartied into battle before King. (The Archaeological Museum, Sparta, 588) Athenians at all. Again, it is often difficult distinguish between fanciful mythological scer and realistic historical depiction, As a. source information on Greek military dress in gener however, they are invaluable, and it is sad to 1% the decline in the practice of figurative v painting during the 4uh cencury source of archacological information is coina Hy v ing the state emblem: in these cases there A third ma which is espe luable when it shows shie be: sui I bron ly an indication of uniform shield desig, ally, we h we figurines, wes un assortment of odd terracott pons and other artefacts. Chronology is of bsolutely prime importat when using ancient literary or archaeologi information, and information from ne contemporary sources has to be regarded with greatest suspicion, The Rou n writer Statins giusa tableau of Greek warriors dressed in all kinds of theatrical costume. He tells us of Thebans who use the sphinx as a crest (Thebaid 7.2 sucophagi decorated with mythological seenes also show Theban heroes with sphinxes on their shields. Itiseasy to be misled by information like this. There is, for example, no contemporary evidence for military standards; though mentioned in several Latin they were not the Hellenistic period. The Greek archacologist Svar- onos thought that a small appliqué showing Athena discovered on the Acropolis might have formed the terminal of sources, used befiore the cross-bar of a the He painstakingly reconstructed the rest of the standard using comparative information. fabarum ob Athenians in the Great Panathenaic Festival, Uniornunately, there is no really firm evidence that this standard it did, it had no we learn that Castor and Pollux were represented by a standard known I; and even military fimetion. In Spart ever existed at as the dokana; bout the dokana seem to have had a purcly religious, not military, significance Though the bulk of this book is devated to a discussion of the evidence for uniform, space has also been found to include some details of military organisation and tactics. | have avoided lengthy descriptions of the battles and campaigns of che and Pelope Wars, rumerable works Persian niesian which are aleeady adequately covered on Greek history; but I have tied to inelude a lite information on some military incidents which are less well known, but no less interesting for that Further information on military equipment per se can be found in A, M. Snodgrass, Arms and Armour of the Greeks (Thames & Hudson, 1967) and in Peter Connolly’s magnificently illustrated Greece aud Rome ai War ‘Macdonald Phoebus Lid., r981i, both of which are available at the time of writing, Abbreviations used in this text follow those used The Oxford Classical Dictionary (Oxtord Univer Press, 1970) Because the material which follows is closely integrated with the subjects of the colour plates, T have departed from die normal series style of isolating plates commentaries in the last chapter Readers will find cross-references to the plates placed progressively throughout the main text. Hoplite Warfare At the turn of the 5th century the Greek battlefield was dominated by the hoplite, @ filly armoured spearman whose main defence was his round bronze shield, The Spartans were mas warlare the uph the ayig s of hoplite due to strict code of From the Spartan ging age of six. the Bronze statuettes of Socrates are one, from Egypt, is particularly interesting ax it shows the Philosopher wearing his cloalsin the same manner as Plate Ar, [Manchester Museum, 11083) ¢c common. This comicyoung Spartan war afier the ior lived in barracks, and only ge of yo was he able to return to normal amily life. In this way military supremacy over the subordinate population was guaranteed, Sparia was the the state of Lakedaimon, but power was shared to some degree with the ferivitei, or ‘those who dwell about’, The gentry of these subordinate communities were willing co support Spartan supremacy in Lakoni return for Spartan support for their social scendaney within their own communities, Av Ue bottom of the ladder stood the helots: comunnities conquered some time in the past and reduced to serfelom. Strictly speaking, the term Spartan or Spartiate should only be used when talking of the city of Sparta and its inhabitants, ‘Lak sLakedaimonian’ should be the whole state or ofits arn most powerful city in jaimon’ or This usage is followed throughout the book, ‘The term Lakonian is used of the dress, speech or other characteristics of the region of Lakonia, within which the city of Spania and the state of Lakedaimon lay Plate Ar: Lakedaimonian officer, c. 490 8c This plate represents a Lakedaimonian magistrate or emissary abroad as he might have appeared around 4g0. It is based on a bronze probably of Spartan origin. statuette, now in America. Badges of rank were traditionally worn on the helmet so the transverse cres is probably best Left: Few examples survive of this rare coin, struck in Chateis 507. The oval ocotian shield with its sealloped rim war now ebsolet, but i continucdo be used aca badge by the Bocottan League. in the centre of the sbield ig the intial letter for Ghaeis.(E.-Babelom, rai dev Monnaesgrcquesef mains Ty Sa] Right; Tetradrachna issued by Samtan refugees Weieht standard and fndepats prove these cokes to be of Sicilian origin. The Sarina were capelled by Amailas, Tyrant of Rhegitin, i 4g. CE Plate Aa, (British Maseusn} 6 sed when talking of ‘The ancient Greeks believed that the constitutie of the L edaimonians wa devised by a sem: legendary figure called Lyeurgus. According to numbe (Lac. of ancient sources, including Xenophe Pol. 11.3), Lycurgus dressed the army the lea resemblance to women’s clothing, and gave the: shields because er bore mson garments because they bronze is very quick! polished and tarnishes very slowly. Though we m doubt that all the laws af L as the 3 gus are quite as oh cient Greeks believed, these practices me been well established by the time of Nenophe: for the soldier-historian to have believed then have been of such antiquity. It seems probab then, that the Lakedaimonian army was one of th first Greek armies to have adopted uniform dres hay and that this practice might daie back t ti Archaic period. Our a large cloak wrappe round the body. This cloak was probably the ids which a number of ancient texts mention as beit the distinctive mark of die Takedaimonia: Austerity was the key-note to the Lakedaimonia life-style, and these demonstrativ figure is wear soldiers woul cinphasise their toughness by making use of « singt cloak, summer and winter, allowed to wear thi and neve washed. I later became popular fo philosophers to ape Lakedaimonian customs, an Lakedaimonian dress in partieular, by wearin single-soled Lakedaimonian sandals, the dion, anv by carrying a stall) A great number of repre sentations of Greck philosophers have survived {ror antiquity Targe cloaks wrapped cithe completely round the body, or under the righ armpit to leave the right arm free, and these serve t confirm an identi wearing ation of the Targe cloak with th iniben, There seems to be little difference, in faci between the fribjr and the fimation, a wid cnycloping outer garment, which was the norme garment of the Greck gentlemen in the Archai period, In the rest of Greece, however, the feimatio was being discarded for a combination of tuni (chitdn) and cloak (chlamys), and only in servative like Lakedaimon did fashions recain their popularity. The stall’ (akterion’ was another Lakedaimonian, Lakedaimoni: ognised by their stall con states the ok sign of th isabroad were rec | and it beeaume a sort of symbe of Spartan power. ‘The stait could either be straightor could have a curved crook at the top which allowed the user to place it under his left armpitand to rest his weight on it by leaning forward, Another distinctive feature of this figure which is recognisably Lakedaimonian is the long, carefully dressed hair, Lycurgus believed thatlong hair made, a good-looking man more handsome and an ugly man more terrifying, so adult men were allowed to grow their hair long. In times of danger they paid particular attention to their hair, and one is reminded of the way the Persians on their arrival at Thermopylae were astonished to find the Lakedai- monians combing Uicir hair in preparation (Hdl 7208-9) The Lakedaimonian Army ‘The Lakedaimonians kept their military suength and organisation as secret as possible. Little was understood of these matters by the historians of antiquity, and even les date ‘including the author). It impossible to reconstruct a sensible picture of the by historians of more recent present seems Spartan army without violating some piece of t testimony or other; but it is equally impossible to write a book on armies of Classical Greece without at least making the attempt. In what follows, therelore, [offer an outline which to eof the evidence, but of which Tam by no means completely certain. At first the warriors of Sparta were divided imto tribal contingent ancie me seems to make the best sens mply , one from each of the three Dorian tribes of Hyllcis, Dymanes, and Pamphyloi. AL some point in time, however, probably during the enactment of the Laws of Lyeurgus, the Spartan population ¥ into five vil divided up s (Limnai, Mesoa, Pitane, Kono- sura, Dyme} which formed administrative divisions ofthe state called ofai. We find the army at an early date divided into five companies, or fochoi, called Aidolios, Sarinas, Ploas, and Mesoates. Given the correspondence of the number five, and of at least one of the names, it seems probable that each dochos. was raised from oba. In his description of the battleof Plataca in 479 Herodotus (ells us that Amompharetos commanded the Picanate foches, and it is probable that the father of history has simply substituted the name of the ofa for the name of the locas, Herodotus (g.10, 11, 61} ines, one also tells us that the Lakedaimonians sent outa levy This pinex (plaque) painted by Euthymides and inscribed “Megacles is Fine’, along with other evidence, led Smith to identify the silen as the shield device of the Megaclid. When, Megacles was ostracised in 486 his name was erased from the plaque and the aame Gliukytes subsituted, See under A. (Athens, Akropolis Museum, 1037) of 5,000 Spartans, out of their 8,000 total of available manpower, each man accompanied by seven helots fighting as fsidei, or light infantry; and of 5,000 perivikoi equipped as hoplites accompanied by 5,000 psidei. Whether the helot psidod were drawn up together with the heplites, or separately from them, is not known. Presumably the army was divided into five lochoi of @ thousand §| ach, but of any lower ignorant. The pentekoslys or Mifiy’, which is attested in later Spartan systems of military organisation, and which presumably originally formed a component of an army arranged on a decimal system, might date back to his time, so cach torches may have consisted of twenty pentehostyes. partans subdivisions we arc entire Plate Aa: Samian hoplite, c. 490 Many Greek states used standardised badges to identify their coinage, and when any coin shows a hoplite shield with the city badge used as a blazon on the shield, rly good indication that the hoplites of that city might have used the city badge asa uniform shield blazon, Most of these coins come from the gth century and later, but a couple of examples, surprisingly, come from the turn of the fifth. One tetradrachm attributed to Chalcis in 7Detail of a warrior on a ealyx-crater in the Louvre pa ‘The Niobid Painter, 455,490. His shield is painted whi bears the device ofa hydra, both of which fea hhim ro be an Argive: The vave is though the Argonauis, so perhaps our igure is che Argonaut Idmmon, though this is ery uncertain, See Plate Ag. (Musee du Lowrey G3e) Euboea shows a Boeotian shield with the initial letter of Chalcis in the local alphabet, eit, stamped on it, The Bocotian shield, however, was the badge of the Bocotian League, and the shield on this coin simply indicates that Chaleis was in alliance with Bocotia at the time, so the evidence supplied by this coin has to be rejected, 8 Following the collapse of the Ionian Revolt some Samians emigrated to Zanele in Sicily, and there issued coins bearing a hoplite shield with a lion’: sealp as a blazon. 'The lion's scalp is the badge normally found on Samian coinage, so it is quite form shield: devices at this time, or at least that some Samiar hoplites favoured the s device. If thisis the case then the Samians must have the first the Lakedaimonians to institute standardised uniform possible that Samian hoplites used ui re emblem as a shield been one of Greck states after Doubtless, uniform started with common shicld: de s, and at this stage did not extend as far a items of dress and equipment. Plate Az ha oth been given a Corinthian helmet pushed back to give the wearer b bronze od shown on a few vase pai wer vision, and a ‘composite cuirass’ wes are also worn, A peculiar f ture o this 5 ngs is that ¢ roll of material, rather like a garter, is worn unde the battam edge of the greave to prevent chati Plate Ag: Argive hoplite, early 5th Century he ont of uniform at such an carly date, other than the Lakedaimonian, is the Argive. Attic tragedians tall army for which we have textual evidence of the ‘white-shielded army’ of the Argives as early 67, the date when Aeschyl as 4 us wrote his Sever Against Thebes (linc 8g, see also Soph. Ant, 106, Eur Phoen. ogg. Hsych. sv Leukaspida), ‘The whi shield was presumably plain, though we shoule note that a scholiast (that is a later commentator sripides’ Phoenissae 1135 remarks that Adrastu is given a hydra on bis shicld on account of his being an Argive. The hydra was a water-snake, the mos! ng that killed by Herakles at Lerne in the Argive Plain, No other details of Argive military dress are given in the ancient (exts, and unfortunately, no grave relief or statucttes. famous one be hoplites have yet been recovered from Argos which would allow us to make a reconstruc jon with any confidence. Plate Ag is based on a vase-painting Which could possibly show an Argi shield and a hydr e. with a white s a shield-design. Argive Military Organisation Various references tell us that around 418, the dat of the first battle of Mantineia, the Argive army comprised five Jochoi and was commanded by five siratagoi, each presumably commanding one tocka:Thue. 5.596 5: Homay be drat the norma strength of the Argive foros was a thousand, which munther ocems in texts mentioning Argive larees at other tines in the 5th century dt. 6.42, Vine Ve dard vrip! stored under penichasfres fon tells us that citizens om muster-rolls keptin the temple of Apoll ne possih inte live fev nonian are fyi ol 20 pentekosiyes each but we do not know which army might have copied which, Again, like the Lak he five Argive locter do not been rganised upon tribal lines Argive lor we kno Dymaries ofouly fur dae Elylleis, Fomlinson, of and Hyrnathint (RA Pamphy lai Rouiledge & Kegan Paul, cage, py 175 18 The Argive Epilektoi shad ance been the domiuant power int the Peloponnese, but now Lakedaimon had completely taken over fie her, thanks to the litier’s superior bbe of brightly pacte Antikenmusesane Staal se stn y Argives valthiest and hitesto program nid of th pieked ont a thou they could devote themselves 1 continunus military and tinctined them at public expense se Gaining and exercise. Ouly by having their ewn foree permanently ining under arms, it was fell could Lakedaimonian supremacy be « Vhe Uhousane’. whom Diodorus (12.75, y ealls ji or “picked troaps’, particularly disting guished themselves at the first battle of Mantineia in 118. Following the defeat of the Angives in that baile, “The Thousand? agreed among themselves er dissolve the democracy and to Lake power. ‘heir ight month Phe of trnops called epiled te Vhousand? seem to be the earliest examph Thou; lly Dio.dorus, in is strict sense epilekin’ means citizens who ave ‘picked out and given maintenance by the state to concentrate permanently on 1 Hpilekio’ became more common in the 4th century mut ay we shall see Tater, there was a constant dau hat established body: ol armed citizens aight want Ww seize for there was fittle ta stop them deing se Plate Aq: Athenian hoplite of the Allamaionid Clan, c. 490 86 Noowithstanding these few carly examples of uniformity in Greek auilitary dress, there can be litle doubt ditt in most Greek armies the heplite went into battle in dress and equipment af his own choosing well into dhe Classical period, Many heturs could govern a hoplite’s choice of shield deview 1see G-H, ¢ Phe Shield devices of the Greeks. pp. 61 Harvard Studies in Classical Philoiug pr. Ares Publis iyo, Hrs, Chicage, 1979). Some shield devices had a more personal significanee, however, and could) make same omment on die prowess of the bearer, Vor example, one Sopbanes of Dekeleia had an anche is his shield deview to indicate his steadfastness in the ranks (Tdt, gp. Cases af “canting arms’ abo exisied. Individuals might alse bear arms which had a family significance. We are told that Alcibiades bearing no family device, but instead an Eres armed Plu. Va 1 0 show (hat family shield devices in Athens. Only one had a gold shield made for himseli, with a thunderbal Wcib. 16) which can Athenian (amily shield device Gan be re-created with sayy certaiaty. An ancient Arisiophanes Sehol, seems totell us that the shield device of ox Whitelegs this interpretation of the pass Vo Selrman (Athens, fs Histor 1924. pot seq. identified Whi mavginal note in a play by Lysintr. big the Alkmut thoug certain. € Cantbridge Lela was Lekoped is Far from he device eg. or ol the ” thece running legs conjuined in che style of Man. the modern arms of the Isle ul vind so Irequently on Athenian Selina then went un to aniilyse the early coinag of Athens, dating the coins Wo varions periods when different clans were in power. He thought die horse night hea Prisistratiel device, the hind-quartersota hore a Philaid device, the bull's head ane the knuckle-bone can Eteabutad device, suid so forth, Unfortunately his dating ofearly Athenian coinage seems to be at fault, and all these identifications: must be rejected (HL J. HE van Buchem, *Paniily Coatoul Armsin Grecee®”, Classical Reonie 40, 1yaty pp. 181 183). Much more plausible is dhe attempt of HR. W. Smith (New Aspecis of the Menon Painter’. University of Califone P 11, 1920. PP. 54-3) 1s the device of the lids. & Une Atk ionic elat nil net be nsed by rave Leen used Athena comprised a sizeable proportion al dus popula tivn af Athens. We are told Athens wert by the whole clin. Ti lang © larger Chat in gu some pa holds ir connected na itl the \lkmaionid clan. ‘The dangerous military power= held by the larger clans, fighting in the same uibal ranks when the army was drawn up for battle, was, probably a major factor behind the reform of the was. div Pandionis, Leo kamantis, Hippothontis, Aiantis and Antochis). Each tribe Attica, In th broken down, 11Plate B: Contact with the Thracians Following their failure 1 conquer Greece in the Persian Wars, the whole of Europe. This created a vaeuun of power in Persians withdrew fron the off lock af h ui t hecomes very pop fos. A protective apran, the per the northern Aegean, into which the Athenians in particular atterpted to expand. Greek wart come to be duminated by the hoplite in fall armour und by the Gime of the ersian Wars cavalry and missile troops were virtually sibseut from the Greek hattletield hrang Expeditions imo ‘Thrace, however Cihe Greeks inte contact with new methods of warlare which woul eventually foree a review of hoplite tactics and equipment. ‘The Greeks in Thrace sullered from both the bad elimate and the novel local methods of warfare. Between the Persian and Peloponnesian Wars the Athenians lost nine expeditions while trying 16 colonise the area al’ he Strymon valley Plate Br: Thracian peltast Phe city-state bad never evolved in Thrace, and diflorent social conditions spawned dilferent meth= Phe f prince's army was bis free of peltasts, The peltasts nds of ssarkare mainstay of any ‘Thracian were javelinmen equipped with a small shield, called & pelia or prit@. Vhis made then considerably nore cflective ay skirmish troops than the standard Greck javetinman without a shiek Unshielded javelinmen were extremely vulnerable to a de lensive barrage from archers or other javelinmen hoplite shield wall and, perfectly sale themselves, edelending nuissile troops could hide behind the keep any attacking javelinmien at such a distance foy fisar of incurring casualties, that the hoplite line at all) Onee the attacking javelinmen were given shields, however, delensive would hardly sufler inissiles could be risked with more confidence. Attackers could now advance to a distanee from which due hoplite line could be engaged, and the hoplites would start ty suller casualties. Phe Thracian peltast was hardy anything more than a dibesman in craditional Thracian hunting dress, “Thracian dress is described by Heradauus 7.751 and ather authors. ‘The Thracia cap wits made of fox-skin, Winters in Thrace were severe. sa the cap was provided with a pair of carflaps w prevent frosthite, The thiek square cloak. or seine extended to the knee to keep the Jess warm, and the tunic was unusually thick and long. Nenaphon and ube Greek merce s who bad fought for Gyrus served it Phirace, following their vetura fiom Asia. imider the Odrysian prince Seuthes, When Seuthes marched against the ‘Phynians, “Phere was muchnow and such frost ditt ah nw for wer brough dinner troze, as did the wine in the vessels, and the hoses and cars of many of the Greeks were bitten oll Henee it became clear why the Thracians wear fox kins on dieir heads and over their ears, and chilons hetonly around the trnk bar alse around the thighs, and. ceias reachi to the feet or 74-3 4. The thick rom whieh che Thraciar horseback, wot ehlamvdis (An blauketaveaye material garments were imade would: inset!” ¢ lintle protection from spent missiles, Purl boots, laced up the front and hen Ged flac dhe 1p ofthe call so as vo tet the far Lining fall doysn in three Vhe Twas afereseent lappets, were distinctively ‘Thracian shield snuld be of wood covered in hice ap edge to allow the peltast amobstructed vision while throw ing his javelin. Phe frome af the peli? sould be painted with some kind of primitive good-luck yinbol to casure the waurrter’s salety. “Phe mest popular desig wats some kind ob stylised Jace: dis was probably intended to give the shield magical vision inorder te wattel: aut for hustile missiles. Representations of Fhracians on Adie vases tend to show them carrying oly a brace of hunting jvelins, though perhaps more were carried in war The javelin were quite long, about sis leet, and were fitted with small leal-shaped iren heads Plates Bz, By: Greek ‘Ekdromoi’ Contact with the Phracians, bedi friendly and hostile, hastened changes in hoplite wartire and quipment. At first the changes were very superficial, The Thracian helmet first became popular in the bes. [eis 3 u noticeable that eyes, whieh occur but rarely in arehaie vase paintin tow become Huesingle uipst popular shield design in ns of boplites fram the middle of the jth century onwards, probably as a resull ol Thracian contacts, Eventually, dhongh, campaign in'Thrace was ia havea more proliund eflect on Lo keep lucties and consequently on equipment hopliies were detailed yo tun ont of the line ata given si ual in the hope of catehing, aud killir he rescl These troops were known as ekdtomat on runners Hoplites would be detailed te serve se-elaasss Hue prov ute By hax heen Bases les Painter dating to around the New York, Metropolitan catch the peltusts it became inevitable that a considerable portion of the hoplite’s heavy body urmeir would ave to be discarded. Front abou Hu onwards we come across increasingly numeren represeniitions of this new kind af Tight hoplive’ in Greek vase-painting and sculpture The chirass and greaves were discarded, but a first the ehdromas was vot lel completely unpre: tected, Same hapl shad previously worn an apron of thick blanket-weave nutterial, gaily paterned ier the Thracian style, underneath the grein-flaps or pe of the cuirass. When the cuirass was discarded the apron, which was probally called apeviziina, was frequently retained to give at least a little protection {rom missiles without slowing down, the ekdramas too nach. In other eases a full tunic of similar material was worn, Originally some roplives Decail from a siamns by Polygnotes showing Theseus fighting the Amazons. On the left, Thesens wears the protective hilt. oF pevizam, and an early form of Bocotian helmet, complete Crest but without an indented rim, On the right, Re swears Thessalian dress, The shape of the hat foreshadews thi Petusos-helmec About 445 430, Ch Plate Gs, (Oxford, Ashmolean Museum V.g22) may have worn this thick garment as a tunic comparable to che ¢ knight. It may be the poles am Xenophon, bt ancient le arming: mbeson af the medieval Honed by indicate that the spotas was normally anade ofleather, At first it seems that only the eédiomo! fought in this lightened equipment relerences that cuirasses continued to be used well into the Peloponnesian War, Eventually, though, it for we can deduce ftom a number of was ound that the shield and helmet gave sufficientprotection, and were cheaper and more eomfor- table to wear than the fall hoplite panoply, se pened equipment came to be adopted by the whol army Plate C1: Bocotian hoplite, c. 440 xc Another in hoplite equipment starting Ue midst comtury isthe replacement of the traditional types of close helmet with more open types, steht as the Lakonian “pilos- helmet’ and the *Boentian’ types. Bath (hese helmet change we sce around types had their origin in regional patterns of felt caps. Demosthenes ions hat a 5-H) painting of die battle of Marathon, housee Stoa Poikilé on the and 160, “Painted Porch’ at Athens, dating «seme dime Platacan contingent running 10. Marathon wearing Boeotian hats, Vase paintings of wound that tin soou after showed — che eof denn with Boootian associations, wearing Boeotian hats. Some of these vase=paintings shew erests, indicatin a development from felt hats to bronze helmets in the same shape, The Bocotian hat was rather like a larg hat in shape. ‘The brim is always shawn drooping downwards, Plate Cx is based on an Aue white= ground /efathas or oil flask (Athens 17h) painted in eslour by the ‘Phanatos Painter. towards the end of t jul century -size howler 5th Century Cavalry Plates C2, C3: Thessalian cavalrymen Thessaly is composed of huge plains, unique in Greece and ideally suited for growing grain and rearing cattle, The Thessalian aristucracy grew rich on the export trade in corn and siock, and one way in which it chose to display its wealth wasin keeping horses, Consequently the ‘Thessalians were the finest horsemen in Greve, and cavalry in Thessaly retained a prime importance in battle when it had become almost obsolete throughout the rest of the Greek distinct, inland, Thessalian riding dress was quite and adapted to the climate of the landlocked pli winter, hanks very hot in summer, very cold in to the cha Vhe extravagantly wide-brimmed senion of the Greek petaias, or sun heat and dust of the mountain: 1s which surround. it, , kept out the plain, while the long, enveloping Thessalian cloak kept the wearer warn in winter but cool in summer. These vo distinctive features of Thesalian dres, are shown an a great mber of Thessalian tombstones, and also on at certain number af Attic white-ground fekytho which seem to show ye \the jan aristocrats dressed aller the manner of their wealihy “Thessalian counterparts. No colonred tombstones of Vhessalians have survived: from. the Classical period, but it might be legitimate to reconstruct the ical colours of Thessalian clothing fom the pian vase paintings Most of these Athenian figures are dressed in hats of yellowis cl Phessalian eluaks of a dark Relief from Phalanna, dating to about 450; showing typical Thessalian dress of wide brimmed hat, funicand Thessalian cloak. A brace of hunting spears sd in the Left hand, (Volos, Athanascakeion Archacologiealbrownish-red colour with a broad white border, as in plate Gg. ‘This cou Thessalian dress. well repre: Plaw Ca, structed from an Athenian vase (Walter Riczler, Weissgrundige Attische Lekythen, Munich, 1914. pl. 95 nt typical however, is recom showing a horseman in Thessalian clothing, which isas striking asit is unique in colour combination. It should be noted that the Thessalian tombstones universally show a short-sleeved tunic worn underneath the cloak, wheres the Athenian vases show the cloak worn without a tunic At this time the typical Greek cavalry spear was the kawax. The word means reed’, and was a nickname given first long, thin vine-poles, and Detail from The Great Melos Amphora by The Suessula Painter, now in the Louvre ($ 1677) showing a battle bet ode and giants, Our Bgure, probabl fiemonstrates how the Kamar was used 10 the long, thin cava y spears which looked like them. The kamax was primarily designed for use against infantry, its great length being designed to enable the horseman to *pig-stick” enemy infantry The Thessalian League Thessaly did not rely exclusively on the cavalry arm, thou infantry were always of less “impor- tance because of the slow development of the city- state in that region divided into four teu Vhessaly was traditionally arters’ called ind He wetrarchies formed the League, in whose meetir rehies or “q Phessaliotis, Phthiotis, Pelasgiotis, These iatis. four Thessalian s votes were allocated by tewarchy, and whose elected head was called the fagos. The first dagos was called Aleuas the Red: and a mutilated fragment (479 ed. V. Rose} from Aristotle's lost Constitution of the ‘Thessalians gives Yy organisation of thewhich remained in force through the Classical period, though the alice of digas lapsed Red divided Petrarchies. and having thus divided the state, hy Alevas the Thessaly inte tour assessed the army strength at yo hnsemen and 80 hoplites per lira. Te seems thar there were 150 /iio%, o lots, tor the al army of the League numbered 6,000 caval y and 1.000 hoplites. Something concerning peltasts pr the peli folloyes this Fragment, so it is possible tat the fifo: was also responsi fiarnishin numberof peltasts, In fact the dividing line between what was a hoplie and what was a peltast seers to. he for a have been somewhat blurred in Thessaly, as we might expect in a comer of Greece which was atypical in so many ather sespecis, Figines appear els whieh seem to be hallway between hoplites and peltasis in equip: on Phessalian coins andr ment, wielding javelin but using hoplite shields. Thessaly’s large army allawed her to expand at the expense of her neighbours. the surrounding perioikic communities of Magnesia, Perrha and Achaea Phthiotis. A second tages, called Skopas tie Old, fixed the tribute the Perioikis had tu pay to the League, apparently it werms of both revenues and military contributions Athenian Cavalry During the Persian Wars the Athenians maintained a farce af only some 300 horsemen who had litte military lunetion. During the arehonate of Diphilos in 442. probably as a period of the esultofa law moved by Perikles, the cavalry corps: was expanded (0 1,000, Eaeh of the ten Athenian uribes supplied a tiibe ipini?) af cavalry com- hh The ten phyla’ al howe were: under the command of ovo hipparehs, who would cach command a wing of five plata’ in bactle, AI The like the hoplites, were not paid a regular manded by a phyls these officers would be elected anmually cavalry wage, but un en aun ke the heplites they were allow sPone drachena a day (or farlder in times 10 of peace or war alike, On cutering service with the cavalry the young nobleman would also be paid an establishment grant “Aafastasds) Uy cover the cost of his mount, ‘Phe kalasdasix had to be paid back on leaving the cavalry, killed on unless the mount had been active service, “To avoid: fisnidulent carries 4 harman, pes oF long cavaley spear- CF. Plates 2, Ch. Volos, Athanassake on Archaeological Museum, 1.394) claiming of allowances the dekanavia ar inspeetion was performed annually by the Athenian council, or boul? following the clection of the aflicers. Bach rider and horse would be carefully inspected lor fitness for service, Horses which Jed to poss a dokimasia weve br ded on the jaw with the sign ofa shel, in order te prevent chem being slipped through the dedimasia ona future occasion, passed the riders names would be cred on the santdes, or ‘ehalk-bnards, which would be passed on to the ut jarehs, who commanded the tibal infaniry regiments. ‘The taxiarchs would delete the names of those the bal recruitment rolls, which were kept by archon year, entered on vanides Vromi the to-ensnre that no-one became liable for bot hoplite and cavalry service. Plate D1: Athenian cavalryman, c. 440 1 A mumber of Adienian reliefeshow the dress of the newly expanded Athenian cavalry corps just before the start al the Pelog Wars. Normal mnilitary dress iy shown, however, ina number ol nnwsian Athenian sculptures both private funerary monu- ments, and state monuments to the [allen dating 440. onsands i became fashionable for dhe Athenian uobility from this period. Fram about spend more and more on their tornbsiones, Phe principal funerary monument from now until 317was the marble /ekythos or ‘oil flask’, For a long time the dead had been buried with oil flasks (for toilet purposes in the afier-life), and it now became popular to demareate the (omb plot with monu- mental marble “ytha’ at the edges. ‘These marble vases are also found in a second shape, the lautrophoros, which was a ritual vessel used to fill the marriage bath, These marble lekytioi and loubrophoroi were usually sculpted with a representation of the deceased in an act of daily life, and are a rich source of information about Athenian military dress and equipment in the Classical period. Plate Br is based on a marble ekythos in Adhens (National Museum inv. 35). All Athenian cavalry of this period have certain features of dress in common. The tunic is a chifoniskos, a sleeveless tunic held up by straps over the shoulders, looking rather like a modern vest. Over this is worn a bronze muscle-cuirass which passes over the shoulders only in very narrow hands so as to allow maximum freedom of movement to the arms. The head was covered by a petasos of the Thessalian type, and the feet were shod in the normal thin Greek boots. On Athenian reliels these boo avalry re very hard to detect, as the details of strap-work ete. were normally painted in; but if the tes are not clearly shown in a relief we can be sure it is because the subject is wearing boots. Weapons were also frequently painted kama n. ‘These seem to have been the ed in conjunction with a pair of sometimes us Coin of Larisa dating to the end of the 5th century. Hoplites of Larisa may have used the cow's hoof, symbolic of Thessalian trade in beet and livestock, asa common shield device. (British javelins, and a cavalry sabre, Where the cavalry sabre is shown on these relic{s it seems 10 have a hilt shaped like a bird’s head. In all cases the sabre is shown sheathed, however, so it is difficult to be certain whether or not the sabre would have had a curved blade or, as is more common in this period, a straight, broad blade rather like the medieval falchion in appearance. Cloaks are not shown in relie{s before the turn of the century, so perhaps they were not worn, Military dress of this type is also worn by some of the figures on the Parthenon frieze the majority of whom are, however, not show ing uniform dress, Give ind equipment in these figures one is forced to the were fully uniformed with tunies of the same colour at this carly stage; but the answer is probably ‘no’. The similarity in the type of equipment car be explained by the law of Pe weal the uniformity of dress ask whether the Athenian cavalry ic seers to kles, which must have stipulated exactly what equipment a caval man had to possess to pass the dokimasia, but this would certainly not run as far as detailing elothes to idences here are probably explained by prevailing fashions. The aristocratic cavalrymen, aped Lakedaimonian habits: they wore their hair be worn, Coi long, and engaged in boxing and other gymnastic exercises. Because of these practices the called them “the folk with battered detractors Plate Dz: Athenian cavalry recruit ¢. 430 ne Itis a great pity that we do not know more of the Athenian system of ephet century. Lhe ephebe was a c training during the 5th young man undergoing military training: it seems chat the course of training lasted two years, from £8 to 20. The first year seems to have been a basic military training course for all citizens, carried out in barracks in the Piracus, In thesecond year those who were in the hoplite census class were given a further year of training in hoplite warlare, during which they manned the frontier forts guarding Attica. Those who were 100 poor to allord hoplite equipment like the orator Acs ¢s (2.167) in his youth were trained as peltasts, and spent their second year patrolling the countryside of Attica, from which activity they were known as peripolo’ or ‘patrollers’.. Thucydides (8.92.6) also mentions some cavalry neaniskat, which is a word usually used to mean an ephebe, so it may he that im their second year of military trainingDetail from a marble lekythey showing a eavalryman, This is one of the earliest examples of this type of funceary monument: at this early date the /ehythoiare very tall and thin, ‘The style of carving is very reminiscent of the Parthenon freize, which allows ws to date the sculpture to about 440. The cavalryman, on whom Plate Da is based, wears a perason hat, a thin sleeveless tunic, and a bronze musele-cuirass. Further details, such as the spear and boot-steaps, would have been painted onto the sculpture. (Athens, National Museum, 835) Cavalry helmet discovered in a tomb in Madytou Street, ‘Athens. The rim is pierced all the way round the edge with ine of small holes, possibly (o allow a material cover to be stitched on to the outside, thes 1g the helmet as a hnat, The (otal effect Js very reminiscent of 17th century helmets made in hat shapes. Plate D2 wears 1 helmet of this type. (Drawing: Hugh Coddington) those intending to serve mounted training. ‘This brings us to Plate Da, which is based on a late 5th century Athenian white-ground leksthos painted by The Reed Painter (Athens, National Museum 12275). The figure of a horseman on it is most rare, and has a number of points of interest, First is the black cidamys, We know that the Athenian ephebes wore black cloaks at certain processions and festivals, so our figure may be an cphebe in taining for the cavalry. Another interesting feature is the helmet in the shape of a petasos. [Lis evident on Athenian relic of this period that many horsemen are not wearing a pefasos, but a metal helmet of pefasos shape. ‘These ‘petasos- helmets’ can be distinguished from a simple hat because they lie square on the brow, rather than being perched jauntily over the forehead, which is the way in which the pefases is normally worn, An actual example of'a helmet of this type has recently » the cavalry underwent ‘inted heen discovered in an Athenian tomb (O. Alexandri Archaiologik® Ephimeris, 1973, pp. 93-105). Finally, we might note that the horseman is carrying a p. than the kamax. ir of heavy hunting spears ratherThe Peloponnesian War Jt was probably inevitable that the rising power of \u What was perhaps not so inevi would eventually clash with Lakedaimon, ole. trom a military viewpoint, was the way that the ascendancy af the hoplite, though under constant challenge during 30 warare, survived the virtually years of war undiminished. This is not to say that hoplite armies, miber of deteats at always won they sutlered an the hands of peltasts or pio’. frequently with the support of cavalry: but in the end the hoplive anaes were able to devise new Lactics to overcome their adversries, Greek Psiloi It is easy for the student of Greck warfare. in devoting too much attention tw the study of die Athenian state monument commemorating the dead of 394 The cavalryman on the right wears = petaves-helmet, of possibly’ am carly form ‘of Bocotian helmet. He thrusts raevarels with a haa: Iso armed with a sabre. On he etic Athestian ho ‘a fallen adversary. CF. Plate Da, (Athens, National M 748) pellast. 16 forget armed with some sort of stick or stone. about the simple Greck pailos Oveasions did occur when even the humble rock could be used to elleet against a hoplite army. In 4 Corinthians occupied the heights of Gerancia and descended on Megara, thinking that the Athenians were too heavily connnitted 10 campaigns else But the Athe lied out the ephehes between c8 and 2 where id the old men between 50 and Go, and despatched this lore wader the famous general Myronides. One battle fought: then a second one at Kimolia re days later indecisive wat ‘The Corinthian hoplives were thrown back, and in their confusion a considerable proportion of then farmland The lost their way and rushed into some enclosed by a great ditch. Lewas a dead endAthenians slant them in by barring the entrance with he lites: then the paidv who had fallowed the expedition stoned 1 death the Corinth 1 hoplites trapped inside. In q26 the Athenian general Demosthenes invaded the mountains of Actolia. The fate of his expeditionary force is described by ‘Thucydides 3.07 8). He was short ufpoiled, but did bave a foree of citizen archers in his army. As long as the arrows held out the Aetolians, who were not peltasts and so without shields for their wir defence, were kept at bay. The archers were and the entually routed, however, Athenian faree broke up and fled. Many hid ina nearby forest, but Une Actolians set light tit and smoked them ont. ‘The Athenians lost 120 hoplites, men in the prime of fife, Phae Bis set in Actolia in 26. Plates Ex, E2: Greek stone-thrower and javelinman Greek pailot are normally shown wearing the everyday dress of Greck shepherds: a tunic of coarse cloth and a shaggy felt hat, Sometimes there ar modifications: one figure might wear a heuer timic of linen, another might wear boots, Que feature nearly all have in common is that they carry a makeshift shield formed by an animal pelt laid slong, the Jef arm and secured in place by knotting, pair of the paws around the neck, Weapons seem, to be restricted ta stones er javelins; only occasionally do we find the odd representation of a ligure carrying a sword Plate E3: Athenian hoplite A number of Athenian vases of the 43as, just on the \theni {TIL Most vases of both these varicties show the f eve of the Peloponnesian War. show ms carrying shields hearing the initials A or engaged in due Ayplitndtomas a foot race, run with helmet and shield, in which the ephehes took part [eis most probable that these shields were not used in war, but were used exclusively for hese athletic contests, ‘Though just possible, it is highly unlikely hat such shields were ever issued by the state for campaign use, even to the young men. There does hield- design during this period. In faet we are told (Phuc that at Delium in surrounding the ‘Phespiar not seem lo have been a unilorm Ather 4.96.3 24 the Athenians in who stood firm while he Providence ary. He weara a the rest of the Bocorian right flank fled started te cut cach other down, Athenian being unable t recognize Athenian in the confusion. Ln addition there are a couple of texts telling us the shicld designs of individual generals: Nikias has a shield decorated with intricate workmanship in gold and purple (Phuc. Fit, Nie. 28.5): and in the cleluennians OP} 5. Fp ABE) af Aristophanes the comic figure Lamachus uses a shield with the gurgoneion badge What relation the comic figure of Lamachus has to the sirafeyos Lamachos of real lite is unknown, but in the Acharmans Lamachus wears a tiple-plumed helmet which included two white ostrich feathers igbt 5. Hog, 1109), In the Peare Cruze 74) a faviarch is described as wearin 5a riple-crested helmet, sud crimson clothing dyed with Sardian dye. Lu all probability. then, the triple-erested helmet was a badge of rank warn by both faciarch and shaiegus. Athenian Military Organisation ‘The tribal regiments had been commanded by ten duri * the Persian Wars, In the course of‘This Auie skyphos, aot Far from the Battle of Kimolia in date, shows a peltast on one side and a stone-thrower on the other. wough ‘crude, these paintings display some interesting .. Note the arrangement of the handles on the Inside of and the sword worn by the stone-thrower, (Vien: Kunsthistorisches Museum, Inv. TV 1922) Lime the majority of the siraifyoi started to become only y responsibility of leading out an expedition, Bach éaxis was now the equivalent of civilian ministers of war, one or two would take on the milita nanded by a daviarch, and was divided into a number of oslo’, each of a standard size t seems, and commanded by a lachagos. ‘The precise strength of the faxis_ would expedition to expedition, For example, the Athenian people might pass a decree to send out an vary from rmy of 5,000 amine the muster hoplites. The taviarchs would es rolls or kalalygoi, on which the citizens Fable For service were entered by archon-year. They would work out up to what archon-year the age-classes had to be ed An expedition involving a call-up for active service of all the age-classes up to the upper age limit was, alled out to meet the number requi Such a levy was known as an ‘eponymous levy known as an expeditio (pancdémei from the active-serv ‘of the whole people On his fiftieth birthday a cit zen passed ce muster ralls to the reserve. Though occasionally the old men were called out for active-service, in gencral they were called upon to perform only garrison duty. ‘Thucydides (2.13.6-8) gives the suength of the Athenian army ‘on the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War as follows: 13,000 citizen hoplites of milita y age 16,000 ephebes, old men and metics (foreign citizens permanently resident in Athens}; 1,200 cavalry, inchiding 200 horse-archers: 1,600 foot archers; and 300 seaworthy triremes. ‘The Lakedaimonian Army at First Mantineia, 418 nc Afier Herodotus’ description of the army: the Lakedaimonians sent to Plataea in 479. g army Thucydides description of the battle of Mantincia (5.67-68} The organisational structure has changed some- what, most prob: c our next apse of their comes. in ply as a result of the devastating rihquake of 464, which took so many Spartan lives, and the human losses sullered in the revolt of the Messenian helots that followed. The five foctoi were retained, though reduced in size, and farther locloi were created by suitable ancipating helots “of the type’. These newly cnfranchised helows were known as neodamodeis most At Mantineia there seem to have been five lochoi of citizens, cach 5 2 strong and divided into four pentekostyes and 16 endmotiai. "The endmotia of 32 men was drawn up eight deep with a frontage of four, This strength represented total Lakedaimonian citizen manpower up to the age of 55. We may (had the remaining age-classes been assume tha called up, the size of the endmotia would have been