: eee > Space Cared Kd WEAVING SPACE: TEXTILE IMAGERY AND LANDSCAPE IN THE MIXTEC CODICES Shatisse D. McCafferty and Geoffrey G. McCafferty Sharisse D. McCafferty, Department of Srehatology, University of Calgary, 2500 University Drios NW, Calgary, Alberta T20 1N4, Canada, Goffey ©. McCafferty, Department of Archacology, University of Calgary, 2500 University Drive NW, Calgary, Alberta T2N IN4, Canada ABSTRACT Mixtec pictorial manuscripts from Late Postclassic ‘Oaxaca represent textiles as costume but also in rela- tion to beth the natural and built environments. This paper relates these apparently anomalous images to accounts of the mythical weaving of sacred landscapes. ‘Weaving metaphors become Important for intérpret~ Ing emic concepts of the sacred landscape and, based fon the engendered quality of costume elements and ‘of spinning and weaving as stereotypically fermale prac- tice, adda gendered worldview to Mixtec ideology. We suggest that by representing the natural landscape as “woven,” the Mixtec brought it into the cultural realm, and therefore claimed control over natural forces. Pictorial manuscripts fiom late pre-Conquest and ‘early Colonic Oaxaca, Mexico ~ known as Mixtec codices after the cultural group that produced them. = contain imporcant historical as well as cultural infor- mation. Most scholarly interpretations of these man- scripts focus on their genealogical information as a ‘means of constructing culture histories (e.g, Anders et al. 1992; Caso 1979), or the continuity of ideas into modern folk traditions (e.g, Jansen 1990; Jansen and Pérez Jiménez 2000; Monaghan 1990). More archae- logically oriented research considers the activities Of the codex actors as a window onto past cultural behaviour, and the objects depicted as contextually ‘meaningful material culture (c.g, McCafferty and McCafferty 1994). At the 2000 Cheemool Conference we adopted this later perspective in a costume analy- sis of over 3,100 individuals as a step toward inferting such social identities as gender, occupation and eth- nicicy (McCafferty and McCafferty 2000), That analy- sis included not only a typology of the clothing items themselves, butalso a detailed catalogue of the design. elements used on each clothing category. In the course of that analysis, we began to notice textiles and textile patterns that were used in non- ‘costume situations, particularly as design elements on, the fagades of buildings and on elements ofthe natural environment (e.g, hills). In this spin-off of the initial study, we will characterize the use of textile imagery in these situations, and suggest what this may reveal bout the emic conceptualization of the built and nat- uments by the Postelassic Mixtec. “Mixtec” describes a cultural group chat speaks an (Oto:Manguean language, Mixtec, and occupies the westem portion of the modern state of Oaxaca, as ‘well as sections of the adjoining states of Guerreso and Puebla The Mixtec region extends from Pacific coast- al tropics to high mountains with many small, cemper- ate valloys in which, during the Postclassie period (ca (900-1520 C.E.), numerous autonomous city-states ex- ited (Byland and Pobl 1994; Spores 1967). The few Mixtec codices that survive relate mythological and historical details of the Postclassic period (Jansen 1992; Thoike 1978). Archaeological investigations, pri- marily in the form of scztlement pattern surveys (e.g, Byland 1980; Spores 1972), provide additional infor ‘mation, Unfortunately, litle excavation of Postelassic architecture has occurred, so archacological support for the codical patterns is scarce. Michael Lind (1979) did expose architectural decoration associated with lite residential struccures in the Nochixtlan Valley. Outside of the Mixteca, the Valley of Oaxaca site of Mitlé features standing architecture with possible tex- tile patterns in stone mosaic on the building fagades (Hamann 1997; Pohl 1999). ‘The Mixtec codices provide a wide tange of im- agery, including marriage scenes, births, military + Spatial Analysis to Asclacs £C, kobes 150% FD. Seibel, D ender (As06y Vow of heey [ress lp saigure 1, Hills in the Cadee Viedobonensis (1992-10) (a) hill with stat band (b) hill with jew- celled woman; (6 hil of jaguar; ( hill with dval faces; () hill with torm ge. fe a | Figuce 2. (@) Anchropomorphic hill with pregnant belly and arms (Code Natta! 1992:82), (©) anthropomorphic bil beating drum (Codes Netai! 199273) ‘campaigns, religious rituals and political machinations, among others. Interspersed among these actions are landscape elements, both natural and artifical, such as hills, plains, rivers, temples and ball courts. Often, these feature iconographic elements used as toponyms to name the place of the social action, Standardized symbols, described by Mary Elizabeth Smith (1973), provide identifying trits for the geographic features. Further elements serve to name che sices. For exam- ple, in the Codes Vindobonensis (1992:9-10) a range of ‘welve hills are decorated with naming elements, in- cluding human and animal heads, «fully clothed man- requin with mask, and a storm god face (Figure 1). (On numerous occasions, places in che natural en- vironment are identified with anthropomorphic traits. For example, in the Codex Nuttall (1992:82) there is a hill thae features bene arms and legs, and a distended abdomen suggesting pregnancy (Figure 2a). Again in the Codes Nuttall(1992:73) a hill with head, hands and feet sings while beating a drum and holding a ratele (Figure 2b). Anthropomorphie landscapes complement the many zoomorphie elements also found through ‘out the codices, suggesting a conceprualization of the natural landscape as having lifelike qualities. This is discussed in detail in John Monaghen’s ethnograph- ic studies (1995), where the people of Nu'yoo in the Mixteca Alte recognize a range of anthropomorphic cearth spirits, known as hy Inaddition tothe zoomorphic and anthropomorphic clements that appear on landscape elements, other patterns ae typically used, including interlocked ia- ‘monds and dots, and groupings of perpendicular lines. ‘These are characteristic textile patterns, suggesting, that some aspects of the natural landscape were con- coptualized metaphorically as woven. Weaving was considered a female task in many pre-Columbian cul- ‘tres (McCafferty and McCafferty 1991), and was also linked metaphorically to sexual reproduction Sullivan 334 SPACE AND SPATIAL ANALYSIS IN ARCHAEOLOGYFigure 3. (4) Diamond-and-dot pattern on hill with cave (Cedex Selden 1964:1; (9) diamond-and- ‘dot pactern on hil with architectural fea tare Cedex EgrtonlSanches Sols 1994:30, 1982), The process of transforming raw materials such as cotton ormaguey into a highly cultured good 6 cloth) was an important symbol of “civilization,” and distinction between clothed and unclothed was used by the Aztecs to critique their barbarian cousins from the wild north. We suggest chat by clothing the land- scape, Mixtecs were bringing it into the domain of eu- ‘The interlocked diamond-and-dot pattern is known, to weavers as the “point twill” motif, defined as “2 sraight twill that reverses direction at intervals" (Gtrickler 1991:25). In the codices it usually occurs on mountains or plains. For example, in the opening scene of the Codex Selden (1964:1) @ cavernous mountain (with a head in che cave) is covered by the diamond- and-dot pattern (Figure 3a). This pattern occurs often in the Codex Egerton Sanches Solis (1994), usually with ‘an architectural element on top of the hill (Figure 3b). I is also the most common decorative motif on wom- “Woman's skirt with diamond-and-dot pate can (Codex Egertor/Sanchen Soli 399413) Figure 4 en's skirts in the Codex Egerton{Sanchex Solis (Figute 4). In fact, in our costume analysis (McCafferty and McCafferty 2000) this motif only occurs on female ‘costume elements such as skirts and upper body gar- ments such as Auipiles and guechguemits Patricia Anawalt (1990, 1998) identifies blue variant of this motifin relation co Totec identity, and infers ito use by later Aztee nobles as symbolic claim to Toltec ancestry and, thereby, legitimacy. The pattern occurs fon a wide variety of objects, including ceramic ves- sels in the Nahua Codex Borgia of the Puebla-Tiaxcala region, where the pattern might better be inter preted as simply implying preciosity (Chadwick and ‘MacNeish 1967), peshaps relating to the jade chalchi- nies, ‘Phe stricted use in Mixtee manuscripes sug- ‘gests that this meaning should not apply to our case, Panels of interlocking half diamonds (ic. trian- les), often with dots or small squares, are a common motif especially in the Codex Nuctal!(1992). The motif Chapter Thirty Three WEAVING SPACE 33sFigure 5. Lord 7 Ligard on hill decorated with plait: ced twill moxt (Codex Selden 1964:11-2), occurs alone to indicate «plain, o as a pane! on hill alyphs. Ie is also a common element on architectural facades, to be discussed below. The pane! of interlock ing triangles is identified by Smith (1975:58-39) by the Mixtec term fw, meaning “city” in much the same way as the Nahuatl ‘ellen. On costumes, the pattern cours ava decorative border element on men's upper ‘body garments. The second cextle pattern that shows up often on the natural landscape consists of groupings of parallel lines that abut at right angles, of neaty right angles, ‘with others. This pattern is known asa “plated til” defined as “a weave in which opposing diagonal lines seem to interlace or braid with each other” (Strickler 1991:100). Inthe Mixtec codices it appears on moun- sains, plains, and even in the water and ona flowering tee depicted as part of a supernatural birth, For ex- ample, in the Codex Selden (1964113) a man named 7 Lizard sits on the lower slope ofa hill glyph identified by a long thin textile, probably a male loincloth, The body of the hill is decorated with che plaited twill pat. tern (Figure 5). The sume patcezn occurs where two individuals st in a body of water bounded by a feath- xed serpent (Codes Selden1964:1-2) Note that parallel scenes appear in the Codex Nuttall (1992) end Codex Vindabonenss (1992) bat without the plaited twill pae- tem, suggesting chat the pattern is aot necessary to Figure 6. ‘Tree btth scene with plaited will motit on trunk (Gades Viedobonenss 1992:37-2), the story (the piaited ewill does appear in other con- texts in these codices). ‘A famous scene from the Codex Vindobonensis (1992:37-2) depicts a split ree, whose base is in the form of a female head (Figure 6). Two individuals are using hafted tools to score the tree trunk, which is split open and a naked man emerges from the split. ‘The tree trunk is decorated with the plaited ewill pat tem, and further elaborated with arrows on the right side and perforated disks, peshaps spindle whorls, on the left. Blsewhere we have discussed the structural equivalence linking male weapons and female weav- ing tools (MeCafferty and McCafferty 1989). ‘The use of textile patterns to represent the natu- ral landscape may relate to a Zapotee origin myth in Which the landscape was created when supernatural twins stole the weaving tools of the old goddess and threw them down to create mountains in order to ob- scruct pursuers (Parsons 1936:222-223, 324-328; sce also McCafferty et al. 1994). A woven landscape is also an important concept among the Huichol, where ‘Stacy Schaefer has observed loom pests that represent landmarks on the peyote pilgrimage (1990), Weaving. tools such as battens, spindles and whorls are often carried by powerful women as symbols of their-au- thority over the female domains of creation and pro- ‘teation (MeCafferty and McCafferty 1989, 1991), a8, 336 SPACE AND SPATIAL ANALYSIS IN ARCHAEOLOGYFigure 7, Lady 13 Flower holding weaving batten and spindle (Codex Natal! 1992.19) demonstrated in the representation of Lady 13 Flower in the Codes Muttall (1992:19), where the goddess as- sociated with sexuality and textile producti rics 2 spindle with whorl and spun thread slong with 1 batten (Figure 7). Spinning and weaving tools were also important components of Tomb 7 at Monte Albin and Tomb J at Zaachila, where the highly ornament ‘ed carved bones served as effigy tools as well as sym- bols of female power (Hamann 1997; McCafferty and MeCaffesry 4994), ‘Textile patterns also oceur as decorative elements ‘on the fagadies of buildings. In some cases they are sim- ilar to the motifs already discussed, such as the plait- ced and point ewills. For example, in the Codes Nutill (1992:78-3) a temple with long staircase features the plaited twill pattern in ted and white on the pyramidal ‘base, and also on two levels of che temple wall (Figure 8). The base also has three gold-coloured disks in = horizontal line. Two solid-coloured bends with a third band of alternating black and white appear both at the top and bottom of the base. This border is very typical of woven garments in the codices, with the alternating black-and-white panel representing the fringe at the base of a woven textile where the warp strings are tied off (e.g, Coder Nastal! 1992:12-1; Codex Vindobonensis 1992:12-1). Another fringe element appears around the roof of the temple. As mentioned previously, the Figure 8. Temple with plated will mosif on fagade (Codex Nusall 1992 78-3), plated ewill pattern isa consistently female design el- tement, a8 are the fringe styles. ‘The diamond-and-dotipoint will motif is less common as an architectural design (e.. Codex Natal! 1992195). On the other hand, the intetlocked trian- eles thac represent half diamonds are quite common In the Gédice Alfonso Caso (1996:36) a sacrificial vierim stands on a small platform wich ralud-ableroconstruc- tion (Figure 9). The vertical éablero features inter- locked triangles within a frame of two coloured bands. A staircase in the centre of the platform features a balustrade on either side, painted with red lines on a white background. ‘The red-on-white pattern is often reproduced on costume cloth, forextmple in the Code Vindobonensis (1992:9), where a woman sits spinning with a skirt of identical pattern The Codes Selden features two complex place signs ‘hat incorporate @ motif of a large dot surrounded by smaller dots, a pattern that is also found on priestly upper body garments, Inthe Codex Seiden (196421) 4 ‘man and woman sit on a woven matin font of temple in walled courtyard (Figure 10). The courtyard is de- picted with che dot motif and « red swiel motif that ‘ay represent a spring or a well. In the Goder Selden (09649-3) a temple with a sweacbath rests on a hill with 2 eave monster. The background, probably rep- resenting the floor of the temple compound, uses the {chapter Thirty Three WEAVING SPACE sorFigure 9 ineslocked triangles of point (Chdice AYfoaso Caso 1996536) Figure 1. 4) Lord 10 Monkey wearing upper body fatment with concentric dot motif (dex ‘Selden 1964:14~3); 8) mountain imperson- stor weating cloth decorated with concen tie dot motif Codex Natal 992:18-2 2d jetim on temple platform deco Figure 10. Man and woman in courtyard decorated wich concentric dot matif (Codex Sede 1964:2-1), SESne Figure 12. by Lady 8 Moremenr’s kenife moti (Codes Nut 338 SPACE AND SPATIAL ANALYSIS IN ARCHAEOLOGYFigure 13. 2) Stepped fret motion the Temple ofthe Ascending Serpent (Cedex Natal! 1992:5— 2).b) stepped fret motif on priestly cloak (Codes Nuttall 1992:25~2);c) male loine cloth decorated with triangle and hatch macks (Cedex Nuttall 1992.79-4), dot pattern, An example of this pattern on costumes includes Lord 10 Monkey, who wears a priestly upper body garment decorated with the dot pattern while in- censing a divine bundle at a temple at Jaltepec in the Godex Selden (1964:14~8; Figure 11a). Similar priest- Jy garments appear in Cedex Nuttall 25-1 and 25-2 (1992). The pattern also occurs on a cloth covering for ‘ mountain impersonator in Coder Nuattal! 15-2 (1992), where Lady 3 Flint Shell Quechquemitl offers incense and holds a weaving pick (Figure 11b) Other architectural feacures with costume elements include a temple in the Codex Vindobonensis (1992:9) with a “garnfent” hung from the back wall like a cape (Figure 2a), The garment is decorated with fine ‘knife motifs, coloured bands, and a fringe with more knives, Flint knives appear on both male and fernale costumes, as on the skirt of Lady 8 Movement in the Codex Nuttall (1992:35-2; Figure 12), ‘The temple roof in Codex Nuttall 26-3 (1992) is dec- crated with a panel of curved frets. The stepped fret, kenown as a sicalolivkgui, appears a3 a panel on the lower portion of the Temple of the Ascending Serpent in Godex Nutrall 152 (1992; Figure 132). A similar fret pattern appears on 2 priestly cloak in Codes Nuttall 25-2 (1992; Figure 138), The wicalcliuhgui motif prob- ‘bly represents the profile of a cut conch shell, and ‘was the symbol of the wind god Ehecatl, an avatar of ‘Quetzaleoatl. This temple also feacures the hal ‘mond-and-dot motif and a panel of concentric circles, ‘nother pattern which occurs on the borders of female ‘and male costumes. The balustrade of the staircase hhas another red-on-white decoration, as discussed above. The zablero atthe top of the balustrade features «red triangle surrounded by small hatch marks, a pat- ‘em found on male loin cloths such as that of 4 Jaguar in Codex Nuttall 79-8 (1992; Figure 136) DISCUSSION Elements of the natural and built environment ate decorated with textile patterns and decorative motifs identical to those found on human costumes. Major design clements such as the twill pattems are embel- lished with specific designs, and contextualized as ‘costume through the addition of border and fringe ele- ments. In Codex Nuitall 79-3 (1992) two males kneel ‘ona temple platform that is shown frontally with deco- ration including borders and fringes and even a neck hole as if the entire structure was afrayed in clothing (Figure 14), Pyramids were conceptualized as artificial moun tains, as at Cholula where the Great Pytamid is known literally as Tlachihualtepetl, “man-made mountain” (McCafferty 2001). Maya pyramids were known as ‘wits, again the name used to indicate mountains, In Nahuatl, the language of the Aztecs, pyramid plat- forms were known as cus, a derivative of the word for skirt, cweitl. The slopes of a mountain are known in (Chapter Thirty Thee WEAVING SPACE 39y Figure 14. ‘Temple plaform with cosume-ike bordess fring- ces and neck hole (Codes Nuttall 1992:79-3). ‘Mexican Spanish as the falda, ot skitts, and one of the major mountains of the Puebla area, now known as La Malinche, was originally called Matlalcueye, “lady of the blue-green skirt," because of the forested slopes below the tre line. The use of textile patterns to cover the slopes of mountains and pyramids in the Mixtec codices continues this metaphoric description ‘of natural and constructed space. Recent anthropological studies af the Mesoamerican worldview indicate a belief that the natural environ- ‘ment was alive, and that through dedication rituals the built landscape could also be imbued with sym- bolic life (Mock 1998). By dressing the landscape, its lifelike characceristics were recognized. Moreover, by clothing it in textiles, it was incorporated into the cul- ‘tural world, and was therefore subject to control. For Mesoamerican nobility the claim of contra over nat zaland supernatural forces was an important condition, of their legitimacy. Specialized knowledge such as cal- ‘endrical systems to control time and predice weather ‘was among the distinguishing factors that separated nobles from commoners. ‘The construction of arti- ficial mountains was used co establish a centre as an axis mundi, a symbolically charged site from which the nobles exerted control. The Mixtees characterized mountains and temples using textile metaphors that animated them, bringing these clements into the cul- tural domain under the control of the nobility. 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