Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Edsa 1986
Edsa 1986
Heavenly Personalities
Our Lady
A lthough the Virgin Mary was surely present during those four days,
it was the statue of the Our Lady of Fatima, the patron of Portugal
that the rebels (as those who were called that revolted against the Marcos
regime) invoked from the very beginning. We saw former President Ramos
at a book launch a few years back and he confirmed this. He lamented that
the miraculous statue was burned in his office years after People Power.
And this EDSA hero is a cradle-Protestant.
Our Lady has been our main intercessor. During EDSA, as she has done
countless times, she must have serenely told Our Lord about all our virtues as a
people. She convinced God that we somehow deserved to be saved, despite our
many failings. Not like Abraham who failed to stop the destruction of Sodom
and Gomorrah, when he could not find even a few good persons God wanted
to see.
Our nation has been put under the protection of Our Lady of Guadalupe,
also the patroness of Mexico, where she appeared 500 years ago. When she
appeared to San Juan Diego, a poor Mexican native, she was a young peasant
girl—brown-skinned like the rest of us. Perhaps that affinity is why Our Lady
loves Filipinos so much, as she continues to take care of us individually and
collectively.
Filipinos have a great devotion to Our Lady of Peace and Good Voyage
(Nuestra Señora dela Paz y Buen Viaje), the miraculous statue in the Antipolo
cathedral. So we are sure she was present at EDSA too, making sure our revolt
was almost bloodless and peaceful.
When there was the danger of losing one’s life at EDSA, these people
of God—nuns and priests more than others—put themselves in front of the
rest—ready to take the first volley of fire and die. When one is at peace with
God and ready to do his Will, all fear disappears.
Cardinal Sin who was half Chinese (which explains his last name)
immediately called on the faithful to “protect” the rebels on EDSA once
he knew that Marcos troops could assault the good guys’ camps. It was
through Radio Veritas, the Church-run radio network that the Cardinal made
his appeal. The same radio station was crucial to the entire fight against the
20-year dictatorship. Veritas was one of the few reliable sources of news and
information, since the government controlled all media.
S enator Butch Aquino, from the time Ninoy Aquino was shot, became
a visible dissenter of the regime that eliminated his older brother.
He with his friends like Rely German, an advertising executive, put up
the August 21 Movement (ATOM) to initiate or join protests against the
Marcos regime, and more for the assassination of Ninoy.
Butz was the first one to heed the pleas of then defense Minister Juan
Ponce Enrile and then General Ramos to help protect them from the Marcoses
and their cohorts. It was around eight in the evening when we heard Aquino
on Radio Veritas invite the public to gather at a department store in Cubao,
not far from Fort Aguinaldo where the rebels were. Aquino made repeated
calls. No one was certain who would come—maybe except for diehard ATOM
members—because no one was sure how the Marcos government would
handle the rebellion. There were also many rumors floating around that even
before the time Ninoy was killed, that it was no longer Marcos in control.
More bloodthirsty people led by his henchman Fabian Ver, and his off-the-
rocker wife Imelda, were said to be in command.
T his man is one of our favorite EDSA heroes. If he did not agree to
join Juan Ponce Enrile that night in February, EDSA People Power
would not have happened. Of course we can say that of many of the
protagonists—and even antagonists—who played vital roles that made our
version of People Power succeed.
But a few like Ramos can hold their heads high and still say that they had
put the needs of the country first before their own—just as the Aquinos had
done. The ex-general was tempted to extend his stay when he was president
himself by changing the Constitution. But he backed off when he realized that
this was not the right thing to do, or what Filipinos wanted.
Ramos was a 2nd cousin of Marcos. Ramos’ father Narcisco had been
a respected member of Congress and the diplomatic corps. His sister Leticia
Shahani, was also an ambassador who later became senator.
Everyone knew how blood ties and friendship mattered a lot to the
dictator. Cronies were terms often used in those days, for relatives and business
or golf buddies. So many, including Ramos, were not surprised that the more
qualified officer (himself) was passed over for the position of Chief of Staff
by Fabian Ver. Marcos relied heavily on Ver, also a cousin, who hadn’t gone
through formal military schooling. But “Eddie” as Ramos was called, kept his
cool. He probably figured that nothing lasts forever, and that his time would
later come.
When Enrile and Gringo Honasan came to ask Ramos to join their
dangerous cause—with an almost impossible goal—he agreed. He did this
knowing how over the last 20 years, the Philippines had become a military
state controlled by Marcos and his loyal followers. This level-headed soldier
also knew that he could die in battle or get hanged for treason.
Ramos also knew best how the military operated. Compared to Enrile, he
ran the armed forces’ day-to-day machinery. He was, after all, the vice chief of
staff who had risen from the ranks. Ramos had personally trained many of the
commanders in all branches of the military.
At the rebels’ war room, it was Ramos who most likely who called the
shots. His presence also signaled to officers and enlisted personnel that this
revolt against the Marcos government was legitimate and worth doing. He and
Enrile were also in constant contact with Marcos loyalist troops via primitive
2-way radios, Radio Veritas, and later Radyo Bandido. Little by little, generals
down to their enlisted personnel defected to the rebel side, thanks to the
incessant and convincing propaganda.
President Cory relied heavily on General Ramos from the time she
became president, to the end of her term. She instinctively could not trust
Enrile or Honasan, who from 1987 attempted several coup d’etats against
her government. She often recalled Ninoy’s incarceration when Enrile was
her husband’s chief jailer. So when the day came for Aquino to choose her
heir apparent—she chose Ramos—one of the few she knew would not let our
country or herself down.
T his public official has always been an enigma. He was first a very
loyal Marcos follower and admirer, next only perhaps to Fabian Ver.
The three of them were proud Ilocanos, the ethnic group from northern
Luzon. There had always been mutual trust among them. Much later,
Enrile admitted that the government staged his “ambush” to implicate
Ninoy Aquino and get him jailed. The secretary of defense was definitely
in the Marcos inner circle.
But towards the end of the regime, especially after the elections that
Marcos called just three weeks before, Enrile and members of the military saw
that the ailing dictator was no longer in charge. They were probably afraid
of a power vacuum, or the possibility that Ver and Imelda Marcos would
eventually call the shots. Enrile and soldiers loyal to him decided to make their
move. They meticulously planned a coup against their commander-in-chief.
At first everything was going well, except the enemy had a good intelligence
network. An Enrile undercover agent broke down and confessed to one of
Ver’s sons what was being planned.
Enrile’s loyalty and friendship with the president ran deep, however.
Before Marcos left Malacañang, his former secretary of defense went
hurriedly to the Palace to bid his boss a tearful goodbye.
Enrile says he could have refused to turn over the reigns of government
to Mrs. Aquino after EDSA, since it was after all, the military that had begun
the rebellion against Marcos. Enrile said however, that he was loyal to the
constitution and agreed to honor the results of the February elections. Aquino
as president and Salvador Laurel, as vice-president, were the victors. Enrile
said he could have proclaimed himself head of a military junta that he initially
proposed.
But it didn’t take long before he had a falling out with the newly sworn
in commander-in-chief. Barely a year later, the military led by Honasan
attempted the first of seven coup d’etats to oust Aquino. Although Enrile
was not directly implicated, it was obvious that he at least knew of what the
military was up to.
There are many “what if’s” or alternative scenarios that could have
happened at EDSA. But at the end, Enrile was merely a pawn in God’s chess
game as he did exactly what the Master Player made him do.
At that time of the EDSA revolt, the young good-looking Honasan was
aide-de- camp to Juan Ponce Enrile. It is said that the two men were so close
that Enrile treated the younger man better than a son. The secretary of defense
not only endorsed what ever Honasan was doing, he also relied on Honasan’s
network to know exactly what was going on in the military.
Even before EDSA, the armed forces, like any large organization, had
many factions with different agendas and loyalties. One such group was
the AFP Reform Movement (RAM) started by Honasan and his classmates
Colonels Eduardo Kapunan and Victor Batac; and Capt. Rex Robles. This was
with Enrile’s blessings. This group was disenchanted by the old guard ever
loyal to their commander-in-chief; and upset at Marcos’ habit of extending
the terms of already overstaying generals. They also knew more than most
Filipinos about the extent of the president’s deteriorating health, and his
growing inability to lead.
Everything was in place, or so the coup plotters thought. But one of their
fellow officers, a reluctant agent inside Malacañang panicked and told his
boss. He revealed the coming assault of the Palace and whatever else he knew.
It isn’t exactly clear who informed Honasan and his group that Ver had
found out about the planned rebellion. One thing was sure: Plan A was out,
and Plan B put in place that led to the EDSA revolution.
After EDSA, Honasan and the RAM were initially loyal to the Philippine
constitution that was revised. They also dutifully followed the orders and
wishes of President Aquino. But the country’s first woman president was
no dummy. She knew that she gained her presidency partly because of the
uprising of the military. She was also aware of the lessons in other countries—
particularly in Latin America—that involved their armed forces. Dealing
with soldiers was like dealing with the devil. One could never tell whether
their allegiances would change, or if and when they would grab power from
Aquino.
Using what they claimed was her ineffectual leadership and the return
of many Marcos-like evils, Honasan and the RAM mounted a total of seven
coups against Aquino and her government during her six-year term.
Military Who Defected to Rebel Side
(in chronological order of defection)
O nly a few knew of the anti-Marcos coup of January 23rd. No one was
party to it except Enrile, Ramos, the Reform AFP Movement founders,
and a few members like Col. Jose Almonte who used to be part of Marcos’
think tank but a good friend of Ramos; Major Avelino Razon, Ramos’ aide;
Alex Sembrano, Ramos’ son-in-law; General Rene Cruz a close Ramos
associate; and Col. Tirso Gador, a commander from Enrile’s home province
of Cagayan. The reformists weren’t quite sure about loyalties. As early as
1981, Enrile received reports of plans to eliminate him and those loyal to
him in the defense department.
At around 11 pm, when Enrile was already at Fort Aguinaldo (with only
300 soldiers to protect the entire camp), his sister Armida Siguion-Reyna came
to give moral support to the rebels. Armed Forces Brig. Gen. Ramon Farolan,
Brig. Gen. Eduardo Ermita and retired Gen. Romeo Espino, the former chief of
staff of the Armed Forces, were also there to support Enrile and Ramos.
Earlier in the evening Enrile spoke with Brig. Gen. Pedro Balbanero and
told him the whole story. Balbanero was shocked and said he did not know of
Ver’s plan to arrest Enrile and the others. The general quickly suggested that
he and Col. Rolando Abadilla, the Metrocom intelligence chief, would try to
arrange for a meeting among Enrile, Ramos, Marcos and Ver.
Lt. Col. Jerry Albano and his 200 officers and men of the Security and
Escort Battalion, part of the General Headquarters (GHQ) decided on the first
day to join the troops protecting the rebels. They were already inside Fort
Aguinaldo with the sympathetic Diablo Group, an enlisted men’s organization
that was formed to help make reforms within their ranks.
According to Ramos, it was natural that they called early on those who
they thought would support them. The first one he called and who agreed
to join the rebels was Gen. Prospero Olivas, the head of the Metropolitan
Command (Metrocom). But he had to hide his loyalties, because Marcos and
Ver were unwittingly giving him instructions that could ultimately help the
rebels.
The Air Force’s Col. Antonio Sotelo was aware of what was happening
in the camps because of Radio Veritas. Soon another Air Force Col. Hector
Tarrazona, one of the RAM leaders, asked for Sotelo’s support that the latter
gave immediately. Sotelo quickly briefed his men and asked about their
loyalties. When all of his subordinates pledged support for the rebels, he asked
them to fuel and arm their attack helicopters. It was decided that the group
would not openly defect for tactical reasons.
Brig. Gen. Salvador Simon from Leyte (the first lady’s province) was an
early one to go to the rebels’ side; while Col. Rodolfo Biazon, a Cebu marine
commander pledged to protect president-elect Cory Aquino, now a likely target
of assassination. Brig. Gen. Eduardo Ermita, a loyal information officer of
Enrile, and Col. Luis San Andres, a Ramos media liaison, fueled the pro-rebel
propaganda war. They got in touch with their friends in media to let them know
that the rebels already had the upper hand.
At around 7 o’clock in the evening of the 23rd, Ramos named at least six
field brigadier generals who were now with the rebels: Renato de Villa, Tomas
Manglongat, Dionisio Tan-Gatue, Carlos Aguilar, Bejamin Ignacio and Rodrigo
Gutang. This was in addition to the four police superintendents of the same
rank in Metro Manila: Alfredo Lim, Narciso Cabrera, Alfredo Yson and Ruben
Escarcha.
To appeal to the other AFP members to move over to the rebels’, at least
50,000 printed flyers prepared by Ermita, and colonels Ruben Ciron, Honesto
Isleta and Noe Andaya (retired) were distributed by the afternoon.
From Baguio City came Col. Alexander Aguirre, chief of operations at the
Philippine Constabulary headquarters. He immediately worked on the defense
plan of the camp, based on Ramos’ orders that the rebels would not provoke
military action against the opposing side. Instead, tey would try to make use of
“people power” as much as they could.
Early Monday morning, on the 24th, the 16 pilots of Sotelo planned to fly
to Camp Crame and join the rebels despite the order of Malacañang to bomb
or strafe the place. In order to hide the defection, they told no one. As a result,
there was more than ordinary tension that early morning at Camp Crame.
Everyone thought that the end had come, and began praying for a miracle. God
answered their pleas when Sotelo and his officers emerged from their planes
waving white flags.
Much of the Air Force went with the rebels quickly. Clark Air Base under
Col. Romy David welcomed many defector planes that grounded themselves
instead of carrying out orders from the loyalists. One such pilot was Major
Francisco Baula Jr., who did not bomb or strafe the rebel camps even if he was
given orders to.
General Artemio Tadiar was the head of the Philippine Marines. He was
ordered many times by Marcos and Ver to attack the two camps. He and his
men, headed by officers Col. Braulio Balbas, Jr. and Col. Eugenio Reyes came
with tanks and artillery as close as possible to the rebels. But they were stopped
several times by “people power”. Wives and children of officers on different
sides, well-heeled matrons from the area, and Butz Aquino himself pleaded
with Tadiar. The most poignant appeal came from his relative, “Uncle Fred”
Tadiar, a regional trial court judge who beseeched him over Radio Veritas, to
join the rebels.
All of these pleas eventually affected the head of the marines. Bur since
Tadiar was called to Malacanang to meet with the desperate president and the
equally desperate henchman, it seemed the general could not immediately
and publicly change his allegiance. In front of Ver, the head marine just kept
radioing his subordinate Balbas to “use his discretion”. Tadiar suspected
correctly that his deputy no longer had the will to “use full force” against the
enemy who were armed only with Rosaries and flowers.
Such was the case of Gen. Felix Brawner, head of the Philippine Rangers
who was one of the last to defect. He was in Malacañang most of the time,
being given direct orders by Marcos and Ver. He felt he was protecting his men
by not openly defecting.
Gen Vicente Piccio, head of the Philippine Air Force also transferred sides
late—on Tuesday, February 25th. His subordinate Sotelo was responsible for
disabling the air power of the loyalists, and eventually helping give the upper
hand to the Enrile-Ramos team.
The most ruthless military loyalists were of course Fabian Ver; his sons
Irwin, Wyrlo and Rexor; and Gen. Josephus Ramas, who until the very end
wanted to fire at both civilians and rebel soldiers—regardless of the bloody
outcome. Generals Edon Yap, Santiago Barangan, Jose Ma. Zumel, and Rear
Admiral Brilliante Ochoco were still at the Marcos oath taking in Malacañang.
Other loyalist generals who followed Marcos and Ver’s orders during
the four days were Victor Natividad, Pacifico Ponce de Leon, Angel Kanapi,
Cerilo Oropesa, Roland Pattugalan, Jose Paez and Serapio Martillano. Lower-
ranking loyalists were Navy Capt. Eriberto Varona, and colonels Romeo
Ochoco and Lisandro Abadia.
So too were Lt. Col Valerio Santiago and Col C.F. Fortuno who had
escorted loyalists out of Malacañang after attending Marcos’ oath taking.
Almost all members of the presidential security detail took care of their leader
to the very end, some of who accompanied him to Clark Air Base. This was
where the ousted ruler, his family and close friends flew out of the Philippines
for exile in Hawaii. We cannot judge, however, these soldiers who probably
did not have a choice. Unfortunately for them, it had to be part of a grueling
work week.
Corazon Aquino
Smart and educated (she majored in Math and French in college) she
preferred to stand behind her charismatic husband whose dream it was to be
president. It did not mean that she only knew homemaking skills. Cory was
her husband’s sounding board. Coming from an old political family herself,
she knew the ways of the country’s political system even if she never imagined
her playing a major political role.
Even if Cory seemed almost quiet and genteel, she had a resolve of steel
that saw her through crisis after crises—mostly coups from the armed forces.
She was cool and collected under pressure. Some people thought her either too
aloof or dry—unlike the articulate, hand-pumping and bear-hugging politician
that her husband was.
The widow of Ninoy surrounded herself with seasoned advisers who had
the same goals and aspirations for the Filipino people. Many were their friends
who had suffered with them through Ninoy’s crusade against the Marcoses.
Of course she had failings like anyone else. Cory was known to never
like “unsolicited advice”. Once she had made up her mind, it was very hard
to change it. We personally didn’t think as well of her when she finished her
term as president. We initially thought she had missed so many opportunities to
rectify the blatant sins of the previous regime.
June Keithely
Only nuns guarded Keithely on the narrow stairs leading to the station.
They did this by praying the Rosary incessantly as the brave announcer carried
the voices of the Cardinal, Butz Aquino, Ramos and Enrile. According to
Keithely, the whole experience, albeit somewhat surrealistic, brought her a lot
closer to God.
A fter EDSA had been fought and won, former President Fidel Ramos
said that without Radio Veritas, the rebels would not have succeeded
overthrowing the Marcos regime in four days. This was because Ramos
and Enrile would have had limited direct access to their troops and their
civilian protectors. The fight could even have been lost.
From the time Enrile and his supporters in the military found out that
Marcos knew of their planned assault of Malacañang, one of the first things he
did was call Jaime Cardinal Sin and ask for help. “I’ll be dead in one hour,”
Enrile said almost in tears. Enrile also asked Radio Veritas for airtime so
Filipinos would know what he and the other rebels needed to do.
Everyone knew how valiant Veritas was as its founders. When no other
broadcast station covered the return of Ninoy Aquino from the US in August
1983, Veritas was there to witness the tragedy and report it to the public. The
Aquino broadcast was non-stop for the next ten days. They reported everything
that had to do with Ninoy’s death: the hundreds of thousands of Filipinos of
every shape and size who paid their last respects; and that the same number of
people who walked 11 kilometers to his burial.
Everyone who worked at Radio Veritas knew the risks, and those who
could not take the stress had probably left long ago. Orly Punzalan and Jun
Talan were among some of them. So these individuals and others who were
still there, did their finest work as communicators.
T hey are grown men now. Sons of author Monina Allarey and
advertising man Tony Mercado, Gabe and Paolo were only 15 and 16
years old when they manned the phone (there was only one working line)
and a short wave radio to Ramos and Enrile. Oblivious to the dangers of
their mission, they represented countless other young people who braved
the dangers so that we could become free.
If we had let the Marcos regime continue to oppress us, other similar-
minded ruthless leaders would follow. They would have thought us to be
either cowards or pushovers, without any drive to stand up for what is right
and just. And the cycle would continue.
T his brilliant lawyer was the first woman appointed to the Supreme
Court, and elected head of the 1986-87 Constitutional Convention
under Cory Aquino’s term. She was brave enough to make dissenting
opinions against martial law promulgated by Marcos, the man who
appointed her. Muñoz-Palma, despite the government’s power and
dominance through intimidation and fraud, got elected as one of the few
opposition members of the 1984 Philippine Assembly. When Cory was
reluctant to run against Marcos, Muñoz-Palma urged her to reconsider. She
made Ninoy’s widow realize that the latter was the best person to lead the
fight against the Marcos regime.
T his Jesuit priest is probably more Filipino than most of us. He was
sent to the Philippines when he was just ordained before World War
II to teach at the Ateneo de Manila University in Padre Faura, where the
University’s campus was at that time. He also had a stint with the Vatican
radio in Rome before coming. Being Irish-American, he was incarcerated
with the rest of his fellow nationals and Caucasian Europeans at the
University of Santo Tomas when the Japanese invaded the Philippines.
He endured many hardships during the war, but this made him love his
adoptive country even more.
Another fellow Jesuits who were involved in EDSA was Fr. Joaquin
Bernas, SJ, at that time president of the Ateneo. He later on became a delegate
to the 1987 Constitutional Convention. His initial reaction to the Enrile and
Ramos rebellion was it was best that Filipinos leave them to fight Marcos
and the loyalists. He figured the rebels would not last long considering their
logistics. He said he did not count on the overwhelming support of the people,
and the spiritual dimension that became the focal point of the struggle.
Fr. Jose Blanco, SJ, had always been a severe critic of the regime. He
organized meetings and teach-ins for students and workers even before
Martial Law was declared in 1972. One of them was eventually raided by
the military at the San Jose Seminary where he and those in attendance were
caught and later released. Of course he was there at EDSA.
Another committed Jesuit was Fr. Francisco Araneta, SJ, who was
once also president of the Ateneo. He resigned to work at a poor parish in
Marikina. He too was there at EDSA.
Fr. Romeo Entengan, another Jesuit, was also a physician. He got Imelda
Marcos so upset that she called him to Malacañang and surely threatened him.
He had to leave the country in a hurry.
Today Fr. Reuter is 96. He continues to write and still counsels hundreds
of Filipinos via face-to-face meetings, letters and email. He has recently
written books about the favors Our Lady has granted many of us. He plans to
die in the Philippines where he has been willing to offer his life to God and
Filipinos that he loves so much.
W ho says Filipino artists and entertainers are all fluff, without any
substantial socio-political convictions? These individuals used their
exposure in media to influence peoples’ awareness and understanding of
the terrible injustices of the Marcos regime. They were in the forefront
of rallies, teach-ins and marches. They sang songs, acted in drama, and
produced and directed movies and TV shows that were critical of the
government. They did this as much as they could in a time of media
suppression.
Folk singer Freddie Aguilar was at EDSA and the government Channel 4
as rebels tried to retake it for the people. He was known for singing Bayan Ko,
that spoke of repression and the ultimate dream of freedom. The song became
the theme of Filipinos who desperately wanted change. Bayan Ko was banned
from the airwaves until the regime’s end.
The APO as they are now called, was also present at EDSA encouraging
their countrymen to go on for the cause. Right after the revolution, the APO
also gained international fame for Jim Paredes’ Handog ng Pilipino sa Mundo
an anthem about our struggle for freedom.
Eggie Apostol
S he was the publisher of Mr. & Ms., a local women’s magazine way
before all of these imported glossies came in. During the farce of a trial
of Ninoy Aquino for treason, Eugenia Apostol thought of coming up with
a weekly newsprint version—almost like a newsletter—that spoke about
his fight and the atrocities of the Marcos administration. Her entire staff
believed in the same cause, and despite the dangers of being oppositionists,
they pursued their mission. Before People Power, she converted her
publication into a newspaper that became the Philippine Daily Inquirer, the
leading broadsheet until today.
Apostol, her husband Peping and their friends founded the nonprofit, non-
stock Foundation of Worldwide People Power to recall and analyze the world’s
first bloodless, people-powered revolution that occurred in the Philippines.
True enough, others followed using the same model to stop tyranny and
oppression using non-violent means. The next occurred when Germans tore
down the Berlin wall in 1989 that signaled the end of communism as we know
it. The last people power uprising was also in the month of February this year,
although it took more time—18 days. Citizens of Egypt were able to make a
30-year-old military officer turned dictator step down. A few weeks prior to
that, Tunisians were able to unseat an unpopular ruler as well.
In 1981, Jose Burgos, Jr. first put out the We Forum and Malaya, two
newspapers that openly opposed the Marcos regime. Subsequently, the
government closed the We Forum after it published a story exposing the fake
medals of Marcos, the supposed World War II hero.
Oppositionists of the Marcos Regime
D on Chino was arrested and jailed when Martial Law was imposed in
1972, together with Ninoy Aquino, Pepe Diokno, Lorenzo Tanada
and other journalist’s. As soon as he was released, he took to the streets to
openly protest the Marcos government. After the assassination of Benigno
“Ninoy” Aquino in 1983, he further intensified his protest and during a
vigil on Mendiola Bridge, Don Chino was drenched by water canons.
On October 15, 1985, Don Chino founded the Cory Aquino for President
Movement (CAPM). It was launched in the National Press Club. He gathered
over 1 Million Signatures to from all over the nation drafting Corazon Aquino
to run against Marcos.
After the EDSA revolution he returned to publishing, first joining forces
with Geny Lopez in the Manila Chronicle, and then later once more the
publisher of the family owned The Manila Times.
On July 22, 1988 President Aquino conferred on him the Philippine
Legion of Honor Award (degree of chief Commander) the highest honor the
country can bestow to a civilian.
E velio Bellaflor Javier (October 14, 1942 - February 11, 1986) was a
Filipino lawyer, civil servant, politician, and an oppositionist during
the authoritarian regime of President Ferdinand Marcos. Due to these
activities, he was assassinated by the regime on February 11, 1986. He
is the brother of Governor Exequiel Javier who defeated his foe, Arturo
Pacificador, and served from 1987 to 1998 and from 2001 to 2010.
At 10:00 on the morning of February 11, 1986, three or four armed and
masked gunmen riding in Jeeps went to the New Capitol building in San Jose,
Antique. While Evelio Javier was talking to his friends on the steps in front of
the capitol building, the masked gunmen opened fire at him.
Javier fled across a park in front of the capitol building, fell into a pond,
then continued into a shop on a street across from the park. Wounded, he tried
to hide in a toilet stall at the rear of the shop. A gunman caught up to him and
shot him several times through the door of the stall.
On the day of the funeral and burial to his final resting place at his
hometown of San Jose de Buenavista, Antique, millions of mourning people
in Antique followed his funeral procession to the cemetery wearing yellow
shirts and tying yellow bands to their wrists. They played his favourite song,
“The Impossible Dream,” during the procession to the cemetery. Thousands of
Antiquenos there showed their anger and sorrow by crying “Justice for Evelio!
We love you!” on the day of his death.
[edit] Legacy
Javier was one of many politicians murdered during the period of martial
law in the Philippines. His funeral surpassed that of Benigno Aquino, Jr.,
assassinated three years earlier in 1983.
It is said that the assassination of Evelio Javier on Feb. 11, 1986 fueled
the fire to start the People Power/Philippine EDSA Revolution on Saturday,
February 22, 1986.
Evelio’s body went in procession through Manila, passing through Ateneo
de Manila University where he had thousands of friends and colleagues, days
before the Feb. 22 People Power Revolution that ousted Ferdinand Marcos and
made Cory Aquino the President of the Philippines.
Also every February 11, the Antique province declare it a holiday in his
honor. An airport, Evelio Javier Airport, in San Jose, Antique, was named in
honor of Evelio.
After the Feb., 1986, presidential election, both Marcos and his opponent,
Corazon Aquino (the widow of Benigno), declared themselves the winner,
and charges of massive fraud and violence were leveled against the Marcos
faction. Marcos’s domestic and international support battered and he fled the
country on Feb. 25, 1986, finally obtaining refuge in the United States.
The Fourth Republic (1981-1986)
W hen Marcos declared martial law Doy was in the United States. He
was saddened to know that his childhood friend, Benigno Aquino,
Jr. was incarcerated and that arrests were going on everyday. He consulted
his professors in Yale regarding the legal aspect of martial law.
Doy returned to Manila on December 10, 1972. Undersecretary Manny
Salientes who met him at the airport informed him that President Marcos
wished to see him as soon as possible. Doy went to Malacañang the following
day. President Marcos greeted him cordially addressing him as “brod” since
they both belonged to the Upsilon Sigma Phi fraternity of UP. “Let me get to
the point, Brod” the President said, “Please don’t rock the boat. I cannot turn
back anymore. I have burned my bridges.” Doy replied, “Mr. President, I have
learned that martial law is a double-bladed weapon. It can be used to cut for
good or for evil. Use it only for good, Mr. President, and you don’t have to
worry about me.”
During the dark days of martial law Marcos’ power was absolute. No one
dared oppose him. Those who could have were either jailed or dead or had
sought asylum abroad and from that safe and comfortable distance – chose
to be silent. But not Doy – he went forth risking his life and with his fiery
speeches he exhorted the people not to be afraid to come out from the dark
and join him in the fight to restore democracy.
In no time the people came out of the shadows and joined the ranks of the
brave opposition
Doy and Ninoy Aquino were like brothers. Their friendship which
began during World War II when Doy’s father was President of the Republic
and Ninoy’s father, Benigno Aquino, Sr. was Speaker of the House of
Representatives.
Both ran for the Senate In 1967. Doy under the Nacionalista banner and
Ninoy under the Liberal party. They had an unwritten agreement that each
would support the other in their own bailiwicks. Both emerged victorious.
During the martial law years when Ninoy was imprisoned he would often
send messages to Doy through his wife, Cory. When Ninoy was arraigned
before the military tribunal, Doy was there to give moral support to his young
friend. On February, 1979, Doy wrote a letter to President Marcos asking him
to release Ninoy to help unify the people.
On the morning of August 21, 1983 Doy led the welcome party
which included Doña Aurora Aquino, Ninoy’s mother, Senators Soc
Rodrigo, Lorenzo Tañada, Eva Estrada Kalaw qnd others. The airport
was surrounded by a huge throng of welcomers. Ninoy had asked Doy to
assemble 10,000 people at the airport but the turnout was about 28,000.
As the plane was about to touchdown Doy headed for the tube to meet
Ninoy but all the doors leading to it were locked. He banged and kicked
the doors but could not go through. He called the guards through the
glass windows but they were motionless and unresponsive. He went back
to the VIP room where Dona Aurora was waiting with Senators Tanada
and Rodrigo. Suddenly, Ken Kashiwahara, Ninoy’s brother-in-law who
was with him on the plane dashed in looking ashen as he announced that
Ninoy was shot.
A tidal wave of public indignation swept the nation. And the ranks of
the opposition to President Marcos swelled beyond expectation.
But Cory sent Ninoy’s sister, Lupita Kashiwahara to inform Doy that
she had changed her mind—she was willing to run under the UNIDO. True to
his word and anxious to keep the opposition united in order to win the snap
elections, Doy made the supreme sacrifice of giving up his lifetimes work and
presidential ambition to give way to Corazon C. Aquino.