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Tale of Two Battle Grounds: Case Studies of Kashmir and Palestine
Tale of Two Battle Grounds: Case Studies of Kashmir and Palestine
With the creation of Israel, about a million Palestinian Arabs were displaced from their homes and
Israel had to fight a war with the neighboring Arab states for its right to exist. For the Arabs residing in
these areas, the creation of Israel was an import of the European Jewish problem to the Middle East
and therefore, an extension of imperialism and colonialism. But at the same time, the Jewish state
was to exist in an area where the political culture was essentially anti-Semitic. All of these themes still
persist in how Palestinians view the Israeli state. It is the legacy of European colonialism and anti-
Semitism that has influenced Palestinian views towards Israel since its creation.
The other side of the story is how the Israeli state has justified its actions and ensured its survival. By
the virtue of being surrounded by nations which are hostile towards its very ‘right’ of existence and
having experienced the trauma of persecution, the Jewish state had to ensure its security. It was
possible only if it could either alter its relations with the neighboring Arab nations or if it could keep a
strong hold military hold over its surrounding regions and maintain a huge disparity between its own
military strength and those of the surrounding regions. The first option hasn’t been able to come to
fruition because of the deep ideological divide and hence, Israel has pursued the second.
The Israeli control of West Bank and Gaza has granted it strategic depth against any invasion from the
Arab nations and with the capture of Golan Heights it could defend its most important water
resource, the Kineret. However, the capture of these areas also brought a huge population of
Palestinians under Israeli control. The people residing in these areas were already hostile to the idea
of Israel and its subsequent control, and the denial of self-determination led to the alienation of
Palestinians. On the other hand, Israeli fear about opening up political climate of occupied territories
was due to inherent hostility in the region towards Israel. Hence, a regime of oppression was
established by Israel to control these territories in order to ensure its security in the face of constant
Arab hostility.
India under the leadership of Nehru had committed to the values of secularism and Kashmir’s
integration with India was ample demonstration of this commitment. The Indian nation state since
independence had accommodated regional aspirations that could be granted within the federal
structure. But Kashmiri demands of self-determination and a possible plebiscite couldn’t be
accommodated within this structure. The possibility of Kashmir becoming an independent nation isn’t
something that is acceptable to either India or Pakistan within their strategic competition for control
over Kashmir. For India, control over Kashmir is more than just a matter of regional security and geo-
political rivalry but that of ideology. Control over Kashmir completes the two-nation theory upon
which Pakistan was created, while its integration with India invalidates this claim. On the other hand,
Kashmir seceding from India attacks the premise of Indian national imagination, which accommodates
a whole range of diverse regional and religious identities.
In both the cases while methods of resistance and state response depict remarkable similarities; the
nature of power, which holds onto them, depicts stark differences. Israel’s occupation of Palestine has
been guided by the primary aim of ensuring its security in a climate of geo-political hostility. The
compulsion to control Palestine has been an existential battle for Israel as it serves as a guarantee to
Israeli security against any large Arab attack as well as against groups like Hamas who have bases in
Palestine.
On the other hand India has to hold onto Kashmir so as to protect the sanctity of the idea upon which
it was based. The control over Kashmir grants India domestic and international legitimacy and is a
cornerstone to the very idea of what distinguishes India and Pakistan. But the repression of political
resistance challenges this very idea. This is a huge paradox of India’s presence in Kashmir, which it
grapples with in contemporary times.
Despite these deep divides, both of these cases show one remarkable similarity, that of lack of
options for reconciliation. The reconciliation in Arab-Israel conflict is difficult due to a huge ideological
gap between both Arabs and Israelis. The same goes for the Indian presence in Kashmir. With
accommodation becoming even more difficult after the politics of India and Israel taking a right wing
turn, the future of peace process looks bleaker than ever before.
The word democracy glitters like fool’s gold on the tongues of world leaders. Human rights regimes seem
toothless in the face of the bold barbarisms of nation-states invested in repressing democracy, and need
reform if they are to deliver justice.
And so transnational solidarity and activism are urgent when almost every nation-state seems rogue.
The small but growing pockets of solidarity expressed for Kashmiris are heartening, as is the international
solidarity for Palestinian struggle.
Joining the dots between the occupations of Kashmir and Palestine shows the need for a greater solidarity
between these two sovereignty struggles.
Palestine vs Kashmir
There’s more of this activity, particularly on social media, than can be adequately documented here. But the
point is that the US and others, with very little knowledge about the Kashmir issue, particularly the state of
affairs on the Pakistani side, are now being heavily influenced at a time when matters on the Gaza strip have
taken centre stage. To put it even more simply, the Pakistanis and their allies have managed to piggyback on
the Palestine issue to their advantage.
The irony is that those fighting for Palestine should wish they had even half the rights that Kashmiris have
enjoyed for years. While their land has been steadily eroded, not an inch of Kashmiri land could be sold to
outsiders till recently. Even after the setting aside of Article 370, new domicile laws still restrict land ownership
in the state. Yes, it irks some Kashmiris. But that’s the truth when compared to the Gaza strip.
More importantly, hundreds of Indian soldiers have died fighting well-armed terrorists, but have never ever
slipped into raising levels of force. Civilians have little idea of the sheer grit needed to ensure peace in Kashmir
for those who really want it. Notice also that while Kashmiri Pandits were forced out, there are no Muslim
Kashmiri refugees anywhere, unlike the 5.7 million Palestinians outside of their land. That counts for
something. In an ideal world, neither conflict should exist. But as this account indicates, there are those who
work tirelessly to ensure that peace doesn’t return to Kashmir. There’s money in it for some, prestige for
others, and sometimes a whole career in academics. That’s the simple, ugly truth.
UN credibility at stake
Afridi said the credibility of the UN is “at stake.”
“There are a lot of question marks on the UN now. Pakistan has been requesting the prosperous
world, all key stakeholders to come forward and pressurize India to realize and to understand that
commitment, which India took to the UN in 1948,” he said.
It was former Indian Prime Minister JL Nehru who took the Kashmir issue to the UN, said Afridi. “Now
it is obligatory and mandatory on us, and global key stakeholders, especially the prosperous world,
they need to come forward.”
“We are committed as a nation, but it is obligatory on the prosperous world they need to come
forward. It was taken up at the UN Security Council thrice after August 5, 2019, then by the Human
Rights Council.”
He said India was “constantly confusing the entire global community that Kashmir is a bilateral issue.”
“Anyway, it was never a bilateral issue, it was always a multilateral issue because the UN, and all
signatories of the UN since 1948, (have been) on around dozens of resolutions on Kashmir, that in
itself speaks high volumes,” Afridi said.
“The entire global community is a guarantor of that commitment which was given that plebiscite and
right to self-determination that was supposed to be given on priority basis to the people of IIOJK, that
has not been fulfilled,” he added.
He said Pakistan has a “very clear stand” on Kashmir.
“Our foreign policy has been very, very critical on that. And since we represent both the houses, as
Kashmir Parliamentary Committee where I have got members from all political parties from the
opposition and from ruling parties, our stance is that India needs to go back prior to the 5th of August
2019, only then, anything in any capacity, a dialogue or trade or anything can be initiated.”