T H E ECONOMIC WEEKLY
A Bengal Village
This is the twelfth in the series of Village Studies, It is based on fast-hand study of a village,
the location of which has been indicated though its name has been withheld for obvious reasons.
The author belongs to Bengal but was educated in the United Stairs from school onwards and took
her PhD in Sociology from the University of Chicago. She worked on tace relations in the States and
has published a paper on the Bengali joint household. She did field work in the village about which
she writes early this year in the winter months.- Ed.
O N L Y a short distance from the
city of Calcutta the face of the
land of Bengal changes, and one
finds oneself in a country dotted w i t h
villages and w i t h a few big towns
in between. Although the inhabi-
tants of these villages maintain con-
tact w i t h the city, the contact is of
a limited type, and village life for
most part is undisturbed by city in-
fluences and retains its stability and
self-sufficiency as much as modern
economic influences w i l l allow.
The village we speak of lies thirty
miles from the railroad station of
Howrah in the district of Hooghly.
It is at a short distance from the
temples of Tarakeshwara, and local
trains running on the small line w i l l
take one there from Calcutta in two
hours. The village covers about
two square miles. The greater part
of the residential section lies on the
eastern side of the rail lines, while
the western side contains mostly
agricultural fields and the Kayastrja
and the Dhoba settlements. The
river Kaushiki runs through a part
of the village. It is only a dry
stream in the winter but acquires a
considerable body of water during
the rains. 'The village with its fields
sprawls about and has no particu-
lar geometric shape. The boun-
daries between villages are the broad
aals (raised, thin strip of land se-
parating the fields), river or road.
The distinction of one village from
another is mainly a matter of tradi-
tion, and today it is given formal
recognition in the governing body
of the Union Board.
LOCATION OF HOUSES NOT UNIFORM
W i t h i n the village, members of
each of the castes live together in
separate neighbourhoods, and these
areas are called by the names of
the castes l i v i n g in them. However,
there is no uniform rule about this,
and members of the same caste may-
be found to be living together at
great distances if it. is so conveni-
ent, and lower caste people may be
found to settle near abouts high
caste houses, especially if they arc
the tenants of the latter. T h e
August 15, 1953
Shrimati Jyotirmoyee Sarma
houses and the fields are inter-
spersed and houses cluster on the
higher lands.
One may have some plots in the
potato fields, some in the paddy
fields, sonic on one side of the village
The village has 324 residences. and some on another. Lentils are
Of these, only five are brick houses, also grown in quantities sufficient
belonging to families who were tor the villagers' own consumption.
affluent in the past. The remainder Vegetables in season are also culti-
are clay structures thatched w i t h vated. The crops are grown in the
straw. Many of these owned by the following time order. In A p r i l jute
upper class have cement floors and is sown. In May paddy seedlings
whitewashed walls. The usual plan are raised and in June, the seedlings
of a house is to have several struc- are transplanted. In September
tures built around a square court- Jute is cut and sold. In October
yard with a high wall all around. potatoes are planted, and they are
Each separate structure is one dug out and sold in M a r c h . In
room. In a joint household, one December paddy is cut, and it is
room is made available to each threshed and separated from the
married member and additional stalks also in M a r c h . Later on, rice-
rooms may be built within the is husked by the women w i t h i n
courtyard or outside the walls. each house.
When a house is partitioned among Fruit trees of all types native to
different units of a joint family, the area, such as mango, bel, jam-
the members claim the rooms they rul, kal, guava, banana, papaya,
have already been occupying w i t h etc. abound in the village, and sup-
a part of the courtyard, and sepa- ply the residents w i t h fresh fruits
rate structures may he put up for in season. Ponds are maintained
kitchens. for growing fish as well as for bath-
ing and washing. Bamboo clusters
Among the people of smaller
are a familiar sight in this area.
means, and usually among the
Not only is bamboo necessary for
lower castes, the courtyards are
the loots of the clay structures but
smaller and the number of rooms
today it also brings a good price in
fewer. The, rooms are also smaller
the city markets.
in size. These dwellings usually
accommodate individual family SHARE CROPPING
units and not joint households. The upper class of people have
Naturally the lower caste houses their land cultivated on the share
t a n be distinguished from the otherssystem. The owner of the land sup-
in general appearance. plies seed and manure, while the
cultivator supplies the plough and
PATTERN OF CULTIVATION bullocks, and the crop is shared half
A l l the villagers are placed on and half. If one wants the entire
the cultivation of land. Rice is produce, the cultivators are paid a
the basic crop grown and is used en- daily wage. Similarly, with the
tirely for consumption. T h e major- fish ponds, the owners lease the
ity of the people have to buy rice in ponds to the fishermen for a period
addition to what they grow. This of time and the latter look after the
buying is usually from outside ponds and the fish. Whenever the
sources. Potato and jute are grown owner of the pond has need of fish,
as cash crops and provide ready the fisherman is sent for. Fish is
money. They arc grown alternately caught w i t h a net, and the house-
on the same fields. Different fields holder gets half of the catch, and
are used for paddy which requires the fisherman the other half. If the
low land. Potato and jute arc householder wants all the fish, he
grown on the higher land. Neces- must buy the fisherman's share at
sarily the individual holder of land the regular market price. Other-
does not have all his plots together. wise, the fisherman takes his share
901
August 15, 1953
to the nearby market for sale.
Among the residents of the village
the exchange of money is limited
as far as possible.
None of the householders own
very large quantities of land. There
are no exceptionally rich men in
this village. The joint family pro-
pel ties are divided into smaller
plots every successive generation. A
calculation of actual land owner-
ship is difficult and is the subject of
a detailed study. Roughly land
ownership is of three types. (1)
Government property such as that
owned by the railroads. (2) land
for which a road cess is paid to the
Government, such as the brahmot-
tar lands which were at one time
gifts from the Maharaja of Burd-
wan to the Bralunins of this and
surrounding villages and the mal
lands owned by the Kayasthas
which were acquired formerly from
zamindars on lease, and (3) praja-
watta land, or land taken out on
lease at a fixed rate of khajna
( rent ) to the direct owner of land
in the village or to a non-resident
zamindar. A l l the Brahmins have
brahmottar land. However, other
castes may also have such land, for
a Brahmin in need w i l l sell his land
to anybody and has often done so.
The Kayasthas got the mal land
while working for the zamindars
in the o l d days. M u c h of the praja-
swatta land is today owned by the
Young Men's Zamindari Co-opera-
tive Society L i m i t e d . The former
zamindar of this village who resid-
ed in M i d n a p u r sold his -zamindari
to this co-operative society. The
latter consists of several non-resi-
dents who have taken to the
management of zamindari as their
profession. Due to the continuous
divisions of land, the individual
landowners among the higher castes
now own about fifteen to thirty
bighas of land. The lower castes
usually are tenants on prajaswatta
land, but many have bought some
besides, and are found to own from
two to five big has of land.
SELF-SUFFICIENT VILLAGE
The village is self-sufficient for
every-day purposes.. There is no
market w i t h i n its boundaries. There
are only a few shops near the rail-
road station for sweets and medi-
cines. A hat (weekly or bi-weekly
market) is held twice a week on
a piece of land bordering on the
next village, a mile and a half
away. A l l the consumers' neces-
sities are met at this hat. A daily
market is held in the nearby town
two miles away, and for emergency
one may go there to shop.
The major cottage industry in
this village, as well as in the adjoin-
ing villages, is weaving. Weaving
is a hereditary occupation among
the caste of weavers .or T antis.
This area is well known for the pro-
duction of some of the fine types
of cotton saris, and dhotis of the
quality desired in Bengal. The
weavers are always in touch w i t h
the outside market for the sale of
their cloth, as well as for the de-
signs they produce. A l l the weavers
from this and the surrounding
areas bring their products for sale
at the cloth hat held in Howrah
early every Tuesday morning.
Weavers from great distances all
over Bengal bring their' goods to
this hat. Here they sell their cloth
at wholesale prices to retailers and
casual buyers may also pick up
attractive bargains.
Weaving is not a profitable occu-
pation today. Due to the high cost
of cotton yarn and the higher cost
of living, few of the weavers are
now independent producers. The
majority take orders from maha-
jaus, who supply them w i t h yarn
and the designs to be woven. T h e
weavers may work on a daily wage
or receive a part of the price of the
cloth.
In this village almost all the
T a n t i homes have one or two looms
and the male members work at
them. The women starch and w i n d
the yarn. The Tantis here o w n
land and grow as much of their own
food on the share system as the
means of individual members per-
mit. In the adjoining village, how-
ever, little cultivation was noticed
among the Tantis. I t will be seen
later that in our village the n u m -
ber of other occupational castes is
small, and, therefore, no other
major crafts exist. The few pots
made by the potters or the oil pro-
duced by the oil pressers are sold
within the village or at the hat.
T H E BUSY HOUSEWIFE
In this agrarian self-sufficient
village, however, the influence of
the city is felt and transmitted by
the literate upper class members.
W o r k i n g at office jobs in Calcutta
by the Brahmins, Kayasthas, and
now by a few Tantis has become
a significant part of the village eco-
nomic system. As the income from
land is not sufficient for self-main-
tenance, and as individual owner-
ship of land becomes less and less
through continuous divisions of
ancestral properties, it is impera-
tive that money be brought in from
902
T H E ECONOMIC WEEKLY
other sources for maintaining the
village estates and for retaining the
standard of living desired. As the
standard of education is not very
high, the desirable work is the hold-
ing of clerical jobs in the merchant
arms or Government offices in
Calcutta or in the towns around
Calcutta. Almost all the office-
goers are daily commuters and
spend much of their time travel-
ling every day. This office-going
has been going on for two genera-
tions and has given a particular
stamp to the community. House-
wives must rise early enough to
provide a complete meal to the
office-goers by 6-30 a.m., and on
week days, the upper caste houses
have only women and children in
them for twelve hours of the day.
It is estimated that a monthly i n -
come of Rs 150 or thereabouts in
addition to the food grown in the
village is sufficient to provide com-
fortable living to an average family.
Anyone w i t h an income of Rs 400
or more would be ' considered
wealthy.
According to the census of 1951,
our village has a population of
1,603 persons w i t h 752 females and
851 males. No great movement of
population has taken place here,
there being no influx of refugees
from Eastern Pakistan. The popu-
lation is divided into twenty caste
groups, and five non-caste groups.
The latter consist of the non-Hindu
and the non-Bengali population.
Non-Bengali people are spoken of
in terms of their province of ori-
gin, such as Biharis or Oriyas.
T h a t they may have divisions among
themselves is not a matter of inte-
rest to the community. Besides
these, there are some migratory
tribal people who come to these
parts in seasons of work. M a i n l y
they are Oraons from the Palamau
district, and other tribes under the
general label of coolie. T h e mem-
bers of the Santal tribes who are
old settlers here, although they still
retain some tribal characteristics,
have acquired the place of the low-
est of the caste groups. T h e migra-
tory tribal people similarly are
thought of and treated as untouch-
able and low caste people.
MUSLIM COMMUNITY
There is, moreover, a small
M u s l i m population in this village.
Behaviour toward Muslims is like
the behaviour toward castes w i t h
whom social intercourse is not
maintained. Muslims are ceremo-
nially unclean to the Hindus and,
therefore, untouchable. A general
August 15, 1953
personal relationship is, however,
maintained between members of the
two groups. The menfolk are
known to one another and they
exchange friendly greetings on
streets. Muslims of the moneyed
class or those superior on other ac-
counts are treated w i t h respect by
the Hindus although at a distance.
In this village no trouble arose
during the communal riots. The
Muslims, like the Hindus, cultivate
land. But they are also traders,
and in this village the majority are
dyers and spinners of yarn and also
weavers. Near the M u s l i m neigh-
bourhood, there is a mosque and
also a burial ground.
T h e following is the numerical
order of the caste and other group
affiliations of the heads of the 324
houses in the village. The actual
number belonging to each group in
the total population was not
counted:
Numerical Strength of Caste'
and Non-Caste Groups
* Occupations or professions corres-
ponding to the caste groups are given
later.
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
CASTE HIERARCHY T H E PRIVILEGED FEW
T h e Brahmin caste enjoys a sacred
Similar to caste hierarchy every-
status of supremacy. The secular
where in India, in our village the
rank of the Brahmins is also high,
Brahmin caste is at the top, and
compared to the castes lower in
some castes are at the bottom. The
rank, but it is not necessarily the
latter have food habits and customs
highest. The Kayastha caste here
which are ceremonially unclean to
as elsewhere in Bengal ranks high
H i n d u ritualistic notions. Persons
in the secular level. In this village
who deviate most from the H i n d u
it is noted by the Brahmins that the
ideals are ranked the lowest, as is
few Kayastha families have been
the case w i t h the Santals and the
wealthier for generations, and well
Oraons who still retain many tribal
advanced in education. The
traits. Castes such as H a r h i , Dorn,
Kayastha caste has the tradition of
M u c h i , etc, are considered low cas-
having worked as literary men in
tes all over Bengal and are associat-
the courts of the M u s l i m rulers
ed w i t h unclean habits and low
and over a length of time, many
occupations.
of the Kayasthas leased or bought
Castes at the bottom make con- land from the Brahmins and became
scious efforts to move up, and their powerful zamindars themselves.
desire for a change of status is re- Kayasthas also acquired wealth
cognised by the rest of the com- through trade and commerce.
munity. The first step toward this When the English system of educa-
change is the giving up of occupa- tion started, the Kayasthas along
tions thought to be unclean. For w i t h the Brahmins adjusted them-
instance, the Muchis who used to selves to the new system quickly,
work on leather and hides have and filled in large numbers all the
given up that work, and for two professions and the ranks of Gov-
generations have taken to cultiva- ernment service. The Kayastha
tion only. They w i l l not now even caste in this village produced one
touch a dead animal. T h e i r change well-known literary man at the end
of occupation leaves a gap in the of the last century who was also a
village division of labour as when high ranking Government official.
a cow or a hull dies, some people His family is still considered the
must carry the dead animal to the wealthiest in the village, whether
place set apart for it and, if pos- in fact they are or not.
sible, skin it. Santals and Oraons
now step into the breach and do It is noted that persons in village
this work. Although they have not communities do not consciously cul-
taken to leather work completely, tivate family histories. T h e elders
whenever a cow or a bull dies, they know the names of their ancestors
clear the dead and lake the hide. for three or four generations, but
little else about them unless they
Although the castes in between happened to be peculiar or unique
the top and the bottom do not have in some ways. On the whole, the
any exact ranks, a general notion ancestors of all the old Brahmin
prevails about them, as indicated in families functioned as priests to the
the following classification: other Brahmin families. The Brah-
(1) .Brahmin mins are ranked among themselves
(2) Kayastha on the basis of whether or not their
(3) T a n t i , Goala ancestors served as priests to npn-
(4) K u m o r , Kamar, Napit, K o l u , Brahmins, for the good Brahmins
should not have done so. Today,
Moyra
however, many of the Brahmins of
(5) Gandhabanik, Jugee
the highest status serve as priests to
(6) Mahishya
Kayasthas, Tantis, and other non-
(7) Bagdi, Dhoba, M u c h i ,
Brahmins of high ranks. The Bag-
Chunuri, Dom, Dule, H a r h i dis have Brahmins of their own and
(8) Santal so have the other castes of their
The positions indicated arc general status. Brahmins acting as
judged on the basis of the ceremo- priests to these low castes cannot
nial and the secular values of this inter-marry or inter-dine w i t h the
viMage and may vary from those in higher class Brahmins. No Bagdi
other communities. They may also Brahmins reside in our village. They
be held in disagreement w i t h i n our are called from other villages when
village, and any of the castes may requited.
claim to be a little higher in posi- T h e ancestors of the better class
tion. This feeling prevails parti- Brahmin families, besides acting as
cularly among castes grouped to be priests, were noted for their learn-
of equal status. ing and maintained tols (seminars).
904
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
Brahmin boys f r o m great distances
came there to be trained in Sanskrit
grammar, literature and philosophy.
Knowledge of these subjects was
then concomitant to priesthood.
Non-Brahmins were not admitted to
tols, but they obtained secular edu-
cation w i t h Brahmins in pathsalas
(primary schools). Kayasthas often
stood on the same level w i t h the
Brahmins in secular literary capa-
cities.
BHADRALOKS
The Brahmins and Kayasthas to-
gether (along w i t h Baidyas in other
parts) form the upper class or
bhadralok (gentlemen) throughout
Bengal. Although Brahmins observe
and maintain their ritual purity in
regard to the Kayasthas, informal
relations arc maintained between
the two groups as a normal matter
of course. Close friendships may
be formed, and informal visiting in
homes take place frequently in
which equal feelings are maintained
between the two groups. On social
occasions Kayasthas invite Brahmins
to meals excluding rice.
T h e castes such as T a n t i (weav-
ers) and Goala (milkmen) practise
clean occupations and in this village,
some of them are moneyed men.
Between the two groups, the Tantis
are gaining the attention of the com-
munity for their increasing literacy.
A lew of them have also taken office
jobs whereas none of the Goalas has
done so. Brahmins take food, ex-
cluding rice, in the homes of these
two castes also.
THE CLEAN CASTE
T h e castes grouped in the fourth
position fill many of the various
needs of village life. The K u m o r
(potter), Kamar (ironsmith), Napit
(barber), Kolu ( oilpresser), Moyra
(confectioner), all practise their
caste occupations but they also own
905
August 15, 1953
some land and grow as much of
their own food as possible. They
are clean tastes, and may serve
water to the Brahmins. However,
their standard of living is low, and
they have not yet taken to better-
ing themselves through the means
of education. The upper class peo-
ple do not associate w i t h them at
close range.
The Gandhabanik (dealer in
spices caste is not very low in eco-
nomic status, but in keeping w i t h
the position of Baniks (traders)
elsewhere, if is ritnally low in rank.
Brabmins will not take water from
members of this caste. The Jugee
forms a strong group in East. Bengal
where it is supposed to have a Bud-
dhistic descent, In our village, how-
ever, it is an inconspicuous caste,
and its members do weaving and
cultivation. Similar to Baniks, the
Jugees do not have a ritually high
status.
August 15, 1953 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

THE ISOLATED TILLERS At the same time clothes washed enter the room of worship, u n t i l he
T h e Mahishyas are the traditional by them become impure, and the has properly cleansed himself
cultivating population of Bengal. womenfolk of the high castes rinse through fasting and bathing, and is
In this community they are small out such clothes in clean water be- wearing fresh clothes. In this man-
in number and do not show as much fore they wear them. The Muchis, ner he is separated from his o r d i -
advancement in education and eco- although they have given up their nary activities. Moreover, a visit
nomic standard as the Mahishyas caste occupation, have not yet lost to the water closet makes one r i t u -
of the adjacent district of the their ritual uncleanliness. The Chu- ally unclean, and not only washing
Twenty-Four Perganas. But the nuris make lime by burning snails but a change of clothes is impera-
families here all cultivate their own which is looked upon as a very dirty- tive. Before changing his clothes,
land or have others to cultivate it occupation. The Doms are tradi- a Brahmin may not enter his own
for them, and have secure income tionally the watchers of the burning room or touch any household ob-
from farming. 'The Mahishyas are ghats (crematoria). M a k i n g of bas- jects, and if he touches even a low
not an impure caste, but are not in ketry from bamboo splits and canes taste (untouchable) at such a
close association w i t h the upper is another of their occupations. The moment, the latter w i l l , be defiled
class. Dules are fishermen. T h e Harhis and will need a change of clothing.
are attendants of women at child- The ritual feelings of impurity are
The castes in group seven are the birth. The H a r h i women are espe- different from objective feelings of
impure and so-called untouchable cially required to cut the umbilical uncleanliness in that the impurity-
castes. T h e Bagdis also claim fann- cord and to perform all the un- is contagious. It is carried from
ing to be "their only caste occupa- pleasant tasks while taking care of one to another and from that to an-
tion. They are in numerical majo- the mother and the new-born child. other merely through touch, al-
rity in the areas here. The physi- T h e Santals, as already mentioned, though no physical dirt or other
cal prowess of the men of this caste still retain many of their tribal symptoms of defilement can be dis-
used to be proverbial, and many of habits, and w i l l perform many func- cerned. A n d as such, the feeling of
them were hired as guardsmen in tions in the village thought to be untoucliability is not one attached
the old zamindaris of Bengal. T r a - unclean by the other tastes. A l l to the impure castes alone.
ditionally the Bagdis were also as- these castes, however, perform some
sociated w i t h robbery and dacoity. acts of cultivation besides their caste RITUAL PURITY
This is not to say that all the men occupations. Many of them may
of this caste were engaged in cri- have given up their caste occupa- Women observe ritual purity more
minal pursuits, but some well known tions altogether and do only farm- particularly than men and the com-
names of dacoits came from them. ing, especially on lands belonging to munity behaves accordingly. For
A remnant of this tradition is seen others. These are the people who instance, Brahmin women are never
today in the worship of the dacate usually- work on the share system asked to dine at non-Brahmin
K a l i (the goddess of the dacoils or or at a daily wage. It is not to be homes. They are not invited even
robbers). A K a l i puja is held on thought that they give up other by the Kayasthas. Women from
the night after Shiva chaturdashi occupations and take to farming any of the castes may- be asked to
in the month of February. A good merely to better themselves. The dine at a Brahmin house, however,
Brahmin priest performs the puja, structure of the village economic although social intercourse between
and the entire village community system is such today that the func- women is limited.
as well as the villagers nearby come tioning of many of the caste occu- The feeling of untouchability docs
to the ceremony, and participate in pations is not enough to bring a not bring complete .lack of contact
it by giving offerings and taking proper income. Cultivation is taken between members of the higher and
vows. But it is of special signifi- to as a necessity. the lower castes, but produces con-
cant e to the Bagdi caste. Its mem- tact in a prescribed manner. For
bers voluntarily perform all the out- M u c h has been written about example, the H a r h i or Bagdi ser-
side tasks for the ceremony for caste untouchability. It is to be vants in a Brahmin house may wash
which their services may be allow- noted here that the feeling of un- clothes and hang them out when
ed, frequent the place in a body, touchability does not exist in rela- wet but may not touch dry cloth-
and hold a fair. Fast is observed by tion to low castes only, but it may ing. They may wash the cooking
the Bagdis almost universally on this prevail in regard to all men and utensils, but may not touch water
occasion and all of them offer puja. objects in different situations. Thus, for either drinking or bathing.
T h e myth about tins puja is that while low caste people would defile Women of higher castes have to be
the bagdis used to perform it in the cooked food in high caste homes, employed for other types of work.
old days before setting out for their the touching of such food and es- Thus a T a n t i or a Rainar woman
dacoity expeditions. In this com- pecially rice requires an amount of may come only to grind the spices
munity it may be said that the ceremonial cleanliness from the and to clean the kitchen, but she
Bagctis rank themselves, the highest householders themselves such as will not touch the cooked food or
among the impute castes. H o w - washing and putting on of fresh go near the lighted kitchen fire.
ever, they cannot enter the inner clothes, and conversely, the touch- The members of the community
rooms of the houses of the high ing of the food defiles the hand or know which objects may be touch-
castes, and those among high tastes clothes or other objects, and these ed by which castes and their ritua-
who are particular about ritual must be washed at every turn. Here listic purity may still be retained.
cleanliness, will change their clothes the matter is not of objective clean- Caste rules are observed and
if touched by the Bagdis. liness only, for a clean object com- maintained w i t h i n the households.
ing in touch w i t h one in which food The joint household is usual among
had been kept w i l l need to be equal- the upper castes, but among the
THE UNCLEAN CASTE
ly washed. Similarly, the Brahmin lower castes, extended and compli-
T h e Dhobas are considered un- who is the purest of man, cannot cated relationships w i t h i n one house-
clean because they wash clothes. perform his sacerdotal duties, nor hold are rare. In a joint house-
906
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
h o l d , male descendants of the build-
er of the house stay in the same
premises over several generations.
Joint households dating over two
hundred years are common in the
village. When relationships w i t h i n
a house become greatly extended,'
the house may be partitioned and
separate kitchens set up for i n d i v i -
dual family units. Each of these
units may itself contain members of
three generations. If any members
of the household need to reside
outside of the community, their
share of the house is recognized by
the other members, and it may or
may not be used by the others.
Lower caste people, on the other
hand, usually tend to separate from
their brothers after the death of the
father, or soon after they are mar-
ried, due primarily to the smallness
of the dwelling units, and the fact
that every male member must earn
his own income. Unless some i n -
come comes from a common source,
a joint household has no particular
advantage.
KINSHIP BEHAVIOUR
Although the house and property
may be partitioned if members of a
joint household are not on close
terms, formal kinship behaviour is
retained among them. On occasions
when help is needed, as during mar-
riage or death, it would be consider-
ed shameful if all the members of
a house did not help one another.
W i t h i n such a household a child
grows up w i t h children other than
his brothers and sisters. Cousins
are treated as siblings and the great-
er the amity between them, the
more w i l l be the harmony in the
j o i n t household in later years. Si-
milarly, a child learns to behave
toward those of his parents' gene-
ration, such as his father's brothers
and their wives, his father's sisters,
etc, w i t h as much respect as due his
o w n parents, and w i t h more of it,
if they arc older than his father.
Different kin terms are applied to
uncles and aunts, according to whe-
ther they are older or .'younger from
father, and they arc distinguished
in a numerical order by age. A
grandfather's brother is also called
grandfather, distinguishing the older
and younger numerically, and equal
respect and affection are given to
them.
REGARDLESS OF CASTE
In the village one applies kinship
terminology to everyone w i t h whom
he has any personal contact, regard-
less of caste or economic status. Con-
sideration is taken only of the per-
son's age, and young children are
especially taught this habit. Brah-
mins or Kayastha boys or girls w i l l
call the M u c h i or Bagdi cultivators
" uncle " or " elder brother " be-
cause the latter have worked for
their house since before their birth.
Or they w i l l call the Bagdi maid-
servant " father's sister ". The latter
in turn may call the children in
terma of tui (language used for sub-
ordinate members by elders' of the
house), indicating their superiority
in age and familiarity. Not only
the children hut adults also may
call old people of lower castes by
kin terms.
In relations with persons of equal
status in the village, as of same
caste and economic status, the ap-
plication of kinship terminology is
complete for all members of that
house. Thus if the old man is called
grandfather, his son w i l l be called
" father's brother " and so forth.
Friendship relations often take place
between members of such closely
interacting households. Friendships
are between persons of same sex,
and usually between persons of same
age. Boys who have grown up to-
gether or gone to school together
think of each other as friends.
Friendship may also be ritualised
in which situation two persons swear
friendship to each other for always
and call each other w i t h a definite
term meant for friends. Various
terms are in use which either moan
friends or are symbolic of affection
and loyalty. 'This is true also for
girls. Friends may be of any caste.
Friendship is recognized as a per-
sonal relation distinguished from
social relation, and may be main-
tained while both the parties observe
their caste prohibitions. It is usual,
however, for friendship to deve-
lop among people of equal status.
For instance. Brahmins are more
apt to make friends w i t h other
Brahmins or w i t h Kayasthas and
Tantis than w i t h members of other
castes.
As the village is stable, boys'
friendships last to mature years, and
although w i t h the growth of other
interests the intensity of sentiments
may diminish, the mutual calling of
each other as friends is always con-
tinued. Girls are often married
away from the community, and
their movements are limited. So
the friendships they make in their
childhood often come to a break.
Also they are so completely absorb-
ed within the household that they
rarely take interest in forming now
friendships in the community in
which they are married.
907
August 15, 1953
VILLAGE LEADERSHIP
Formerly the assembly of older
men of each caste gathered to judge
any irregularities among its mem-
bers and in the community as a
whole. Such associations called the
panchayet are completely lacking
new. Persons of means in each
caste may be looked to for leader-
ship, but their decisions are not
necessarily binding. In the com-
munity as a whole, the literate per-
sons of the upper class are looked
up to in critical situations. The
formal administration of the village
is now in the hands of the U n i o n
Board. Nine villages are conjoined
in the Union Board of which our
village is a part. The number is
fixed by the district government.
Nine persons are elected to the
Union Board including the presi-
dent. A resident from each village
may not be elected. The Union
Board employs one secretary, and
chowkidars (village watchmen) for
each of the villages, the numbers
varying from one to two according
to the size of the communities. The
office of the U n i o n Board is in the
home of the president. The district
government authorities appoint four
members of the Union Board for a
court. It hears cases of legal dis-
putes among the residents. Matters
of debts and loans of less than two
hundred rupees are decided here.
The court has the power to subject
an offender to imprisonment upto
fifteen days or fine upto fifty rupees.
The Union Board collects taxes,
makes and repairs roads, installs
tube wells, and looks after the free
primary schools maintained by the
Government. Taxes are collected
according to the income one has
from land or other properties w i t h -
in the village-. The expenditures
undertaken are sanctioned by the
district authorities. Although no
toads are wide enough for motor
vehicles, the main roads are good
enough for bullock carts and bicy-
cles. There arc five deep tube wells
distributed in the different neigh-
bourhoods. The majority of the
villagers drink water drawn from
them lather than from the ponds.
FREE PRIMARY SCHOOL
There is a free primary school in
the village. It is attended by boys
and girls of this and the neighbour-
ing villages, as there are only three
primary schools in the entire U n i o n .
Although the schools are free and
open to members of all castes, a look
at the list of students shows that the
attendance is mainly from the upper
castes. The leaders of the commu-
 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
August 15, 1953

908
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY August 15, 1953
nity often request the lower caste especially in the matter of con- Some land is bequeathed to the
parents to send their children to trolling mishaps or misfortunes. If temple, the income from which is
school, but it is due to the ignorance anything goes wrong, for instance kept in the temple fund. The tem-
of the guardians that these children if a person falls i l l , or if his house ple priest and his family also live
are denied schooling. The primary burns down accidentally, or if he on the income from this land. The
schools end at class four level. does not get enough crops from his deity symbolizes one manifestation
Only two high schools are there fields, it is ascribed to his bad luck, of Durga, and is worshipped every
in the villages comprising the U n i o n . or to his having failed to have per- day. The villagers, however, do
The high school in our village ends formed some rituals which angered not have much contact w i t h the
at class nine and docs not prepare the gods, or on account of the evil temple, and visit it only if they
students for the school final exami- winds. The lack of scientific think- make vows of offerings to the deity
nation. The high school in the ing is much greater among women on recovering from illness, or from
adjoining village does, however, ex- than among men, and more among having some other desires fulfilled.
tend upto class ten, and of the four the lower castes than among the The deities more popular in the
boys in our village preparing for the higher castes. Thus, for instance, village are the stone images lying
school final examination, two go to if a child falls i l l , instead of think- under some of the big trees. They
the latter school, and two go to the ing of a doctor, the housewives call are placed on a high altar built
high school at the big town of Sin- an ojha belonging to lower castes under the trees, and the housewives
gur, ten miles away, commuting by for driving away the evil spirit and come and worship them there and
train. at the same time offerings are made bring them offerings. Women from
There is no girls' school other to Shasthi, the goddess who pro- the lower castes also visit these
than the primary school. Girls de- pitiates children. Actually in this deities as well as those of the higher
siring to go to school after the com- village, there is no medical man. castes. The images of Shiva pre-
pletion of class four will have to T w o physicians who live in the dominate and those of Shasthi (pro-
commute by train either to Singur town two or three miles away are pitiator of children), Shitala (healer
or to Srirampur which is fifteen called for grown ups who can of smallpox), and Manasa (con-
miles away. As a result, to this day afford to pay them. One quack troller of snakes) are also common.
only one girl from this village has doctor practises in the village and
passed the school final examination. is patronised mainly by the lower GAY RELIGIOUS FESTIVALS
A few of the Brahmin and Kaya- class population.
The worship of the permanent
stha young men are attending col- Belief in astrology is strong, not images call forth individual acts of
leges in Calcutta. Joining com- only in cases of misfortunes but in worshipping. Collective participa-
mercial colleges is especially favour- sacied ritual life in general. A l l tion in religious ceremonies, how-
ed. The purpose of college educa- religious festivals here as through- ever, takes place on festival days.
tion is mainly to prepare one for an out Bengal are calculated astro- These are numerous and a few will
office job. Only one young man in nomically, and auspicious days such be mentioned here. The Durga
the village is studying for a Mas- as giving first rice to babies, sacred Puja in autumn is an occasion for
ter's degree. He is a Brahmin of a thread, and marriage. The printed festivities among all people here as
family of noteworthy literary tradi- almanacs making known these dates everywhere in Bengal. Formerly
tion. He had been holding a job common everywhere in Bengal are Durga Puja used to be held in four
which he gave up to go to the also in use here. houses among the Brahmins and
University. The villagers thought Kayasthas. In the last twenty-five
him queer for this, although his SYMBOL OF SOLIDARITY years, however, only one puja is
interest in learning earned h i m res- The ritualistic activities of the held to which all castes contribute.
pect. H i n d u religion are practised in the It is stated that none of the fami-
NO NEWSPAPERS
households. Most houses and espe- lies are now wealthy enough to
cially those of the high castes have celebrate Durga Puja on its own.
One library has been established a separate room for worship in A l l tastes come to observe the cere-
in the village through the efforts of which the image of a deity has been mony and share the joyfulness of
the young men and it is endowed installed for several generations. the occasion, but only the Brah-
w i t h private contributions. It now This deity is a symbol of solidarity mins, Kayasthas and Tantis offer
has thirteen hundred books. Circu- between the various branches of a pushpanjali (flower offerings). T w o
lation of daily newspapers is com- household, even after the house is years ago the Bagdis also wanted
pletely lacking in the homes. The partitioned. The cost of worship the right to offer pushpanjali. They
men commuting to Calcutta every is borne by all members of the were not permitted, however, as the
day bring back news of any impor- house. A priest comes to worship good Brahmins who were pnests of
tance. T w o of the Brahmins and the deity daily or periodically as the ceremony would not officiate
two Kayasthas have battery radio is customary in the household. A for the Bagdis. The latter were
sets in their homes. These are espe- Brahmin householder is not expect- told by the higher castes to have
cially meant to provide entertain- ed to do his own worship if the Durga Puja of their own with their
ment, but the news is also heard. image is that of Narayana, and on own priests, and the entire village
The tradition of rural dramas important occasions he must have would contribute to it. The Bagdis
and folk songs on festive occasions a priest from another Brahmin did not consent to it, but stayed
is still retained. But the cinema family. It is also customary to draw away in a body that year from the
also attracts attention, and both the priest from a definite family ceremony. The feeling was not
men and women w i l l sometimes go from father to son. against the Bagdis offering pushpan-
ten to fifteen miles by train to see The village has a temple. This jali but in having the good Brahmin
a cinema show. one, similar to most temples in Ben- priests serve it for them.
There is little secular or scienti- gal, was built by the influential Historically Durga Puja is an
fic thinking among the villagers, zamindars several centuries ago. upper class ceremony, being per-
909
August 15, 1953 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
formed in the old days by the kings different areas. But the features nistration of the U n i o n Board, the
and zamindars. Today it is becom- marked here, such as the division difficulties in attainment of ade-
ing universal through the medium of labour among castes and their quate education, hygiene, and
of the community fund collection. interdependence in forming the medicine, lack of scientific thought,
But in the rural communities some solidarity of village life, the joint and the performance of religious
of the other religious festivals ap- household among the higher castes, rituals which integrate the house-
peal more widely and closely to all personal types of relations w i t h all ' hold as well as the entire village,
castes. The instance of the dacate members of village regardless of are common to village communities
K a l i Puja has already been cited. caste difference, the formal admi- all over Bengal.
Rathajatra or Doljatra ( H o l i ) are
among many of the festivals u n i -
versal throughout I n d i a which are
here also celebrated by persons of
all castes together. T h e festival of
Paush-parbana in January is the
harvest festival and celebrated with
much gaiety throughout rural Ben-
gal. The goddess L a x m i is wor-
shipped in all the homes, and a
particular type of sweets called pitha
prepared from ground rice and
lentils w i t h coconuts or sweet pota-
toes are prepared that day in houses
big or small. A general joyfulness
in the village marks the occasion.

WORSHIP THROUGH PENANCE

Gajan is another festival of rural

bengal. This festival is related to
Shiva who is conceived as a beggar
mendicant not wanting any of the
luxuries of life, and, therefore, not
requiring any costly ingredients for
his worship. The Shiva temples of
Tarakeshwara near our village are
often visited during all ceremonies
relating to Shiva. On the last day
of the Bengali year, about the m i d -
dle of A p r i l , the festival of Gajan
is held. For a month prior to it,
many men become mendicants
temporarily and offer their penances
to Shiva. The penances are the
fulfilment of vows the persons may
have made for an answer to their
prayers. M a n y of the penances are
performed w i t h acrobatic feats to
the delight of onlookers. Anybody
from any caste may become a men-
dicant. For the time being, no caste
difference remains among them,
and they are all thought to be holy
mem. Formerly many of the pe-
nances performed at Gajan were
extremely painful. These have gone
out of fashion of late.
The village community described
heir is not only typical of the
Hooghly district, but of the whole
of rural Bengal w i t h i n a radius of
forty or fifty miles from Calcutta.
Beyond this, the picture changes
somewhat in that the menfolk of
the upper class cannot commute to
the offices in Calcutta, but must
stay away from the village alto-
gether and take residence in the city.
Some differences may also be found
in the subsidiary crops grown in the
910
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY August 15, 1953
Open Forum
These columns arc thrown open to the public for ventilating genuine grievances and drawing at ten-
turn to specific cases where our mixed economy miscarries. One such was the case of the Fountain Pen
Ink manufacturing industry discussed in an earlier issue (Made in India: Plight of Fountain Pen Ink In-
dustry, July 18) where tariff protection and restriction on imports were negatived by the issue of licences
for setting up production within the country to the very same manufacturers from whom the indigenous in-
dustry is sought to be protected.
Following arc two other cases, the first relates to transport policy restricting exports of valuable
foreign exchange earners; and the second to import control that is impairing housing and building construc-
tion.—Ed
Wagon Supply, Railway Siding and Export of Ores
Shri M C Mitra, a retired officer storage space is allotted. Thus no and Madras with a central organisa-
of the Indian Railways, now Manag- one can export any ore unless a plot tion co-ordinating these offices.
ing Director, Mitra (India) L t d , Cal- is allotted to him and as this is Allotment, of plots and wagons
cutta, writes: entirely at the discretion of the Port should be the responsibility of this
DESPITE abundant supplies and Commissioners, trade from this' port organisation only This organisa-
large overseas demand, expor- is virtually controlled by them. A tion could be made to pay its way
ters of ore, particularly those deal- number of plots have, in fact, been by the levy of a small surcharge but
ing in iron and manganese ores, are allotted by the Port Commissioners, it is essential that it should be run
hemmed in with so many restric- but the way in which this has been by men who know the business, and
tions that they are unable to carry done leaves much to be desired. whose primary function will be to
out their tasks .satisfactorily. The Some resourceful exporters have assist the trade.
ports from which these ores are managed to get several plots under AGAINST A STONE WALL!
exported are chiefly Calcutta, Bom various names. Even forwarding and
clearing agents, who have plots, have For instance, during the monsoons
bay, Madras and Visakhapatnam. the railways are sometimes in a
entered into long-standing agree-
The conditions prevailing in Cal- position to allot more wagons for
ments with these plot holders. The
cutta differ, however, from those at ore traffic, but the Port Commis-
result is that a monopoly has been
the other ports, the trade being sioners are unable to cope with the
created in favour of the existing
virtually controlled by the Port large shippers. additional traffic as they have a
Commissioners of Calcutta. In the limited number of wagons to cara-
other ports it is the railways that An Ore Committee has been set the ores from the storage plots to
control the trade. W h i l e Calcutta up to advise the Port Commissioners the jetty. The Port Commissioners,
serves the mining areas of South in the matter of ore export, but it is however, have plenty of space for
Bihar and Orissa, the other ports dominated largely by vested interests. storage. W i t h a little organisation,
serve Madhya Pradesh and the min- Further allotment of plots has been loading by barges could be easily
ing areas in South India. stopped, and the wagons of two of arranged, eliminating the use of
the biggest forwarding and clearing Port Commissioners wagons alto-
SLUGGISH MOVEMENT agents taken away from them and gether. The Port Commissioners
In ports other than Calcutta, given to parties who were closely have also lands on the other side of
applications for wagons are not con- associated with the monopoly ring. the river at Shalimar. Several of
sidered by the railways until a As a result of protests, the Port these plots are lying idle or are
foreign Letter of Credit is produced. Commissioners have at last been being utilized only partially and
Now, no foreign buyer will incur the made to sit up and take stock of there is no reason why these sidings,
expenditure of opening an L / C the position, but there is little pros- with minor modifications, cannot be
unless he is reasonably assured of pect of any improvement. W i t h all used for ore traffic. There are seve-
shipments. Even if a buyer takes the confusion in the allotment of ral business firms who would be
the risk after inspecting the stocks plots, the movement of ores from quite prepared to do shipments from
at the mines, he is sorely disappoint- the mines has considerably fallen this area, but are told that consign-
ed and incurs heavy losses, as the off, and the mine owners are natur- ments of ore other than to Calcutta
railways allot very few wagons. If ally hard hit as they can hardly be docks are non-preferential, and book-
the exporter is lucky, he can hope to expected to look after the export ing of ore to Shah mar in particular
move about 500 tons per month. trade themselves. U n t i l the prob- is permanently closed. There is a
The average, however, hardly exceeds lem is solved, no plot holder should large railway siding on the west bank
zoo tons a month. Foreign buyers be permitted to have more than ten of the river at Uluberia. Arrange-
are not interested in such small wagon allotments, either in his own ments have been made by a firm,
quantities and now insist on ready name or in the name of ' sister com- for the storage of ores and barge
stocks at port before opening L / C . panies '. Also plot holders, who do shipments from this siding, but
A vicious circle is thus created, not make at least two shipments in wagons are riot being allowed by the
resulting in stagnation, or at best, a year, should have their plots and railway to move the ore from the
only a sluggish movement .so that wagons cancelled. This should mines on account of the restrictions
"huge quantities of high grade ores, release a considerable number of already mentioned. Thus, wherever
winch could have earned precious wagons for fresh allotment. he may go, and whatever he may do,
foreign exchange, lie idle at consider- The ore trade is of such great the exporter only knocks his head
able loss to the country. importance to the country that it will against a stone wall!
In Calcutta, under existing arrange- be worthwhile having a special orga- Port Commissioners will not give
ments, ores can be moved only to nisation like that of the Coal Com- out pints, they will not reallot plots
the sidings of the Port Commis- missioners, but without the power that have not brought them any
sioners of Calcutta, and no wagons to interfere in normal trade. Offices traffic for months together, and they
for this purpose are allowed unless may be located in Calcutta, Bombay will not arrange for " Barge Load-
911