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Leopards, Lions and Dragons: King John's Banners and Battle Flags
Leopards, Lions and Dragons: King John's Banners and Battle Flags
Leopards, Lions and Dragons: King John's Banners and Battle Flags
The dragon of Wessex, depicted at the side of King Harold on the Bayeux Tapestry
William, duke of Normandy, shown fighting under the papal banner at the Battle of
Hastings, on the Bayeux Tapestry
The symbol of the dragon was nonetheless already deeply
woven into the symbolism both of battle elsewhere in
northern Europe and of ducal Normandy, not least
through the association of a dragon with the cult of Saint
Romanus, patron-saint of Rouen – the ducal capital. 21 This
'Draco Normannicus' is commemorated in Etienne of
Bec's epic poem of the 1160s, and almost certainly
explains the widespread use of serpentine or dragon
imagery at the court of King Henry II, not least in the
naming of the King's ship as the 'snake' or 'esneccum'. 22 It
reappears in the 1190s as the dragon standard ('vexillum
terribile draconis') that Richard I is said to have had carried
before him both in Sicily and later, fighting Saladin at
Arsuf in the Holy Land. 23 Banners, indeed, played a
significant role in Richard's crusade. Besides the flag
('vexillum') of the Duke of Austria, which Richard is
St Romanus, patron saint ofreported to have hurled from the battlements of Acre, we
Rouen, with his tame dragon are told of the banners ('baneria') that Richard flew over
the captured city of Messina, which the French king ordered be flown lower than his
own standard ('vexillum'), as well as of a golden imperial standard ('vexillum imperiale
per totam auro desuper contextum'), captured by Richard on Cyprus, subsequently
dispatched to England as a gift to the monks of Bury St Edmunds. 24
The Carolingian cavalry carrying the draco banner, in the Golden Psalter of St Gall, St.
Gallen Stiftsbibliothek, Cod. Sang. 22, f.140
Battle flags undoubtedly
featured in the civil war of
1215-16. 25 It was under
the sign of the dragon, the
most ferocious of beasts,
that King John himself
fought this war. In all
likelihood, the dragon by
this time carried a legal as
well as a symbolic
significance, implying war
to the death and without
quarter. 26 Ralph of
Coggeshall informs us
that, in the Spring of
1216, Louis of France
attempted to take John byThe Battle of Crecy, from Jean Froissart's Chronicles, BnF Fr
surprise at Winchester,2643, f.165v
'hearing that the King had raised the dragon battle standard ('insigne bellicum
draconem') .... But John, learning of his arrival, lowered his dragon ('draco') and fled,
having first burned four parts of the city'. 27 Henry III commanded just such a dragon
banner in 1244. Made of red samite stencilled with gold, it had a tongue of burning fire
depicted as if in constant movement, and eyes of sapphire or other precious stones. The
intention was that it be deposited at Westminster Abbey, apparently as an English
counterpart to the Oriflamme of France, long held at Saint-Denis. 28 A century later,
King John's great-great-grandson, Edward III, fought at Crécy (1346) under a dragon
standard, apparently with the intention that the leopards/lions of England and the
French fleur-de-lys here deliberately yield place to the 'cruelty of the
dragon'. 29 Meanwhile, although there is good reason to suppose that the Oxford meeting
of early April 1215 marked a crucial turning point in relations between King John and
his barons, it would be wrong to suppose that the King's commission for armorial tunics
and banners revealed any intention on his part to make war on his rebellious subjects.
Rather, what we have here is evidence of the extent to which, even as early as April
1215, heraldry and display were crucial to the advertisement of royal, as of baronial
power. How much more magnificent, we may well wonder, were these advertisements to
become by the time that King and barons met at Runnymede two months later.
Letters of King John commissioning the making of five tunics and five banners .
Woodstock, 6 April 1215
B = TNA C 54/9 (Close Roll 16 John) m.6. C = TNA C 54/10 (Duplicate of B) m.6.
Pd (from B) RLC, i, 193b.
Rex Regin(aldo) de Cornhull' et Willelmo Coco etc. Mandamus vob(is) quod sub festinacione fieri
faciatis ad opus nostrum quinque tunicas ad armand(um) et quinque banerias de armis nostris bene
auro bacuatas, et custum quod ad hoc posueritis per visum et testimonium leg(alium) hominum
computatur vob(is) ad scaccarium. T(este) me ipso apud Wodestok', vi. die April(is) anno r(egni)
n(ostri) xovio.
The King to Reginald of Cornhill and William the Cook etc. We order you speedily to
have made for us five tunics for arming and five banners well made with beaten metal
with our arms in gold, and the cost that you incur here by view and testimony of law-
worthy men will be accounted to you at the Exchequer. Witnessed myself at Woodstock,
6 April in the 16th year of our reign.
For Paris' coats of arms, generally used as illustrations for his obit notices of particular individuals,
see 'The Matthew Paris Shields c.1244-59', ed. T.D. Tremlett, in Rolls of Arms Henry III, ed. T.D.
1
Tremlett, H.S. London and A. Wagner, Aspilogia ii (London, 1967), 1-86, and Suzanne Lewis, The
Art of Matthew Paris in the "Chronica Majora" (Berkeley, 1987), esp. pp.41-3, 174-6, 198-201.
Amongst the vast literature on the emergence of the science of heraldry in twelth- and thirteenth-
century England, see in particular Adrian Ailes, 'Heraldry in Twelfth-Century England: The
Evidence', England in the Twelfth Century, ed. D. Williams (Woodbridge, 1990), 1-16; idem, 'Heraldry
in Medieval England: Symbols of Politics and Propaganda', Heraldry, Pageantry and Social Display in
2 Medieval England, ed. P. Coss and M. Keen (Woodbridge, 2002), 83-104; idem, 'The Knight's Alter
Ego: From Equestrian to Armorial Seal', Good Impressions: Image and Authority in Medieval Seals, ed.
N. Adams, J. Cherry and J. Robinson, British Museum Research Publications clxviii (London,
2008), 8-9; John Cherry, 'Heraldry as Decoration in the Thirteenth Century', England in the
Thirteenth Century, ed. W.M. Ormrod (Stamford, 1991), 123-3.
RLC, i, 193b, and for contemporary estimates of a conversion rate of roughly 10 to 1 for gold to
silver, see D. A. Carpenter, 'The Gold Treasure of King Henry III', Thirteenth Century England I, ed.
3
P. Coss and S.D. Lloyd (Woodbridge, 1986), 63-4, 87n.; N. Vincent, Peter des Roches: An Alien in
English Politics, 1205-1238 (Cambridge, 1996), 238-9.
A. Ailes, The Origins of the Royal Arms of England: Their Development to 1199 (Reading, 1982), and
more recently, N. Vincent, 'The Seals of King Henry II and his Court', and A. Ailes, 'Government
4 Seals of Richard I', in Seals and their Context in the Middle Ages, ed. P.R. Schofield (Oxford, 2015), 7-
33, 101-110. For the Plantagenet adoption of the symbol of the lion, see now Vincent, 'Seals of
Henry II', 16-19.
5 Vincent, 'Seals of Henry II', 13 fig. 2.6, 18.
6 Ibid., 17-19.
Ailes, 'Seals of Richard I', 102, and cf. A. Deville, 'Dissertation sur les sceaux de Richard-Coeur-de-
Lion', Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de Normandie (1830), 61-89, at p.79-80 reporting the crest
from an impression of the seal, now Rouen AD 13HP8 (The Itinerary of King Richard I, ed. L.
Landon, PRS new series xiii (1935), no.494), itself reproduced as an engraving in A. Deville, Essai
historique et descriptif sur l'église et l'abbeye de Saint-Georges-de-Bocherville (Rouen, 1827), pl.VI facing p.77,
also seen and described by John Doubleday, in Archaeologia, xxvi (1836), 461, from an impression
attached to TNA DL 10/47 (Landon, Itinerary, no.500), now somewhat rubbed (Ailes, 'Seals of
Richard I', 102 fig. 7.3b). The crest is also shown by Landon, Itinerary, opposite p.172, from an
8
original, now Canterbury Cathedral Archives ms. Chartae Antiquae B349. Doubleday (and before
him, Francis Sandford) identified the scrolling around the top of the helmet as a representation of
broom cods or plante-de-genêt. Deville ('Dissertation', p.80) attempts to identify it as baleen or
whalebone, citing Guillaume le Breton to the effect that baleen was employed in the decoration of
helmets, and cf. Guillaume le Breton, 'Philippidos' IX.519-20, in Oeuvres de Rigord et de Guillaume le
Breton historiens de Philippe-Auguste, ed. H.-F. Delaborde, 2 vols (Paris, 1882-5), ii, 270. In reality,
Guillaume's reference is almost certainly intended as a pun linking the crest's substance and its
wearer, Renaud count of Boulogne/baleen.
Adrian Ailes, ‘The Seal of John, Lord of Ireland and Count of Mortain’, The Coat of Arms, n.s. iv
(1981), 341-50, and for particular examples, see Sir Christopher Hatton's Book of Seals, ed. L.C. Loyd
and D.M. Stenton (Oxford, 1950), 57 no.82; Earldom of Gloucester Charters, ed. R.B. Patterson
9 (Oxford 1973), 24 and pl.xxxii a-b, and the description from an original now at Durham, available
online as no.3023 [at http://reed.dur.ac.uk/xtf/view?docId=ead/dcd/dcdmseal.xml#ERs], noting
the inscription +SIGILLVM IOHANNIS FILII REGIS DOMINI HIB'NIE, from Durham,
University Library Archives and Special Collections ms. D. & C. Durham 2.4.Ebor.20.
As cited, without references, by J.H. Round, The King’s Serjeants and Officers of State with their
11
Coronation Services (London, 1911), 388.
David Crouch, ‘The Court of Henry II of England in the 1180s, and the Office of King of
14
Arms,’ The Coat of Arms, 3rd ser. v (2010).
RLC, i, 109, a command issued at Guildford on 7 April, the day after Easter, 'pro auro ad banerias
nostras et tunicas nostras ad armandum parandas et viginti s(olidos) pro auro illo cubando in
baneriis et tunicis et tres s(olidos) pro baneriis et tunicis illis depingendis et octo s(olidos) pro
quadraginta s. suend(is)'. The last detail here remains obscure, perhaps suggesting the sewing of
particular motifs (?forty stars, 's(telle)'), perhaps the employment of forty individuals in the sewing
15
of these things. Cf. Pipe Roll 10 John, 97, where the item reappears in Reginald of Cornhill's
account rendered at Michaelmas 1208, as £4 10d. 'pro auro ad banerias et tunicas r(egis) ad
armandum et pro illis faciendis'. For this and various subsequent references, I am indebted to the
assembly of references in the Dictionary of Medieval Latin from British Sources, Fascicule I 'A-B'
(Oxford,1975), 179 col.3 sub 'banera/baneria/banerium'.
Pipe Roll 14 John, 44: 'pro .... i. purpucto ad opus r(egis) et iii. tunicis armatoriis ad opus r(egis) et xii.
16
penuncellis et iiii. baneris platis ad opus eiusdem'.
M. Bateson, 'A London Municipal Collection of the Reign of John', English Historical Review, xvii
(1902), 728: 'Item in qualibet parrochia fiat unum penuncellum, et aldermannus suam habeat
17
baneriam, et homines de singulis parochiis, cum penuncellis suis, sequantur baneriam aldermanni
sui, cum sumonicionem aldermanni sui habu(er)ri(n)t, loco istis statuto ad ciuitatem defendendam'.
Book of Fees, i, 11 ('per seruicium portandi baneram populi prosequentis per marinam'), 104 ('per
seruicium ferendi banarium domini regis pedes infra iiii. portus Anglie, et inde debet habere ii.
18 d(enarios) per diem'), 253 ('per serganteriam portandi baneriam omnium peditum hundredi de
Wotton' ad custum suum in ipso comitatu, et ipse Robertus extra comitatum debet habere de bursa
domini regis ii. d. faciendo seruicium predictum qualibet die'), and cf. VCH Oxfordshire, xi, 286-7.
N.P. Brooks and H.E. Walker, 'The Authority and Interpretation of the Bayeux Tapestry', Anglo-
Norman Studies, i (1979), 32-3, citing Henry of Huntingdon IV.19 and VI.13, for which see
19 now Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum, The History of the English People, ed. D.
Greenway (Oxford, 1996), 242 ('regis insigne, draconem scilicet aureum'), 358 ('inter draconem et
insigne quod vocatur Standard').
Brooks and Walker, 'Authority and Interpretation', 32, citing the dragon standards attributed to the
Saxons by Widukind of Corvey, and by the tenth-century 'golden psalter' of St Gallen to Joab
21
setting out to make war on the Syrians and the Ammonites, citing the illustration in A. Merton, Die
Buchmalerei in Sankt Gallen (Leipzig, 1923), plate xxix.i.
Richard of Devizes, ed. Appleby, 46-7; Itinerarium peregrinorum et gesta regis Ricardi, ed. W. Stubbs
24
(London, 1864), 164-5 (ii.17); Howden, Chronica, ed. Stubbs, iii, 107-8.
See, for example, the knight reported as carrying the banner of the avoué of Béthune at the siege
25 of Dover in 1216, referred to in Histoire des ducs de Normandie et des rois d’Angleterre, ed. F. Michel
(Paris, 1840), 178.
Matthew Strickland, 'A Law of Arms or a Law of Treason? Conduct in War in Edward I's
26 Campaign in Scotland, 1296-1307', Violence in Medieval Society, ed. R.W. Kaeuper (Woodbridge,
2000), 56-7.
Radulphi de Coggeshall Chronicon Anglicanum, ed. J. Stevenson (London, 1875), 182: (Louis) 'Deinde,
captis quibusdam castellis, properauit occupare regem Iohannem, quem audierat apud Wintoniam
27 insigne bellicum draconem erexisse, quasi Lodouicum bello excepturus, si adueniret. Sed Iohannes,
cognito eius aduentu, draconem suum deposuit et aufugit, inflammata prius urbe per quatuor
partes'.
Close Rolls 1242-7, 201: 'Fieri etiam faciat unum draconem in modo unius vexilii de quodam rubeo
samitto, qui ubique sit auro extencellatus, cuius lingua sit facta tanquam ignis comburens et
28 continue apparenter moueatur, et eius oculi fiant de saphiris vel de aliis lapidibus eidem
conuenientibus, et illum ponat in ecclesia beati Petri Westmonasteriensi contra aduentum regis
ibidem' (17 June 1244).
Chronicon de Galfridi Baker de Swynebroke, ed. E.M. Thompson (Oxford, 1889), 83: 'Ita vexillum ad
dextram stacionardi regalis Francie habuit aurea lilia lata cum filis aureis a lateribus vexilli regii
29 Francorum, quasi in vacuo dependencia. E contra rex Anglie iussit explicari suum vexillum, in quo
draco armis suis togatus depingebatur et abinde fuit nuncupatum 'Drago', significans feritatem
leoparditam atque miticiam liliorum in draconcinam crudelitatem fuisse conuersam'.