Journal de la Société des

Américanistes

Ancestor worship in Bahia : the Égun-cult

Juana Elbein Dos Santos, Deoscoredes M. Dos Santos

Citer ce document / Cite this document :

Dos Santos Juana Elbein, Dos Santos Deoscoredes M. Ancestor worship in Bahia : the Égun-cult. In: Journal de la Société des
Américanistes. Tome 58, 1969. pp. 79-108;

doi : https://doi.org/10.3406/jsa.1969.2098

https://www.persee.fr/doc/jsa_0037-9174_1969_num_58_1_2098

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 ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA :

THE ÉGUN-CULT

by Juana Elbein DOS SANTOS and Deoscoredes M. DOS SANTOS

Historical background

Brazil is the meeting place of three continents — Africa, Europe, and

America. It is well known that during the colonial period of Brazil's
history, negro cultures were introduced as a result of the slave-trade from the
west coast of Africa.
The Nagó * constitute the " nations " of West Africa which made the
greatest cultural impression on Bahia. Classified by modern ethnology as
Yorubá, the Nagó were the carriers of a tradition whose richness was derived
from the individual cultures of the different kingdoms of which they were
born. This was especially the case of those peoples from Kétu, Qyç, j&gbádo,
and Egbá. The Nagó brought to Brazil their traditions and their customs,
their hierarchical structures, both secular and religious, their concepts,
both philosophical and esthetic, their language, music, oral literature and
mythology. Above all else, they brought to Brazil their religion.
Bahia, situated on the Atlantic sea-board of Brazil, experienced the greatest
cultural concentration of the Nagó. Together with the well-organized
cult-houses, where to the present day are preserved the temples and shrines

1. The Yorubá words and texts in this paper are written in accordance with the
internationally accepted convention used by specialized institutes in Nigeria. One of the
aims of the authors are to write down and translate Nagó words, texts, and chants from
Bahia. Modern orthography has been adopted in order to rescue the rich oral tradition
preserved and transmitted from generation to generation in the Nagó cult houses.
Correct spelling and translation of words and texts constitute extremely valuable evidence
and sources for Afro-Brazilian studies.
80 SOCIÉTÉ DES AMÉRICANISTES

of the Ôrisà 2, the Nàgo practiced elaborate funeral rites. Even today
they continue to worship not only their family ancestors but also the great
figures who founded the cults in Bahia. The latter, known by the name of
Èsà, are the first collective ancestors of the Afro -Brazilians. They are
worshipped during the Pade or îpade 3, a propitiatory ceremony, and are
" assentados " 4, along with other illustrious dead of the sect in a special
house. We shall be returning to this later, but suffice it to say that this
house is called Ilé-ibo-akú, and is set aside from the other temples in which
the Orisà are worshipped.
Ancestors who were worshipped in Yoriibá territory 5 are also the object
of veneration in Brazil. These ancestors represent family lineages, ruling
dynasties, protectors of certain cities and regions, and with special
functions, different aspects of death.
Those ancestors who take on bodily forms constitute the Égun or Egúngún.
It was around these Égun who had their origins in Africa and were brought
to Brazil, that there were formed cult-groups, which had as their counter
parts in West Africa the Egúngún cult. The very fact of the existence
and perfect preservation of ancestor worship in Bahia, as evidenced by the
presence of organized Égun terreiros (cult-areas), permits two important
deductions to be made :
A. Certainty as to the geographical and cultural origin of some nations
which were represented in Bahia. It is well known that the Egúngún cult
is especially strong among the Yorubá 6 of those regions inhabited by the
Syç, the Ègbâ and the $gbádo. In view of the fact that the worship of the
Orisà Sangó is one of the most widespread in Bahia, especially that of Sangó
Àfçnjâ of the royal house of Qyç, it would seem appropriate to compare
these facts with the statement made by Abraham, " the worship of Egúngún
and Sangó is especially widespread in Oyç " 7.
Mr. Olajubu 8 refers to the fact that all the lithurgical texts both in the
poetry and the chants, related to the Egúngún, made frequent references
to a home-land, a sort of country from where the Egúngún descend. ^ In this
connection he mentions places such as Ogbón, Ôgbojô, Iresà, Igóri, Ofá, and
their respective chiefs. In Bahia, Olôgbojô is one of the best known and

2. Divine entities of the Yoriibá Pantheon.

3. Propitiatory parcel for the use of the deceased in the next world that should be
carried and left in the open air.
4. The act of consecrating a place of worship.
5. The Yoriibá inhabit an extensive region that covers the south-west of Nigeria, parts
of southern and central Dahomey, central Togo. There are a few Yorubá settlements
also in Ghana and there have been large migrations to Sierra Leone.
6. Relatively recently modern ethnology has grouped under the word Yoriibá diverse
clans and tribes all of them speaking a similar language.
7. Abraham, Dictionary of Modern Yoruba, University of London Press, London,
1958, p. 483 (8).
8. O. Olajubu, Egúngún and iwi (The poetry of Egúngún) a preliminary survey.
Paper produced by Institute African Studies, University of Ife, 1967, p. 9.
 ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA Г THE ÉGUN-CULT 81

most venerated Égun. He adds that a classification of the origin of the

texts can be made, not merely based on content alone, but by means of the
actual technique of recitation used and, of course, local linguistic
expressions within the overall dialected norm. He states : " Iwi9 is recited in
the central Yorubá language or in the dialect of the Qyç speaking peoples
for the Egúngún texts and chants* ". It is not easy to understand these
chant not only because of their symbolic content, frequent reference to
unknown names, or names which have already disappeared, but also because
of the excessive use of archaism and elision. Thus, the Egúngún cult
provides clear evidence of the strong legacy bequeathed by the Yorubá to Bahia.
B. Our second deduction is derived from the published studies of various
authors on the Yorubá concept of death10. In general their conclusions are
equally applicable to the Yorubá descendants in Bahia. Although the
funeral rites constitute one important aspect (as yet not studied in depth)
of the Egúngún activities, the specific object of the present study is limited
to throwing light on details of the Egúngún cult in Bahia.
Already R. Bastide n has pointed out the necessity for specialized
monographs and those factors which should " have induced ethnographers to
take a greater interest in the Egúngún ". There can be no doubt that the
available bibliography 12 in addition to being thin, is also grossly
incomplete. This has resulted in frequent errors of fact and seriously misleading
interpretations.

9. A name which groups all the chants and texts of the vast oral lithurgical literature
related to the Égun-cult.
10. Peter Morton Williams, « Yoruba Responses to the fear of Death ». Africa, vol. XXX,
1960.
11. Roger Bastide, О Candomble da Bahia, Brasiliana, Sâo Paulo, 1961, p. 167.
12. An example of misleading information : In 1940, Protasius Frikel published " Die
Seelenlehre des Gege und Nago ", pp. 192-212, in which he asserted that " The Nago
do not invoke the spirits of the dead ". Since the mid nineteenth century there already
existed in Bahia various Êgun cult-houses of indisputable Nagó origin whereas in 1940
the Terreiro Ilé-Agbóulá in Ponta de Areia, island of Itaparica, was at its hilt and even
registered with the police. Of the works that refer to the ancestor cult in Brazil, a basic
bibliography includes :
Nina Rodrigues : О Animismo Fetichista dos Negros Bahianos, Civilizaçâo Brasileira,
S. A., Rio de Janeiro, 1935.
— Os Africanos no Brasil, Companhia Editory Nacionál, Sâo Paulo, 1932.
Manoel Querino : A Raça Afričana, Livraria Progresso Editora, Bahia, 1955.
Joâe do Rio : As Religiôes no Rio, Ediçâo da Organizaçâo Simôes, Rio de Janeiro, 1951.
Arthur Ramos : Antropologia Brasileira, I, Rio, 1943.
Jacques Raymundo : О Negro Brasileiro e outros escritos, Record, Rio, 1936.
Melo Morais Filho : Festas e Tradiçôes Populares do Brasil, Rio de Janeiro.
Protasius Frikel : "Die Seelenlehre des Gege und Nago ", Santo Antonio, Bahia, 1940-
1941.
José Lima : A Festa de Egun e Outros Ensaios, 3a, ediçâo, Rio de Janeiro, s. d.
Robert Ricard : " L'Islam Noir à Bahia ", Hesperis, 1948.
René Ribeiro : Cultos Afro Brasileiros do Recife : um Estudo de Ajustamento Social,
Boletim do Institute Joaquim Nabuco, numero especial, Recife, 1952.
 SOCIETE DES AMERICANISTES

Chronology of the introduction of the Egúngún worship into Bahia

The first written reference to the presence of the worship of the Égun
in Bahia was made by Nina Rodrigues in 1896 13. Despite the serious
approach adopted by this pioneer in Afro-Brazilian studies towards the
worship of the Ùrïsà, he lacked the basic knowledge and insight to describe,
or even to refer seriously to the Egúngún (" a grotesque appearance of the
soul of a dead person in the funeral rites ") which at the time of his writing
existed and were fully organized. However, oral tradition allows us to
ascribe the presence of the Egúngún in Bahia to a much earlier date than
1896.
There is evidence of the origin of various " terreiros " founded by
Africans in the first third of the 19th century. These are as follows :
Terreiro de Veracruz : This was situated in the village of Veracruz, the
oldest parish of the Island of Itaparica in the Bay of All Saints. It was
dedicated to the cult of the Egúngún. An African, known by the name
of Tio Serafim, renowned for his knowledge and power, was its founder
and chief. He, together with one of his sons and numerous followers
invoked the ancestors. He had brought with him from Africa and was able to
make appear the Ěgun of his own father, who had died on the coast of Africa.
This Égun was, and is, called Égun Okulele. Tio Serafim died over one
hundred years of age, sometime between 1905 and 1910, having founded
the cult-house as a young man.
Terreiro de Mocambo : This cult-house was also on the Island of Itaparica
on the estate called Mocambo, where there were a large number of African
slaves. Its chief was the African Marcos Pimentel, known as Marcos-the-
Old, in order to differentiate him from his son of the same name who, conti-

Pierre Verger : Notes sur le culte des Grisa et Vodun, Mémoires de l'Institut français
d'Afrique Noire, n° 51-Ifan-Dakar, 1957.
— Grandeur et Décadence du Culte de Iyami Osoronga, Société des Africanistes, 1966.
Roger Bastide : О Candomble da Bahia (Rito Nago), Brasiliana, Volume 313, Sâo Paulo,
1961.
Deoscoredes M. dos Santos : " Festa da Мае d'Agua em Ponta de Areia- Itaparica ".
in Revista Brasileira de Folclore, Campanha de Defesa do Folclore Brasileiro, Ministe-
rio da Educaçâo e Cultura, Ano VI-№ 14, Rio de Janeiro, 1966.
Juana Elhein e Deoscoredes M. dos Santos : West African Sacred Art and Rituals in
Brazil — A Comparative Study, Institute of African Study, University of Ibadan, ver-
sâo mimiografada, Ibadan, 1967.
- О Iko nos Ritos de Possessâo de Obaluaiye na Bahia, apresentado no Coloquio Cultos
de Possessâo, C.N.R.S., Paris, October 1968.
13. О Animismo Feitichista..., op. cit., p. 156. Nina Rodrigues refers to a masonery
in Africa related " with the spirits of the next world ". Later in Os Africanos no Brasil
written at the end of the 19th century he makes reference to the apparitions of the Egúngún
in the " candombles funerarios ", p. 353.
 ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE ÉGUN-CULT 83

nuing the tradition established by his father, later founded one of the most
important cult-houses of the Égun in Bahia.
Mareos-the-Old bought himself out of boundage, and together with Ыь
son returned to Africa where he remained many years. During his stay in
Africa, Marcos-the-Old continued to perfect his ritual knowledge, and his
son Marcos was initiated into all the secrets of the cult, gaining a profound
knowledge from original sources. When both returned to Bahia they brought
with them the " assento " 14 of the Egun Olúkctún, considered one of the
ancestors of the true Yorubá race. Thus they founded the Terreiro do
Tuntum (see below).
Because of his powers Marcos-the-Old was very feared. According to
popular tradition he was sentenced to death by a group of other old
prominent Africans because his practices had resulted in the death of a person.
Marcos-the-Old died seven days later on the beach 15.
All the necessary preceptual rites, and " obrigaçôes " 16 were performed
and his spirit was invoked as an Égun. He is still worshipped with the
name of Baba Soadè.
Terreiro de Tuntum : This was also situated on the Island of Itaparica
in the old settlement of the Africans called Tuntum, the cradle of many who
were later to gain prominence in the African sects. Marcos Teodoro Pimen-
tel, the son of Marcos-the-Old, was its chief. Together with his sons and
numerous faithful Africans and crioules he founded the cult-house Ilé-Olû-
kçtun whose name was derived from the patron of the terreiro. The
ancestors invoked and worshipped at the cult-house of Tuntum were many. Many
of the names of the priests who were members of the cult at the Ilé-Olúkctún
are well known. Some are still alive, and many of the descendants
continue to play an active role in the sect. The Terreiro de Tuntum disappeared
with the death of Tio Marcos Teodoro Pimentel in about 1935. As he died
almost a centenarian, it can be deduced that the Terreiro de Mocambo
headed by Marcos-the-Old, must have existed about 1830.
A nephew of Marcos Teodoro, Arsenio Ferreira dos Santos, continued the
family tradition and played an active role in other Égun cult-houses. Later
he himself founded his own Égun cult-house in the district of Vila America
in the city of Salvador.
Terreiro da Encarnaçâo : This was situated in the settlement of Encar-
naçâo, on the main-land part of the Municipality of Itaparica, to which it
belonged at that time. Information as to the identity of the founder is

14. Literally, seat, foundation, support, statute. It is the consecrated place where
the Égun is worshipped and receives sacrifices.
15. Deoscoredes M. dos Santos, Contos Crioulos da Bahia, Editora Martins, Sâo Paulo
(in press). One of the stories of this book, " О Risco da Morte ", has as its central
character Tio Marcos-the-Old.
16. Fundamental rituals and precepts within the lithurgy.
84 SOCIÉTÉ DES AMÉRICANISTES

contradictory and confusing. The first chief about whom information is

available was a son of Tio Serafim (the founder of the Terreiro de Veracruz).
He was called Joâo Dois-Metros because of his extraordinary height. It
was at this cult-house that there was invoked for the first time in Brazil the
Égun known as Baba Agbóulá, one of the patriarchs of the Yorubá race.
Among the priests who were members of this cult-house, one of the most
prominent was Qjè Gregorio 17. His nephew, even today as an old man,
continues to worship Egun Baba Agbóulá, who had been the patron of the
Terreiro da Encarnaçâo.
Terreiro do Corta-Braço : This was situated on the Estrada das Boiadas,
a suburb of the City of Salvador in the present district of Liberdade. Almost
all its members were Africans and its chief was Tio Ôpè. An Qjè of this
cult-house, the African Joâo-Boa-Fama 18, was notoiious in Bahia. He
initiated some people from the Island of Itaparica and other young people,
who many years later, together with the descendants of Tio Marcos and
Tio Serafim, were to found the Terreiro lié- Agbóulá which still exists in
Ponta de Areia.
In addition to the above, other " terreiros " known to exist at the end
of the 19th century were the following : One situated in Quitandinha do
Capim, renowned for its annual festivals at which were invoked Egun Olù-
Apèlè and Olçjà-Qrun ; the cult-house of Tio Agostinho in Matatu, a meeting
place for the most famous Qjè of the period including Tio Marcos and his
Ojè ; the Terreiro da Preguiça at the side of the Church of the Conceiçâo
da Praia, among whose membership were many Africans ; and finally, there
are references to the invocation of Egúngún at Agua de Meninos, but it is
uncertain if a cult-house was established there.
In connection with the old Égun cult-houses, special reference must be
made to Martiliano Eliseu do Bomfm, one of the leading coloured people of
Bahia at the beginning of this century. His father Tio Eliseo was an
African of Kétu origin, who had brought to Bahia at the beginning of the 19th
century the Égun îlàri, the patriarch of his family. While still a boy,
Martiliano was sent by his father to Nigeria where he lived many years,
gaining deeper knowledge of the cults and learning several languages. After
his return to Bahia, he became the strongest advocate for the preservation
of the Yorubá traditions in Bahia. He continued the ancestors' cult and
took part in numerous " Egúngún terreiros ", and initiated some people into
the secrets of the cult.
All these cult-houses were in existence approximately between 1820 and
1935 and functioned regularly according to their lithurgical calendars with
well defined hierarchies and rituals. The Qjè, priests of the Egúngún cult,

17. Priest of the Égun-cult (see below).

18. Joâo Boa-Fama became a legend of popular tradition. Many stories are told
about him and one in D. M. dos Santos, Contos de Nago, Editora G.R.D., Rio de Janeiro,
1963.
 ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE ÉGUN-CULT 85

knew each other, paid visits to the various cult-houses and participated
in ceremonies outside their own " terreiros ". Thus they constituted a
brotherhood, a kind of masonery with well-defined characteristics. Both
the names and the activities of many of these Qjç are well known. Their
direct descendants, and others whom they initiated in the old cult-houses
continued to practice the rituals of the cult, and preserved to the present
day two cult-houses of the Egúngún which are the only existing in Brazil.
The Ilé-Agbóulá on the island of Itaparica was founded during the first
quarter of this century and can be traced in a direct line from the old "
terreiros ". The IU-Oya is much more recent and is merely a branch of the
former.
These cult-houses of the Egúngún inherited from the old " terreiros " not
only the lithurgy, and the doctrine, not only the knowledge of the mystery
and the secrets of the cult, but also the ancestral Égun who had been on,
and worshipped on the old " terreiros ".
With the passage of time, these Égun of African origin were joined by
those Égun of various Qjç who had died in Bahia and during whose lifetimes
had been sufficiently eminent to merit the honour of being the immortal
guardians of the Nagó culture.

THE EGÚNGÚN CULT

The Nagó believe in the immortality of spirits and worship their

ancestors. This worship takes different forms, beginning with elaborate funeral
rites which, according to the hierarchy of the dead person and the verdict
of Ifá, the ritual oracle, determine the course to be followed by the
respective spirits. All the spirits of dead people are called Arácrun, in other
words, the inhabitants of the çrun 19. In Yorubaland they are also called
àwon-ara-ilé, the inhabitants of earth. The spirits of those dead males
specially prepared so that their bodily forms can be invoked in determined
circumstances and by means of well defined rituals, receive the name of
Égun, Egúngún, Baba Égun or simply Baba.
The prime object of the Egúngún cult is to make the ancestral spirits
visible, to handle the power which emanates from them, and to act as a
vehicle between the living and the dead. While upholding the continuity
between life and death, the Egúngún cult also maintains strict control over
the relationship between the living and the dead, distinguishing
completely between both ■— the world of the living and that of the dead. In fact,
the Baba bring to their descendants and followers the benefits of the
blessing and advice, but they cannot be touched and always remain isolated
from the living. Their presence is rigourously controlled by the Qjç and
nobody can approach the Egúngún.

19. An abstract conception of something infinite, very distant and large.

86 SOCIÉTÉ DES AMÉRICANISTES

The Egúngún appear in characteristic form, totally covered by coloured

cloths, permitting the onlookers to vaguely perceive human forms of
different heights and sizes. It is believed that under the strips of cloth which
cover the bodily forms is the Ěgun of a dead person, a known ancestor, or,
in the event that the bodily form is not recognizable, some aspect related
to death. In the latter case the Egúngún represent collective ancestors
who symbolize moral concepts and are the guardians of inherited customs
and traditions. These collective ancestors are the most respected and
feared of all the Egúngún, keepers as they are of the ethics and moral discipline
of the group.
A supernatural and mysterious power emanates from the Egúngún. This
mystery, awo, is the most important aspect of the Egúngún cult. A chant
directly associated with this aspect states :
1. Gégé oro aso la ri, In accordance with the rites cloth
(are what) we see,
2. La ri, la ri, (That which) we see, (that which)
we see,
3. Gégé orô aso Içmon, In accordance with the rites pieces
of cloth (are what) we see,
4. A ko mç Baba. We do not know, father.
This text is fundamental to the understanding of the basic concepts of
the Egúngún cult. It is directly associated with the mystery of death, awo,
and indicates that death or the elements which are extensions of him (in
Yorúbá death is a masculine substantive) ,are not, nor can be known. As
secrecy of the Egúngún demand, it is not known, nor should one seek to
know, what is hidden under the strips of cloth.
As has already been stated, only the masculine ancestors can be
immortalized through the Egúngún. Similarly, the priests who deal with the
Egúngún are male. Women are completely excluded from all activities related
to the Egúngún. Formely, in Yorubaland, one of the functions of the
Egúngún groups, was the so called " hunting out the Àje ". The Àje, also
known by the name of Iyá-mi (lit. our mothers) or Iya-àgbà (lit. the aged
and venerated mothers) 20, are generally aged women capable of possessing
extraordinary powers. While the A je represent the collective image of
maternity, fertility, fecundity, and the quintessence of life, they also
represent the persecuting, dominating and aggressive image of that self-same
feminine power. The strong matriarchial remnants of Yorúbá society are
balanced by the masculine activity of the Egúngún. In the distant past,
the Egúngún society also had the purpose of discovering and punishing or
banning those old women who used their power in a destructive manner.
It is readily apparent that since the function of the Egúngún is to guarantee

20. Pierre Verger, Grandeur et décadence du culte de Iyami Osoronga, op. cit., p. 142.
 ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE ÉGUN-CULT 87

individual immortality and the immortality of the community by

preserving its social structure by means of the enforcement of its customs and
moral precepts, then they cannot fail to be in blatant opposition to a power
which can be used for destructive ends. The struggle between the sexes
for supremacy is a constant factor in all Yorubá myths and lithurgical texts.
The working out of the balance between these two poles is accomplished
by institutions, whose latent and manifest contents, permit such an
elaboration. In the same way as the masculine ancestors have their institution in
the Egúngún 21, so have the Iyá-mi their female counterparts, their own
institution in the Gçlèdç society 22.
According to certain myth Odùa is the deified representation of the Iyá-
mi, the ancestral mother, and the feminine principle from which
everything originates. Thus Odùa corresponds to Obàtalà or Urisálá who is the
masculine principle and god of creation. These concepts and divine beings
are represented symbolically by a calabash which represents the universe,
the lower half being Odùa and the upper half, being Obàtalà. It is
precisely these deities, the feminine and masculine principles respectively,
which appear in all sacred texts where there are references to the Égun.
According to these texts, masculine imposition wasn't easily achieved.
The man seized supremacy from woman by dint of much patience, no little
cunning, and even by violence. Despite the fact that Obàtalà was the
first man to cover himself with the cloths of the Egúngún, he only, the
consort of Odùa, was sent her bird to control the power which he had
acquired from her 23. Thus the two principles found their balance. Although
the women are totally excluded both from the possibility of being
immortalized by an Egúngún and from the secret activities of the sect, they hold
some titles and functions within the cult-group. They are keen participants
in all cult ceremonies as they offer sacrifices and are allowed, above all,
to sing chants characteristic of the Egúngún during the annual festivities.
In the same way as the Qjç have a formal greeting, which is characteristic
of the sect, so have the women who hold titles their one special manner of
greeting.

QYA-ÎGBÂL&

The power of the bird of the Iyá-mi controll the ancestors. Thus it is
no wonder that a female Ôrisa, Oya-Î gbàlç, is the queen and mother of the

21. Peter Morton Williams goes to great length to explain the ambivalent relation
between both sexes in his article " Yoruba Responses to the Fear of Death ", op. cit.
22. U. Beier, " Gelede Masks ", Odu, № 6, 1956, " Les Masques Gelede ", in Études
Dahoméennes, Nouvelle série, 1966.
23. Text of the Odù Osá Méji : Iyami and the creation of the É gun-clothing, in Pierre
Verger, op. cit., p. 200. The Odu are any of the 16 corpses of the Ifá oracular texts,
Jfd being the god of prophecy.
88 SOCIÉTÉ DES AMÉRICANISTES

Égun. In Bahia also, Oya-Î gbàlç, is worshipped along side the Egúngún.
It is she who commands the world of the dead. Various myths have
clarified the relationship of the Baba-Égun with Oya, a shortened version of
Oya-Î gbàlç.
Egúngún was the ninth son of Oya 24. " The myth relates that Oya was
the wife of Ogún and could not have children. She consulted a BabaV-
awo who revealed that she could only have sons with a man who possessed her
violently. So it was that Sàngô took her. Oya had nine sons by him. The
first eight were born dumb. Again Oya went and consulted the BabaV-
awo who told her to make sacrifices. The result was the birth of Egúngún
or Égun, who was not dumb, but could only speak with a voice which was
not human. "
This refers to the unique manner in which the Égun speak, a subject to
which we shall return later.
One of her oriki 25, also names her îya-mésàn-çrun, Mother-of-the-nine-
çrun, the nine sons desented in the myth. Qrun is an abstract concept
of an infinite, wide and distant place, inhabited by the Arâ-çrun, the
ancestral spirits.
Of equal importance^ is the relationship which the myth establishes
between Sàngô and the Égun. It has already been stated (p. 82) that the
cults of Sàngô and Egúngún originated from the same region, Qyó, the land
of the Yorùbâ proper. The relationship between Sàngô and Égun is of vital
importance but is beyond the scope of the present work.
Another myth, whose text forms part of the Odù-Èji-Ologbon, narrates
how the secret society of the Egúngún was created. Histories handed down
from father to son narrate that the secret-society of the Égun, the worship
"of In
thethe
spirits
beginning
of the ancestors,
of the world,
was created
the woman
according
intimidated
to the following
the man legend
of that:
time and twisted them around their little fingers. For this reason Oya
(more commonly known in the Afro -Brazilian cults as Iyâsan) was the first
to invent the secret or masonery of the Egúngún in every aspect. Thus,
when the women wanted to abase their husbands, they met at a cross-road
with Iyâsan in the van. Iyâsan was already there with a big monkey which
she had trained. This monkey had been dressed with clothes especially
designed for that purpose. The monkey was at the foot of the trunk of an
igi (tree) and would perform as was determined by Iyâsan by means of a
switch which she had in her hand. The switch is known as the isán. After
a special ceremony the monkey appeared performing its skills, as dictated
by Iyâsan. This wras done in full sight of the men who ran away terrified
b;y that apparition. Finally, one day the men decided to take measures

24. Juana Elbein e Deoscoredes M. dos Santos, versâo mimiografaca, op. cit., p. 38.
25. An attributive name; generally an aglutinated phrase, poem or chant, expressing
something heroic or prized. It- defines qualities or particular facts of lineages, gods and
divinities.
 ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE EGUN-CULT 89

to put an end to the continued shame of living under the thumb of the women
as they were doing. So they decided to go to the house of Orûmilà (god of
the oracle Ifa) to consult Ifá in order to know what they could do to remedy
that situation.
After consultation Orûmilà explained to them all what was happening,
and what steps they should take. Then he sent Ogún to make an offering,
ebo, of roosters, a gown, a sword and a used hat, at the cross-roads at the
foot of the afore-mentioned tree, before the women met together. No
sooner said, than done. Ogún arrived very early at the cross-roads and did
with the roosters as ordered by Orûmilà. Afterwards he put on the gown,
put on the hat, and took the sword in his hand. Later on the same day,
when all the women had arrived and congregated to celebrate the usual rites,
suddenly, at a certain moment, there appeared before them a terrifying
form. So terrifying was this apparition that the leader of the women,
Iyàsan herself was the first to flee. Due to the strength and power which
she possessed she disappeared from the face of the earth forever. Thus,
from that time forth the men have domesticated the women and are the
absolute masters of the cult. They forbad and still forbid any woman to
penetrate the secret of any type of masonic-society. But as the saying
goes, "it is the exception which makes the rule ". Thus those very rare
cases in which previously women had been allowed to participate in Yorúbá
territory, continued and exist under exceptional circumstances. This
explains the reason why Iyâsan — Oya — is worshipped and venerated by
everybody as the Queen and Founder of the secret society of the Egún-
gún on Earth " 26. This myth also underlines the priority of feminine power.
In Bahia on the Terreiro of Égun, Oya-îgbàlç is worshipped in a special
" assento ", a place usually reserved for the celebration of the private rites
for Égun. She receives offerings on pre-determined occasions and is
worshipped in the chants and greetings. Her oriki is sang whenever there are
celebrations of great importance.
The Qjç hold her in great awe. Adé-îgbàlç, the crown of the îgbàlè thus
Queen of the îgbàlç, is one of the names by which she is known. One of
the oriki clearly defines the extent of her participation and her role in the
cult :
Oral Form Analytical Form
1. Oya gbàlç Oya (î)gbàlç Oya îgbàlç
2. Alákoko Ala(à)kôko Mistress of the "assento"
of the Égun
3. Abiya lake Abiya(mon) lake Heir of the high places
4. Oni láwa Oni {aso)láwa(awe) Mistress of the-strips-
of-cloth.

26. This story is J>art of the oral tradition handed down from generation to generation
at the cult-house Ase Opó Àfpnjà, situated in Sâo Gonçalo do Retiro, Bahia.
90 SOCIÉTÉ DES AMÉRICANISTES

This oriki provides the following information. In line two (2) we are
informed that Oya-îgbàlç is mistress of the Qpákóko, crook or trunk of the Akoko
tree, rammed into the earth, being the place of the " assento " of the
ancestors 27. Line three (3) informs us that Oya-îgbàlç is the mistress of the
high places. This reference is made to the manner in which she controls
the wind which blows over the roofs, thereby expressing the agressive side
of her nature. This aspect of Oya is complemented by the following saying :
a) Aféfé Ikú Wind of Death.
b) Efùfùlèlè ti' dá gi Гоке Гоке The rushing of the wind which smashes
down trees from the top.
Line four (4) informs us that Oya is the mistress of the strips of cloth,
symbolic expression of the characteristic clothes of the Baba-Egun.

ONÎLË, ÈSÙ AND OsANYÎN

It has already been stated that the Arà-çrun are also called in Africa
Awon-ará-ilé, inhabitants of the earth. They are worshipped collectively
in a special place, a small mound of earth, in the open air, with a branch
of a tree stuck into the top of the mound which has been specially prepared
for that purpose. This place is called Onilç, the masters of the earth. Onilç,
is considered to be a god and is worshipped as such, by the Elegúngún (priests
of the Egúngún), since Onilç is the collective representative of the
ancestors. He must always be the first to be worshipped and the very first to
receive the offerings. He is also the first to be invoked. Both in Bahia
and in West Africa the rites of the Égun begin by paying him homage :
1. Onilè ibà re Onilç, Thou are venerated
2. Onilç mo jubà Onilç, I present to thee my humble
respects.
The ancestors receive also the name of Imolç and are worshipped at the
foot of Onilç. For this reason it is said that Onilç is always accompanied
by the Imolç. He is held as the god of justice.
Oaths are sworn and agreements are made in his name. His
pronouncements are accepted without appeal. It is believed that Imolç is extremely
severe in the punishments he metes out to those who do not fulfill the
promises made in his name.
Finally Èsù and 0sanyin are two entities who are also worshipped by the
Elegúngún. Èsù is ubiquitious. He moves both in the world of the living
and of the dead. The myths attribute to him the role of inspector general
and reports on the way in which the sacrifices and rites are conducted. He

27. See description below, Opákoko.

 ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE ÉGUN-CULT 91

is the carrier of all requests and supervises and informs Olçrun (the supreme
god) about all the offerings. A detailed analysis of Èsù permits a
comparison to be made between his characteristics and those of the ancestors. He
also represents the power of the ancestors and embodies one of their most
important aspects — the continuity of life. This latter aspect makes Èsù,
like the ancestors, a propitiatory entity and together with Onile and Imole
he has priority on invocations and sacrifices. He is " assentado " in the
open air protecting the entries to houses, small holdings and villages. Or
he can have his " assentos " inside the houses prepared with composite
mixtures which sometimes may take on a peculiar anthropomorphic form.
Because of his propitiatory qualities, Èsù receives together with the Araç-
run and the Egun the first fruits, befitting not only fertility but also sexual
potency. He is often represented with an enormous phallus ; on other
occasions he is represented with a characteristic head-dress, a phallic
transference. This same phallic transference is apparent in his most important
attribute — his Ogo. The Ogo is a short thick club with a sort of knot or
head at one end. This characteristic attribute of Èsù, the subject of many
myths, is only used by Èsù and by some Égun.
The Pade is a name of a special rite during which a propitiatory parcel
(called in Yoruba ipade) is carried out to invoke all the male and female
ancestors, together with Èsu and all other kind of spirits, so that they will
come to receive the offerings of the load (each of whose component parts
is highly symbolical and directed at satisfying the invoked entities and
thereby to obtain from them the desired benefits) and will not interfere in the
ceremonies to be realized.
This rite is performed on those " terreiros " where the Ôrisà are
worshipped. Great care is taken so that during the invocation of the Ôrisà there
is no interference by non-deified beings. In the Ôrisà cult-houses also,
before the beginning of the Àsèsè, funeral rites, the Pade is performed in
order to propitiate, and above all to permit without interference, the
completion of the ritual of the " assentamento " of the new spirit.
On the contrary, on the " terreiro " of the Égun where the ancestors are
invoked, the dispatching of the Pade is not necessary. In fact, the
ceremony of the Pade which is so vitaly important in the cult-houses of the
Ôrisà, does not constitute part of the lithurgy of the É gun-cult.
This essential difference between the Ôrisà and the Égun is well brought
in the words of a chant sung in Africa during the Egúngún festivals :
1. Egúngún Га me We are worshipping Egúngún
2. Awa o soom We are not worshipping the Ôrisà
3. K'alaso funfun Those dressed in white clothes
shippers of Ôrisà)
4. Kúro Vagbo wa Must stay away from our circle.
It has already been said that Èsù moves both in the world of the living
and of the dead. He is the intermediary and messenger both for the Ôrisà
92 SOCIÉTÉ DES AMÉRICANISTES

and for the ancestors. Thus he is worshipped, with due precautions,

be it lésé Orisà or lésé Égun 28.
The Egúngún performs all the functions of a Babaláwo, priest versed in
the technique, understanding and interpretation of the Ifá oracle. The
Babaláwo reads the message transmitted by the positions of the cowrie-
shells or of the çpèlè 29. The Egúngún is the direct voice of the ancestor.
His word is sacrosanct. He replays to all who come to consult him, giving
advice, settling legal questions, ordering sacrifices to be made, prescribing
rites to be performed and different types of purification. In the majority
of the prescriptions the use of leaves is indispensable. Just as leaves are
indispensable in all the rites of initiation into the cult. Since Osányin is
the owner of all the leaves, the patron of medicine, his participation in the
" terreiro " of Egun is essential.
In summary it may be said that in the .Egim-cult-house not only are the
Égun themselves worshipped, but also Onilè, Imolè, Oya-îgbàlè, Èsù and
Qsányin.

THE EGÚNGÚN CULT-HOUSE

Every Egúngún terreiro must have an Onilè, a mound of earth in the

open air, generally situated very close to the Ilé-awo, the house of the secret,
were are the other " assentos " of the cult. This house may only be used
by the initiated and is near to the "barracâo" (permanent pavilion for the
public ceremonies). The Ilé-awo contains the Lésànyin or îgbàlè.
The geographical area of the " terreiro " of the Egúngún-cult can be
separated into three units each with its specific function :
A. Those places frequented without restrictions by all the followers of
the cult and participants at the public ceremonies. This unit is
constituted by a part of the " barracâo ", the open-space both in front and at the
sides of the " barracâo " and the space in front of the Onilè.
B. Those places to which the Egúngún come to participate in the
festivals and which can only be frequented by initiates or people accompanied
by initiates. It is in these places that the Baba receive offerings, fulfill some
of their prescribed rites, dance, sing, give blessings and deliver messages.
This unit comprises another part of the " barracâo " and the open space
between the Onilè and the Ilé-awo. In that part of the " barracâo ", strictly
reserved for the appearance of the Égun, is the throne and chairs which the
Baba use during the public ceremonies.
This unit also includes the anteroom of the Ilé-awo, where the Qje meet
with the other initiates. Here it is that the first rites of initiation take

28. Sustainers of the Orisà, sustainers of the Égun ; in the cult of the Orisà, in the cult
of the Égun.
29. Divining-chain of Ifá, god of the oracle of prophecy. This chain is comprised of
8 palm-seeds, having a concave and a convex side each.
 ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE ÉGUN-CULT 93

place. It is the social-room of the Ojè. This place is closed to

non-initiates. In this anteroom is the " assento " of Èsù since it has to be at the
entrance door of the Ilé-awo. Near to this assento is that of Qsányin.
С. The third unit is the Lésànyin or îgbàlè. This can only be frequented
by the senior Ojè versed in all the secrets of the cult and who therefore are fully
conditioned to be able to deal with those situations directly related to the
mystery of the sect. Here it is that the ancient Égun, Égun-Àgbà, are
" assentados ", were the new Egun are prepared, and where all the Egun
are invoked.
The îgbàlè, which in Africa were a glade in the secret forest, in Bahia
is an isolated building in which are performed the private and secret rites
of the cult. All the decisions of the sect are taken at the îgbàlè. Only
the most senior Qjè may enter it.
In Bahia the îgbàlè, more commonly pronounced Bàlè, is abo called
Lésànyin : lié -f- ésàn -j- y in, the house of worship of 1 y à- m es an- çr un, or the
house of worship of Mésàn-çrun, in other words, the worship of the children
of Oya, the Arâ-çrun and the Égun.
On no account must the Ilé-ibo-akú, the house of worship of the dead
lésé Ôrisà, be confused with the Lésànyin, the house of worship of the Égun
lésç Égun. In the Ilé-ibo the spirits of the Adósíi, priestesses initiated in
the cult of the Ôrisà, are worshipped. In the Lésànyin the Arâ-çrun in
general and the spirits of those initiated into the mystery of the Egun are
worshipped.
Qtç ni Égun, çtç ni Orisà
This phrase repeated by Baba-Egun in various occasions means that the
Egun are totally different from the Orisà.
Similarly the funeral rites and the " assentamento " of the dead people
are different in the two cults 30.
The attendance of the Égun at different funeral ceremonies held on " ter-
reiros " of Orisà is due to exceptional circumstances. In such cases the
invocation and appearance of the Égun occurs in places separate and
exclusively prepared for such functions. Conversely, on the " terreiro " of Égun
there may be a house or place of worship dedicated to the Orisà. Such a
place is totally independent of those houses dedicated to the worship of the
Egúngún.
During the Àsèsè of a senior priestess of the Ôrisà, on the night of the
6th to the 7th day of the funeral ceremony, when the spirit of the dead
priestess is invoked, the spirit may appear accompanied by certain senior
Égun, protectors of the " terreiro ", ancestor of certain family-lineages.

30. It should be noticed that the assento registered by René Ribeiro in Recife at the
(Ig)Bàlè are correct and are not substitutes of the « assentos " at the Ilé-ibo (confused
with the Lésànyin, " Ile-Saim " as spelt by Bastide) which are very different. Roger
Bastide, op. cit., Footnote on page 88. René Ribeiro, op. cit., page 40.
94 SOCIÉTÉ DES AMÉRICANISTES

These Egúngún escort the new spirit, communicate its last orders
and will be responsible for taking it and separating it from the egbe, the
community of the cult. Two ceremonies of these type occurred at the
terreiro Àse Opó Afonjá, on the occasion of the funeral ceremonies of the
famous Iyâlorisà Мае Aninha, Oba Bíiyií, and Мае Senhora, Qsun Múiwá,
the Íyá-Ňasó of the above mentioned À se 81.
In the Lésànyin are the places of worship of the venerated entities. Theie
too are kept the sacred objects essential for the invocation of the Égun.
The îgbàlç contains the £)pá-Kóko : Opá -\- Акоко, a preceptual staff made
from a thick branch of the Акоко tree, or in the absence of this, from any
other sacred tree. The staff is stuck into the earth. The Акоко tree is
one of those trees worshipped in Yorubaland. The Dictionary of the Oxford
University Press notes, " its leaf is placed on the head of a new king or chief
as annointement. The tree is so sacred that it is never used for fire or
touched with an axe... " 32. Abraham also says : " it is commonly seen around
(the) igbo-igbàlè" 33.
In fact, the cult of trees is one of the oldest cults in Yorubaland. Thus
many myths begin with the phrase, " in an age when man adored trees... "
Elégbé bogi is the oriki used for tree-worshippers. Some of these sacred
trees are used for different ritual purposes. In certain cults and in funeral
ceremonies, tree-trunks are used as substitutes for the dead. Branches are
found in places where the ancestors are worshipped. We also find in such
places slender switches called isan. In the hands of the Qjè these serve
to invoke the ancestors. In Africa, in front of the big temples, is a
special spot where the ancestors are worshipped : here stands the Opá which
represents them collectively. The Qpá, branches, staffs or ritual sceptres,
are of vital importance in the Egúngún cult. A chant sung by^ the Egúngún
in Bahia, allows us to infer the importance attributed to the Qpá :
Olo'run
Olçrun Olççpa
Olorun
Olçrun, the supreme god is the master of the Opá. It is as if Qlçrun has
delegated part of his own power to the Opá.
Also in the Lésànyin, but completely independent of the Qpákoko, the
collective representation of the ancestors, are the individual " assentos " of
some Égun-àgbà. These are clay pots, with special shapes having very wide

31. José de Lima, op. cit., describes one of the funeral rites, " obrigaçôes ", of^ the
Iydlàrïsà Мае Aninha. We should insist that this description does not refer to an Égun
Festival, but to an extraordinary " obrigaçâo " at an Orisà cult-house at which the Égun
appeared executing one of his functions during funeral rites for an Adósii.
32. A Dictionary of the Yoruba Language, Oxford University Press, London, second
edition, 1950, London, p. 27.
33. R. C. Abraham, op. cit., p. 44.
 ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA Г THE EGUN-CULT 95

mouths. These pots contain a solid mixture made up of ritual elements.

Such " assentos " are completely different from the " assentos " of the
Ilé-ibo lésé Ôrisà. The pots of the "assentos" of the Égun are laid on a low
bench of earth, called pèpéle. In front of the Opákoko and the individual
" assentos " are very small holes called ojúbo. In these holes are placed
and sprinkled at the beginning of the ceremony, a little of each offering.
It is precisely in the îgbàlè that the Qje invoke the Egúngún. For this
purpose they use the isan, or ritual switch ; grasping this firmly in their
right hands, the Oje strike the earth three times, at the same moment as
they pronounce the secret formulas. At the third such invocation the
Égun should reply. Since inhabitants of the earth, then it will be precisely
from the earth that the Egúngún should surge forth.
The isan is a stick about 1.60 mts. long. It may be made from branches
from the Atari (Glyphaea Lateriflora) 34, a tree specially noted for its
hardness, or from the mid-rib of the fronds of the Igi-Qpe (Elacis Guineensis) 35,
oil-palm. The isan is an Qpá which has been ritually prepared and is the
only means by which an Égun can be controlled and kept at a distance.
Since the isan represents the ancestors and is of their same nature, it
possesses the necessary qualities to deal with them.
The Qjb use isan not only to call the Égun, but also to guide them, and
finally to dismiss them by means of formula known only to them.
Depending on the circumstances, the Ojb can invoke the Égun in any other place
besides the îgbàlè. Although the Baba-Égun usually comes out from the
Lésànyin, he can also appear in other places if circumstances demand, but
it is rather exceptional for this to happen.
The Oje not only control the Égun through the isan but also separated
the Égun from the world of the living. An isan placed horizontally on the
floor stops the Baba from going beyond that place where the isan lies. The
isan can also be held by the Égun as a whip. Such an occasion is an event
to be feared because it suggests the anger of the ancestors and the
punishment which he may impose. The isan are kept in the îgbàlè and must
always remain upright. A group of isan placed upright arranged like the
frame of a wigwam, crossing each other just below the points, indicates
the presence of the Qjf in that area and warns the passers-by and local
inhabitants of the rites to be imminently performed by the members of the
sect 36.

34. R. C. Abraham, op. cit., p. 77.

35. R. C. Abraham, op. cit., p. 523.
" annunchans
36. Joâo do " Rio mentions " the twigs " and also " the marmelo-twigs " held by the
(Amúisan) and held by the Ěgun, As Religiôes no Rio, op. cit., pp. 48-49.
Also Manuel Querino documents " with a small switch he hit the floor 3 times which is
the equivalent of invoking the spirit of the dead ". A Raça Afričana, op. cit., p. 9^7.
96 SOCIÉTÉ DES AMÉRICANISTES

HIERARCHIES
The members of a " terreiro " of the Egúngún form a male secret society.
Each of these societies possesses a site and an organization of its own. In
view of the fact that all the priests of all the Egúngún terreiros are initiated
into a common secret, so do they belong to a masonery which makes them
all brothers. The organization of the various " terreiros " differ little one
from the other.
We can distinguish various categories of members depending on the
respective degrees of initiation, length of membership, and specific duties.
The passage from one category to another is delineated by well denned
rituals and can only be achieved depending on the individual behaviour
of the members and the vote of acceptance by the elders. It is the elders
who decide if the personal qualities and the behaviour of the novices permit
them to be further initiated into the cult-mysteries.

AMÚISAN

The novices constitute the group of the Amúisan 37, as this name
indicates they are bearers of the isan. They don't know the secret of the sect,
the awo, nor do they know the secrets of the invocation of the Baba-Égun.
They are only allowed to enter the anteroom of the Lésànyin ; they do not
know the îgbàlè, nor do they know how the " assentos " of the new Égun are
prepared. They look after the " barracâo " and the surrounding area and carrying
the isan they keep the adepts separate from the Égun.
They are responsible for the preparation of the public-places during the
festivals and basically perform minor tasks, accompanying and helping the

The Qjç of the future will be chosen from the Amúisan. Thus it is one
step through which every Qjç must pass. Not all Amúisan move beyond
this category ; there are some old members of the cult who continue being
Amúisan.
In Bahia initiation into the cult of Egúngún is hereditary in some
families 38. The candidacy of other future Amúisan are promoted by some

37. A Dictionary of the Yoruba Language, Amman " The one which holds the Isan
(spiral striped switch) in front of an Egúngún ", op. cit., p. 37. Abraham records, Amún-
són : " That which manages a switch ison... used during the Egúngún ceremony ".
38. It has already been mentioned that the Ojè Joâo-Dois-Metros, chief of the Terreiro
da Encarnaçâo was the son of Tio Serafim chief of the Terreiro of Veracruz ; Marcos Teodoro
Pimentel, chief of the Terreiro of Tuntun was the son of Tio Marcos-the-Old, Chief of the
Terreiro Mocambo, the Ojè Eduardo Daniel de Paula, Chief of the Terreiro lié Agbóulá
was the son of Tio Manoei Antonio, Ojè of the Terreiro of Tuntun.
 ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE EGUN-CULT 97

senior Qjç or a candidate may be chosen by an Égun. Finally, special

circumstances in the life of a boy or adolescent may oblige the family to have
him initiated.
On yet other occasions, also due to certain specific events, the BabaV-
awo is consulted and may recommend, after consulting the Ifá-oracle, that
the person should be initiated into the cult. In all such cases, it is only
after the vote of the senior Qjç and the approval of the Égun, that the
candidate can be initiated.
The initiation at lésé Orisà is totally different from the initiation lésç
Égun. Whereas the novice lésç Ôrisà, is being prepared as an Adósu in
order to receive the Orisà by means of possession, the Amúisan is prepared
so that, as an Qjç, he shall share and be initiated into a mystery. The
state of possession is incompatible with the duties and practices of an Qjç.

The Qjç constitute the priestly body of the cult. They are initiated into
a secret which they must keep above all else. They are united by a pact
between themselves and between them and the spirits. This pact is
sacrosanct, immutable and permanent.
The oath which binds the Qjè to the cult forever is sealed by the introjec-
tion of earth, leaves and of a ritual beverage which contains symbolic
elements which render this union unbreachable. The most important
obligation which the Qjç undertakes at oath is silence, not to reveal the awo.
In the old days failure to fulfill the clauses of the oath could result in
punishment and even in death.
Failure to fulfill the terms of the oath, or indescretion on the part of the
Qjç are severely punished. By the pact which he has made with the earth
and with the spirits the Qjç submits himself to their judgment.
The initiation of the Amúisan to become an Qjç begins in the " barracâo "
where he is presented by two Qjç-àgbà to the public.
Once the ritual chants have been sung in the presence of all the Qjç, the
Amúisan who is the central figure of the ceremony, hands over the animals
and ether elements which will be offered and used during the initiation rites.
The offering of a quadruped is indispensable. The Amúisan is naked from
the waist up, is barefoot, his trousers are rolled up and he has been
blindfolded with a new, white towel. He is led by one of the Qjç-àgbà out from
the " barracâo ". Still blind-folded, he is led towards the Ilé-awo while the
following chant is being sung :
1. Olo'run awo Olo'run (is the) mystery (the secret)
2. Bàlç Olçrun
' awo Igbàlç is the mystery of Olo'run
3. Bàlç The îgbàlç
98 SOCIÉTÉ DES AMÉRICANISTES

The blind-fold will only be taken off much later in the anteroom of the Lésà-
nyln. This only done once the extensive ritual, which the Amúisan sees
nothing of, has been completed.
Only once the ritual drink has been embided, the questioning satisfied,
the solemn oath been taken and the annointment with the blood of a
sacrificed animal (which bring to perfection the indestructability of the union)
being performed, only then because he is now capable of sight, is the
blindfold removed.
Still the new Oje does not enter the îgbàlè. Before he can enter the îgbàlç,
he will have to train in order to acquire deeper religious experience.
Sometimes it will even be necessary for him to undergo a new ceremony. During
this period he is under the supervision of one of the Ojç-àgbà who guides
the new Ojç in his knowledge. Frequently the new Qjp receives the title
of Qtún (first assistant to a holder of a title). In due course he will
succeed to the title of the Ojç-àgbà whose Qtún he is.
The members of the cult of the Egúngún are known by various names,
In Bahia the designation of the-guardian-of-the-Qpá as Agbó-Qpá is
unknown.
The Qjç is also known as Màriwo n. The relationship of this name with
the Màriwo, palm-fronds of Igi-Qpe or Igi-Qgçrç, shredded from the mid-rib
of the leaf, has yet to be established. These latter Màriwo are used for
many purposes in the cult and are always present whenever there is any
event associated with death or extraordinary dangers. " Their function is to
isolate and to protect. During the funeral ceremonies the Màriwo are placed
at all doors and windows... Màriwo are also placed round the arms of the
priests and the followers in order to give them immunity and to keep the
spirits at a distance. Ogùn, hunter, warrier, and merciless executioner, who
was the object of veneration of a secret masculine society, as well, also is
bedecked with the Màriwo to insulate his destructive power. Curtains
made of Màriwo are placed in front of shrines as means of affording
protection... These Mariwo curtains have a preventive purpose in the cults.
They notify everybody of the presence of imminent danger, obstructing the
entry to those places where the treatment of the supernatural is delegated
to initiates prepared for such functions. The presence of Màriwo also
indicates the existence of something which must remain hidden, a forbidden
mystery which inspires respect and fear, some secret which can only be
shared by those initiates specifically trained for this purpose " 40.
The name Màriwo, (in the context of being synonymous with Qjç), applied
to initiates into the secret of the Egúngún, appears in various myths and
ritual chants.

39. Abraham, op. cit., p. 428 quotes : Monriwó.

40. Juana Elbein e Deoscoredes M. dos Santos, " O iko nos ritos de possessâo de
Obalúaiyé na Bahia ", op. cit.
 ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE EGUN-CULT 99

1. Biri-biri bo won lójú Darkness covers their eyes

2. Qgbèri nko mo Màriwo Those who have not been initiated
can not know the mystery of the
Màriwo
Another chant, used in Yorubaland, refers to the palm-fronds in connection
with the Égun-cxút.
1. Màriwo çpé у о méfà lôkè The six new leaves which shoot forth
from the heights of the palm-tree
2. Ijó awo pé o àgbà çjç Announce to the senior Qjç the day
of the mystery.
This chant explains that the birth of the six Màriwô-îronds indicate the day
on which the Qje-àgbà must hold the festivals.

The elders

In Bahia, the highest position in the hierarchy of each " terreiro " is the
Alágbd. He is the most senior Oje of his " terreiro ". There is unanimity
among those few scholars who have described the Égun-cult as to the
existence of the title Alágbá and his respective functions 41. He is known
as :
Alágbá Baba Màriwo
Alágbá, father of the Màriwo
His senior assistant is the Qtún-Alágbá (" his right-hand man "). In Bahia
the Qtún assumes the post of Alágbá on the death of the title-holder.
Subordinate to these in the hierarchy is a group of title-holders. Their
importance depends more on the seniority of the Qjç than on the title itself. Some
very senior Ojç who are highly respected within the cult may have no special
title other than that of Qjç.
All the incumbents of the above positions are known by the generic
designation of Àgbà-Qjç.
In the same way as the Alágbá is the head of the " terreiro ", the Alápini
is the head of all the masonery 42. There are as many Alágbá as there are
" terreiros " of Égun. But there can only be one Alàpini. Hence the
saying :
Alàpini îpekun Qjç
Alapini the absolute title-holder.

41. Reverend Samuel Johnson was one of the first to document the title and describe
its function, The History of the Yorubas, C.M.S., (Nigeria) Bookshops, Lagos, 1966, p. 29.
42. Johnson states that the Alàpini was a noble-man " sharing the most important
privileges of the house of Oyo ", op. cit., p. 30.
100 SOCIÉTÉ DES AMÉRICANISTES

The word ipekun means
supreme and absolute post
In Bahia, because of the
lineage of the Aldpini, this
recognition of merit, on one of
the end, completion, final limit, signifying the
in the hierarchy.
non-existence of known royal-houses nor of the
title is not hereditary. It is bestowed in
the Alágbá 43.

MALE ÎJÔYÈ

Certain titles, oyè, are given to people who are followers of the cult. In
some cases they are relations of the £fjç. In others they are given the titles
because of their prominent position in the negro-social life of Bahia or because
of the services which they rendered to the cult and which make them
suitable subjects to receive such honours. The titles are bestowed in public
ceremonies by the Baba-Égun in person and must be confirmed by the
appropriate ceremonies which include the handing over of the preceptual
offerings. It is a tradition that the new holder of the title should present
a new chair on the occasion of his installation. From then on this will
be his official chair in the " barracâo ". The title-holders constituted the
group known as the îjôyè 44.

ALÁGBE

Independent of all the above mentioned categories every " terreiro " has
its own group of Alágbe, the drummers who perform during the festivals.
They are chosen by the Egun in the first instance and their appointment is
confirmed by specific rites. They may or may not be chosen from among
the group of the Amúisan.
In Bahia, the drummer is not a professional. On each " terreiro " there
is an Alágbe with his assistants, Qtún and Osi (lit. right and left), an ago go
player and another who plays the sçkçrç 45. They are the official players
and are responsible for the ritual instruments of the " terreiro ". They know
every type of beat, greeting and the ritual chants, specifically for each and
every Ěgun.

43. One of the most illustrious Alápini was Marcos Teodoro Pimentel, chief of the
Terreiro of Tuntun.
44. Ijôyè or Àjùyè is the way that this word is pronounced at the lié Agbóulá, The
first one registered by Abraham under Oyè, op. cit., p. 497.
45. The agogo is an iron percussion instrument with a double mouth. Any piece of
iron beaten by an iron rod would serve the same purpose, it is also known under the name
of gan in Bahia. This word is of Fon origin and it appears in R. P. B. Segurola's,
Dictionnaire Fon-Français, Procure de l'Archidiocèse, Cotonou, 1963, p. 176. The sèkèrè
is a calabash covered with a net of cowries or beads.
 ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA Г THE ÉGUN-CULT 101

FEMALE ÎJÔYÈ

Some women are also holders of important titles. Althuiigh they are
absolutely forbidden from participating in the secret of the Lésànyin, they
fulfill specific functions in the cult and are highly respected in the
community. The higher ranking post in the hierarchy which are open to women
in Bahia are :
Îya-Egbé : She is the leader of all the female participants. It is she who
receives all the information concerning the cult and it is she who is
responsible for carrying out the wishes of the Égun. She is the first to be
greeted by the Baba. Usually she is an old person who occupies a
prominent position in the community. Like the Alágbá the îya-egbe has her own
Qtún-and Osi.
Îya-Mondç : She is the leader of the female worshippers of the Egúngún.
She passes on all the requests and messages made by the women to the Baba.
She is the most frequent leader of the ritual chants entoned by the women.
She also by means of chants can solicit the presence of the Égun. She too
has her Qtun and Osi.
Îya-Agçn or îyàgan : She is responsible for receiving and handing over
the offerings made to the Égun. She too has her Qtún and Ôsi.
Other titles with various duties are : Íyálé-Alágbá, îyakekeré, îyalçjà,
Íyámoro, Íyá Mon-Yoyo, Elémasó.

THE EGÚNGÚN

Classification, speech, clothing and preceptual rites

The Qjç are intermediaries between the living and the dead. They are
responsible for making the spirits visible and making them appear publicly.
This is the main object of the initiation of the 0jç. An Qjç learns to deal
with the nry stery of death and with the derivative relations. He learns the
secret of the invocation and handling of the dead.
The well-known scholar Ulli Beier has written, " the spirit which is being
worshipped is considered to be neither good nor evil but is conceived as a
power for either qualities. Being a power it is potentially dangerous if
wrongly treated but if worshipped in the correct way it will help the
community by protecting it... and bringing children " 46. Further on Beier
says : " The appearance of the Egúngún... underlines the feeling of oneness

46. Ulli Beier, " The Egungun Cult ", Nigeria Magazine, Lagos, 1956, n° 51, p. 392.
102 SOCIÉTÉ DES AMÉRICANISTES

between the living and the dead and will fill the crowd with a feeling of
love as well as of awe " 47.
The .Egim-society, by making the ancestral spirits evident, is fulfilling
one of its more important functions : making immortality, a basic concept
of Yoruba philosophy, incontestable and unchallengeable.
The Qjç is the means of executing and making effective the functions
which the i£gim-society fulfills in the community. He performs those rituals
based on such functions and is the guardian of the Égun worshipped on
the " terreiro ".
In Bahia, the Qjç who takes care of an Egun is known by the name of
Atokè, recorded by Abraham and in " A Dictionary of the Yoruba Language "
as Atokùn 48. The^ Atokè is always a senior Qjç. An Qjç can be the Atokè
of more than one Egun. He is responsible for invoking the Égun, attending
on them and making them visible.
Each Égun has his own characteristic clothing, which suggests the outline
of a human form. Each Egun carries specific symbols, has his own chants
and forms of greeting which identify him. The forms differ from Égun to
Égun according to the category in which they may be grouped :
A. Those classified as Baba-Égun or Égun-Àgbà are characterized by
the large number of strips of cloth with which they are bedecked. They
only make public appearances at the major ceremonies of the cult or at the
annual festival which is dedicated to them.
The conjunct of the clothing of each Egun is known in Bahia as Qpá.
This name is derived from Qpákoko {vide supra), the collective " assento "
of the Egúngún, because in the last instance in the same way as the staff
Qpá represents the Egun so are the cloths the only visible sign of the
presence of an Égun.
The strips of cloth, falling down as a curtain, are fixed to a solid piece
which may be either square or round and forms the top off the Qpá. All
this is known as the abala. The strips of cloth are of different colours and
profusely decorated with mirrors, cowry-shells, small bells and beads. The
movement of the overlapping strips of the abala allow the onlooker to
perceive a sort of a boiler-suit called káfó, in the front of which is the bànté, a
sort of narrow, rectangular apron. The bànté is an article of clothing which
characterizes the Egun-Agbà and is a fundamental preccptual object. The
designs^ made by the mirrors and cowry-shells on the bànté individualize
each Egun. These symbolic designs are related to the mystery of each
Égun and constitute his most powerful attribute.
At the Terreiro Ilé-Agbóulá, the Égun call Baba Olúkctún is regarded

47. Bolaji Idowu also writes : " ... thus they are possessors of limitless potentialities which
they can exploit for the benefit or to the detriment of those who still live on earth. For
that reason, it is necessary to keep them in a state of peaceful contentment. " op. cit.,
p. 192.
48. Abraham, op. cit., p. 27.
 ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE EGUN-CULT 103

as the king, leader of all the Egúngún. Thus he is Olúkctún Olóri Égun
(lit. lord and master of the Égun) whereas the Baba Agbóulá is the patron
of the " terreiro ".
The list of Baba-Agbà worshipped on this " terreiro " is immense. Some
of the oldest are : Alâàte-Qrun, Olçjapiu, Olçjà-Qrun, Olôgbojô, Arásojú,
Okoto, Awolàse, Adé-Qrun, Ajopç. The Égun Baba Alápala stands out from
the other Baba-Agbà and is feared to an exceptional degree because of his
enormous power. He is called Onídán, owner-of-the-ídá/г, supernatural
power. His clothing is red and flowing, differentiating him from the other
Baba-àgbà.
B. Another category of Égun is well represented by the Égun called
Alâàporiyô or Aldàpôyç. This Egun has neither abala nor bànté. His
clothing looks like an enormous sack which extends into a long tail dragging
over the floor.
C. Another category of Égun are the so called Apâàràkâ. They are
completely flat in appearance, in a rectangular form when seen from the
front, in very narrow form when seen in profile. As was the case of the
preceding category they have neither abala nor bànté. Their clothing is
of vivid colour, with large flamboyant designs. Generally they appear
accompanying the Egun-àgbà.
Whereas the Égun-àgbà represent the ancestors of important families,
the Apâàràkâ are new spirits whose rites have not yet been completed.
They are unable to talk and rely on the Baba-àgbà to speak for them.
The Égun speak in a very curious manner : some in a deep hoarse and
cavernous voice. Others speak in a very low but high-pitched voice. This
particular manner of speaking has already been mentioned with reference
to the myth describing the relationship between Oya and the Egúngún.
Whereas the first eight children of Qya, as well as the Ará-Qrun and the
Apâàràkâ, are mute, the Égun speak with a voice which is not human.
In the afore mentioned myth Oya appears having founded the Égun-sect
with a monkey that frightened people. When the men took from the hands
of Oya her power, they began to use it to invoke the Égun. They spoke
in a tone of voice imitating that of the monkey which Johnson refers to as
the Ijimirè 49.
The Qjç are capable of invoking the Égun in any place and for those
circumstances demanding. Even if the Baba does not appear himself, he
answers and can be heard, giving his orders and messages.
The manner in which he speaks is known in Bahia as ségi 50 and his word
is respected as law. The voice alone of the Egúngún carries with it all the

49. S. Johnson, op. cit., p. 29.

50. The Dictionary of the Yoruba Language also records, " Ségi : To speak like an Egun-
gun, to speak an unnatural tone ", op. cit., p. 205. Abraham in his recording of the word
Se (A.I. II) : Séègi : The Egúngún spoke in a fluty high treble voice ", op. cit., p. 585.
104 SOCIÉTÉ DES AMÉRICANISTES

power of the ancestors. The presence of the Baba is often manifested only
through his voice ; his bodily form may not appear and one hears only his
messages and blessings. For this reason the voice of the Égun is as feared
as the apparition itself. Knowing the deep importance that words and
sounds have for the Yorubá, one can understand the profound meaning of
the Égun-ségi.
When the first cry, raucous but powerful, is heard from the Egun-àgbà
calling :
Awon ото nílé Agbóulá, o ku o ! Children of the house of Agbóulá, I greet
you !
chants and drum-beat alike stop. A respectful silence spreads over the
" barracâo " while the faithful of the " terreiro " anxiously await the arrival
of the ancestral father.
Generally the Égun enter chanting :
1. Ago ago tabi mawole Have I your leave to enter this
house ?
2. Onílé mo ki, ago I am greeting the head of the house,
may I come in ?
3. Iyá-Egbé mo ki, ago I am greeting Iyá-Egbé, may I come
in?
4. Àgô âlà, àgô nílé o. May I cross the threshold of this
house ? Have I your leave to
enter this house ?
Ending this chant, the Égun calls :
Omodé mi o ! Oh, my children !
All the members of the " terreiro " reply :
О ! Baba mi ! Oh ! My father !
and thus communication is established between both worlds.
The communication, provoked and controlled by the Ojç, will continue
for several days. Different rituals will take place with the apparition of
determined Égun in accordance with the festival or the specific nature of
the rites to be performed during the festival. Numerous sacrifices will be
made and food distributed.
During the festivities the Qjç. remain isolated in the recluse of the Lésàn-
yin. Of their activities nobody knows anything ; nor when they eat or
when they sleep. Nor may his family or relatives approach him.
During the festivals whole families move to the " terreiro " ; luggage
and all temporally settle in to houses adjacent. The " terreiro " is
converted into a village on which the uninterrupted drum-beat and chants fill
the air. At night-fall men and women together gather in the " barracâo ".
 ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE EGUN-CULT 105

The doors are locked and a careful vigil kept over them by the Amúisan.
Those persons who for one reason or another cannot attend the festival,
lock themselves in the houses. With the exception of the Qjç and some
Amúisan, not one human being is to be found outside the "barracâo".
The Égun are invoked and with them the Ará-orun will take over all the
area.
As the women chant and the drum-beat throbs on hailing the Baba, all
outside is silence, interrupted only by the particular salutation and cries
of the Qjç leading the Égun. Running steps, the strokes of the isan, and
emphatic words are heard :
1. Lésô-lésô... Carefully, with patience...
2. Pçlé-pçlé Baba mi... Keep calm my father...
guiding and calming the ancestral spirits. AH night the Égun are invoked
and will appear until dawn. They appear either isolated or in groups, but
always cared for by the Amúisan.
On the last day of the festival, having ended all the preceptual rites the
Égun take their leave. As they leave the " barracâo ", chants are voiced
by the Égun blessing and greeting the faithful, assuring them that all ran
well and had been propitious ; Arúfin àrudà. As they take their leave they
sing :
1. О sere mo nlo о I've had fun celebrating ; I am
going
2. Omodé ko {i)re yin àgbà That no misfortune may fall to you,
my children ; that you may all
reach old age.
3. Mo júba omodé o I salute the young.
4. Mo jubà àgbàlâgbà I salute the old.

CALENDAR

The festivals of the Égun-cult at the lié Agbóulá take place according
to a well observed lithurgical calendar. During these festivals there are
included, if possible, the unexpected and non-periodic rituals such as the
initiation of Amúisan and Qjç that do not have pre-determined dates,
offerings and special rites recommended by the Égun, installation rites of the
title-holders. As death itself cannot be predicted, other non-periodic rites,
specifically those of funeral-rites inside or out of " terreiro ", are performed
separately from the above-mentioned festivals.
Four annual festivals take place :
A. In January, for the New Year, the fulfillment of cult-obligations is
carried out until the ninth day. These rituals begin with that dedicated
to Onilç and followed by the Qdún Olúkctún, the annual festival dedicated
106 SOCIÉTÉ DES AMÉRICANISTES

to Baba Olûkçtun. Together with this are celebrated the annual ceremonies
of Baba Alápala and Ologbojo.
B. In February, beginning on the second day and continuing for two
weeks a very special festival takes place. This is related to the fact of the
community being settled on the sea, making the fruits of the sea their
livelihood. This festival is dedicated to the water-goddesses Ôsun and Yemanja 51
and to the god of creation Ôsàlâ. It is a propitiatory cycle of rituals
patronized by the ancestors of the community and by the Baba Égun 52.
C. In September, from the seventh to the seventeenth the annual Odún
Agbóulá followed by the Odún Baba Bakàbakà are performed. At this
time, the harvest of the first fruits is done. Until recently farming and the
reaping of fruit had been the bases of living in the community. It cannot
be ignored that the Island of Itaparica was for a long time the furnisher of
fruit for Salvador 53.
D. In November, taking advantage of the Catholic holiday
commemorating the dead, the cult-obligation for Oya îgbàlç, Queen of the Dead,
takes place 54. At this festival a large number of Égun appear.

DEATH AND THE 0JÈ

It is no easy accomplishment to be accepted and initiated into the awo,

the secret mystery of the cult. Formerly in Bahia, the more outstanding
representatives and those having the deepest knowledge in the Nagó
religion and traditions belonged to the cult.
In Qyç the Aldpini is one of the seven great noble-men and is part of
the community council, Qyç-Misi. His duty is secular as well as religious
as he is the senior title-holder and paramount chief of the Égun cult. It
is in the house of the Alâpini where the future Alâfin (King of Qyç) will
receive his first instructions on the long procession towards becoming King.
There is a strong link between the King and the É gun-cult as is readily appa-

51. Ôsun and Yemanja are two water godesses of the Yorubá pantheon, whose worship
is extensive in Bahia.
52. For a description of this festival see Deoscoredes M. dos Santos, " Festa da Мае
d'Agua in Ponta de Areia, Itaparica ", op. cit., pp. 65-75.
53. The relationship between the Égun festivals and farming is documented by
different authors. Geoffrey Parrinder describes : " The great annual appearances of the
Egúngún are the chief communal ancestral rites of the Yoruba. In early June, the time
of farming, when the help of the ancestors is most needed, their visible representatives
appear. " In West African Religion, Epworth Press, London, 1961, p. 123.
54. Lydia Cabrera in Cuba records : " lié Yansa is the cemetery because Yansa is the
mistress of the cemetery ". In Anago-Vocabulario Lucumin, ediciones C.R., La Habana,
1957.
 ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN BAHIA : THE ÉGUN-CULT 107

rent through a representative of his person at the important meeting of the

sect.
Johnson also states : " The Egúngún worship has become a national
religious institution, and its anniversaries are celebrated with grand
festivities. The mysteries connected with it are held sacred and inviolable. "
The most noble families have an Egúngún, founder of the lineage who is
respectfully worshipped. Each of the various districts of large cities have
their Alágbá and a group of Qjè representing different lineages.
Even today in Bahia to gain entrance into the Égun cult is a great
privilege obtained through heritage or by personal and relevant merit.
Oral tradition maintains that only the true born, ото-bíbi, have the right
to become Atokè and to materialize the Egun. Servants, criminals or
otherwise indebted do not have the right to carry the isan, must less, to guide
or to invoke the Egun.
1. Erú ilé yin nwon o ni gbç'dç jó The servant of the house does not
have the right to join (to invoke
the Égun)
2. Olçfà be о gbçdç 'jôyè The indebted (that are not even their
own masters) do not have the right
to be îjoyè, title-holders,
3. Ото bíbi ilé Mokin The true born of the house of
Mokin
4. Ni o gboyè na de 'nú ilé Only they can be the title-holders of
the house 55

Nowadays in Bahia, the group of Ojç is reduced to some 20 members. The

Qjç-àgbà are very respected public figures. Usually silent and great
observers, they possess a personality which distinguishes them. Accustomed
to deal with death, to invoke and to worship death, they possess a deep
wisdom of life and can confront any contingency with extraordinary calm
and objectivity. They appear to possess the secret of life and of death.
1. Se awo kí 'kú Those that make the mystery, (the
initiates), never die
2. Awo ki 'run The initiates are never corrupt
3. Nse e awo ma nlo si îtunlà The initiates go only to the îtunlà
(place of unlimited true life ; of
renewed living).
4. îtunlà ilé awo îtunlà, house of mystery (the lié-
awo from where the Egun are also
invoked). 56

55. Recorded by Olajubu, op. cit., p. 6.

56. Recorded by Idowu, op. cit., p. 201.
108 SOCIÉTÉ DES AMÉRICANISTES

For the OjÇ-àgbà continuity of life and death is a happening flowing

uninterruptedly ; life and death,
Qkán naà ni The two of them are identical.
In fact, secure in the immortality which they possess by the pact which
they made with the earth during their initiation, they possess the certain
knowledge that they themselves will be remembered and venerated as the
ancient fathers. Thus, they will be in death, as they were in life, the
unchallengeable and incontestable representatives of immortality, symbols and
memory of the origins of their race.