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THE LIBRARY OF IBERIAN RESOURCES ONLINE
The Chronicle of Alfonso the Emperor

Glenn Edward Lipskey
Table of Contents
Preface
Introduction
Chapter One : The Manuscripts
Chapter Two : The Editions
Chapter Three : The Problem of Authorship
Chapter Four : The Poem of Almería
Book One
Book Two
The Poem of Almería
Bibliography
Material from this work may be cited by URL or by reference to the pagination of the 1972
Northwestern University dissertation. These numbers have been inserted into the text in boldface, set
off in brackets, as in [16].

Preface
[ii] The precepts which I have followed in translating the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris have been
based upon a consideration of the purpose of the original text. The chronicle was written most
essentially for the communication of historical data. Therefore, I have endeavored to produce a
translation which fulfills the same objective in English as the original did in Latin. Moreover, I have
felt that a translation from Latin into English ought to sound more familiar than strange to the
contemporary reader. Accordingly, the aim has been to achieve a literal translation, but not at the
expense of literacy. Modifications in sentence structure were necessitated to avoid the abundant lack of
subordination in medieval Latin syntax. No attempt has been made to reproduce the metrical
configurations of the Latin hexameters in the Poem of Almería. However, my intention has been to
retain the poetic tone of the original verses.
I wish to convey here my sincerest gratitude to Professor Edwin J. Webber. This study would never
have materialized without his patient guidance and encouragement. I also owe special thanks to
Professor John Kenneth Leslie and to Professor Francis Very. The professional assistance and.
academic example of all these men have aided me not only in the preparation of this dissertation but
also in numerous other matters related to Hispanic culture.

Introduction
[1] The method according to which medieval chronicles in Spain were conceived and written presents
special problems to the historian. The series of histories which appeared on the Peninsula prior to the
thirteenth century revealed a lack of total peninsular vision. From the times of the Visigoths the Spanish
chroniclers directed their attention to the royal court. They wrote exclusively of the kings. We witness
this in the works of Isidore, Alfonso III, Sampiro and Pelayo. Each of these limits his efforts and vision
to the history of the royal house. In addition, before the hegemony of Castile, the Kings of León were
considered the unique recipients of the Visigothic crown. As such, the historical works were not only
restricted to the court, but solely to the royal court in León.
The Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris was written by an anonymous author toward the middle of the
twelfth century. In one sense it participates in the court-oriented historical view in that it is devoted to
the reign of the Emperor, Alfonso VII, who ruled from 1126 to 1157. However, this monarch and his
court are not the only subjects of this history. The work is rich in historical data of twelfth-century
Spain. Along with the Historia compostelana, the Crónica najerense and [2] the Crónioa silense this is
one of the more important Spanish chronicles of the high Middle Ages.
In relating the considerable accomplishments of this Emperor, the chronicle addresses itself to the
phenomenon of his imperial policies. Consequently, it is inherently concerned with the roles of the
other kingdoms of Spain. Their feudal relations to the Emperor and their mutual politics within the
Empire are given extensive consideration. Within this imperial context a more total view of twelfth-
century history is presented.
Menéndez Pidal has censured modern historiography for its failure to recognize the existence of a
nationwide political structure in Spain during the Middle Ages. (1) He insists that this attitude has
precluded a closer scrutiny of the medieval manuscripts and documents. There is ample evidence in the
pages of the first chronicles that the Islamic invasion destroyed the Visigothic political structure. There
is also documentation in Spanish medieval history that the prodigious task of the reconquest produced a
sense of political destiny among the Iberian peoples.
Within the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris one can clearly witness the energetic ideals of this destiny
related to the imperial politics of Alfonso VII. The two major themes of the work are indeed the
formation of the Empire and the reconquest of Moslem Spain. In its general form the chronicle is an
account or the major episodes in the history of the crowns [3] of Castile and. León during almost three
decades of the twelfth century.
The method and conception of the work are conditioned by the personality of King Alfonso VII. His
imperial disposition supplies the author with a singular purpose and conviction: that is, that this ruler
did indeed become an Emperor and did establish an empire. This state was recognized by other
European powers, and at its political apogee, it achieved trans-Pyrenean dimensions. This fact is
attested to in the characteristic imperial rhetoric of the chronicle: "...et facti sunt termini regni Adefonsi
regis Legionis a mare magno Oceano, quod est a Patrono Sancti Jacobi, usque ad fluvium Rodani." (2)
The dimensions of the work are distinct and the quality of the narration is clear and purposeful. The
chronicle is divided into three parts. The first two books in prose are in perfect equilibrium with each
other. Book I functions as a lengthy prologue for Book II. The latter deals solely with the efforts of the
reconquest and is manifestly the nucleus of the work. A Latin poem concerning the preparations for the
reconquest of Almería, which we may call The Poem of Almería, makes up the third and final section of
the chronicle.
The first book begins with Alfonso taking the throne in 1126 at the death of his mother, Queen Urraca.
It deals exclusively with the early years of his reign, especially with its internal reorganization. Within
this context we see the young monarch subduing rebellious nobles, engaging in political skirmishes
with his stepfather, Alfonso I of Aragón, and [4] fighting important wars with Navarra and Portugal.
There is significant data in this book concerning the initial Independence of Portugal from the political
mainstream of the Peninsula. The declaration of the Empire and the coronation of Alfonso as Emperor
are also treated in detail in Book I.
The author commences the second book utilizing a flashback technique wherein he narrates the
dangerous and precarious life along the Toledo frontier following the death of the Emperor's
grandfather, Alfonso VI. We are informed of the rapid gains of the Almoravides during that period and
the initial years of the young Emperor's reign. The opening part of Book II is a justification of Alfonso's
neglect of the frontier following his accession to the throne. This negligence was a consequence of the
demanding imperial conditions prevailing among the Christian kingdoms at the commencement of his
sovereignty. The Aragonese ruler, Alfonso I, is cast in an especially infamous role as the antagonist of
the new King of Castile and León. The remainder of Book II treats of the fierce military campaigns
carried out against the Almoravides both in the Toledo frontier and within Moslem Spain. The second
book terminates with the narration of the intrigue and political maneuvers relevant to the uprising
against the Almoravides in Southern Spain. The final paragraphs in the chronicle tell of the first
advances of the Almohades in the Peninsula.
The closing part of the chronicle is written in verse, as the author states, in order to avoid the tedium of
prose. It [5] offers a synopsis of the imperial achievements of Alfonso VII along with a presentation of
the Christian leaders accompanying the Emperor on this campaign. The poem is written in irregularly
rhymed leonine hexameters. The theme is limited to the preparations for the conquest of Almería.
Within that framework the poet endeavors to infuse his verses with epic significance based upon the
fact that nearly all of Christian Spain marches under the command of the Emperor. Only the Portuguese
were absent. Even French and Italian forces aid in this crusade. The poem is unfinished. One may
surmise from this that the death of the author prevented its completion, or that the final section of the
chronicle was lost or destroyed.
In each book the author sets down the events in strict chronological order. He often appears to write
from memory, which is not always faithful, especially when dealing with earlier events. In the prologue
he affirms that he is writing what "ab illis que viderunt didici et audivi." (3) From this one may deduce
that the author is contemporaneous with the facts narrated, and that he was a personal witness of some.
This is supported by the detail with which he describes them.
His history deserves almost complete credence for, with few exceptions, events can be corroborated
through official documents. Nevertheless, it is in the author's interpretation of events that one must
question him somewhat, owing to the manifest partisan sentiment in favor of Alfonso VII. In matters
referring to relations with Aragón, the chronicler's antagonism [6] toward Alfonso I may cause the
reader to question the author's historical objectivity.
The personality of the Emperor is not always the focal point of the narration. The author depicts
secondary figures playing critical roles in the history of twelfth-century Spain. In Book II the person of
Alfonso's great captain, Munio Alfonso, dominates much of the action. Other individuals are portrayed
with unprecedented detail. This is one of the characteristics of the chronicle which authenticates the
advances in medieval historiography.
The Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris is conserved in seven manuscripts which are all varied in form. The
original from Toledo has been lost. The seven remaining copies date from the sixteenth to the
eighteenth century. Six of them are in the Biblioteca Nacional of Madrid. and one is in the library of the
Cathedral at Toledo.
Notes for Introduction

1. Ramón Menédez Pidal, El imperio hispánico y los cinco reinos (Madrid: Instituto de Estudios
Políticos. 1950). p.7.
2. "Hence the boundaries of the Kingdom of Alfonso, ruler of León, extended from the shores of the
Atlantic Ocean, near where the city of our Holy Patron Santiago is located, all the way to the Rhone
River." Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris, ed. Luis Sánchez Belda (Madrid: Consejo Superior de
Investigaciones Científicas, 1950), paragraph 69. All references to the text of the chronicle will be
indicated by prargraph number in order to facilitate the correspondence between the Latin text and the
English translation.
3. "...what I have learned or heard from those who were witnesses." Chron. Ad. Imp., Preface.

1
The Manuscripts
[7] Traditional descriptive and classificatory studies of the seven manuscripts have been undertaken by
Luis Sánchez Belda (1) and by Cipriano Rodriguez Aniceto. (2) There exists some divergence of opinion
in these respective analyses. This and other discrepancies will be discussed below. For purposes of
identification of the manuscripts a system of Roman numerals will be utilized. The manuscripts are the
following:
Manuscript I. BNM, MS 1505 paper, 17th century, 69 folios. This manuscript was first copied and
edited by Juan de Mendoza under the following title:
Chrónica del emperador D. Alonso el séptimo, rey de Castilla y León que se halló
manuescrita [sic] de letra gótica en pergamino en el archibo de la santa iglesia primada de
Toledo, y escrita en vida del mismo emperador. Publícala D. Iohan de Mendoça.
The manuscript was never published. This title is found on the seventh folio, and a photocopy of the
folio appears on page 236 in the appendix. The first six folios in the manuscript contain a series of
notes on the chronicle. It is to be noted that the sense and the writing of this commentary appear to be
different from Mendoza's. From folio nine to forty there is a Spanish translation done by Juan de
Mendoza. The significance of this translation will be discussed in the following chapter. The [8] Latin
text of the chronicle begins on the forty-second folio and continues to the sixty-eighth. On folio forty-
two we find a short preface to the chronicle and the first part of chapter one. A photocopy of this
selection can be seen on page 237 in the appendix.
Manuscript II. BNM, MS 1279, paper, 17th century, 222 folios. It is covered with green parchment and
fastened with steel binding. On the cover is stated: "Chronica Ildephonsi Regis." On the title page this
form is different: "Coronica Adefonsi Imperatoris." At the bottom is noted the manuscript's place of
origin "Ex bibliotheca Illustris Domini Garciae Loaisa Girón, Guadalaiare Archidiaconi. Nota: este
códice procede de la primitiva biblioteca de Felipe V." Photocopies of this folio and of the first two
folios of the text of this manuscript appear from page 238 to page 240 in the appendix. The text of the
Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris comprises the first 87 folios. The second part of the volume contains a
chronicle of the Kings of Spain written by López Estúñiga. The text of this work proceeds from folio
89 to folio 120. From folio 121 to 222 there is a collection of chronicles compiled by a certain Bishop
Don Pablo. In the colophon of this manuscript there is a note indicating that the book was written in
Burgos, and that it was terminated in the month of September in 1571. It is also recorded in the same
place that the author was Fernán Martínez who was then a public clerk in Burgos.
[9] In his analysis of the manuscripts, Rodríguez Aniceto interpreted the date in the above-mentioned
colophon to be pertinent to the entire manuscript. He therefore attributes it to the sixteenth century.
Sánchez Belda differs with this view and contends that the colophon pertains solely to the final text in
the manuscript, the chronicles gathered together by the Bishop Don Pablo.
In his introductory notes to the Spanish translation of the chronicle, Juan de Mendoza observes that this
manuscript may be closely related to the original. He bases this hypothesis on information that García
Loaysa Girón removed the original manuscript from the Cathedral in Toledo. After an extensive
paleographic analysis of this document, Luis Sánchez Belda concludes that Loaysa removed a copy of
the original, and this manuscript is, in effect, a copy of the one removed. (3) His examination reveals
that the document pertains to a period after the time of Loaysa, and he therefore attributes it to the
seventeenth century. Berganza utilized this manuscript for his edition of the chronicle in his
Antigüedades de España. (4)
Manuscript III. BNM, MS 9327, paper, 16th century, 61 folios. On the cover of the manuscript we find,
the following words written in elaborate calligraphy: "Incipit Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris."
Photocopies of the cover folio and of the first two pages are found from page 241 to page 243 in the
appendix.
Rodríguez Aniceto describes this manuscript and insists that it is a direct copy of MS IV. Sánchez Belda
also finds [10] a distinct resemblance between the two manuscripts. However, he does not share the
opinion of Rodriguez Aniceto that MS III is a direct facsimile of MS IV. (5) In his edition of the
chronicle in the Antigüedades de España, Berganza makes reference to a manuscript in the Cathedral of
Toledo. He mentions that the copyist's errors in the rendition of this document had been corrected by a
Doctor Siruela. MS III bears marginal notes by a certain Doctor Siruela. It is to be adduced therefore
that Berganza is alluding to the document under discussion. Sanchez Belda believes that it occupies a
position of considerable significance in relation to the others. He submits that it was transcribed from
an earlier manuscript which is now lost. This one was an archetype for the copies now in existence. (6)
Manuscript IV. The library in the Cathedral of Toledo, MS27-26, paper, 16th century, 71 folios. It is
found within one of the collections of chronicles compiled by Bishop Juan Bautista Pérez. This
particular collection is the only one in which the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris is contained. Pérez
includes a small number of marginal notes,
Manuscript V. BNM, MS 8190, paper, 57 folios. Sánchez Belda dates this manuscript from the sixteenth
century, while Rodríguez Aniceto places it in the seventeenth. For some unknown reason the latter
critic also states that there is a note of origin in the text which indicates that this volume comes from
the library of King Philip the Fifth. There is no such note to be found in the manuscript. It is probable
that Rodríguez Aniceto mistook this document for MS IV wherein the [11] above annotation of origin is
to be found. He may also have confused it with MS 897 from the Biblioteca Nacional of Madrid which
comprises a small fragment of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris. The contents of this item are merely
the preface of the chronicle and the first paragraph. There are accompanying annotations and a note of
origin which relates the small text to the library of Philip the Fifth. On folio three of this fragment,
authorship is attributed to José Pellicer y Tovar. Sánchez Belda observes that what text is conserved of
the chronicle is identical to MS III. Perhaps Pellicer initiated the task of transcribing this text and
simply did not continue his endeavors.
Manuscript VI. BNM, MS 1376, paper, 48 folios numbered from 225 to 272. Other critics have
analyzed this document and have offered a description of it prior to the studies of Rodríguez Aniceto
and Sánehez Belda. Ewald dates this manuscript from the seventeenth century, (7) as does also
Rodríguez Aniceto. (8) However, García Villada (9) and Benito Sánchez Alonso (10) place it in the
sixteenth century. Sánchez Belda concurs with the latter judgment, and further agrees with García
Villada that MS VI is a facsimile of MS IV lacking only the marginal notes of Pérez. (11)
Manuscript VII. BNM, MS 51, paper, 423 folios. The Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris appears from
folio 167 to 242. It was copied in the eighteenth century, and there is little doubt that it belongs to the
family of manuscripts completed [12] by III and IV respectively. Francisco Santos Coco offers the most
comprehensive description of this document, (12) especially insofar as he correctly establishes the
eighteenth century as its time of transcription rather than the year 1600, which was accepted prior to his
study.
MS I is the only one which offers a complete division of chapters. It is the most exact in regard to the
dates of events mentioned in the chronicle. However, it shows carelessness in its orthography.
Sánchez Belda contends that MS I resolves certain textual problems. (13) He admits that the copyist
does omit some words, but he considers these omissions not essential to the meaning of the respective
passages.
In his critical edition and study Rodríguez Aniceto directs his consideration specifically to the Poem of
Almería and disregards the prose content of the chronicle. For this reason his textual references pertain
exclusively to the poem. Like Sánchez Belda he recognizes the omissions and alterations in MS I. He
also calls attention to the lack of concordance between MSS I and IV. He substantiates the fact that the
former text omits the following verses from the Poem of Almería: (14) 132, 161, 175, 177, 263, 264,
272, 280 and 284. Also absent are the words "pro" in verse 356, "in excelsis" in verse 365, and "et" in
366. MS I postifxes "sunt" after "armati" in verse 355, and it replaces "te tardum" with "tardum te" in
388. These variations and omisssions do not occur in MS IV. It is logical to assume therefore that IV is
not a copy of I.
[13] Even though Rodríguez Aniceto and Sánchez Belda both cite numerous omissions in MS I, they
both concur in that it renders a more unequivocal reading in light of the overall text. The former scholar
exemplifies this claim with the following textual comparisons:
MS I: Nec possunt visum mergi vel ad aethera sursum Suspendi; vita scelerata fuit quia victa.
MS IV: Nec possunt visum mergi vel ad aethera sursum Suspendi victa, escelerata fuit quia victa.
This example is taken from the first two verses of stanza 10 of the Poem of Almería.
Both Sánchez Belda and Rodríguez Aniceto adopt the version as presented in MS I for their Latin
critical editions. In the case of MS IV the term "viota" in place of "vita" is a conspicuous example of
inaccurate Latin syntax and the resultant absence of meaning appears in that verse. It is evident that MS
I in this instance offers a more plausible rendition within the context of the poem. "Vita" is clearly a
noun modified by the adjective "scelerata", i.e., "They were defeated ("victa") because of their criminal
life: "vita scelerata."
The second textual comparison given by Rodríguez Aniceto refers to stanza 35:
MS I: Ut vix jam teneri possent a matre teneri.
MS IV: Ut vix jam teneri possent armati teneri.
In this example MS I provides the logical and more poetic reading: the youths "can hardly be held back
by their mother(s)." In MS IV the verse suffers a metathetic change: [14] "a matre" becomes "armati,"
and thus a plural past participle takes the place of the prepositional phrase. In the events narrated in this
segment of the poem, the frenetic enthusiasm of the Christian forces eager for battle is dramatically
depicted. Clearly, the reading offered by MS I is more congruous within the context of this moving
episode.
Sánchez Belda gathers MSS III, IV, V, VI and VII into a group of common origin. (15) He places MS III
at the head of this group and maintains that it is a copy of a manuscript made in the fourteenth or
fifteenth century in Toledo but now lost. This document was in turn a direct reproduction of the original
according to Sánchez Belda's paleographio inferences.
He bases his conclusion on the fact that all of these manuscripts share the same omissions in the
preface. Also, this same family of documents reveals multilateral orthographic traits. In all of them
"retro" is given in place of "recto," and "postea" appears instead of "post eam" in paragraph 1. In
paragraph 6 "Sarriam" is given in place of "Ceiam." Likewise, in paragraph 8 "perfecit" is written
instead of "perfecerunt." The consistent subrogation of these forms within this group of manuscripts
sustains Sánchez Belda's claim for common origin. He further sees MSII as a reproduction of two other
documents: MS III and another one no longer in existence. He concludes that this lost text along with I
and III are all duplicates of the above-mentioned Toledan archetype from the fourteenth or fifteenth
century.
Rodríguez Aniceto emphasizes the relative independence [15] of MS IV. This conclusion is of course
not in conformity with Sánchez Belda's studies. We have seen that he finds IV a facsimile of III.
Rodríguez Aniceto views IV as a reproduction of an earlier document related to the original rather than
a facsimile of MS III. Be also contends that MSS I and III respectively served as prototypes for II.
Sánchez Belda is careful not to relate II and I rather, he places I in an independent category. Both critics
concur in regard to the prominence of MSS I and III as being most closely associated with the original.
Notes for Chapter 1

1. Sánchez Belda, Chron. Ad. Imp., pp. lxxi-lxxxiv.
2. Cipriano Rodríguez Aniceto, "El poema latino, 'Prefacio de Almería,'" Boletín de la Biblioteca
Menédez y Pelayo, XIII (January-March, 1931), 141-144.
3. Sánchez Belda, p. lxxv.
4. Fransisco de Berganza, Antigüedades de España (2 vols.; Madrid, 1719-1721), II, 590-624.
5. Rodríguez Aniceto, p. 141 and 143.
6. Sánchez Belda, p. lxxiii.
7. R. Ewald, "Reise nach Spanien im Winter von 1878 auf 1879," Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für
ältere Deutsche Geschichtskunde, VI (January, 1881), 303.
8. Rodríguez Aniceto, p. 141.
9. Zacarías García Villada, Crónica de Alfonso III (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Históricos, 1924), p. 18.
10. Benito Sáanchez Alonso, Crónica del Obispo Don Pelayo (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Históricos,
1924), pp. 20-21.
11. Sánchez Belda, p. lxxi.
12. Francisco Santos Coco, Historia silense (Madrid: Sucesores de Rivadenerya, 1921), pp. xvi-xvii.
13. Sánchez Belda, p. lxxvii.
14. Rodríguez Aniceto, pp. 142-144.
15. Sánchez Belda, p. lxxxiv.

2
The Editions
[16] Fray Prudencio Sandoval, the famed Benedictine historian of Charles I, utilized the Chronica
Adefonsi Imperatoris as an historical guide for his own Chrónica del ínclito emperador de Eapaña,
Don Alonso VII deste nombre which he published in 1600. (1) Sandoval did not actually reproduce an
edition of the chronicle, but rather freely adapted the Latin text as a basis for his own more lengthy
history written in the vernacular. Throughout his work he refers to the original chronicle simply as the
"Historia de Toledo." He included an abundance of interpolations in his history of Alfonso VII. Many
of these are of doubtful historical veracity, deriving from the religious and folkloric traditions of his
time. It is noteworthy that the Poem of Almería is conserved in its original form at the end of
Sandoval's chronicle.
This Benedictine Bishop's lack of historical scruples provoked a mild polemic some years later when
Juan de Mendoza undertook the task of editing and translating the Chronica Alefonsi Imperatoris. His
endeavors have already been mentioned in the previous chapter.
Mendoza was scandalized at the minimal amount of accuracy which he felt Sandoval employed in
utilizing the ancient Latin text as his historical guide. It was in order to prove this [17] point that
Mendoza prepared his edition of the original chronicle and his literal translation of the same some years
after Sandoval's history was written. The exact date of Mendoza's endeavors is not known.
Neither the original manuscript nor Mendoza's own work were ever published formally by him. As has
been indicated in the discussion of the manuscripts, the first six pages of this personal edition comprise
the translator's notes in the form of a prologue to the reader. The Spanish translation is found between
folios nine and forty. The Latin text of the chronicle occupies folios forty-two to sixty-eight.
The author's comments are of special interest for the history of the editions. His principal objective is to
attack Sandoval's supposed mendacity in his history of the Emperor. Mendoza commences his prologue
by quoting the scriptural passage between Pontius Pilate and Christ regarding the "Truth." He then
pointedly refers to "a certain author" who wrote the history of Alfonso VII "very contrary to what is
contained in the original." He never designates Sandoval by name. Within this critical context he
proposes to bring to light the original chronicle "in its unpolished and rough style of that century
without removing or adding a single word." He promises to undertake a literal translation of the work,
and because he is resolute in his desire to translate in strict accordance with the original, he indicates
that he will forgo the opportunity of "adorning [his translation] in a high or elegant Spanish."
[18] Benito Sanchez Alonso has attempted to identify this Juan de Mendoza as the chronicler of
Charles II, the same author who published. Blasón de la Casa de Pineda in Madrid in 1675. (2) This
identification appears legitimate, for the date of publication of the above mentioned volume would
place Mendoza some years after Sandoval. It is also known that Prudencio Sandoval was an eminent
genealogist in his day. It seems that Juan de Mendoza also cultivated the same avocation. Of the six
notes which he inserts in his version of the chronicle, four deal specifically with genealogy. It is on this
point that he most vehemently reproaches Sandoval. The latter manifests an excessive zeal for linking
the lineage of certain noble families of his day with that of the noble houses mentioned in the twelfth-
century chronicle. This is significantly true in the case of the Dukes of Osuna.
Sandoval readily admits "ingiriéndola," in reference to his liberal manipulation of the original
chronicle. Apart from this work, he had recourse to the Historia compostelaria to which he often
alludes in his account of this Emperor's reign. The ancient royal documents, both religious and civil,
were also an exploitable source of information for him, especially within the genealogical context.
Because of his affiliation with the Benedictine order and. his own personal interest in the monastic
history of Spain, Sandoval provides much data derived from the archives of Peninsular monasteries.
An example of his use of civil documents appears in the [19] narration of the enmities between Alfonso
VII and his stepfather, Alfonso I of Aragón. In this instance Sandoval relates how the Aragonese ruler
has retained control of the towns of Burgos and Castrojeriz in Castile. His example of documentary
evidence is based on a donation of some lands which a certain Teresa González made to the
Benedictine monastery at Oña in the year 1127. The property was consigned the same year in which
Alfonso VII and his stepfather negotiated the Treaty of Tamara, the subject of which was the
concession of territories and towns previously held by Alfonso I of Aragón (see paragraphs nine
through eleven in the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris). Sandoval alludes to the specific donation in
order to quote verbatim the document which accompanies it. Therein it is verified that Alfonso of
Aragón did in effect claim dominion of Castilian lands. The donation reads accordingly:
Adefonsus Rex Aragoniensis, regnante in Naxara,
et in Castro Xeriz, et in Burgis: dominante in
Poza Sancio Joannis, et in Petralada Petro Ennenooz. (3)
Such legal certification is derived from Benedictine archives at the monastery of Oña. Sandoval had
ample recourse to these records and to many others.
His stylistic amplifications are also numerous, and at times they provide the reader with a more
informative dimension of the material. For example, in the original Latin one often reads "Ecolesiam
Sanctae Mariae," which Sandoval renders in the Spanish "Iglesia Sancta María de Regla." We thus
know that the reference is made specifically to the celebrated [20] church in León. When the author of
the Latin chronicle had chosen the same condensed style of denomination in referring to "Episcopus
Didacus," Sandoval completes the prelate's title and name as "Su gran servidor, Don Diego Gelmírez,
Obispo de Santiago."
In these instances where the sentence remains incomplete or the connotation of the passage is
problematic, Sandoval customarily integrates the verbal elements and arrives at the essential meaning
of the phrase. In spite of the fact that he does not always rigorously adhere to the best historical criteria
in the representation of his source, he surpasses his critic Mendoza in erudition and expressiveness.
Certainly he is the more entertaining of the two.
Mendoza is not above reproach in regard to his own Spanish translation. In the Latin manuscript which
he used there are several passages which present problems of interpretation. These may have been due
either to the damaged condition of the manuscript which he used or to the ambiguousness of the
copyist's orthography. Nevertheless, Mendoza either proved to be over zealous in his endeavor to
divine the original or simply lacked the insight which would have enabled him to render these passages
in a more comprehensible manner.
The Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris remained unpublished until Francisco de Berganza placed it in his
first edition of the Antigüedades de España. (4) It appeared at the end of the second part of this work in
the form of an appendix.[21] Berganza did not include the Poem of Almería in his edition, since it had
already been published by Sandoval.
Although Berganza had access to MS III, Sánchez Belda maintains that he did not avail himself of that
text. (5) Instead he used two other copies for his edition. One of these was from the library of Luis de
Salazar y Castro, who was then the chronicler of Castile. The other manuscript was a copy of one
which bad been in the possession of Cardinal Loaysa. By means of analytical comparison Sánchez
Belda established that the copy to which Berganza had recourse was directly related to the family of
manuscripts headed by MS III. In his España sagrada (6) Enrique Flórez published the second complete
edition or the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris. He faithfully copied Berganza's edition of the Latin prose
text of the chronicle, except for minor alterations in the punctuation and in the orthography. Flórez
based these textual modifications on certain fragments of the chronicle which pertained to the
respective libraries of Antonio Suárez de Alarcón, Francisco Sota and José Pellicer. These fragments
are insignificant in that they comprise only a very few pages of the chronicle. For example, Pellicer's
portion includes only the prologue and the first paragraph. Alarcón's relates specifically to the
genealogy of the Marquis of Trocifal. Lineal descent is established for this noble from the house of
Count Rodrigo González de Lara. Therefore, Alarcón's fragment deals exclusively with those
paragraphs where this noble is mentioned. (7)
[22] In his rendition of the Poem of Almería, Flórez made use of Sandoval's edition. The author of
España sagrada comments in his introduction that Sandoval's text contained numerous errors. These
were attributed either to the Bishop himself or to the copyist of the poem.
The publication history was resumed during the present century by Ambrosio Huici. In 1913 he
included an edition of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris in his lengthy collection of Latin chronicles
of the Reconquest. (8) This author added a revised version and a Spanish translation. Huici did not avail
himself of any new manuscript for his edition, but followed the text contained in volume XXI of the
España sagrada. While he endeavored to improve the punctuation, he invariably remained in
accordance with the rendition of Flórez.
As has been mentioned in the previous chapter, Cipriano Rodríguez Aniceto published a critical edition
of the Poem of Almería in 1931. (9) In his accompanying study the author includes significant
commentary on the Latin hexameter verse of the poem. He also published the Spanish prose version of
Juan de Mendoza included in his rendition of the chronicle in the seventeenth century.
The editions of Berganza and Huici responded to the necessity of detaching this chronicle from its
primitive, unprinted. state. Nevertheless, these editions did not address themselves to the exigencies of
modern criticism.
In 1950, Luis Sánchez Belda published a comprehensive [23]critical edition of the Chronica Adefonsi
Imperatoris. His work fulfills these critical demands. It surpasses all other editions in its complete
review of textual problems. With consistent regard for detail, Sánchez Belda has subjected the
manuscripts to a scrupulous comparative analysis. All lexical variants are offered with systematic
documentation. A considerable portion of his scholarship concerns itself with the historical merit of the
work. His method of corroboration entails a strict contrastive assessment of the data in the chronicle
with twelfth-century documents. Moreover, he proves to be a careful translator of the Poem of Almería,
for he offers a very readable and intact Spanish rendition. (10)
Notes or Chapter 2
1. Prudencio de Sandoval, Historia de Los Reyes de Castilla y de León: Doña Urraca, hija de Don
Alonso Sexto y Don Alonso Séptimo, Emperador de Las Españas (2 vol.; Madrid: Benito Cano, 1792),
II, 185-297.
2. Benito Sánchez Alonso, "Una traducción inédita de la Crónica de Alfonso VII," Revista de Filología
España, XIII (October - December, 1926), 360.
3. "Alfonso, the Aragonese King, ruling in Nájera and Castrojeriz and in Burgos: Sancho Juanes
governing in Poza and Pedro Íñiguez in Petralada." Sandoval, p. 211.
4. Berganza, Antigüedades, II, 590-624.
5. Sánchez Belda, p. xciii.
6. Enrique Flórez, España sagrada: Teatro geográfico-histórico de la Iglesia de España (52 vols.;
Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia, 1747-1879), XXI, 320-399.
7. Antonio Suárez de Alacón, Relaciones genealógicas de la casa de los Marqueses de Trocifal,
Condes de Torresvedras (Madrid, 1656), pp. 133-135.
8. Ambrosio Huici, Las crónicas latinas de la Reconquista (Valencia, 1913), II, 171-430.
9. Rodríguez Aniceto, pp. 140-175.
10. There is only one other indication of an attempted edition. In 1916, Paulino Ortega de La Madrid
wrote a doctoral dissertation for the University of Madrid concerning the chronicle of Alfonso VII. This
dissertation remains unpublished.

3
The Problem Of Authorship
[24] Those critics who have attempted to penetrate the problem of authorship of the Chronica Adefonsi
Imperatoris have commenced their studies by citing the author's own words in the prologue: that what
he writes is "ab illis que viderunt didici et audivi." (1) From this we may deduce that if the author was
not an immediate observer of the events narrated, he was close enough to them to receive reports from
those who did witness them or participate in them.
The words "Si complacet imperatori" (2) from verse VIII of the Poem of Almería establish that the work
was contemporary with the reign of Alfonso VII. The author writes to praise and please the Emperor.
This aspect is evident throughout the chronicle. The work was obviously written shortly after the
successful campaign at Almería in 1147 and certainly before 1157, the year of the death of Alfonso VII.
Judging from the author's panegyrical attitude, one may surmise not only that the work was written
during the lifetime of the Emperor, but possibly at his request. There is a detailed portrayal of the
wealth and, glory of his court. Throughout the chronicle one perceives a spirit of pretension [25]
bordering on arrogance in reference to the reign of Alfonso VII.
The author also reveals that he is a great admirer of the royal family, especially of Empress Berengaria
and the King's sister, Princess Sancha. One of the most celebrated passages of acclaim for the Empress
appears in Book II when the troops of the Almoravide King, Ali, confront Empress Berengaria. She is
depicted dramatically addressing the infidel forces from her throne high above the walls of Toledo. Her
regal presence and audacity shame the enemy, and the author is successful in distinguishing her as the
noblest of queens. The scene evokes the sentiments of a "romance morisco" in the nobility shown by
Moor and Christian alike:
Hoc videns imperatnix, misit nuntios regibus Moabitarum, qui dixerunt eis: 'Hoc dicit vobis
imperatrix, uxor imperatoris: nonne videtis quia contra me pugnatis, quae foemina sum, et
non est vobis honorem? Sed si vultis pugnare ite in Aureliam et pugnate cum imperatore,
qui cum armatis et paratis aciebus vos expectat.'. . .Sed reges et principes et duces et omnis
exercitus, postquam eam viderunt, et deinde nullam causam laeserunt et reversi sunt in
terram suam, collectis a se suis insidiis, sine honore et victoria. (3)
It cannot be doubted that the composer of this chronicle was a personal spectator of some of the
incidents of which he writes. The particular detail with which he describes, for example, the Council of
León and the coronation of the Emperor illustrates this. In his narration of the coronation he
enumerates the dignitaries present and their exact order of appearance producing an almost cinematic
sensation. The [26] marriage of Princess Urraca to King García of Navarra is also occasion for a recital
of events within the court. The author details the sumptuous conditions of the wedding chambers,
noting also the musicians and their instruments which formed the entertaining entourage outside of the
chambers:
Thalamus vero collocatus est in palatiis regalibus, qui sunt in Sancto Pelabio, ab infantissa
domna Sanctia; et in circuitu thalami maxima turba histrionum, mulierum et puellarum
canentium in organis et tibiis et citharis et psalteriis et omni genere musicorum. (4)
However, upon analyzing the style employed to depict the many military ventures in the chronicle, it
appears that the author was not present on most of these occasions. The narration dealing with the
incursions of the Christian forces into Andalusia is conspicuously repetitive. In most instances it
suggests a formula-like listing of the enemy conquered, the territories destroyed and the spoils taken.
The redundance of itemization prompts the suspicion that the author was writing from reports of
returning witnesses rather than from his own eyewitness account. Examples of this stylistic effect can
be illustrated by comparing analogous passages. The narration of the first campaign to Andalusia
provides a model for the recounting of the many succeeding military operations in the South. The
recapitulation of the armed successes against the Moslems owes much also to the author's intimate
familiarity with the Vulgate and his obvious intention of emulating this Latin Biblical style
characteristic of much of medieval prose. In paragraph 35 we are informed of the [27]destruction
wrought by the Christians on the plains around Córdoba and Sevilla:
Eratque in diebus messis unde et succendit omnia sata, et omnes vineas at oliveta et
fioulnea fecit incidi; et cecidit timor illius super omnes habitantes in terra Moabitarum et
Agarenorum.... (5)
This passage is nearly a direct copy of lines from the Book of Judith describing the assaults of
Holofernes in Syria. The scriptural selection reads as follows:
. . . in diebus messis, at succendit omnia sata, omnesque arbores et vineas fecit incidi; et
cecidit timor illius super omnes inhabitantes terram. (6)
In paragraph 40 there is a slight variation of this account: "Et miserunt ignem in messes et in domibus
eorum et destruxerunt vines et ficulnea et oliveta." Later in the chronicle, in Book II, another attack on
the South of Spain is portrayed with the identical Biblical passage. Again the Emperor and his forces
are attacking the area around Córdoba. (7) This iterative form appears also in many instances when the
author records the inventory of spoils taken by the Christians.
Another salient characteristic of the narration is the author's firm acceptance of Divine Providence as a
potent determinant of destiny. Certainly this attitude was typical of medieval ideology. However, this
fact and the precision with which religious ceremonies and customs are depicted lead Sánchez Belda to
consider that the author was a member of the clergy. (8)
The reiteration of scriptural borrowings suggests a Biblical erudition of a cleric of high rank. Moreover,
the [28] classical culture necessary to compose the leonine hexameters in the Poem of Almería attests to
a scholarly preparation unlikely in a cleric of commonplace status.
The geographical allusions in the text manifest the author's familiarity with the Toledo frontier.
However, Sánchez Belda insists on the essentially Leonese spirit of the work. He points out that the
author does not once refer to Alfonso VII as "Rex Castellae," but always as "Rex Legionis." He also
seems to possess a limited knowledge of Castilian nobility. Rodrigo de Lara is the only Castilian count
whose rebellion is narrated in detail. No other Castilian nobles are discussed to the extent that the
Leonese and Asturians are. In the Poem of Almería verse 140 appears to reveal an ignorance of
Peninsular history, stating that only Alfonso VII achieved dominion over Castile. This lack of
familiarity with Castile's past may indicate that the author was a foreigner, perhaps one of the many
Cluniac monks from France who came to Spain and attained rank in the court and in the church.
Other critics have brought forth definitive names to whom the authorship of the work has been
credited. The first manuscript of the chronicle was discovered in the archives of the Cathedral of
Toledo. Because of its location in these archives when initially found, Francisco Sota believed Jiménez
de Rada to be the author of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatonis. (9) Sota moreover maintained that since
Archbishop Rodrigo was present in the battle of Navas de Tolosa with Alfonso VIII in 1212, [29] he
could very well have lived during the reign of the Emperor. Sánchez Belda refutes this premise with
conclusive chronological evidence. (10) Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada could not possibly have known
Alfonso VII since he was born thirteen years after this ruler's demise. It has already been demonstrated
that the chronicle was coeval with the history narrated.
Juan de Ferreras postulated that some critics - he does not say who - have suspected that Arnaldo,
Bishop of Astorga, was the author of the chronicle. (11) There are certain circumstances which generate
respect for this conjecture. This prelate was a high-ranking cleric who was contemporary with the reign
of Alfonso VII. He was bishop of the diocese of Astorga from 1144 to 1152. It is Arnaldo who performs
the role of emissary to Barcelona and Montpellier for the purpose of enlisting the aid of those courts in
the campaign to Almería in 1147. This fact is documented in paragraph 203 of the chronicle. At the
termination of the poem, Bishop Arnaldo is directly cited urging the Christian troops to victory.
Numerous civil and religious documents from the period attest to his proximity to the major events in
the court of Alfonso VII. His name is more Gallic than Spanish, and quite possibly he was one of the
many Cluniac monks who migrated to Spain.
Sánchez Belda offers a cogent hypothesis relating the incompleteness of the chronicle to the death of
Bishop Arnaldo in 1152. The reign of Alfonso VII continued until his death in 1157. The demise of
Arnaldo in 1152 would not have [30] permitted him to conclude his historical endeavor.
Two significant studies were undertaken in 1963 by Angel Ferrari directed at the determination of the
author of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris. The first is a stylistic evaluation of the chronicle, (12) and
the second endeavors to reveal how Alfonso VII shared many attitudes advocated by the Benedictine
monastery at Cluny. (13) Ferrari submits that the chronicle was written by the Cluniac, Peter of Poitiers,
who was the secretary and editor of Peter the Venerable. The latter was the renowned Abbot of Cluny
who first came to Spain in 1142. (14)
The point of departure for this conclusion is based on an examination of the motives underlying certain
political and, social attitudes which prevail in the chronicle. The presence of Cluniac religious in Spain
has already been mentioned. This order exercised an energetic influence on the cultural and religious
mores of the Peninsula during the eleventh and twelfth centuries.
The first circumstance which Ferrari analyzes is the benevolent disposition of Alfonso VII toward his
rebelling nobles. He ascertains that this lenience was consistent with the politics of benevolence
recommended at that time by the Cluniac community. This attitude advocated reconciliation between
ruler and nobles. The chronicle reveals that the Emperor pursued this policy on nearly every occasion
when dealing with insurrection among the Christian nobles.
[31] In Book I these rebellions appear somewhat as digressions within the narration of the conflict
between Alfonso VII and Alfonso I of Aragón. In agreement with this propitiating view, most of these
insurgents are treated favorably by the Emperor. The King of Aragón is presented as the antithesis of
this attitude. It is he who is responsible for the neglect of the war against Islam, since the Emperor must
be preoccupied with establishing peace within the confines of his Christian kingdom.
Ferrari sees the analogy between Cluniac idealism and Alphonsine politics in that this monarch never
condemns any of his rebellious nobles to death after they have been subjugated by force. More often
than not he follows a plan of rehabilitation, bestowing upon them positions of honor within his empire.
The examples are numerous. Even Count Rodrigo de Lara is treated favorably. He is granted the
governorship of Toledo, even though he was allied with the King of Aragón. Furthermore, his high rank
among the Castilian nobles made him a natural adversary of the new Leonese ruler. Count Rodrigo was
married to Sancha, the eldest legitimate daughter of Alfonso VI, and consequently maintained certain
legal claims of territory against Alfonso VII. In the end, he died a tragic death among the Moors and
never returned to his domains in Castile. Like Pedro González de Lara and Pedro Díaz, he died under
lamentable conditions. All of these deaths are portrayed as providential punishments for prior
rebellions. The author [32] holds God responsible for their ends and not the Emperor.
Gonzalo Peláez is the prototype of rebel-noble in the chronicle, and the treatment which he received
from the Emperor exemplified the policy favored by the Cluniac monks. He abandoned the reign of
Alfonso VII and went to Portugal. Subsequently he was forgiven for this action. However, he rebelled
anew and later died in Portugal. The author stipulates that the demise of this noble transpired "Deo
disponente," consistent with his providential sentiments. Later, Alfonso VII, exercising his habitual
compassion, allowed the body of Gonzalo Peláez to be buried in Oviedo.
In his second treatise Ferrari points to the significance of Peter the Venerable's presence in Spain
beginning in 1141. (15) This Benedictine superior achieved fame not only as a great leader or the
Cluniac order, but also because while visiting Spain he ordered a special translation to be made of the
Koran from the Arabic to the Latin. (16) He manifested a special interest in the intellectual environment
of the Moslem culture. He did not condemn Mohammedanism too severely because it recognized
Christ as a great prophet and because it was monotheistic. The tolerance of this attitude led Peter the
Venerable and many Cluniacs to preach for a time a policy of peaceful coexistence with the Moslems.
However, when the unmistakably aggressive aims of the Almoravides and Almohades became
manifest, the moderate Cluniac approach changed to a more militant stand. Peter the Venerable had
recourse to the famed school [33] of translators at Toledo for the task of translating the Koran. The
eminent Pedro Alfonso initiated the work. The international scholars, Robert of Ketelen or Retines and
Herman of Dalmatia, added both in the translation and in amending the primary efforts of Pedro
Alfonso. (17) Peter of' Poitiers was also involved in these labors.
Peter the Venerable's visits to the Peninsula are well documented in a collection of notes and letters
which he wrote while there. These were later edited by his secretary, Peter of Poitiers, and this
epistolary work was titled Collectio Toletana. (18)
Ferrari establishes that this collection of correspondence which his secretary gathered and arranged for
Peter the Venerable covered the period from 1141 to 1151. Periodically during those years Peter the
Venerable visited Spain. His secretary accompanied him on these journeys, and at least on one occasion
he remained in Spain while assisting in the translation of the Koran.
Support is contributed to Ferrari's conjectures when we note that this ten-year period was the decade
during which much of the history of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris transpired. In this epoch the
Emperor undertook his campaigns against the Moors which are detailed so explicitly in Book II.
During this time Rodrigo González and Munio Alfonso were the governors of Toledo and the defenders
of the Christian frontier. The latter chieftain receives extended mention in the [34] second part of the
chronicle.
It is extremely possible that Peter of Poitiers witnessed the events narrated in that part of this history,
since he resided in Toledo after 1141. Indeed, he would have judged the actions of the Christians and
their king as exemplary. This spirit of adulation of the Emperor and his reign is fundamental to the
Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris.
Ferrari feels that the author of the work represents the Emperor as a protagonist who overcomes the
enemy at all times. However, he is a ruler capable of comprehending Islam as it reveals characteristics
which approximate it to Christianity. The symbol of this comprehensive viewpoint in the chronicle is
the vassalage of King Zafadola. The establishment of a feudal alliance with a Moorish ruler indicates
on the part or the Emperor a desire for political coexistence rather than annihilation. This again was the
attitude advocated by the Cluniac monks.
This disposition is significantly disclosed in Peter the Venerable's treatise on the infidels, Tractatus
adversus Sectam Saracenorum. The pacifistic abbot conditions his remarks in the following way:
Aggredior, inquam, vos (Saracenos), non, ut nostri saepe faciunt, armis, sed verbis, non vi,
sed ratione, non odio, sed amore... (19)
Stated thus, the approach to the Moslem problem is more conspicuously reasonable and humane than
the customarily militaristic position.
[35] Continuing his analysis, Ferrari submits that the propaganda of this tolerant consideration was
basic to the author's motivation in writing the chronicle. His encomiastic work of Alfonso VII was
based on a desire to demonstrate that this king and his rule illustrate an exemplary governing process in
a Christian country. The author's principal intent was the positive evaluation of the crusade against the
infidels and its manner of execution by Alfonso VII. The reconquest and relations with the Moslems
are, in effect, the main themes of the history. Tolerance and harmony were preached as desirable
principles. However, when the enemy resorted to aggressive and destructive tactics, the Christian
response was, of necessity, an energetic reprisal.
In both of his studies Ferrari proceeds to an evincive theory regarding Peter of Poitiers as author of this
work. He submits that the chronicle is a detailed, historical narration of facts corroborated through
documentation. At the same time he claims that it is an extraordinary symbolic work of a contrived
character based on Trinitarian arithmetic and medieval hermeneutics. The mathematical aspect of the
chronicle is correlated with the fact that the lexical and syntactic units of the text are all divided
according to codified ternary and septenary computations.
The ultimate origin of this mathematical symbolism is to be found in Hebrew ideology and, hence, it
profoundly influenced the thinking of early Christianity. Saint John the [36] Evangelist presumably
utilized this form in his writings. It has been traditionally held in exegetical schools that in his Gospel
he had recourse to the use of number as symbol. In this way, it was felt, the hypostatic complexities of
the mystery of' the Trinity might be elucidated.
Regarding the actual hermeneutic analysis of Saint John's Gospel, it was the Alexandrian writer and
theologian Origen together with Saint Augustine who first enumerated a series of divine attributes
mentioned in that Gospel by Christ. Saint John Damascene incorporated a system of septenary forms in
his exegesis of this Gospel and reduced the list of attributes to twenty-one. This number is significant in
the context of Trinitarian arithmetic because it is evenly divisible by both three and seven, and these are
also the factors of that multiple. In the Trinitarian scheme three and seven are the essential numerical
symbols.
Two medieval theologians who were effectual in the transmission of this mathematical disposition
within their writings were Gilbert de la Porrée and Peter Abelard. They were contemporaries during the
first half of the twelfth century in France. Gilbert was elected Bishop of Poitiers in 1141. Both of these
men were scholastic philosophers who wrote treatises on the doctrine of the Trinity. Their heterodox
opinions regarding the mystery drew the condemnation of Rome. Peter ths Venerable convinced Pope
Innocent II to grant Abelard pardon and absolution after he had been denounced as a heretic and
sentenced to death. [37] Gilbert de la Porée submitted to the judgement of the church and withdrew his
heterodox opinions.
In their hierological treatises both employed a septenary formula on many occasions as a basis for their
respective styles. Seven, because of its enigmatic quality, prevailed in their works as the determining
cipher.
Ferrari contends that Peter of Poitiers was singularly influenced by the septenary tendencies of these
two authors. He discerningly examines the correspondences of Peter the Venerable and finds that in
arranging and editing the collection, Peter of Poitiers allowed the number seven to be a significant
criterion. For example, one of the letters to the editor himself treats of those monks who do not bear the
name of Jesus Christ in some form in their own religious name. This letter is placed in the first and. in
the seventh books into which Peter of Poitiers distributed the epistolary collection. The letter in
question is divided into fourteen paragraphs within which a total of seven arguments are presented.
Each of these is directed to each of the seven names assigned to Jesus Christ in the Gospel of Saint
John. (20) This cryptic recourse of seven is simply a stylized code favored by Trinitarian writers eager
to impart the intricacies of the doctrine.
Much of Ferrari's endeavors to prove that Peter of Poitiers was the author of the chronicle of the
Emperor is based on a stylistic analysis of known writings of this author and a [38] comparison of these
with the chronicle.
The elaborate septenary form was most commonly reserved for theological matters. However, Ferrari
asserts that Peter of Poitiers availed himself of the traditionally theological formula as a vehicle for the
writing of history. He claims that through an intensive analysis of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris
and the Poem of Almería, his findings substantiate the symbolic, Trinitarian nature of these works. (21)
He then indicates another important manifestation of this formulate mode in the production of Peter of
Poitiers. In his collaboration in the Koranic translation, this writer endeavored to approximate the
attributive names of the Persons of the Trinity and Allah. Consequently, he interpolated a marginal
glossary in the translation annotating twenty-one of the ninety-nine titles ascribed to Allah. This
explicative inventory corresponds generally to the twenty-one designations of the Divinity mentioned
by Christ in the Gospel of Saint John. Ferrari insists that this cryptic, exegetical style in the Koranic
glossary is also present in a more recondite manner in the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris and its Latin
poem.
It is significant that in the glossary a secondary purpose was to reply to the Islamic indifference toward
the doctrine of the Trinity while respecting the monotheistic stance of Mohammedanism.
The medieval Trinitarian scheme is based also on the [39] theological teaching that the doctrine of' the
Trinity embodies universal truth. Accordingly, this would have motivated the author of the chronicle to
transpose this concept from theology to history. Thus the author appears to believe that the
communication of history through a stylized symbolic form traditionally reserved for theological
matters would necessarily enhance the truth of that historical reality.
First Ferrari considers the tripartite division of the chronicle to be indicative of the Trinitarian form. (22)
The first two books are in prose, and the third, more limited in length, is written in poetry. Ferrari
deems this triadic arrangement sequentially symbolic of the respective essential attributes of the
Trinity: power, wisdom and love. According to this critic, the author referred this formula to the milieu
of history and conceived these attributes to be characteristic of the personality and deeds of Alfonso
VII.
The first part is dedicated to the young king's consolidation of his power. This then is affiliated with the
divine attribute of power which corresponds to the Father, the first Person of the Trinity. Book II is the
focal part of the chronicle. It narrates the major task of Christianity in twelfth-century Spain: the
reconquest of the Moslem domain in the Peninsula. Success in this endeavor would be conceivable
only after the sovereignty of Alfonso had been secured. In an attempt to remain in conformity with his
Trinitarian hypothesis, Ferrari contends somewhat less convincingly that [40] the creator of the
chronicle esteemed the wisdom of Alfonso's approach to the reconquest. He operated in a spirit of'
peace toward King Zafadola, for example, and he carried out a fierce campaign against the menacing
Almoravides. According to Trinitarian tenets, wisdom is the principal attribute associated with the Son,
the second Person of the hypostatic union. The third segment, the Poem of Almería, is designed to
exhibit the height to which the empire had risen by presenting the national and international forces
which the Emperor could muster for the conquest of Almería. The poem is then a laudatory estimation
of his reign. The form of the third part is significant since Christian writers frequently wrote in rhymed
prose or in verse when treating of the Holy Spirit, the third Person of the Trinity.
With his exegetical investigation assuming rather esoteric overtones, Ferrari concludes that the twenty-
one divine attributes glossed by Peter of Poitiers in the translation of the Koran constitute the twenty-
one personal characteristics which Alfonso VII manifested in the administration of his kingdom. It is
admitted that of necessity these qualities are not rigorously structured in conformity with their order of
appearance in theological inventories. However, it is indicated that the arithmetical distribution is
observed faithfully, i.e., seven attributes are assigned to each of the three sections of the work. The
internal and external structure of all three books are then said to be conditioned by this series of
Trinitarian attributes. Book I is divided into seven septenaries each [41] respectively related to the
qualities which specify the Father: eternity, providence, beginning, vocation, predestination,
purification and creation. Even though Book II is lacking the final pages, Ferrari maintains that a
septenary configuration is discernible. He offers the following seven concepts as the structural elements
upon which Book II is based: prefiguration mediation, inspiration, redemption, justification, union and
illumination. Because of the lacuna at the end of this book, it is stated that the seventh septenary is
absent. The Poem of Almaría is also incomplete with eight pages missing at the end, as one manuscript
reveals. Ferrari admits that this hinders his calculations but, nevertheless, he insists on the septenary
computation in the third part. The attributes which inspire the Latin verses are the following: future,
order, end, sanctification, glorification, perfection, and conservation. (23)
In his study Ferrari has recourse to Luis Sánchez Belda's critical edition of the Chronica Adefonsi
Imperatoris. When he is unable to arrive at a specific calculation of forms which will constitute a
septuple, he contends that the textual representations in the critical edition provide the integrating
lexical variations needed to achieve the precise septenary computation.
An isolated example of the septenary distribution as seen by this scholar will perhaps best illustrate
what indeed is the purport of this stylistic technique. The first three stanzas of the Poem of Almería
have been selected from Ferrari's many [42] examples. (24) This excerpt is preferable because of its
brevity. Moreover, in this instance the criteria for septenary enumeration are not as ambiguous as in
other calculations. The selection functions as a preface to the entire poetic composition. The sum of all
lexical units in the passage is eighty distinct forms. Ferrari numbers the words "Sub urgi" in the third
strophe as one form since the prepositional phrase corresponds to the place name of Almería. He also
counts the three copulative forms of "et" as one construction. Thus he arrives at the figure seventy-
seven, which is the multiple of the number seven. The mathematical nature of this quantity, Ferrari
claims, is consistent with Trinitarian style.
The conception of presenting human events -- especially those pertaining to a Christian ruler and his
reign -- in analogous proportion to the divine was not uncommon in the Middle Ages. Medieval
political theory held that the right to govern which the king possessed proceeded directly from God. In
the case of this history, Angel Ferrari conceives an enlargement of this traditional divine-human
affiliation. He concludes that a complex mathematical scheme was employed to denote symbolically
the correspondence between transcendental truth and historical fact. Accordingly, he contends that
ternary and septenary formulae provide the structural criteria upon which this history is devised.
If these conjectures are legitimate, then the Chronica [43]Adefonsi Imperatoris is indeed a prodigious
creation within the tradition of medieval symbolic representation. This would signify a notable
innovation of Trinitarian techniques directed to the historical rather than to the theological.
If the French cleric, Peter of Poitiers, was in effect, the author of the chronicle, and if the work was
indeed structured according to mathematical convention, then this writer has realized the expression of
an ingenious artifice of aesthetic versatility.
In his examination of the social and political attitudes in the chronicle, Ferrari has revealed significant
aspects of medieval political motivation. His conclusion regarding the benevolent disposition of the
Emperor toward his insubordinate nobles as being consistent with Cluniac persuasion is indeed
convincing. The force of Cluny was influential upon many patterns of life in Spain during the twelfth
century. Ferrari's analysis of reconquest policies documented in the chronicle reveals the consequence
of the tolerant measure adopted by Alfonso VII in his alliance with the Saracens.
Nevertheless, certain irrefutable obstacles within the text of the chronicle controvert the certainty of the
Trinitarian, enumerative scheme advanced by Ferrari. Principally, the incompleteness of the work along
with the presence of textual lacunae seriously hinder the detection of forms and groupings supposedly
predetermined by computation.
It has been noted previously that the seven remaining [44] manuscripts offer varied renditions of the
form of' the chronicle. This factor and the loss of the prototype manuscript make it difficult to ascertain
whether or not the author originally contrived a cryptic numerical arrangement as a basis for his
history.
Moreover, Ferrari discloses that there is no evidence of this Trinitarian technique being utilized in
historical works prior to the chronicle of this Emperor or after it. This esoteric system was reserved
solely for theological questions. If other historical testimony were available bearing the Trinitarian
imprint, perhaps Ferrari's conclusions would be more convincing.
Both Luis Sánchez Belda and Angel Ferrari share the opinion that the author was a member of the
clergy and quite probably of French nationality. The first of these judgments can hardly be doubted
given the erudite Biblical allusions in the text and the manifest Vulgate style of the Latin.
However, there is no note of conclusive testimony in the chronicle which would confirm that the author
was Gallic. One may only resort to conjecture regarding his nationality.
In all likelihood the author was not Castilian. One presumes this because of the scant amount of
information relevant to the activities of the Castilian aristocracy during Alfonso's reign. The manifest
Leonese spirit of the work affords grounds for believing that the chronicler was from that region of the
Peninsula. In addition, there is one [45] hypothesis worthy of consideration which scholars have not
suggested. Alfonso was initially proclaimed King of Galicia, and he continually enjoyed the vehement
endorsement and support of that region's nobility. This allegiance was particularly demonstrative
during the first years of his rule there when he was initiated into the turbulent politics of the Peninsula.
His tutor and protector was the powerful Galician noble1 the Count of Traba, Pedro Fróilaz. (25) On one
occasion the renowned Archbishop of Santiago, Diego Gelmírez, aided the young monarch in his
escape from an armed encounter between Galician troops and the Aragonese army which was led by
Alfonso's antagonistic stepfather, Alfonso I of Aragón.
Whether from across the Pyrenees or from any of the northern Christian kingdoms, it remains likely
that the author lived and probably wrote in the city of Toledo. His moving account of the frontier
campaigns around Toledo and the fierce struggle by the Almoravides to reconquer the capital bespeaks
a familiarity with the region exploitable only by one who had lived in proximity to the events narrated.
Other authors also maintain that the anonymous author of the chronicle was a resident of Toledo at least
for a time. In his studies of the disappearance of the Almoravides from the Peninsula, Francisco Codera
concludes that like the author of the Anales toledanos, the author of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris
also seems to be Toledan. (26)
Until heretofore unseen or undisclosed documentation is [46] discovered, however, the question of
authorship of this work will remain within the realm of conjecture.
Notes for Chapter 3

1. "What I have learned and heard from those who were witnesses." Chron. Ad. Imp., Preface.
2. "If it please the Emperor." Poem of Almería, verse 8 of the Preface.
3. "When she realized what the enemy was doing, she sent messengers to the infidel kings bearing the
following communication: 'Do you not realize that you are fighting against a woman, and that this is in
no way advantageous to your own honor? If you wish to fight, go to Oreja and fight with the Emperor
who is awaiting you there with his forces in battle array'. . .Upon seeing her, the infidels were not only
astonished, but also very ashamed. They bowed their heads before the Queen, turned back and did not
cause any further destruction in the area. They gathered their forces that had lain in ambush, and they
returned to their lands without victory and without honor." Chron. Ad. Imp., paragraph 150.
4. "Princess Sancha had arranged the bed chamber in the royal palace of Saint Pelayo. There was a
large group of entertainers around the bed chamber. These were all women and girls singing to the
accompaniment of flutes, lutes, psalteries and every kind of musical instrument." Chron. Ad. Imp.,
paragraph 35.
5. "It was the harvest season, so he set fire to all the fields and cut down all the vineyards, olive groves
and fig trees. Consequently, fear of the king weighed heavily on all those who lived in the land of
infidels." Chron. Ad. Imp., paragraph 35.
6. Judith 2: 17-18.
7. Chron. Ad. Imp., paragraph 177.
8. Sánchez Belda, p. xi.
9. Francisco Sota, Chrónica de los Príncipes de Asturias y Cantabria (Madrid, 1681), p. 14.
10. Sánchez Belda, p. xvi.
11. Juan de Ferreras, Sinopsis histórica - chronológica de España (Madrid: Antonio Pérez de Sota,
1775), XVI, appendix, 10.
12. Angel Ferrari, "Artificios septenarios en la Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris y Poema de Almería,"
Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia, CXXII (1963), 19-67.
13. Angel Ferrari, "El cluniacense Pedro de Poitiers y la Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris y Poema de
Almería," Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia, CXXII (1963), 193-204.
14. Carl Bishko, "Peter the Venerable's Journey to Spain," Studia Anselmiana, XL (1956), 163-175.
15. Ferrari, "El culniacense Pedro de Poitiers," pp. 172-173.
16. M. Th. D'Alverny, "Duex traductions latines du Coran au Moyen Age," Archives d'histoire
doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Age, XVI (1948), 69-131.
17. Angel J. Martín Duque, "El inglés Roberto, tranductor del Corán," Hispania: Revista Española de
Historia, XXII (1962), 483-506.
18. Giles Constable, ed., The Letters of Peter the Venerable (2 vols.; Cambridge, Mass.; Harvard
University Press, 1967). Vol. I contains the entire epistolary collection of Peter the Venerable in the
original Latin text, and vol. II offers an extensive introductory study letters.
19. "I intend to speak to you, Saracens, not as our men often do, with arms, but rather with words; not
with violence, but with reason; not with hatred, but with love." Jacques Paul Migne, ed., Tratactus
adversus Sectum Saracenorum, Patrologiae cursus completus (221 vols.; Paris: Garnier, 1890),
CLXXXIX, 674.
20. Charles H. Haskins, "An Early Bolognese Formulary," Mélanges offerts à Henri Pirenne (Brussels,
1926), I, 209-221.
21. Ferrari, "El cluniacense Pedro de Poitiers," p. 191.
22. Ibid., p. 194.
23. Ibid., pp. 195-196.
24. Ferrari, "Artificos septenarios," p. 32.
25. A. López Ferreiro, Don Alfonso VII, Rey de Galicia, y su ayo el Conde de Traba (Santiago, 1885),
p. 56.
26. Francisco Codera, Colección de estudios árabes, III: Decadencia y desaparición de los
almorávides en España (Zaragoza, 1899), p. 304.

4
THE POEM OF ALMERÍA
[47] The Poem of Almería pertains to an extensive genre of Latin poetry of the Middle Ages in which
the principal themes were liberty, religion and warfare. It represents what Amador de los Ríos titles the
medieval "hymn of war" (1) so prevalent in Spain during the Reconquest. The recording of history
during that epoch was not merely the writing down of events, but also the stimulation of Christian
bravery and patriotism.
The 373 leonine hexameters of the fragmentary poem describe the preparations for the campaign
against Almería while the Emperor's forces were being mobilized. The principal theme is the
identification of the military leaders of the crusade. In essence it is a rhymed chronicle. In the final
paragraph of Book II, the author declares that in order to avoid the tedium of prose, he will alter his
form to poetry. Enrique Flórez believed that the poet's intent was solely the presentation of the Spanish
commanders and not the narration of the conquest of Almería. (2)
The incompleteness of the work leads one to surmise that the victory itself was recounted in the final
pages which are now missing according to the copyist of MS I. Moreover, in verse 287 the poet reports
the taking of Andújar and adds that Almería will be brought down in like manner.
[48] The Latin heroic form and content identify the author with the medieval class of "juglares de
péñola," who shared the poetic scene with those who composed their verses in the vernacular. The
Crónica de Castilla, relating the wedding celebrations of the three daughters of Alfonso VI, designates
the attendance of each class of artist: "....et otrosí fueron en aquellas bodas muchas maneras de yoglares
ansí de boca como de peñola."
The heroic subject matter offered a logical opportunity to elevate the form of the chronicle to poetry.
Moreover, the poet endeavored to sustain an epic motif by identifying the Christian chieftains with the
celebrated figures of both classical and modern epic verse and also with the heroes of the Old
Testament. In the fifth stanza Alfonso VII is compared with Charlemagne, and in verses 215 and 216,
Alvar Fáñez is ranked with Roland and Oliver. Pedro Alfonso, the Asturian commander, is described
as:
Pulcher ut Absalon, virtute potens quasi Sanson, instructisque bonis, documenta tenet
Salomonis. (3)
One or the most significant passages of the poem is the allusion to Rodrigo Díaz, the Cid. From verses
220 to 225 a brief historical sketch of his heroism and fame is outlined. In the Latin poem dedicated
specifically to the Cid, Carmen Campidoctoris, written around 1090, we find, classical references
analogous to those in the Poem of Almería. In the first stanza of the Carmen Campidoctoris, the author
introduces [49] his protagonist by citing the deeds of Paris, Pyrrhus and Aeneas. (4) In the final verses
Rodrigo's merits transcend the valor of Paris and Hector:
Talibus armis ornatus et equo,
Paris vel Hector melioris illo,
nunquam fuerunt in Troiano bello,
sunt neque modo. (5)
In the Poem of Almería verse 220 identifies the Cid as "Ipse Rodericus, Meo Cidi saepe vocatus." (6)
Jack Gibbs insists on the significance of this line as plausible documentary evidence of a vernacular
poem dedicated to Rodrigo Díaz: "l'emploi des mots Meo Cidi pour désigner don Rodrigue est un
témoignage incontestable que le poème sur ses exploits était en espagnol." (7)
Although he aspired to avoid monotony by resorting to poetry, the author did not realize his objective.
Attempting to echo the erudition of classical verse, he most often falters in a series of wearisome
pedantries. Flórez has judged the rhetorical style as "duro y áspero, como de poeta bárbaro y de boca de
hierro." (8)
The leonine hexameters of the poem are marked by their extreme irregularity. The most salient
inconsistency is the coincidence of the dactylic foot with proparoxytone words and spondaic and
trochaic feet with paroxytone forms. In these instances one is led to question whether or not it is the
accent of the quantitative meter that determines the rhyme. This metric anomaly was the result of the
increasing [50] disappearance of quantity as a poetic factor and the growing importance of accented
rhyme. The poet lacked the proficiency to compose correctly hexametric meter, and as such, Rodríguez
Aniceto classified his verses as "lo más tosco e imperfeoto." (9)
In spite of the unsymmetrical form, the work is rich in documentary substance, notably the delineation
of essential features of each kingdom of Spain. The most revealing is the portrait of the Castilians
wherein their pride, wealth and distinction of language are specified:
Illorum lengua resonat quasi tympano tuba.
Sunt nimis elati, sunt divitiis dilatati.
Castellae vires per saecula fuere rebelles. (10)
Likewise León is characterized as the realm which held a position of sovereignty among the kingdoms
of Spain:
Haec tenet Hispani totius culmina regni,
Regali cura scrutatur regia iura. (11)
The victory at Almería in 1147 was a significant but momentary triumph in the Reconquest. It rid the
Mediterranean of a strategic seaport base of infidel pirates and also severed the line of communication
between Granada and North Africa. Unfortunately, Christian supremacy of Almería lasted for only ten
years. In 1157 the Almohades succeeded in reconquering the city, and the heroic efforts of the Emperor
and his forces had been in vain.
The Poem of Almería is a work of little aesthetic value. [51] However, it deserves scrutiny because of
its realistic presentation of a celebrated twelfth-century crusade. Jack Gibbs emphasizes its merit as a
rare example of the primary stage in the genesis of the heroic poem. He contends that in the general
classification of the medieval epic, a fragment such as this poem merits significant consideration. His
judgment allows for the Poem of Almería to be considered an original or secondary source for a cantar
de gesta in the vernacular. (12)
Notes for Chapter 4
1.José Amador de los Ríos, Historia crítica de la literatura española (Facsimile ed.; Madrid: Gredos,
1969), II, 191.
2.Flórez, España sagrada, XXI, 319.
3."He is handsome as Absalom, as strong as Samson, and he possesses the wisdom of Solomon." Poem
of Almería, vv. 117-118.
4.Ramón Menéndez Pidal, ed., Carmen campidoctoris, in La España del Cid (Madrid: Espasa Calpe,
1956), II, 880.
5."Outfitted with such arms and steed, he is better than Paris or Hector were in the Trojan war, and
there is no one to equal him now." Carmen campidoctoris, vv. 125-128.
6."Rodrigo, often called 'My Cid'."
7.Jack Gibbs, "Quelques observationes sur le Poema de Almería," Studia Romanica, XIV (Winter,
1967), 76-81.
8.Flórez, España sagrada, XXI, 319.
9.Rodríguez Aniceto, p. 148.
10."The Castilian language resounds like a trumpet and a drum. They are very proud and ennobled by
riches. The men of Castile were rebels for centuries." Poem of Almería, vv. 136-138.
11."This group [León] holds the highest place in the entire Spanish kingdom. It oversees the regal
offices with noble bearing." Poem of Almería, vv. 68-69.
12.Gibbs, p. 80.


Pacification of the Kingdom; War with Aragón; Declaration of the Empire; Wars with Portugal and
Navarra (1)
The Death of Queen Urraca;
Alfonso VII Takes the Throne
[52] Ancient historians, through their writings handed down to posterity, have brought to life the
outstanding deeds of kings, emperors, consuls, nobles and other heroes. With this in mind, I think it
would be excellent to write of the exploits of King Alfonso VII. That is, to relate the events through
which Almighty God has worked to bring salvation to the people of Christ. Therefore, I have written
just what I have learned and heard from those who were witnesses. I have begun at the start of his
reign, which began after Queen Urraca's (2) death. She was the daughter of King Alfonso VI (3) and
Queen Constanza. (4) This will be explained in the following pages.
BOOK I
(1) It is to be noted that after reigning 16 years, 8 months and 7 days, Queen Urraca died in the year
1164 of the Spanish Era.(5) She died in León on the eighth of March. [53] She was buried honorably
there with her ancestors in the royal tombs. Alfonso, the son of Queen Urraca and Count Raymond of
Burgundy, (6) reigned after her with divine dispensation. He was considered promised from on high and
auspiciously sent. The day after his mother's death, he came, under the guidance of the Lord, to the city
of León. The Kingdom takes its name from that city. He was 19 years old, and it was during the joyful
time of the Jubilee year. Since his arrival had been announced to the people of León, Bishop Diego
Gelmírez (7) went out to meet him with all the people and clergy. They greeted him as if he were
already king. Then, with great joy, they proclaimed him King in the church of Holy Mary on the
appointed day. Then they immediately unfurled the royal standard.
Submission of the Leonese and the Asturians; Attack on the Towers of León
(2) On the third day after the coronation, Count Suario, (8) a truthful man of sound judgement, came to
the King with his friends and relatives. He held Astorga, Luna, and Gordón up to the Eo River and also
up to Cabrunaña. He came with his brother, Alfonso, (9) and with his son, Pedro Alfonso (10) (who later
became a count), and with the following nobles, Rodrigo Bermúdez,(11) Rodrigo González, (12) and
Pedro Braóliz. (13) it would take too long to mention the others in this party. Count Alphonse Jordan,
(14) the King's cousin, was already there with him. He was the son of Count Raymond of Toulouse (15)
and Princess Elvira. (16) She was the daughter of King Alfonso VI.
[54] (3) After many conferences with the rebels who were still in their towers, the King sent Alphonse
and Suario with Bishop Gelmírez to give them the following message: "I will receive you in peace, and
you will have a high place in my kingdom if you surrender the towers without military action." The
rebels stated repeatedly under oath that they would not give up the towers. They added that they did not
want him to rule over them. They had placed their hopes in Count Pedro de Lara (17) and in his brother,
Rodrigo González. (18) They were both Castilian, and they preferred war rather than peace with the
King.
(4) On the next day the King assaulted the towers and captured them. He did this with his Consul-
Governors, Alphonse and Suario, and with their followers. The people of the city also participated.
However, those in the towers who were captured were allowed to go free. This was done in a very
prudent spirit. This clemency greatly impressed the enemies of the King. In fact, the following Leonese
nobles came to the King and made peace with him: Rodrigo Martínez, (19) his brother Osorio, (20) and
Ramiro Fróilaz. (21) All these were later made counts by the King. Also to come were Count Ramiro,
(22) Pedro López,(23) and his brother Lope López, (24) and Count Gonzalo Peláez, (25) who was
governor of Asturias. He allied himself with the King, and was appointed Consul in charge of all
military outposts in Asturias. Many others not mentioned here also came peacefully to the King.
[55] Meetings in Zamora;
Submission of the Galicians and the Castilians
(5)The King then went off toward Zamora and met in Ricovado with Teresa, (26) the Queen of the
Portuguese, and with Count Fernando. (27) He made peace with them for a definite period of time. The
following nobles also made peace with the Kings García Iñiguez (28) who held Cea, Diego Muñiz (29)
of Saldaña, Rodrigo Vélaz, (30) a Galician count who held Sarria, and Count Gutter, (31) the brother of
Count Suario. Count Gutier had, in fact, made peace with Alfonso in Galicia. The sons (32) of Count
Pedro Fróilaz (33) also made a promise of peace. Among them was Rodrigo, who was later made a
count by the King. Others who received high honors were Belasco, García and Bermudo; also Count
Gómez Núñez, (34) Fernando Juanes, (35) and Diego, the Archbishop of Compostela. There were many
bishops and abbots from Galicia there likewise. All these individuals presented themselves to the King
and submitted humbly to him in Zamora. They delivered the entire frontier zone across the Duero River
to his authority.
(6) Other counts saw that the King's power was increasing daily. They were the Castilians, Pedro de
Lara and his brother, Rodrigo González, who lived in Asturias de Santillana. Gimeno Iñiguez (36) was
also present. He governed Coyanza in the territory of León. They were indeed frightened; and, as such,
they directed their attention toward arranging a peace conference. However, their treaty with the King
was made in a [56] most insincere manner. Actually they preferred to follow the King of Aragón. (37)
The Frontier Situation with Aragón;
The Taking of Burgos
(7) The King of Aragón held Carrión and Castrojeriz and other well fortified castles in the surrounding
area. In the neighboring territory he reigned over Burgos, Villafranca de Montes de Oca, Nájera,
Belorado, and some other towns and cities nearby. All these were heavily fortified with walls and
ramparts. All of them had been taken from Queen Urraca by means of intimidation. Moreover, the King
of Aragón was attacking the Castillans there constantly. He hated them because they desired peace and
followed the King of León. But other Castilian leaders came to the Aragonese ruler and made a sincere
peace treaty. They did this even though they had been attacked by him. Among them were Rodrigo
Gómez (38) and his brother Diego (39) and Lope Díaz. (40) Rodrigo was later made a consul by the King,
and Lope Díaz was appointed count. García Garcés, (41) Gutier Fernández, (42) his brother Rodrigo, (43)
and Pedro González de Villaescuasa (44) were also among this group.
(8)However, the citizens of Carrión, Burgos and Villafranca realized that they were acting unjustly
toward the King of León, because he was their natural lord. They sent ambassadors to ask him to come
quickly and take back their [57] cities. After he came and recovered the cities, they all submitted to
him. But there was a certain Aragonese knight who was unwilling to return the Burgos castle to the
King. His name was Sancho Arnáldez (45) and he was the keeper of that castle. He was attacked by
Jews and Christians alike and was wounded by an arrow. He died, and thus the castle was captured and
handed over to the King. When, the King of Aragón received this news, he was angry and alarmed..
The Campaign and the Treaty of Támara
(9)In the year 1165 of the Spanish Era, in the month of July, Alfonso I of Aragón came to Castile to
fortify Nájera, Castrojeriz and many other castles which he held in the area of those two cities. He did
so to no avail. For when King Alfonso of León heard of this, he quickly ordered the alarm raised. The
royal proclamation was published throughout Galicia, Asturias, and the entire land of Castile and León.
He assembled a large army and went out to meet the Aragonese King. Both sides drew up battle lines
between Castrojeriz and Hornillos in the Támara valley. But Count Pedro de Lara, who was in the first
line of battle, was unwilling to fight against Alfonso I of Aragón. He preferred to remain faithful to him
according to a pact made between the two of them.
(10)The King of Aragón recognized that Alfonso VII had the Lord on his side, so he abandoned his
plan of fighting him. After retreating to his camp, he realized that it was [58] impossible for him to
return to Aragón without a battle. He sent his nobles, Gaston of Bearne (46) and Centulo of Bigorra (47)
as ambassadors to the King of León. They gave him the following messages: "Your stepfather, the King
of Aragón, sends the following communications 'Let me return peacefully to my own country; I will go
directly there without turning to the right or to the left. I swear to give you all the castles and cities that
I am holding which by right of inheritance must serve you. Within forty days I will restore your entire
kingdom to you as it was in your forefathers' time, so that there may be peace and union between you
and me.'"
(11) When he heard this, the King of León knew that the Aragonese monarch was lying. Nonetheless,
after consulting with his nobles, he agreed to the request. Alfonso I, along with many of his palace
nobles, swore that he would carry out everything just as he had promised. Thus he was granted an
unhindered and peaceful return to Aragón. But he broke this oath and plundered the territories through
which he traveled. Consequently, he became a perjured liar.
The Marriage of the King
(12) During the month of November in the year 1166 of the Spanish Era, the King of León brought the
daughter of Count Ramón Berenguer III of Barcelona (48) to be his wife. Her name was Berengaria. (49)
She was a small girl, very [59] beautiful and very chaste and truthful. She loved all who fear God.
Their marriage was solemnized in Saldaña and, thanks to God, they begot children. In all matters the
King consulted first his wife and then his sister, Princess Sancha. (50) Both of them possessed much
sound wisdom. All of their advice produced good results for the King. They were also extremely god-
fearing, and they built churches and monasteries for monks and provided homes for orphans and for the
poor. They were always friends to all who feared God.
The Campaign of Almazán;
The Retreat of the Battler King
(13) One year later Alfonso I of Aragón gathered a large number of knights, infantrymen, and archers
and came to the frontier around Medina Sidonia. He encircled Morón and began to make war on the
cities and castles around the city. Since the citizens of Medina Sidonia and Morón realized that they
were outnumbered, they sent the following message to Alfonso VII: "The King of Aragón is attacking
us. He intends to use force in order to subdue us and our families and to plunder our possessions. Come
and free us from him, and we will serve you happily." After Alfonso heard this, he said to the
messengers, "Go and tell the citizens of Medina Sidonla and of Morón to take courage, to fight and to
act bravely. I will assist them immediately and, with the help of God, I will liberate them."
(14) He mobilized an army from León, Galicia and a small force from Castile. There were 700 brave
soldiers in all. They assembled at Atienza. However, Count Pedro de Lara, his brother Rodrigo, and his
friends refused to aid the Leonese King. Nevertheless, Alfonso moved his camp to San Justo and halted
there. The next day he transferred his camp to Morón with his forces all in battle array. When the King
of Aragón realized that Alfonso was coming to fight him, he withdrew from Morón and went to
Almazán. He entered the town with his entire army and surrounded it with a high fortification. The
following day Alfonso VII arrived at Morón. He mobilized his forces and stationed them in such a way
so that they were facing Almazán from morning until night.
(15) The Aragonese King saw that those troops were not great in number. But he also realized that the
soldiers were brave and well-armed. He had several thousand knights and guards on his side. He
summoned his nobles and the bishops who accompanied him and asked their advice regarding the
course he should follow. Pedro, (51) the Bishop of Pamplona, said to him, "If you will allow me, I will
offer some counsel." The King asked him to speak, and the Bishop continued, "That force is very small,
but it is indeed great, for God is on its side, and God will defend it. It does not seek what belongs to
others, but only what is truly its own. It loves peace and it seeks peace. Indeed everyone who loves
peace loves the Lord. It is not difficult for God, to surround [61] many with a few. The victory in battle
does not depend on the size of the army. No, the strength comes from heaven. My King, remember the
agreement you made last year with the King of León. You promised to return Castrojeriz and Nájera
along with the other cities and castles which you took forcibly from Queen Urraca, his mother. It you
comply with that promise, you will live peacefully with him. Do not fight him. Indeed, if you do, you
and all of your followers should consider yourselves defeated and dead."
(16)The Bishop's advice was heard, and it seemed sound to the King and to all the nobles. Under the
circumstances they decided against fighting the Leonese King. Alfonso saw that the Aragonese were
unwilling to do battle, so he sent messengers to them. These were Count Suario and Gonzalo Peláez,
Duke of Asturias. Count Suario was a very peaceful and truthful man and a good friend to Alfonso VII.
These envoys were to give the following message to the Aragonese, "You are aware of the evils which
you have caused not only in Castile, but in all the kingdom. You also know that last year you swore to
return to the King of León the castles and cities which belong to him. If you carry out these terms, there
will be peace between you and Alfonso VII. If not, then prepare to fight. Let him to whom God grants
victory rule his kingdom in peace."
(17) The king of León then fortified Morón, Medinaceli, [62] and the remainder of the castles and cities
in the region. He saw that the citizens were in good spirits, and he returned to Castile. He commanded
all of the nobles and knights to depart for home with joy. Everyone who heard about the Aragonese
King being contained by Alfonso glorified God saying, "The mercy of God is eternal." They began to
fear the King of León and to obey him. The King of Aragón fortified Almazán and departed for home.
En route he paused in the city of Jaca. From that day forward he never returned to Castile. He did not
even dare to confront Alfonso on their countries' mutual border. Moreover, a powerful struggle ensued
between the knights of Castile allied with the King of León and those supporting the cause of the
Aragonese King. But those who followed Alfonso of León were always victorious. The allies of
Alfonso I were continuously decreasing, while the number of those who worked in the interest of León
was growing daily, thanks be to God.
The Submission of the Count of Lara, of Pedro Díaz of Valle, and, of Gimeno Iñiguez
(18) In June of the year 1168 of the Spanish Era, the King of León went to Palencia. There he seized
Count Pedro de Lara and his son-in-law, Count Beltran, (52) because they were causing much disorder
In his kingdom. Count Rodrigo, the latter's brother, and his followers and friends immediately became
rebels. The King took the two Counts to León and put them in prison there until they surrendered [63]
all their cities and castles. He then sent them away disgraced and empty-handed. Count Pedro still had
the intention of waging war in Castile, but he was without the means to do so. He subsequently went to
the King of Aragón who was then attacking Bayonne. He tried to convince him to return to Castile to
engage in war. While Count Pedro was there, Alphonse Jordan, the Count of Toulouse, arrived at
Bayonne to take part in its defense. Count Pedro immediately challenged Alphonse to individual battle.
Both went out to fight much like two strong lions. Pedro was wounded by Alphonse Jordan's spear, and
he fell from his horse. He broke his arm, and a few days later he died. The Count of Toulouse remained
unharmed.
(19) In the meantime, the King of León ordered Count Rodrigo Martinez and his brother Osorio to go
to León. They were to attack Pedro Díaz (53) who was rebelling in Valle. Díaz had with him a large
number of knights and soldiers. Rodrigo and Osorio arrived there and encircled the castle. Those inside
continued to shout insults at Rodrigo and his brother because they were unable to counterattack them
successfully. When this was reported to Alfonso VII, he hurried to the town of Valle. He commanded
that mantlets and numerous other war machines be constructed around the castle. The King's forces
commenced to hurl rocks and arrows at those inside. Subsequently, the castle walls were completely
destroyed.
(20) When Pedro Díaz realized that he was overwhelmed, [64] he began to shout out to the King: "My
Lord and King, I stand at fault; I earnestly beg you, for the love of God who always aids you, do not
hand me or my family over to Count Rodrigo. Instead, you yourself take vengeance upon me as you see
fit." When the King heard this, he was moved to pity. He ordered Pedro Díaz to come to him with
Pelayo Fróilaz (54) who was there also. He sent both of them to their tents. A few days later he ordered
them to depart freely. Pedro Díaz wandered far and wide without a king or a protector. He finally
became very ill and died poor and wretched.
(21) Count Rodrigo captured other knights. He sent some of these to prison until they surrendered all
their possessions to him. He made others serve him for several days without any compensation. Those
who had been insulting him he yoked with oxen to plow and feed on grass like cattle. He also made
them eat straw from a manger. After he had stripped them of all their riches, he allowed the pathetic
prisoners to go their way. The citizens of Coyanza saw all this and followed the order of Gimeno
Iñiguez. They yielded their town and castle to the King.
The Submission of Rodrigo de Lara
and his Appointment as Governor of Toledo
(22) Following these events the King went to Castile and to Asturias de Santillana to fight against
Count Rodrigo [65] and other rebels. He captured their fortified castles, set fire to their fields and
hacked down their trees and vineyards. When the Count realized that he could not escape from the
hands of the King by hiding either in castles or in caves, he sent envoys to him. They requested a
conference near the Pisuerga River. The terms of the agreement were that each one would come with
only six knights. The King accepted this, so they met and began their discussion. But when Alfonso
was subjected to disrespectful remarks from Count Rodrigo, he became extremely angry. He seized the
Count by the neck, and both of them fell from their horses to the ground. When Rodrigo's knights
witnessed this, they abandoned him and fled in a state of great fear.
(23) The King captured the Count and led him off as if he were a common prisoner. He put him in
prison until he returned all of his dominions and castles. Then he sent him away empty-handed and
dishonored. However, not many days later, Rodrigo returned to the King. He submitted to him and
acknowledged his crimes against him. Alfonso, as usual, was merciful and pitied him. He entrusted
Toledo to him and extensive territories on the frontier and in Castile. Count Rodrigo waged numerous
wars against the Moors. He killed many and took many prisoners. He also carried away large quantities
of booty from their lands.
The Taking of Castrojeriz, Herrera and Castrillo;
the Expulsion of the Aragonese from Castile
[66] (24) In May of 1169 of the Spanish Era, the King went to do battle against the town of Castrojeriz.
Oriol Garcés, (55) an outstanding knight of the King of Aragón, was inside the fortress there. There
were many knights and infantrymen with him, for he had been waging war throughout a large part of
Castile. Alfonso surrounded the fortress with a large wall and with a rampart. No one could enter or
come out. Those on the inside were suffering intensely from hunger and thirst. Consequently, they
requested a truce with the King. They also sent messengers to their master, the King of Aragón. They
were to ask him to come and rescue them from the Leonese King. But he did not dare come, nor did he
dare set foot in Castile.
(25) Oriol Garcés and his companions understood that they could place no hope in Alfonso I of Aragón.
Many of them were dying of starvation. Six months had already passed since they bad first been
besieged. It was then the month of October, which is the sixth month reckoned from May. Oriol sought
peace and asked for the King's right hand for himself and for his men. He in turn offered the King of
León his own hand as a gesture of peace. But Alfonso drove them out of the fortress and stationed a
garrison there.
(26) Other castles in the area were also delivered to the King. These were, namely, Herrera and
Castrillo. He forced all the foreigners out of them and even out of Castile. In this way a state of
prosperity and peace was established [67] throughout his kingdom. All of the citizens began to build
homes and plant vineyards and trees. They began to repopulate all the land which the King of Aragón
had devastated. Since the time of King Alfonso VI, the King's grandfather, there bad not been such joy
in the kingdom.
The Vassalage of King Zafadola
(27) At that time there was a certain Spanish Moslem King living in Rota. His name was Zafadola, (56)
and he was a descendant of one of the most noble families of the Spanish Moslem rulers. He had heard
much about the exploits of Alfonso in his struggle against the King of Aragón. He had been informed
of how our King had confronted him, how the Aragonese monarch had sworn to restore his kingdom to
him, and how he had lied and become a perjurer. When King Zafadola had gathered all of this
information, he called his entire family together. Included in this group were his children, his wives, his
constables, his governors, and all his nobles. He said to them, "Do you know of the great deeds of
Alfonso, the King of León, against the Aragonese ruler and against his rebels?" They replied that they
had heard of them. Zafadola continued, "What course shall we take? How long shall we remain
confined here?" They had, in fact, hidden themselves for fear of the Almoravides (57) who had killed all
of the descendants of the Spanish Moslems and had taken their kingdom from them. King Zafadola
himself was in Rota confined there with some of his people who had fled to him. [68] He told them,
"Hear my plan. Let us go to the King of León, and let us make him our King and master and our friend.
I know that he will be lord over all the Moors, because God is his Deliverer and his Helper. I know,
indeed, that through him my sons and I will recover the honors which the Almoravides robbed from
me, from my ancestors, and, from my people."
(28) His nobles answered unanimously, "This is an excellent plan. Your idea seems sound to all of us."
In the meantime, King Zafadola sent ambassadors to the King of León with this message: "Lend me
some of your nobles with whom I may come to you in safety." Alfonso was very happy to hear this, and
he quickly sent Count Rodrigo Martínez and Gutier Fernández to Zafadola. The latter noble was one of
the King's counselors. When they arrived in Rota they were received honorably by King Zafadola. He
presented them with magnificent gifts, and then he traveled to the King of León accompanied by them.
Alfonso welcomed him, and honored him by making him sit at his side on the royal throne. He
expressly ordered that Zafadola should not be allowed to give anything in return for his food. When the
Moorish nobles witnessed all this, they were amazed and, said to each other, "Who among the kings is
like the King of León?"
(29) King Zafadola saw the wisdom and the wealth of Alfonso VII. He likewise saw the great peace
that reigned in his palace and in all his kingdom. He then said to the Christian ruler, "What I have heard
in Rota regarding your wisdom, [69] your clemency, the peace in your kingdom and, your wealth is
indeed true. Blessed are your men, blessed are your counselors who live here with you and who are in
your kingdom." He gave the King a magnificent gift of very precious stones. He and his sons became
Alfonso's knights and promised to serve him all the days of their lives. They gave him the city of Rota,
which the King entrusted to his own son, Sancho the Castilian. (58) Then Rota was populated with
Christians, and they began to invoke the name of the Blessed Trinity in the city, and especially the Holy
Spirit. No one living at that time ever conceived that the Name of the Lord would be mentioned
publicly in Rota. The King of León also gave Zafadola fortresses and cities. These were in the region of
Toledo, in Extremadura and along the Duero River. Zafadola came and lived there, and served Alfonso
all the days of his life.
The Rebellion of Gonzalo Peláez;
Relations with Doña Guntroda
(30) In 1170 of the Spanish Era, King Alfonso ordered his nobles to assemble with their forces on a
certain day in Atienza. When they had gathered, the King learned that the Asturian, Count Gonzalo
Peláez, had agreed to rebel with his kinsman, Rodrigo Gómez. (59) Alfonso seized the latter, and he
stripped him of his honor and sent him away. But Gonzalo Peláez fled, and all his knights were
captured. The King pursued him into Asturias and ordered that his knight be kept [70] under guard at
the rear. He found the Count in Tudela and attacked him there. First of all, the King's forces captured
the castle at Gozón and the ones around it.
(31) When Count Gonzalo became aware that his troops had been captured by Alfonso, he instantly
sought a treaty with him. The terms were the following: for one year they would be under a mutual
covenant of peace. The King would not wage war against the Count, nor would Gonzalo plunder
Alfonso's lands. He delivered the city of Tudela and other castles over to the King. Nonetheless, the
Count continued to rebel in Proaza, Buanga and in Alba de Quirós. These were all very strong
fortresses.
(32) While this was taking place, the King brought to his side a certain concubine whose name was
Guntroda. (60) She was the daughter of Pedro Díaz (61) and María Ordóñez. She was extremely
beautiful and belonged to the highest Asturian nobility. The King had a daughter by her whom he
named Urraca. (62) She was entrusted to Alfonso's sister, Princess Sancha, to be weaned and educated.
The First Campaign to Andalusia;
the Sackings of Jerez and of Cádiz;
Dealings with the Moors
(33) In the seventh year of' his reign, 1171 of the Spanish Era, Alfonso took counsel with King
Zafadola. He gathered the nobles from his kingdom, and he revealed his secret plan to them. He
disclosed that his highest ambition was to begin [71] to make war throughout the land of the Moors. He
wished to take revenge on King Texufin (63) and on the other rulers of the Almoravides. These were the
infidel leaders who had come to the frontier region near Toledo and had killed many Christian captains.
They had destroyed the castle at Aceca, and they had slain all the Christians they had found there. Tello
Fernández (64) bad been carried across the sea along with other captives. He was the commander there.
The King's proposal was subsequently approved by all.
(34) The entire army from all the Kingdom was mobilized in Toledo. They pitched their tents near the
Tajo River. King Alfonso marched with his forces as did King Zafadola. The camp was divided into
two divisions, because there was not enough drinking water for all the army, nor was there enough
grass to feed the animals. Alfonso entered the territory of the Almoravides with his army through the
Puertollano Pass. The other army, under the command of Rodrigo González, entered through
Despeñaperro Pass. For fifteen days they marched through uninhabited lands. Both armies joined
together near the Moorish castle of Galledo. From then on they were able to get fodder for the livestock
and grain in abundance. The countless number of knights, infantrymen, and archers covered the face of
the earth like locusts.
(35) The King moved the camp from there and began marching through the fertile fields around
Córdoba plundering on all [72] sides. He occupied all that land, and pillaged it completely. He took a
large quantity of booty and left behind nothing but fire and destruction. He then crossed the
Guadalquivir River and continued the march. They left behind Córdoba and Carmona on the left and
Sevilla (which the ancients called "Hispalis") on the right. It was the harvest season, so he set fire to all
the fields and cut down the vineyards, olive groves and fig trees. Consequently, fear of the Christian
King weighed heavily on all those who lived in the lands of the Saracens. (65) In a state of terror, the
Moors abandoned their cities and smaller castles. They enclosed themselves in the most impregnable
fortresses and in the fortified cities. They also hid in the mountains, in nearby caves, in the rocks and
on the islands off the coast.
(36) The entire Christian army camped in the territory around Sevilla. Large bands of armed men went
out of the camp every day to carry out raids on the enemy. They would march throughout the region
around Sevilla, Carmona, and Córdoba, plundering on all sides. They set fire to all the land, cities and
castles. They found many of these uninhabited, for the people had fled. They could not count the
number of men and women who were captured, it was so great. They also seized a large number of
horses, camels, asses, oxen, sheep and goats. They carried off much grain, wine, and olive oil to the
camp. They also destroyed all the mosques they came upon, and they killed all their priests and doctors
of the Law. The sacred [73] books which they found in the mosques were burned. These raids
continued for eight days. Following that, they all returned to the camp with the booty.
(37) When there were no more spoils to be had in the region, the King broke camp. He then arrived at a
very rich city which the ancients called "Tuccis," but in our tongue it is known as Jerez de la Frontera.
It was plundered and destroyed. Later the King moved camp and continued pillaging in the surrounding
area. He went as far as Cádiz which is on the sea.
(38) However, there were some senseless knights (the sons of certain nobles) who did not manifest
sound judgment. In the eyes of the King, their actions were not at all sensible. They had heard that a
nearby island was filled with horses and oxen, and that there were great riches there. They crossed the
sea and eagerly went to the island. But the infidel forces were prepared for battle. They met them and
joined in combat. The Christians were defeated because of their sins. Some of these nobles' sons
returned to the camp. They informed the army of all that had happened to them. Then at last the
Christian military forces began truly to respect the King's judgment. From that day on, not one of the
soldiers dared leave the camp without his orders.
(39) Alfonso remained there for many days until all of the plundering cohorts had returned. They came
back with [74] many victories to their credit and they captured many thousands of Moors. They also
brought back a vast number of camels, stallions, mares, bulls, cows, sheep, goats, and many other
riches belonging to the Moorish royalty.
(40) The King again broke camp and departed for Sevilla. He arrived there and crossed the
Guadalquivir River. A large army of Moors gathered around the walls of the city with their forces in
battle array. Nonetheless, they were quickly blockaded by a few armed Christians. All of the land
around Sevilla was plundered, and the crops and houses were burned down. They destroyed the
vineyards, the fig trees and the olive groves. They cut down many of the royal orchards located on both
sides of the river. The Almoravides, however, did not capture one Christian. If any had been taken
prisoner, the death penalty would have been certain.
(41) The leaders of the Spanish Moslems observed all this in secret. They then sent envoys to King
Zafadola with the following message: "Speak with the Christian King and, with his help, rescue us
from the power of the Almoravides. We shall give even more tributes to the ruler of León than our
forefathers gave to his ancestors. We shall serve him with you, and you and your sons shall rule over
us." When Zafadola heard this, he took counsel with Alfonso and with his trusted advisors. He
answered the envoys, "Go and tell my brothers, the leaders of the Spanish Moslems, to capture [75]
some of the very strong castles and some of the highly fortified towers within the cities. Provoke war in
all parts, and the Leonese King and I will come swiftly to the rescue."
(42) Alfonso moved his camp and crossed the Amarela Pass (66) From there he proceeded to Talavera.
Since all of the objectives of the campaign had been accomplished, everyone returned home with great
joy and triumph. They praised and blessed God who had granted vengeance and punishment for the
death of Tello Fernández and his companions killed in Aceca. Vengeance had also been granted for the
death of Gutier Armíldez, (67) the governor of Toledo, and the other victims of the Almoravides.
The Last Rebellions and Death of Gonzalo Peláez
(43) A few days had gone by when the King remembered that Gonzalo Peláez was rebelling in Asturias.
He went to Oviedo and demanded his castles. The Count was living in them as a rebel, and he refused
to deliver them to Alfonso. He even planned to wage war against him in Proaza. He had killed the horse
the King was riding, along with several men. Alfonso was aware that the Count was bent on evil, so he
left his forces to fight him. The leaders of these troops were Count Suario, his nephew Pedro Alfonso,
and all of the Asturians. The King then journeyed to Castile.
(44) Count Suario attacked Buanga, and Pedro Alfonso besieged Alba de Quirós. Count Gonzalo was at
that time entrenched in Proaza. The forces of the King bravely tightened [76] the siege against the
rebels. They set up ambushes all around the castles, along the roads and paths and over the mountains.
Whomever they caught, they sent away with his hands cut off. This was done for several days. The
Count had been rebelling against the King for nearly two years.
(45) When Gonzalo Peláez perceived that he was so tightly encircled, he came to an agreement with
Count Suario, with Pedro Alfonso and with Ariano, (68) the Bishop of León. He accompanied them to
Alfonso's presence, threw himself at his feet, and confessed his guilt. The King received him peacefully
and spoke to him kindly. It was as the Scripture says, "The heart of the king and the flowing of the
waters are in the hand of the Lord." (69) The Count remained in the palace for several days and was
treated with great honor. Later he appealed to the King to give him the castle at Luna. Alfonso
summoned his sister, Princess Sancha, his wife Berengaria, and other counselors who were well-
advised in such matters. After counsel was taken, he received the castles of Buanga, Proaza, and Alba
de Quirós from the Count. He ordered the castle at Luna to be given to Gonzalo Peláez in order to
avoid any further rebellion. In the past this noble had defied Queen Urraca after she had honored him.
(46) Later he rose up against the King on two more occasions even though peace had been made. But at
last Pedro Alfonso captured Count Gonzalo with the help of the King's forces [77] and sent him to the
Aguilar castle in chains. They held him there until Alfonso ordered him to be released. The King
commanded that on a specific day he was to be exiled from his kingdom. The Count obeyed the order
and went to the court of Alfonso, the King of Portugal. (70) He was a cousin of Alfonso VII, because he
was the son of Queen Teresa and Count Henry of Burgundy. (71) Count Gonzalo intended to wage war
by sea against Galicia and Asturias. But God., who sees all things, did not wish this to be so. The ruler
of Portugal did, in fact, receive Gonzalo Peláez with great honor. He promised him high commissions,
for he too had hopes of waging war on Galicia and Asturias. But the will of God disposed otherwise,
and the Count caught a fever and died an exile in a foreign land. His knights took his body and buried
him in Oviedo.
The Pilgrimage of Rodrigo de Lara; his Death;
a New Governor of Toledo
(47) In October of 1175 of the Spanish Era, while the above-mentioned events were transpiring, Count
Rodrigo González noticed that the attitude of the King toward him had grown somewhat negative.
Therefore, he returned Toledo to Alfonso along with the other cities which he held.. The King accepted
them and at once gave them to Rodrigo Fernández, whom he appointed the new governor of Toledo. He
had fought many battles in Moorish territory. The military experiences of Rodrigo González and
Rodrigo Fernández against the Moors [78] were indeed great, but they have not been described in this
book.
(48) After Count González had kissed the King's hand in farewell and had taken leave of his comrades,
he traveled far away to Jerusalem, and fought many battles there with the infidels. He also constructed
a very strong castle facing Ascalon. This was called the castle of Toron. The Count reinforced it with
knights, infantrymen, and provisions, and he gave it to the Knights Templars. Then he crossed the
Adriatic Sea and finally returned to Spain. He did not go to the King, nor was he received in Castile on
his family estates. Rather he stayed with Count Ramón Berenguer IV of Barcelona (72) and with García
Ramírez, (73) the King of Pamplona. Later he traveled to the court of Abengania, (74) the Saracen prince
of Valencia. He remained with him for several days. But the Saracens gave him a potion which caused
him to become a leper. After the Count realized that his body had been changed, he returned to
Jerusalem where he lived until his death.
The Siege of Bayonne by the King of Aragón;
The Battle of Fraga
(49) Let us leave these matters and speak momentarily of the Aragonese King. Herein we will mention
his death and his activities after his return from Morón and Almazán.
(50) During the time when Alfonso was at war with the rebel nobles, Pedro de Lara and his brother
Rodrigo, the [79] King of Aragón had mobilized sizeable armies of knights and infantrymen. He had
traveled then beyond his own borders to Gascony. There he surrounded the city of Bayonne which is
located near the Garonne River. He remained in that area for several days and plundered all the
surrounding country. He assaulted Bayonne with the many war machines brought for that purpose. He
was unsuccessful, however, in capturing the city with them. Thus he was forced to return to Aragón
without honor.
(51)He assembled a large army from his country and from Gascony. After seeking advice from his
nobles regarding the matter of increasing his power, he allied himself with a group of brave and
stalwart individuals. Among them were Guido, (75) the Bishop of Lescar, Arnald Dot, (76) Bishop of
Jaca, the Bishop of San Vicente de Roda, the Abbot of San Victorian, Gaston of Bearne and Centulo of
Bigorra. Brave men from the Franks and many other foreigners joined his cause He mobilized his army
and went first to Zaragoza. From there he proceeded to other cities and castles which he had captured
from the Moors. He marched to the land of the Almoravides, and besieged the powerful city of Fraga.
The entire area around Valencia and Murcia and all of Granada were attacked. His plundering bands
went to Almería and carried out a great massacre with a heavy capture of slaves. Furthermore, they set
fire to all that territory. However, the renowned Almoravide prince, Abengania, of Valencia and Murcia,
had amassed a large army. [80] It was mobilized to come to Fraga to fight against Alfonso I. Abengania
was defeated twice, and he fled from the battlefield leaving many spoils to the Christians.
(52) The King of Aragón always kept a kind of ark with him. It was made of pure gold adorned on the
inside and outside with precious stones. Inside there was a cross formed out of the wood of the True
Cross. It was venerated as a relic of our Redemption. He had taken it by force from the church of the
Holy Martyrs, Facundo and Primitivo, when he was fighting in León. That church is near the Cea
River. He also had other small ivory boxes laminated with gold, silver and precious stones. These
contained relics of Holy Mary, of the True Cross, of Apostles and Martyrs, Confessors and Virgins, and
Patriarchs and Prophets. The ark and the boxes were kept in the tent where the chapel was, which was
always next to the King's tents. The priests and a large group of clerics guarded them continually with
the utmost care. They always offered Mass over them.
(53) The Moors who were inside Fraga were willing to surrender the city to the King, so that he would
allow them to leave peacefully. However, the terms did not appear acceptable to him. God had
hardened his heart, so that he would inevitably undergo misfortune. It was destined to happen because
he had brought great adversity to the Christians in León and Castile. The same tragedy befell the
Aragonese ruler as that which he had brought to those Christians. He planned to capture the [81] city
and kill the entire Moorish noble class. He wanted their wives and children as prisoners, and he had
sworn a royal oath to confiscate all their riches. At last Abengania led the Moorish troops there from
North Africa. He met with the Kings of Córdoba, Sevilla, Granada, Valencia, and Lérida. Ambassadors
were first sent out for this gathering. Innumerable forces of cavalry, infantry, and archers descended on
Fraga. Alfonso I did not realize all this because of his sins. For God did not wish to aid him, but rather
to humiliate him.
(54) Early on the morning of July 17th, the sentinels who bad been watching day and night saw a
tremendous body of Moorish forces approaching the city. They ran to the camp and informed the King.
He ordered the archbishops, princes, knights, and infantry to prepare for the defense of the camp.
However, many Aragonese knights had returned to their homes at the order of Alfonso. They planned to
rejoin the army at Fraga after tending to certain affairs in Aragón. For that reason they did not actually
take part in the battle.
(55) It was divine justice that permitted the Moorish armies to encircle the camp in full battle array.
They began the attack with spears, arrows, stones and other missiles. They killed many people and
animals in this manner. The bishops, clergy, and all the Christian people began to pray to God to deliver
them from the infidel power and to overlook the King's sins. God did not hear their prayers. The
Archangel [82] Gabriel, the supreme messenger of God, did not bring their petition before the tribunal
of Christ. Nor did God send Michael, the Prince of the Heavenly Host, to assist them.
(56) When the commanders, the fighting men, and the bishops realized that they were unable to resist
the enemy from within the camp, they marched out to confront them in the open field. The battle grew
very fierce there. While this fighting was taking place, other infidel forces stealthily approached from
the opposite direction and began to assault the camp. This resulted in a complete massacre within. The
golden ark which held the cross was seized along with the other boxes and the King's entire chapel. His
tent was torn completely to the ground. The Bishop of Lescar, all the clergy and the common people,
including Alfonso's household, were captured. The Bishops of Jaca, Dot, San Vicente de Roda and the
Abbot of San Victorian were killed in the battle.
(57) The following were the military leaders in the engagement: Garsion of Gabeston, (77) Bertrand of
Laon, (78)Fortunel of Fol, (79) Ogier of Miramont, (80) Raymond of Talar, Calvete of Sua, (81) Gaston of
Bearne, Centulo of Bigorra, and Almaric of Narbonne. (82) There were also many brave auxiliary troops
from France and numerous other foreigners. All the Aragonese leaders and their soldiers were killed.
Likewise, the infantry bodyguard of the King - 700 soldiers in all - died there.
[83] The Flight of the Battler King;
his Death
(58) At last the King fled accompanied by only ten knights, one of whom was García Ramírez. He
traveled through Zaragoza, and from there he went to the monastery of San Juan de la Peña. He entered
the abbey and ordered the doors closed and locked. Owing to his extreme grief, he fell ill there, and
within a few days, he died of a broken heart. He was buried at the side of his ancestors in the royal
tombs. Among all the past Aragonese rulers, there never was one equal to him in bravery, skill or in
military prowess. He did not leave any offspring, nor had he made preparations for the disposition of
his house nor of his kingdom. He died September 8, 1172 of the Spanish Era.
The Imprisonment of the Bishop of Lescar;
Sorrow over the Death of the King
(59) The Bishop of Lescar was led away captive to the city of Valencia. They inflicted many torments
on him in order to force him to deny Christ (who died for our sins and brought us Baptism). Moreover,
they circumcised him according to their religion. The Bishop, however, exchanged hostages for his
freedom and paid them three thousand gold pieces in their money. Soon afterward he returned to his see
in Lescar.
(60) The Christians who lived in the fortified cities and castles around Zaragoza learned that their king
had died. Terrified at the threat of the Moors, they fled and took refuge [84] in Zaragoza. The infidels
came and occupied the abandoned towns, and even prepared to establish their homes there. The citizens
of Zaragoza and all the cities around, especially those in the castles conquered by Alfonso, were crying
out, "Oh you, our greatest protector, what have you given us to defend? The kingdom which you took
from the Moors will now be invaded by the Almoravides. We are now defenseless and will be taken
into captivity."
(61)All the Aragonese nobility and common people assembled together. Their heads were shaved, their
garments torn and the women's faces were filled with grief. They lamented loudly, and with abundant
tears they turned to heaven and said, "Oh King, how is it that you are fallen, you who used to save us?
Whose sins caused the wrath of God to fall upon us so that we should lose our liberator? Now our
enemies, the infidels, will invade us!"
Separation of Aragón and Navarra
(62) The nobility and the common people, the knights and the clergy, with the bishops and abbots, all
gathered in the royal city of Jaca. They elected Alfonso's brother King. This man was a monk, and his
name was Ramiro. (83) They gave him the sister (84) of the Count of Poitiers for a wife. Even though
this was a great sin, the Aragonese did it, for they had lost their king and hoped that there would be an
offspring from the royal family. At the same time the people of Navarra assembled in [85] Pamplona
and made García Ramírez their king. This was the same individual who had fled with the King from
the Battle of Fraga. King Ramiro went to his wife, and she conceived and gave birth to a daughter. The
King consulted with his advisors, and he gave this daughter (85) in marriage to Count Ramón Berenguer
IV, the ruler of Barcelona. He transferred the kingdom to his daughter and acknowledged his sins. He
then did penance.
Occupation of Nájera by Alfonso VII;
the Vassalage of García Ramírez;
Entrance into Zaragoza
(63) After this the King of León, who was related through marriage to other kings in Spain, went to
Nájera. He was welcomed there and in all the other cities and castles which should have been under his
rule. King García Ramírez came there and promised to serve him all the days of his life. He became a
knight of the Leonese King, and received many gifts and honors from him. When Alfonso learned that
King Ramiro and the Aragonese people were living in a state of fear, he said to his princes, "Let us go
to Aragón and show our kindness to our brother, King Ramiro, and let us give him counsel and aid."
(64) Ramiro, all of his nobles, the bishops and abbots, and all the common people went out to meet the
King when they were informed that he was traveling to Aragón. They received [86] him with great
honor, and they paid him homage. The King spoke kindly to them of peace. He promised with the
utmost sincerity to come to their aid. Ramiro took counsel with the bishops and with all the advisors in
his kingdom. Whereupon he gave Zaragoza to the King of León, so that he might always be under his
rule and his sons' rule. Hence the kings traveled to Zaragoza together for the purpose of formally
handing the city over to the Emperor.
(65) When the people learned that the King of León was coming to Zaragoza, all of the nobility and all
the commoners went out to meet him. They played tambourines, lutes, psalteries and every kind of
musical instrument, singing and saying "Blessed be the benevolence and mercy of the King." Then they
led him into the city.
(66) The Bishop of Zaragoza (86) headed a long procession of clerics and monks who waited at the city
plaza to receive the King. They accompanied him to the church of Saint Mary singing and saying,
"Fear God and keep his commandments." At last, as was customary, the Bishop blessed the King. After
that they proceeded to the royal palace where they lavished their tributes on him. Alfonso remained in
Zaragoza for several days. He stationed a large garrison of knights and infantry there to guard the city.
When he was ready, after the Bishop and all the people had blessed him and his retinue, he returned to
Castile. They praised and blessed God [87] who grants peace to those who trust in Him.
The Counts of Barcelona and of Toulouse become Vassals;
Concerning other French Nobles
(67)That same year Ramón Berenguer IV, the Count of Barcelona (and the King's brother-in-law), and
his cousin, Count Alphonse Jordan of Toulouse, came and pledged obedience to him. They became his
knights, and they touched his right hand to confirm their loyalty. The King, in turn, gave the Count of
Barcelona the city of Zaragoza as a feudal commission. It was the King's custom to act this way.
Besides a commission, he gave a very valuable gold cup to the Count of Toulouse. It weighed thirty
marks. He also gave him many horses and other gifts.
(68) All of the nobles from Gascony and from the area up to the Rhone River, including William of
Montpellier, (87) came to Alfonso in a spirit of mutual accord. They received silver, gold, horses and
many different precious gifts from him. They all became his vassals, and they were obedient to him in
all things. Many sons of French nobles, as well as many individuals from Poitiers, came also. He
presented them with arms and other items. Hence the boundaries of the kingdom of Alfonso, ruler of
León, extended from the shores of the Atlantic Ocean, near where the city of our holy patron Santiago
is located, all the way to the Rhone River.
[88]Declaration of the Empire
(69) Following this in the year 1173 of the Spanish Era, the King decided to set a date for a council in
the royal city of León. It was to commence on June 2nd, the feast day of the Holy Spirit. Archbishops,
bishops, abbots, all nobles and all judges who were in the kingdom were to attend. On the appointed
day the King arrived with his wife, Queen Berengaria, and his sister, Princess Sancha. King García
Ramírez accompanied them. As Alfonso had ordered, they all assembled in León. Moreover, a
multitude of clerics and monks came as well as sizable crowds of commoners. They came to witness or
to speak the word of God.
(70) On the first day of the council the powerful as well as the lowly were gathered with the King in the
church of Saint Mary. There they discussed whatever was prompted by the Spirit of God, or whatever
dealt with the salvation of the faithful. On the second day, the feast of the Descent of the Holy Spirit
upon the Apostles, the Archbishop, all the clergy, nobles, and commoners again gathered in the same
church with King García and with the King's sister. After receiving inspiration from the Holy Spirit,
they decided that they should bestow the title of Emperor on the King. This was resolved because King
García, King Zafadola, the Moorish ruler, Count Ramón Berenguer IV of Barcelona, Count Alphonse
of Toulouse, and many other nobles from Gascony and France had become his vassals. Therefore, they
placed a precious, marvelously embroidered cloak on his shoulders. They put on his head a crown of
pure gold which [89] was adorned with valuable jewels, and they placed a scepter in his hand. King
García stood at his right and Ariano, the Bishop of León, at his left. Accompanied by the bishops and
the abbots, they led him to Saint Mary's altar while singing the Te Deum to the very end.. They
Shouted, "Long live Alfonso, the Emperor." After a special blessing was given to him, they offered the
Mass as is done on other great feasts. Following the service, each returned to his quarters. The Emperor
ordered a sumptuous banquet to be prepared in the royal palace. Not only that, but all the nobles served
at the royal table. The Emperor decreed that a considerable amount of money should be given to the
bishops, abbots, and to the others. Generous alms in the form of' food and clothing were to be donated
to the poor.
(71) On the third day of the council, the Emperor and all the others again assembled in the royal palace
to discuss matters pertaining to the welfare of the entire kingdom of Spain. The Emperor decreed
legislation for all the kingdom, just as it had existed in the time of his grandfather, Alfonso VI. He
ordered restitution made to all churches, to all citizens, and to all families who had suffered at any time
without trial or justice. He directed the resettlement of towns and lands which had been reconquered.
He ordered that vineyards and all variety of trees be planted. Also, all magistrates were commanded to
punish the crimes of those men who were opposed to justice and to the laws of the kingdom. The
Emperor [90] demanded the hanging of some criminals from trees, and the severance of the hands and
feet of others. He ruled that the judges should not be more lenient to the rich or to the nobility than to
the poor, but rather they should sentence according to the degree of guilt. Moreover, the Emperor
required that in no way should crime be tolerated, for as the Lord said, "Do not permit the wicked to
live." (88) Some criminals who were captured at that time were hanged in the sight of everyone.
(72)He ordered the governors of' Toledo and all the citizens living along the frontier to be constantly
prepared militarily. They were to maintain this state of readiness in order to make war on the infidels
every year. They were not to spare the cities and towns of the Moors, but were to avenge fully every
offense committed against God and against the law of Christ. When these issues were settled, the
council was dissolved. Everyone departed in a spirit of joy singing and blessing the Emperor and
saying, "Blessed be you, blessed be the kingdom of your ancestors, and blessed be God, the Most High,
who made heaven and earth and all that is in them, because he has visited us and has been merciful to
us, as he promised to those who have hope in him." (89)
War with Portugal and Navarra
(73) A year had passed in total peace according to special agreements, when King García of Navarra
initiated some disturbing [91] issues. He set himself and his warriors against the Emperor. Likewise,
Alfonso, King of Portugal, son of Count Henry of Burgundy and Queen Teresa, was in conflict with
Alfonso. Queen Teresa was the daughter of Alfonso VI. She was not the offspring of his lawful wife,
but was the daughter of his concubine, Jimena Muñoz, a woman who had been loved very much by the
King. Because of this affection, he gave Teresa in marriage to Count Henry of Burgundy. He presented
her with the land of' Portugal as her dowry. It was to be her rightful possession. When, however, Henry
died, the Portuguese named Teresa their queen. When she died, her son, Alfonso, was made king. This
was done to honor him.
(74) King García and King Alfonso contrived to make war on the Emperor simultaneously. Each
prepared for it on his own front King García was in Castile, and the ruler of Portugal was in Galicia.
The latter captured the city of Tuy and other castles. But Count Gómez Núñez was holding the land of
Toroño with several castles. Count Rodrigo Pérez Velloso (90) had fortifications in Limia and other
commissions from the Emperor. Both of these nobles proved themselves disloyal to their lord, Alfonso.
They handed their castles and commissions over to the King of Portugal. These acts of treason resulted
in their own ruin, for indeed they were what most prejudiced these Counts for the rest of their lives.
(75) At that time there was a certain noble in Limia whose name was Fernando Juanes. He was a
doughty knight and [92] a faithful friend of the Emperor. He held the castle of Allariz and several other
strongholds in the area. Therefore, he, with his sons and brothers, courageously prepared for war
against the King of Portugal. Nonetheless, they were marched on and attacked by him, and they lost the
castles they were holding. But even in the midst of misfortune, they achieved their greatest honor. Prior
to this, the Portuguese monarch had come to Galicia several times, but always he had been driven back
by Fernando Pérez and Rodrigo Vélaz and other Galician leaders. Often he was forced to return to
Portugal dishonored.. Once again he had come to Limia, and there he had built the Celmes castle. He
garrisoned it with noble knights and the daring infantry from his own palace. He sent abundant
provisions of' bread, meat, wine, and water. Then he returned to Portugal.
(76) When the Emperor was informed of this action, he assembled a large army in Galicia and León.
He went quickly to Linda with many knights and encircled the Celmes castle. After a few days he
assaulted it. Many of the noble palace knights of the Portuguese King were captured inside. The
Emperor placed. them under guard for several days. The household of Alfonso of Portugal grew
extremely despondent at this turn of events. Indeed, the strategy of war had not turned out as he had
planned.
(77) After the Emperor had fortified the castle at Celmes, he was very pleased to see that the entire
Linda region was turned over to him. He returned to León following this [93] successful outcome of
events. It is important to note here that the situation with Portugal that we have been discussing to this
point occurred before Alfonso had taken the title of Emperor. Yet, after he had received the title, Count
Gómez Núñez and Count Rodrigo Pérez Velloso revolted in Galicia as was mentioned above. They
surrendered their commissions and castles to the King of Portugal who fortified them and returned to
his country.
The Campaign of Cernesa
(78) Once more Alfonso, King of Portugal, gathered his army and went to Limia. When this news
reached Galicia, Fernando Perez and Rodrigo Vélaz and other of the Emperor's Galician nobles were
summoned. immediately. They marched out with their troops against the Portuguese King and met him
at Cernesa. After the battle lines were drawn up, they began to fight. Because of their sins the Counts
fled and were defeated. However, Rodrigo Vélaz was captured by some Portuguese knights. He was
quickly freed by two of his armorbearers who used some clever stratagem, and thus he was able to flee
with them.
The Destruction of Leiria
(79) After the victory the King returned to Portugal to hasten to the aid of those in the castle at Leiria.
He had constructed it opposite Santarem where the Moors were holding the castle. The latter had been
strategically built for attacks on Leiria, Lisbon, Sintra and other neighboring fortifications.
[94] (80) At the same time the Almoravides and the Spanish Moors assaulted Leiria and took it. All of
the warriors and some of the King's nobles perished there. The casualties numbered about two hundred
and fifty Christians dead. Subsequent to this, a spirit of dejection and confusion predominated in the
kingdom of Portugal.
The Plundering of Navarra;
the Defeat of Alfonso Henríquez
(81) While these battles were taking place, the Emperor was waging war in the land of King García of
Navarra. He had captured some of his fortified castles and some of those belonging to Count Ladrón
Navarro. (91) This individual was the most noble of all the princes in King García's court. The Emperor
devastated the land by plundering it and burning it. He also cut down the vineyards and the orchards.
Count Ladrón pleaded to obey Alfonso VII in the face of this destruction. He pledged to obey him and
serve him all the days of his life. When confronted by the Emperor, King García's strength was minimal
or almost non-existent. Fernando Juanes, the commander at Limia, accompanied by other followers of
the Emperor, waged war daily against the King of Portugal. He engaged him in battle and fought
bravely. In fact, the King himself was wounded by a spear which one of Fernando's soldiers daringly
hurled at him. He suffered for several days, but his physicians healed him. In the campaign Count
Fernando took many spoils from the King's nobles.
The Campaign of Valdevez
(82) After this war was over, the Emperor commanded the Counts from Castile to prepare for daily
attacks on King García. These nobles were Rod.rigo Gómez, Lope López, Gutier Fernández, and
others. Alfonso VII mobilized a large force and departed for Portugal. He captured several powerful
castles there while destroying and plundering the land. The King of Portugal likewise mobilized his
army and marched out to fight the few men who had foolishly been separated from the Emperor's main
force. The Portuguese confronted Count Ramiro who was attempting to conquer their land. They joined
in battle, and Ramiro was defeated and taken prisoner.
(83) The Emperor stationed his camp facing the castle at Peña de la Reina which is located in Portella
de Vez. The Portuguese King pitched his tents facing the Emperor's camp on a higher and rougher
terrain with a valley lying between the two. Many nobles from both armies came down and engaged in
individual combat. The Emperor's knights did so without his consent. Many on both sides fell from
their horses and were captured.
(84) The older Portuguese nobles witnessed this and said to their king, "Sir, it is not advantageous for
us to carry on war with the Emperor. We will not always be capable of resisting his forces which are
greater than ours in strength and number. The situation is indeed growing more dangerous. If [96] there
had been peace between us, our brothers would not have perished at the hands of the Moors in Leiria.
Therefore, you must take precautions so that the Almoravides and the other Moors do not return to
attack our cities and castles across the Duero River. If they do, there will be greater destruction than
before. Send some of us to the Emperor to request a peace treaty. Let us return all his castles which we
now hold, and let him give back the ones which his knights captured in our country. It is much better
for us to live in peace than in war."
(85) When the King heard this advice, he was pleased.. Ha sent some of his high-ranking officers as
envoys to the Emperor to make the peace proposal. Alfonso VII listened, and then gave his approval.
The envoys received a pledge from the Emperor's nobles that there would be a truce between them until
the peace treaty was either ratified or rejected. The Emperor officers went to the Portuguese camp and
likewise accepted a pledge for the same kind of armistice.
(86) The following day the nobles from both sides met and concluded the peace treaty. An absolute date
was not set for it, but rather a general period of years. It was ratified by the following oaths that while
there was again peace, both sides would observe it more diligently than before. All the castles which
the King of Portugal had taken in Galicia were returned to the Emperor's representatives. Likewise,
those [97] which the knights of the Emperor had taken from the King were returned to him. Count
Ramiro was released, and all the knights who had been captured on either side were given their
freedom.
(87) There was peace between them for many years. This period of tranquillity was most beneficial to
the Christian cause. The King discharged Counts Rodrigo and Núñez from his service because they had
caused discord between himself and the Emperor. Count Gómez Núñez admitted his guilt and repented.
He fled across the Pyrenees because there was no place for him to live on the Peninsula. He became a
monk at Cluny in France. The Emperor pitied Count Rodrigo and ordered him to come to his palace.
He gave him subsidies of gold and silver and treated him as if he were one of' the high-ranking officials
who attended him.
Victories in Navarra
(88) The Emperor arranged to go to Santiago to pray. When he had completed this act of devotion,
performed in keeping with a previous vow, he returned to Castile and León. He then marched to
Pamplona to the land of King García. He camped on the Pamplona plain and sent plundering
companies throughout the region. They set fire to a great part of it and destroyed the vineyards and
orchards. They returned to the camp bringing a large quantity of booty consisting of bulls, cows, horses
and many other riches.
[98] (89) Meanwhile King García had mustered his forces. He had gone to meet the large army of
Count Ramón Berenguer of Barcelona. This latter army had both Aragonese and Barcelonian troops in
its ranks. King García had joined in battle with these forces and had emerged victorious. From that
particular encounter he took many spoils. When the victors were dividing the booty among themselves,
the Emperor surprised them with a force of only thirty knights. As soon as his standards appeared King
García and all of his escort fled, abandoning the spoils in the field. The Emperor pursued the fleeing
king all the way to Pamplona.
Peace with Navarra;
the Marriage of García Ramírez to Doña Urraca
(90) After this the Emperor and all his camp returned to the city of Nájera in a spirit of great triumph
and joy. Then he went to Castile and ordered a royal proclamation to be announced throughout Castile
and León. This was to the effect that in the middle of May all knights and infantrymen should gather in
Nájera in order to wage war against King García. However, when the King of Navarra realized that
there was no way for him to avoid a war with the Emperor, he became extremely distraught. He called
his advisors to his side and gave them the following messages "We must outline some kind of strategy,
because the Emperor has made peace with the King of Portugal, and now he will be determined to
attack us. He has the capability of ruining us and our land either through actual combat [99] or with a
blockade." But they could not reach a decision as to what course would be taken. Meanwhile, Count
Alphonse Jordan was making a pilgrimage to Santiago. As such, he was traveling on the royal road that
leads to that city. When he passed through Pamplona, the King and the others were very pleased to see
him.
(91) After deliberating for some time, Count Alphonse and the other advisors to the King went and met
with Alfonso VII. First of all they made peace between the Emperor and the King of Navarra.
According to the treaty, King García would obey Alfonso without fail for the rest of his life. After this
had been agreed upon, the Count of Toulouse and the King's advisors asked the Emperor to give his
daughter, Princess Urraca, to King García in marriage. She was begotten from the Emperor's concubine
Guntroda. We have already mentioned that the latter was the daughter of Pedro of Asturias. All of the
nobles in the Emperor's palace along with Count Alphonse encouraged the Emperor to give his
daughter in marriage to Garcia. In this way the ruler of Navarra would become the Emperor's son-in-
law. The plan pleased Alfonso VII, so he accepted it and pledged his daughter to the King of Navarra. A
convenient date was selected for the wedding. It was to be in León on the thirteenth day of June.
(92)The Emperor sent messengers to all his knights and to all the nobles in his kingdom. Each of them
was to attend [100] the royal wedding escorted by a noble retinue. When the message was received, it
pleased all. The Asturians were especially pleased, for Guntroda was from their land. Following the
Emperor's instructions, the nobles came to the wedding very handsomely clothed.. All of the groups
were competing with each other in this respect. First came the Emperor with his wife, the Empress
Berengaria, attended by a large group of nobles from Castile. Then King García entered followed by a
large number of knights. He was as perfectly groomed and well dressed as one might expect of a king
on his wedding day. Next, the most serene Princess Sancha entered León through the Corria gate. She
was accompanied by Princess Urraca, her niece, the bride of King García. They were followed by a
multitude of nobles, knights, clerics and maidens. These last were the daughters of nobles from all over
Spain.
(93) Princess Sancha had arranged the bed-chamber in the royal palace of Saint Pelayo. There was a
large group of entertainers around the bed-chamber. They were all women and girls singing to the
accompaniment of flutes, lutes, psalteries and every kind of musical instrument. The Emperor and King
Garcia sat on the royal throne on an elevated area in front of the palace doors. The bishops, abbots and
all the nobles were sitting around them on stools which had been placed there for the occasion. There
were the noble officers especially selected from all of Spain who raced their horses while spurring them
according to the custom of the country. Then by hurling [101] their spears forward they would strike a
board set up as a target. They performed in this manner to demonstrate both the courage and art of the
rider and of his mount. Others provoked the bulls with the barking of their dogs. Then they would kill
them with their hunting spears. Finally, a wild boar was placed in the center of the arena for a contest
with the blind. They were to kill it, but rather often, in their eagerness to do so, they injured each other.
The sport caused uncontrollable laughter for the spectators. There was great rejoicing in León, and
everyone blessed God who always made them prosper in all things. The wedding was celebrated in
June of the year 1182 of the Spanish Era.
(94) The Emperor gave his daughter and son-in-law several fine gifts. These consisted of gold, silver,
horses, mules and many other riches. He blessed them and dismissed them honorably so that they could
proceed to Navarra. Princess Sancha gave her niece many silver and gold utensils and several mules
loaded down with royal riches. King García and his men set out from León in great glory. They were
escorted by Count Rodrigo Gómez, Gutier Fernández and other Castilian nobles. They traveled with
the King and his wife all the way to Pamplona, his capital. King Garcia prepared a royal feast for the
Castilians and for all the knights and officers of his kingdom. The celebration lasted several days.
When it was over, the King gave magnificent gifts to the Castilian nobles, and each of them returned to
his land.
[102] The Profession of Guntroda
(95)Now Guntroda, King García's mother-in-law, recognized the enormous honor paid to her daughter
who bad become a queen and had been privileged to have two royal weddings. Even though she
possessed many worldly desires, Guntroda looked eagerly to spiritual matters as much as she could.
She consecrated herself to God and remained in his service. Accordingly, she became a nun in Oviedo.
There she joined a religious community in the church of Saint Mary. She felt that with help from the
Mother of God she certainly would be able to discover some joy in life. She would appease God by
praising him continually through the Divine Office. She would then await the glorious end of her life
persevering in this devout practice. Praying constantly in a true spirit of sincerity, she would repent for
all of her sins.
The End of Book I
Here begins the second book of the history of the Emperor Alfonso. It deals with the dissensions and
battles which he fought against King Ali (92) and his son Texufin. He fought these battles accompanied
by the governors of Toledo and the nobles from Extremadura. He also engaged in war against other
Moorish kings and leaders.
Notes For the First Book

1. All titles of sections in the text of the translation are taken from the Latin critical edition of the
chronicle by Luis Sánchez Belda, Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris (Madrid: Consejo Superior de
Investigaciones Científicas, 1950).
2. Queen Urraca succeeded her father, Alfonso VI, in 1109. She first was married to Count Raymond of
Burgundy. He died in 1107, and subsequently a marriage was arranged for her with Alfonso I, the King
of Aragón. The threat of the Almoravides and the desire for Peninsular unity conditioned this union
more than the mutual compatibility of the spouses. Because of their consanguinity (both were great-
granchildren of Sancho el Mayor), the marriage was declared void by Rome. Much of the turbulence of
the early twelfth century and the ensuing successional disputes during the reign of Urraca's son,
Alfonso VII, were produced by that matrimony. Primera crónica general de España, ed. by Ramón
Menéndez Pidal, Antonio G. Solalinde, Manuel Muñoz Cortés and José Gómez Pérez (Madrid: Gredos,
1955), II, 644.
3. Alfonso VI was born in 1040 and he ruled from 1065 until 1109. He succeeded his father, Fernando
I, to the crown of León, while his older brother Sancho received Castile. After Sancho's death in 1072,
Alfonso became ruler of León and Castile. He died June 30, 1109.
4. Queen Constanza was the second wife of Alfonso VI and Queen of Castile and León. She was the
daughter of Robert of Burgundy, and she married Alfonso VI in 1080. She died in 1083 and is buried at
the Benedictine monastery at Sahagún.
5. References to dates will follow the original manuscripts of the chronicle which utilize the calendar of
the Spanish Era. Thirty-eight years must be subtracted in order to arrive at the corresponding year
within the Christian calendar.
6. Count Raymond of Burgandy was the son of William the Great of Burgandy. He came to Spain to
fight in the crusade of Alfonso VI which resulted in the disastrous Battle of Sagrajas in 1086. His aunt,
Constanza of Burgundy, was the second wife of Alfonso VI. He was appointed Count of all Galicia and
was decreed legal successor to the thrones of Castile and León. He died prematurely in 1107.
7. Diego Gelmírez was born in 1067 and became Bishop of Compostela in 1100. He was appointed
Archbishop in 1120, and he held the office until his death in 1140. He was also the guardian of the
young Alfonso VII after the death of Alfonso VI in 1109. Gelmírez was adept at all offices both
religious and civil, and he exercised a controlling authority in the midst of the turbulent political scene
during the early years of the twelfth century.
8. Suario Bermúdez, an Austrian noble, was related to Spanish royalty through his paternal
grandmother Christina who was the daughter of King Bermudo II of León. Count Suario was a
prominent figure in the Galacian court of Raymond and Urraca. He promptly adopted the cause of
Alfonso VII. Documents indicate that he consistently aided the young Emperor both in military actions
against Alfonso I of Aragón and in the reconquest campaigns.
9. Alfonso Bermúdez, the brother of Suario, is rarely mentioned in the text.
10. Pedro Alfonso, the son of Alfonso Bermúdez, gained a position of influence very early in the reign
of the Emperor. He was royal "alférez" or standard-bearer in Alfonso's army of 1129 to 1130. He
outlived his king and maintained an energetic presence in the court of Fernando II of León, the
Emperor's younger son.
11. One is led to suppose that Rodrigo Bermúdez was a relative of Suario Bermúdez since he is
mentioned among the friends and family of this noble in text of the chronicle. He is first mentioned in
the court of Urraca in 1110. He performed the duties of "mayordomo"or chief-steward for the Emperor
between the years 1127 and 1130.
12. The Rodrigo González of this passage is not to be confused with Rodrigo González de Lara or with
Rodrigo González de Villaescusa. He was relatively unknown noble who was probably a judge of the
same name in Léon in 1152 and 1153.
13. Pedro Braóliz was a Leonese noble who for a time governed the main castle of León. He submitted
quickly to the new authority of Alfonso VII and participated in judicial matters in the royal chancellery.
14. Alphonse Jordan's last name is derived toponymically from the Jordan River where as a child he
was baptized. Zurita specifies this matter: "Tuvo otro hijo el conde don Ramón [of Tolouse], que naió
allá en Tierra Santa que llamaron don Alfonso Jordán, porque se bautizó en el Jordán. El cual después
sucedió en el condado de Tolosa y de San Gil." Anales de la Corona de Aragón, notes and edition by
Antonio Ubieto Arteta and María Desamparados Pérez Soler (2 vols.; Valencia, 19670, I, 168. Upon
returning from the Holy Land, Count Alphonse discovered that William of Poitiers had expropriated his
inherited domains. Count Alphonse immediately went to the Emperor's court where he performed
services as royal advisor and envoy. It was he who negotiated peace between King Gacía Ramírez of
Navarra and the Emperor in 1140.
15. Count Raymond of Toulouse was a French noble who married Elvira, an illegitimate daughter of
Alfonso VI. Elvira's mother was the King's concubine, Jimena Muñoz. Count Raymond died while on a
crusade to the Holy Land at the blockade of Tripoli in 1101.
16. Princess Elvira is the same daughter of Alfonso VI is mentioned in note 69.
17. Pedro de Lara was the son of Gonzalo Núñez. He was extremely powerful in Castile and exerted
great influence in the court of Alfonso VI. He grew even more prestigious during the reign of Queen
Urraca, with whom he maintained intimate relations for a time. Count Pedro fought energetically for
Urraca's cause, but after her death in 1126 he allied himself with Alfonso I of Aragón. He was reluctant
to submit to the authority of the Emperor, and moreover refused to join in combat against the King of
Aragón. He was banished by Alfonso VII and was killed in a duel with Alphonse Jordan in 1130.
18. Rodrigo González de Lara was also the son of Gonzalo Núñez. Like his brother Pedro he attained
high position in the court of Queen Urraca who appointed him governor of the region around Asturias
de Santillana. He was one of the principal antagonists of the Emperor. After his initial rebellion in
1131, he and Alfonso VII met on the banks of the Pisuerga River. A dispute ensued, and the Count
committed the crime of lese majesty physically attacking the King. Rodrigo later returned to the good
graces of Alfonso, and in 1136 he was appointed governor of Toledo. Enmity again arose between King
and subject, and Count was forced to travel to Jerusalem. Upon his return to Spain in 1139, he was
denied entrance to Castile where his family holdings were. He then journeyed to the court of the
Moorish king Abengania in Valencia. There he contracted leprosy and died in 1140.
19. Rodrigo Martínez was a celebrated Leonese count who enjoyed an elevated position in both the
courts of Queen Urraca and Alfonso VII. He governed the main castle in León in 1127 and also held a
high civil post in Astorga. His death at the siege of Coria is dramatically detailed in the chronicle in
paragraphs 136 and 138.
20. Osorio Martínez was Rodrigo's brother. He participated in the major civil and military events of the
Emperor's reign. Since he was Leonese, he allied himself with Fernando II, Alfonso's second son and
his successor to the crown of León.
21. No corroborative documentation can be found relating Ramiro Fróilaz to the events narrated in the
chronicle. Zurita is the only author who mentions his name when placing him at the Emperor's side in
Zaragoza in 1134. Zurita, I, 216. During the war with Portugal the chronicle affirms that a Count
Ramiro was taken prisoner after the Battle of Valdevez (paragraph 82). The author of the Chrónica de
Afonso Henriques does not mention the taking of captives nor the presence of this noble in the forces of
the Emperor. Crónica de Afonso Henriques, edition and introduction by A. De Magalhã Basto (Oporto:
Livraria Civilizaço, 1945), p. 38 and 326.
22. No other indications are offered in the chronicle regarding the last name of this noble. Without
further data it is impossible to establish his identity.
23. This act of submission to the Emperor is the only mention of Pedro López in the chronicle. His
name is rarely cited in official documents of the period, and he is less renowned than his brother, Lope
López.
24. Lope López was the prominent noble who held the post of royal "alférez" from 1123 to 1127. From
1130 to 1134 he was the Emperor's chief steward. He therefore was present at all of the important state
occasions during that time. There is evidence that he aided Alfonso at the conquest of Oreja and in the
campaign to Almería in 1147.
25. The Asturian Count, Gonzalo Peláez, is portrayed in the chronicle as the prototype of the insurgent
noble. He achieved consequential position in the Empire, but only while enjoying the favor of Alfonso
VII. For a time the latter made him a member of his royal council, but the Asturian severed relations.
He rebelled on three occasions. After his final act of defiance he was exiled and died in Portugal.
26. Teresa, Queen of Portugal, was the daughter of Alfonso VI and his concubine, Jimena Muñoz. She
was born in 1070, and in 1095 she married Count Henry of Burgundy. Jointly they ruled the territory of
Portugal which was then situated between the Miño and Tajo Rivers. After the death of Alfonso VI,
Teresa and her husband endeavored to convince Queen Urraca to divide the crown, hoping to increase
their holdings in the western region of the Peninsula. Urraca spurned their suggestion, and Teresa and
Henry turned against her and supported her Aragonese husband, Alfonso I. Teresa continued her
opposition to Urraca even after Henry's death in 1114. She became regent for her son, Alfonso
Enríquez, the Emperor's cousin. Teresa finally signed an agreement recognizing the sovereignty of the
Leonese Queen. The chronicle records Teresa's meeting with Alfonso VII in 1127 when she affirmed
recognition of his authority. She died in 1130 and was buried at Braga. Menédez Pidal, El imperio
hispánico y los cinco reinos, pp. 159-166. L. Viera de Castro, A formacão de Portugal (Lisbon, 1938),
pp. 13-14.
27. Fernando Pérez de Traba was the distinguished Galician noble who played such a vital role in
twelfth-century Peninsular politics. He was the son of Pedro Fróilaz, the powerful Count of Traba who
was the private tutor and protector of the young Alfonso VII. Count Fernando and the Emperor were
educated together during their youth. Following the death of Count Henry of Burgundy, the husband of
Teresa of Portugal, Fernando assumed a commanding position in the Portuguese court by reason of his
intimate relationship with Teresa. After she and Fernando were attacked by her son, the Count fled to
the court of the Emperor and remained there for life.
28. García Iñiguez was a minor figure in the court of Alfonso VII. His name does not appear among
those which traditionally accompanied royal documentation as confirming witnesses. He appears to
have played a more prominent role in the circle of nobles surrounding Queen Urraca.
29. Diego Muñiz was a distinguished noble from Saldaña which is located near Palencia. He performed
the duties of royal judge both in his native town and in Carrión. Until 1155 his name is recorded in the
majority of documents relevant to major legal actions in the Empire.
30. Rodrigo Vélaz was the most eminent count in Galicia at this time after the Count of Traba. Between
1087 and 1140 he held the title of Count of Sarriá. He manifested unwavering allegiance toward Urraca
during her tenure as Queen. He later served Alfonso VII with similar fidelity. He is thought to be the
grandson of Rodrigo Vela, the assassin of García, the last Count of Castile. Ramón Menéndez Pidal,
Historia y epopeya (2 vols.; Madrid: Centro de Estudios Históricos, 1934), II, 48.
31. Gutier Bermúdez was the brother of Count Suario and, like him, he was an unfailing supporter of
Queen Urraca. He transferred his services to Alfonso VII immediately after the latter became king.
32. Pedro Fróilaz was married twice. From his first wife, Urraca, Bermudo and Fernando were born.
Little is known about Bermudo, but as has been noted, Fernando attained great prestige during his
lifetime. Rodrigo, García and Belasco were sons from Count Pedro's second marriage. Their mother
was Mayor Guntroda Rodríguez. As the chronicle notes, Rodrigo was made a count. He performed the
duties of royal standard-bearer for Alfonso VII while the latter was King of Galicia. The younger sons,
Belasco and García, were relatively minor nobles rarely mentioned in the documents of the period.
33. Pedro Fróilaz was one of the most illustrious nobles mentioned in the Chronica Adefonsi
Imperatoris. He was extremely influential in the affairs of Count Raymond of Burgundy and Queen
Urraca. Count Pedro was royal tutor of Alfonso VII, and he assiduously defended Alfonso's right to
succession to the crowns of Castile and León relying heavily upon the support of the Galician nobility.
López Ferreiro, Don Alfonso VII y su ayo, pp. 9-27. Primera crónica general, II, 644.
34. Gómez Núñez was also known as Gómez de Manzanedo. His fame dates from the reign of Queen
Urraca. The author of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris does not appear to be entirely accurate
regarding the actions of this noble in the war with Portugal. In paragraphs 74 and 77 it is alleged that
Gómez Núñez and Rodrigo Pérez betrayed the Emperor in 1136 by handing over their feudal domains
to the King of Portugal. However, the Historia compostelana makes reference to only one traitorous
noble. Historia compostelana, published by Enrique Flórez (Madrid, 1765), III, 151. Sánchez Belda
submits that Rodrigo Pérez was the only noble rebelling on this occasion since documents indicate that
Gómez Núñez was at the Emperor's side in 1137 and in 1138, the years immediately following the date
of the purported treason. It appears that the seditious release of properties recounted in the chronicle
represents actions taken by Gómez Núñez later in his life. Sánchez Belda, pp. xli-xlii.
35. Fernando Juanes of Yáñez was a Galician noble who participated closely in the circle of personages
surrounding the Emperor. He was adherent to the Galician faction which proffered early support to
Queen Urraca. After her death he served Alfonso VII with dedication, contributing great military
expertise during the war with Portugal.
36. Gimeno Íñiguez was an unimportant figure among the Leonese nobility whose name does not
appear in other historical records of this period.
37. Alfonso I, King of Aragón, was born in 1073. He was the second son of King Sancho Ramírez from
the latter's second marriage. He became ruler of Aragón after the death of his stepbrother, Pedro I, in
1104. Soon after, a marriage was arranged for him with Urraca, the widowed daughter of Alfonso VI.
Various factors determined the failure of this union. The Galician nobility interfered because they saw
the cause of Alfonso Raimúndez threatened. The clergy of León and Castile were deeply antagonistic
because the Battler King had sacked their churches. Finally, Pope Calixtus II, the uncle of Alfonso VIII,
declared the marriage void on grounds of consanguinity. Urraca and Alfonso I were both great-
grandchildren of Sancho el Mayor. Territorial claims resulting from this brief marriage later produced a
military confrontation between Alfonso I and Alfonso VII. It was resolved with the Treaty of Támara.
Menéndez Pidal places the date of the treaty in 1124. Lacarra offers documentation which indicates the
year 1127 Ramón Menéndez Pidal, "Sobre un Tratado de Paz entre Alfonso el Batallador y Alfonso
VII," Boletín de la Academia de la Historia, XXXII (1943), 115-131. José María Lacarra, "Alfonso el
Batallador y las Paces de Támara," Estudios de Edad Media de la Corona de Aragon, III (1947- 48),
461-473. Alfonso I of Aragón died shortly after his defeat in the Battle of Fraga. The Chronica
Hispanicum is the most explicit of all sources regarding his demise: "Era MCLXXII lidió el Rey de
Aragón con Avengania en Fraga el día de Santa Justa et Ruyfina. Et morió el Rey Don Alfonso en
Porellino denant Saraguenda, la víspera de la Natividad de Santa María." Claudio Sanz Arizmendi,
"Sobre la muerte de Alfonso I, el Batallador," Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, XXI
(November-December, 1909), 571-572.
38. Rodrigo Gómez is not to be confused with the other personage of the same name whose rebellion is
noted in paragraph 30. The chronicle pointedly mention the title "Consul" (governor of extensive
territories) having been given to this Rodrigo Gómez of paragraph 8. Although Castilian, he was
completely loyal to Alfonso VII.
39. Diego Gómez receives only this incidental reference in the chronicle. Other than being the brother
of Rodrigo Gómez, nothing more is revealed about him.
40. Lope Díaz de Haro was the son of Diego López de Haro. The Primera crónica general praised his
aggressive actions in the Battle of Navas de Tolosa. He was a distinguished noble of the ancient Haro
family from Vizcaya.
41. García Garcés was a civil judge in Ávila in 1142, and he was a prominent figure in the later
Analsiam campaigns of the Emperor between 1150 and 1157. His relationship with the Lara family is
confirmed in De Rebus Hispaniae. He was son of Countess Eva, the second wife of Pedro González de
Lara. For a time he was guardian of the child King, Alfonso VIII. Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, De Rebus
Hispaniae (Madrid: Toledanos de Lorenzana, 1773), III, 15.
42. Gutier Fernández was an eminent member of the Castro family of Castile. His presence is recorded
in both the court of Alfonso VI and in the retinue of Queen Urraca. He is famous for his opposition to
her marriage with Pedro de Lara. He lent military strength to the Emperor's forays into Andalusia.
Gutier Fernández was also guardian to Sancho III and royal tutor to Alfonso VIII.
43. Rodrigo Fernández was appointed governor of Toledo in 1137. He was one of the foremost military
leaders involved in the defense of the Toledo frontier during the first half of the twelfth century.
44. Pedro González de Villaescusa is not to be confused with Pedro González de Lara. He was a lesser
figure of the period about whom there is no further reference in the chronicle.
45. Sancho Arnáldez was an Aragonese knight whom the chronicle designates as keeper of the Burgos
castle in 1127. Alfonso I of Aragón held the city that year. However, a document from 1127 names
Fortunio López as the governor of Burgos then: "Fertunio Lopiz in Burgus et in Soria," Lacarra,
"Documentos para la Reconquista del Valle del Ebro," Estudios de la Edad Media de la Corona de
Aragón, III (1947-48), doc. 132, 534.
46. Gaston of Bearne was the fifth Count of Bearne who through marriage was related to Ramiro I of
Aragón. He was envoy to the Emperor from the Battler King in the Treaty of Támara. He did not die at
the Battle of Fraga like so many other French vassals of Alfonso I, but earlier in 1130. Zurita, I, 165,
176, 186, 191, 194 and 216.
47. Centulo of Bigorra was a renowned noble of Provence who became a vassal of Alfonso I in 1122.
He perished at the Battle of Fraga.
48. Ramón Berenguer III, known as "The Great," was Count of Barcelona from 1096 to 1131. Without
the aid of allies he contained the advances of the Almoravides in Aragón in 1102. F. Soldevila, Historia
de Cataluña (Barcelona: Ediciones Ariel, 1922), II, 130. With the assistance of Italian troops, he led the
reconquest of the Baleares between 1113 and 1115. Toward the end of his life, he signed treaties with
Alfonso I of Aragón. His first wife was María Rodríguez, one of the daughters of the Cid. In 1112, he
married Dulce, a Provençal countess. From this union his successor, Ramón Berenguer IV, was born
and also Berengaria, who later became the wife of Alfonso VII.
49. Berengaria (also known as Berenguela) was the first wife of Alfonso VII and Queen of Castile and
León from 1128 until her death in 1149. She is portrayed as an energetic empress in the chronicle,
admired for her prudence and generosity. Presumably, her Provençal ancestry contributed to the
extension of the Emperor's influence through the South of France.
50. Princess Sancha, the sister of Alfonso VII, was born in 1106. She enjoyed considerable prestige as
advisor to her brother even in matters of the state. The Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris characterizes her
as an intelligent woman who was distinguished for her piety. She was responsible for the construction
of numerous churches on the Peninsula. The Crónica najerense dates her death in 1154. However,
Menédez Pidal insists that her epitaph is more accurate. It offers the date in both the Spanish Era, 1197,
and in the Christian calendar, 1159. Ramón Menédez Pidal, "Relatos poéticos en las crónicas
medievales," Revista de Filología Española, X (1923), 334.
51. Pedro was not the Bishop of Pamplona in 1129. It appears that the chronicler erred regarding this
prelate. In 1129, the Bishop of Pamplona was Sancho. P. Kehr, "El Papado y los Reinos de Navarra y
Aragón hasta Mediados del siglo XII," translated from the German by María Luisa Vásquez de Parga
and included in Estudios de Edad Media de la Corona de Aragón (Zaragoza, 1946), II, 156.
52. Count Beltran was the older brother of Alphonse Jordan, Count of Toulouse, and the son-in-law of
Pedro de Lara. After participating in the conquest of Tripoli, he came to Spain and became a vassal of
Alfonso I of Aragón. Zurita, I, 166. Marcel Vic and Joseph Vaissete, Histoire de Languedoc (Toulouse:
E. Privat, 1873), V, col. 826-827.
53. Pedro Díaz de Valle is not to be confused with the Austrian noble, Pedro Díaz, who was the father
of Guntroda, the Emperor's concubine. The Pedro Díaz of paragraph 19 rebelled against Alfonso VII
for unknown motives after having been a loyal member of his court.
54. Pelayo Fróilaz was a lesser member of the Asturian aristocracy about whom little can be
determined since his name does not appear in historical sources of the twelfth century.
55. Oriol Garcés was an Aragonese noble whose allegiance to Alfonso I of Aragón is authenticated
through several documents. The most noteworthy is a donation from the Aragonese ruler to Oriol
Garcés in January, 1129. The noble's position as governor of Castrojeriz is corroborated in the
document: "Ego Adefonsus, Dei gratia rex facio hanc cartam donacionis et confirmacionis vobis Ariol
Garceç de Castrogeriz." Lacarra, Estudios de Edad Media, III, doc. 154, 552.
56. Zafadola was also known as Almonstansir Abenhud. He was the son of Abdelmelic Imadodaula, the
last Moorish king of Zaragoza. He descended from the famous Beni-Hud dynasty which ruled
Zaragoza during the Taifas period from 1039 to 1110. Zafadola became a vassal of Alfonso VII in
1131when he delivered to him the town of Rueda which he ruled. The Cronica Adefonsi Imperatoris
recounts his influence in the reign of the Emperor and his consequential activities in the rebellion
against the Almoravides in 1144. He was killed in 1146 by fanatical Christian knights. Codera,
Decadencia de Almorávides, pp. 53-57, 71-88, 303, 307.
57. The Almoravides are referred to as "Moabitas" in the Latin text of the chronicle. They were a
fanatical Moslem dynasty of North African origin which existed from 1055 to 1147. Their initial
incursions on the Peninsula were at the request of the faltering kings of the Taifus who sought their
military assistance against the increasingly hostile policies of Alfonso VI. Their rapid expansion
resulted from a radical religious spirit and a strict military discipline. The rise of the Almohades
precipitated the end of the Almoravides. José Antonio Conde, Historia de la dominación de los árabes
en España (Paris: Baudry, 1840), pp. 349-463.
58. Sancho, the Castilian, was also known as "El Deseado." He was the first-born son of the Emperor
and Queen Berengaria. In 1151 he married Princess Blanca of Navarra, daughter of King García
Ramírez. At the death of Alfonso VII in 1157, Sancho inherited the crown of Castile, while his brother
Fernando received León. A premature death in 1158 allowed Sancho a reign of only one year. His most
noteworthy act was the foundation of the military order of the Knights of Calatrava in 1158.
59. Rodrigo Gómez of this passage is not to be confused with the Castilian Count, Rodrigo Gómez. The
rebellious noble mentioned in paragraph 30 was a lesser figure of the Austrian aristocracy.
60. Guntroda, the Emperor's concubine, descended from Austrian nobility. She bore him a daughter, the
Princess Urraca, who became the Queen of Navarra. Guntroda died in 1186 near Oviedo at the Convent
of Vega which she had founded.
61. Pedro Díaz, the father of Guntroda, was a member of the Asturian aristocracy. This fact and his
marriage to María Ordóñez are authenticated in documents related to litigation which he brought
against the Monastery of Eslonza claiming possession of the Church of San Juan de Verbio. Archives of
the Monastery of Eslonza, IX, 38.
62. Urraca was the illegitimate daughter of Alfonso VII and his concubine Guntroda. She was the
second wife of King García Ramírez of Navarra. They were married on the 24th of June, 1144. Urraca
died in Asturians sometime after 1164.
63. Texufin succeeded his father Ali to the throne of the Almoravide dynasty in 1143. During his short
reign, the Almohades realized extensive advances in North Africa, and the rebellion of the Spanish
Moslems against the Almoravides was initiated in Andalusia. Texufin was forced to flee his court in
Morocco. He perished there while being pursued by Almohade forces. Moorish authors differ regarding
the date of his death. The years 1144, 1145 and 1146 are all cited. Codera, Decadencia de Almorávides,
pp. 27-28, 285-291.
64. Tello Fernández, originally from Sadaña, was mayor of Aceca before 1133. A donation from
Alfonso VII in 1128 confirms his presence there. His death at the hands of the Almoravides prompted
the Emperor to seek vengeance. This was one of the motives of his Andalusian campaign in 1133.
65. In medieval chronicles, Old Testament appellations commonly designated the enemies of the
Christians. Saracenus offered a miscellaneous denotation referring to all Moslems. Thus, both the
Almoravides (Moabitas) and the Spanish Moslems (Agareni) were called Saracens.
66. The precise location of the Amarela pass is unknown. However, since the Christian army proceeded
to Talavera, one can surmise that it is one of the passes located on the western side of the mountains to
the southwest of Toledo.
67. Gutier Armíldez was the seventh governor of Toledo after its reconquest in 1085. A donation from
Alfonso VII in 1126 substantiates his holding this office. Berganza, Antigüedades, II, 53.
68. Ariano was bishop of Léon from 1130 to 1135. He presided at the Coronation of the Emperor in
1135.
69. Proverbs 21:1.
70. Alfonso Enríquez was the son of Count Henry of Burgundy and Teresa, an illegitimate daughter of
Alfonso VI. He therefore was the Emperor's first cousin. Count Henry died in 1114, and Teresa became
regent. In 1127, with the aid of the Portuguese nobility, Alfonso Enríquez rebelled against his mother
because of her relations with Pedro Fróilaz, Count of Traba. She was exiled in 1128, and Alfonso
assumed control of Portugal. He signed the Treaty of Tuy in 1137 recognizing the sovereignty of
Alfonso VII. A persistent desire for Portuguese autonomy forced the Emperor to acknowledge the
independence of the new kingdom. This was formalized in the Treaty of Valdevez in 1143. Historians
acknowledge Alfonso I of Portugal as a major contributor toward his nation's independence. Bailey W.
Diffie, Prelude to Empire: Portugal Overseas before Henry the Navigator (Omaha: University of
Nebraska Press, 1960), pp. 15-18, 21-22, 24-25.
71. Count Henry of Burgundy came to Spain with other French nobles to aid Alfonso VI in the
reconquest of Toledo. In 1095 he married Teresa, a natural daughter of Alfonso. He ruled Portugal with
Teresa until his death in 1114.
72. Ramón Berenguer IV, the son and successor of Ramón Berenguer III, was Count of Barcelona from
1131 to 1162. In 1137 his marriage was arranged with Petronila, the infant daughter of Ramiro II, King
of Aragón. The latter ruler conceded his entire kingdom to his daughter as dowry and retired from the
throne. Through his marriage the union of Cataluña and Aragón was produced, and Ramón Berenguer
IV became King of Aragón. He never utilized this title formally. In 1140, Alfonso VII acknowledged
him as governor of Aragón requiring that the Count pledge his feudal homage to him. Zurita, II, 22-27,
50-58.
73. García Ramírez, known as "El Restaurador," was king of Navarra from 1134 to 1150. He was the
son of Ramiro Sánchez of Monzón and Christina, the elder daughter of the Cid. His reign is
characterized by the political independence he was able to pursue in the face of the Emperor's imperial
policies. García Ramírez became ruler of Navarra after the death of Alfonso I of Aragón. In 1144 he
married Urraca, the illegitimate daughter of the Emperor. F. Soldevila, Historia de España (8 vols.; 2nd
ed.; Barcelona: Ariel, 1959), I, 226-228.
74. Abengania, also known as Ibn Ganiya, was the renowned Almoravide chieftain who commanded
the reinforcement troops which decided the outcome of the Battle of Fraga in 1134. He ruled Valencia
and Murcia, and at the outset of the Almohade invasion in 1147, he governored Córdoba. He
established feudal relations with the Emperor that year. However, because of the growing demands
made on him by Alfonso VII, Abengania entered a clandestine alliance with Barraz, the Almohade
governor of Sevilla. He delivered Córdoba and Jaén to Barraz and retired to Granada where he died
January 7, 1149.
75. Guido, the bishop of Lescar, was a powerful French prelate who was part of the army of Alfonso I
of Aragón at the Battle of Fraga. He was one of the few eminent figures not killed in that conflict. The
Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris mentions his imprisonment after the battle. The duration of his captivity
must have been brief, because the disaster at Fraga took place in July of 1134, and in December of that
year Bishop Guido was in Zaragoza with Alfonso VII. Lacarra, Estudios de Edad Media, II, doc. 86,
538.
76. Arnald Dot became bishop of Jaca and Huesca in 1130. Twelfth-century documents attest to his
frequent presence in the retinue of Alfonso I of Aragón. He perished in the Battle of Fraga. Lacarra,
Estudios de Edad Media, II, doc.65, 66, 77, 80, 82 and 83.; 523-536.
77. Garsion of Gabeston does not appear in any documents of the twelfth century. The name "Garsion"
appears in a document of September, 1121 in which Alfonso I of Aragón donated lands to a certain
Riquer de Huesca. The Garsion of that document might possibly have been the individual mentioned
herein. Lacarra, Estudios de Edad Media, II, doc. 21, 491.
78. Bertrand of Laon was one of the most prominent French vassals of Alfonso I of Aragón. He was
related to the royal house of Aragón through his cousin, Felicia de Roucy, who was the wife of Sancho
Ramírez. Bertrand died at the Battle of Fraga. T. Jiménez de Embún, Ensayo histórico acerca de los
orígenes de Aragón y Navarra (Zaragoza, 1878), p. 299.
79. The name of Fortunel of Fol does not appear in any of the documents of the period. The
information in the chronicle is the only source available concerning this figure. He also died at the
Battle of Fraga.
80. Ogier of Miramont, a powerful Frrench vassal of Alfonso I of Aragón, assisted in the reconquest of
Zaragoza in January of 1114. Zurita, I, 166. He perished in the Battle of Fraga.
81. Neither Raymond of Talar nor Calvete of Sua are mentioned in historical sources of the twelfth
century.
82. Almaric of Narbonne took an active part in Aragonese reconquest campaigns. He fought in the
expedition to regain the Belearic Islands from 1114 to 1116. He died in the Battle of Fraga.
83. Ramiro II, "El Monje," was king of Aragón from 1134 to 1137. After the demise of his brother,
Alfonso I, Ramiro was elected king of Aragón in Jaca. Previous to that he had been a monk in the
monastery of San Pedro el Viejo in Huesca. In 1136 he broke his monastic vows and married Ines, the
sister of William of Poitiers. After a daughter, Petronila, was born, he abdicated his throne. His
kingdom was delivered to his daughter as dowry, for she had been promised in marriage to Ramón
Berenguer IV. He took charge of the kingdom and Ramiro returned to his monastery. P. de Bofarull,
Documentos inéditos del Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, IV, doc. II. Federico Balaguer, "La
Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris y la Elevación de Ramiro II al Trono aragonés," Estudios de Edad
Media de la Corona de Aragón, VI (1956), 7-40.
84. Ines of Poitiers was the sister of William VIII, Count of Poitiers and Duke of Gascony. See note
149.
85. Petronila was the daughter of Ramiro II of Aragón and Ines of Poitiers. As an infant she was
espoused to the Count of Barcelona, Ramón Berenguer IV. After the death of her husband in 1162,
Petronila relinquished the crown to her son, Alfonso II of Aragón. She died in 1174.
86. García Guerra was the bishop of Zaragoza in 1134. Although the chronicle fails to mention him by
name, a document dated September 27, 1134 in Zaragoza designates him as bishop. The document
confirms that Alfonso VII donated to the Bishop of Zaragoza one-forth of the funds in the treasury of
that city. Lacarra, Estudios de Edad Media, II, doc. 89, 542.
87. William, the fifth Count of Montpellier, was one of the French nobles who most actively
participated in Peninsular affairs during the twelfth century. He was allied with Ramón Berenguer III in
the reconquest of the Balearic Islands in 1114. In 1134 he was with Alfonso VII in Zaragoza, and that
same year he became a vassal of the Emperor. Zurita, II, 32.
88. Exodus 22:18.
89. I Samuel 25:32; II Samuel 18:28.
90. Rodrigo Pérez Volloso's first and last name are identical to those of Rodrigo Pérez de Traba. This
fact hinders the distinction of the two in medieval documents. Sánchez Belda indicates that the
Historia compostelana cites the actions of only one traitorous noble during the Emperor's war with
Portugal, and fails to mention the Galician noble, Rodrigo Pérez Velloso.
91. Ladrón Navarro was one of the most illustrious figures in the court of King García Ramírez. He
was influential in determining that ruler's ascension to the throne of Navarra. In 1135 he was one of the
three "ricos-hombres" who unsuccessfully attempted to negotiate a peace between Aragón and Navarra
in Vadoleungo. Zurita, I, 210.
92. Ali was the son of the first powerful Almoravide King, Yusuf ben Texufin. He succeeded his father
in 1106 and ruled until his death in 1143. He first came to the Peninsula in 1106 to consolidate the
Almoravide rule by appointing new leaders in major Andalusian cities. In the early years of his reign,
Ali enjoyed considerable military success against Castile and Portugal. In the latter years of his rule,
the militaristic impetus of the Almoravides diminished in the face of Almohade insurgency in North
Africa and the Christian coalescence under Alfonso VII. Chronicón lusitano, ed. By E. Flórez, España
sagrada, XIV, 420. Codera, Decadencia de almorávides, pp. 5-26, 230-238.


Book II
Attacks on Toledo by Ali and Texufin
(96) Momentarily we will depart from the chronological order of events and discuss the fierce wars
which the Christians had to undergo in the past. After the death of King [103] Alfonso VI, Queen
Urraca's father, the Moorish ruler Ali assumed dictatorial powers over the Almoravides. He also ruled
over the Hispanic Moslems on this side of the sea. His imposing domination extended also to other
nations. He reigned like a serpent whose thirst increases with the heat. He raised his head arrogantly,
always confident of victory after the death of Alfonso VI, that most excellent of all men. Ali summoned
all or the forces of the Almoravides and all of the mercenary Arabs available. He had at his command
an army of thousands of cavalrymen, archers and infantry. They were as numberless as the sands of the
seashore. Ali first took counsel with certain diligent advisors. Then he mobilized his entire army,
crossed the sea and, came to Sevilla. His son Texufin also accompanied him. He ordered all of the
leaders of the Almoravides who ruled over the Hispanic Moslems to muster their forces of cavalry,
archers and infantry. He commanded them to equip themselves with scaling ladders and other war
machines, both wooden and iron. All of this was prepared with the idea of overcoming the city of
Toledo, to which Ali was proceeding with the greatest haste. He also intended to destroy other towns
and cities located on the other side of the mountains. (1) He moved his camp from Sevilla, and in a few
days he reached Córdoba. There all of the armed forces from that part of the Moorish territory joined
him. They moved their camp and marched through the land which belonged to Alvar Fáñez. (2) They
proceeded to capture strong cities and castles, Some of these they destroyed, and some they [104]
fortified. Finally they came to the area around Toledo and destroyed San Servando and Aceca. Next,
approaching the city proper, they set up their war machines in strategic locations. They took aim at the
city for some time and assailed it with arrows, stones, spears and incendiary missiles. But Alvar Fáñez,
one of the most inspiring of all Christian leaders, was within the city at that time. He had with him a
good number of knights, archers, infantrymen and strong young soldiers. They were stationed on the
walls, in the towers and at the gates of the city. They continued to fight bravely against the Moors,
many thousands of whom were killed outside the city walls. Thus the infidels were put to flight by the
courage of the Christians. They were positioned too distant from the city towers to do harm either to
the city or to those stationed on the walls.
(98) When King Ali viewed the situation, he ordered the infantry to gather a large quantity of firewood
from the groves and from the vineyards. Ali directed it to be placed furtively during the night at the
base of the strong tower at the bridgehead facing San Servando. At midnight the Moors commenced to
heap a powerful pitch fire on the wood by using catapults to hurl the arrows as firebrands. They, of
course, did this for the purpose of burning down the tower. But the Christians in the tower reacted
quickly by pouring a great quantity of vinegar over the wood. The fire immediately died out. There
were also many elderly men of sound judgment in the city with Alvar Fáñez. [105] They possessed
great foresight, and had been left there by King Alfonso VI until his royal descendant might free Toledo
from the threat of the infidels.
(99) Again when King Ali realized the failure of his strategy, he was extremely angered. Very early the
following day he ordered his cavalry commanders to mobilize large formations from their choicest
infantry supported by all types of war machines. He directed the other forces of Almoravides and Arabs
to do the same. They were to bring the engines to the base of the city walls and place them in strategic
positions. Thus several catapults were set up near the Alcara gate. From this location they could hurl
firebrands into the city. There were also war machines which catapulted stones and javelins. They
brought scorpions to shoot arrows, mantlets and battering rams to undermine the walls and scaling
ladders to place over the towers.
(100) The Christians countered with machines to fight those of the Moors. The encounter lasted for
seven days. In that time the enemy was not able to damage the city at all. On the seventh day the
Christians poured out of the city through the gates on the west side. With the Moors in full flight, they
set fire to all the war machines which had been abandoned and the other devices with which King Ali
and his commanders had contrived the destruction of the city walls.
(101) While these battles were taking place, Bernardo, (3) [106] the Archbishop of Toledo, was
prostrated with the clergy, the elderly and the poor on the floor of Saint Mary's church. They were
begging the Lord and Mary not to remember the sins of the kings nor of the people. They prayed that
they would not be killed or captured, nor that the women would become objects of infidel derision. Nor
did they wish their children to be taken as booty. They prayed that the Lord would keep their city from
destruction and his holy Law from reproach, dishonor or contempt. God listened to their petitions and
pitied his people. He sent Michael the Archangel to guard the city of Toledo and to strengthen its walls
so that they would not be destroyed. He came to comfort the hearts of the warriors and to defend the
Christians. All of this would not have been done, had the Lord decided not to guard the city, for as
David said, "Unless the Lord guards the city, they who guard it do so in vain." (4)
The Sacking of Madrid and of Other Frontier Points
(102) King Alii then saw that in the battle the scales had been turned against the Saracens. Their leaders
were perishing, and their people were dying in countless numbers, so he and, all his army withdrew
from the city. They went out and, captured cities and castles in the Trans-Sierra region. Because of our
sins he was successful in destroying the walls of Madrid, Olmos, Canales and, many other places. He
took a large number of captives, carried away much booty and left behind him a path of destruction.
However, the more highly fortified towers of [107] these cities were not captured, and many Christians
remained safely inside them. Guadalajara and other cities and castles were not harmed. Their walls
were not destroyed, because God took vengeance on the Saracens. In fact, that abominable race began
to perish more and more frequently at the sword of the Christians.
Ali Abandons Spain;
the Organization of his Court
(103) Under these circumstances King Ali quickly returned to Córdoba. There he summoned his son
Texufin and said to him, "Take command of all the Saracen kingdoms, and you be King over all the
Moslem rulers from the shores of the Mediterranean to the Christian city of Toledo. Take possession of
the territory up to Santarem, and on the other side of the Peninsula, up to Zaragoza and Barcelona. First
of all, I command you, my son, to destroy Toledo by the sword. Destroy all of its cities and castles up
to the Duero River, because the inhabitants of Toledo have defied me and have waged war against me.
Send all of your Christian captives across the sea to my court." After this King Ali proceeded to Sevilla.
He crossed the Mediterranean Sea and went to his city Morocco which was the capital of the
Almoravides. He carried with him all of the Christian prisoners whom he had been able to capture. He
also transferred to Morocco all the captives that he found throughout the land of the Spanish Moslems.
(104) In King Ali's court there was a man whose name was [108] Alimenon. (5) He was a brave and
knowledgeable sailor who commanded the navy of the Almoravides. When he would see that the
weather was right for sailing, he would take a fleet of ships and sail up the Galician side of the
Peninsula and then through the English Channel. Or he would sail through the Mediterranean striking
at Sicily, Constantinople or against Ascalon on the Palestinian coast. He would attack Bari in the
Adriatic and, other ports in that region. Alimenon assaulted the area of Barcelona and also the Frankish
kingdoms. He left ruin everywhere, and butchered and massacred the Christians. He brought all of his
captives to the court of King Ali, his master. Consequently, there was a considerable number of
Christian nobles and commoners in this court.
(105) It happened that at this time God favored the Christian captives and their infidel master as well.
King Ali began to treat the Christians very well. In fact, he grew to love many of them even more than
the members of his own oriental race. He even appointed some of them chamber servants in his private
quarters. He made others military commanders in his army. Some of the Christian officers held
command over military groups which numbered as many as one thousand troops. The same officers
were also in charge of his bodyguard. He gave them gold and silver and cities and castles. He favored
them in this way so that they would be in a more strategic position to wage war against the Almohades.
(6) The King particularly wanted them to do battle against the leader of the Almohades, Abd al-Mumin
(7) This ruler was sweeping victoriously through North [109] Africa without opposition.
(106) Among the captives of King Ali was a Christian noble from Barcelona whose name was Reverter.
(8) He was a just man, simple and god-fearing. The King placed him in charge of the Christian knights,
and he also made him a general in his own army. This individual had never suffered defeat in combat.
All of King Ali's wars were carried out with the strategical assistance and military knowledge of
Reverter. However, as time passed Ali grew very old and finally died. His son Texufin succeeded him
on the throne. He also treated the Christian captives benevolently, as his father had done.
The Almoravides Recover Oreja, Zorita, Coria and Alvalat
(107) The following events occurred during the reign of Queen Urraca. The King of Sevilla and the
King of Córdoba and all the other Almoravide rulers in the south had gathered a large army of cavalry,
infantry and archers. They proceeded to the territory of Toledo and began to attack the castle at Oreja.
They massacred the Christians there and took many prisoners. They then took another castle at Zorita
and strongly fortified it. There they left their cavalry, infantry, food supplies, and many arms and war
machines. Thereupon they returned to the south.
(108) About this time Coria was surrendered to the Saracens by a certain group of evil men who
feigned being Christians but were actually infidels. The Saracens also took another castle In
Extremadura called Alvalat. They strengthened it and the one [110] at Coria with numerous cavalry and
infantry troops. These soldiers were daily moving on the offensive throughout Extremadura up to the
Duero River. Those in Oreja were doing the same against Toledo and against other cities in the Trans-
Sierra region. They committed many massacres and carried away a great deal of booty.
Attack on Toledo;
Destruction of Aceca
(109) After some years King Texufin mobilized all his army and moved toward Toledo. But the
Christians heard of his coming and fortified their city. Texufin, with his entire army, crossed the Tajo
River and marched against the Aceca castle. This fortification had been inhabited recently by Tello
Fernández, a Duke from Saldaña, and also by other Christians. The Almoravides attacked from
midnight until sunset the next day. Eventually, they broke through and captured the castle. In doing so
they demolished it to its very foundations. Nearly three hundred Christian soldiers died in the fighting.
Tello Fernández, the commander there, along with many others, was captured and taken to Córdoba.
From Córdoba he was transferred across the Mediterranean to King Ali's palace. He never returned to
Spain.
The Defeat of the Governors of Toledo and of Mora
(110) During those times there was a Spanish Moslem chief in Calatrava whose name was Farax. (9) He
was a champion among the Spanish infidels. In San Esteban there was a powerful leader [111] of the
Almoravides named Ali. The two were carrying on a fierce campaign and causing a great deal of
massacre in the territory around Toledo. They had mobilized all the Almoravides and Spanish Moslems
in Oreja. They had also brought troops out of the area south to the Guadalquivir River. They stealthily
entered the region around Toledo at night. There they set up an ambush in a concealed area. All of this
activity escaped the notice of Gutier Armíldez, the governor of Toledo, who was then in Alamín.
(111) The next day early in the morning a few of the Almoravide cavalrymen appeared on the
surrounding plain driving some cattle. Then they apparently began to flee. Gutier Armíldez pursued
them with forty knights. When they came upon the ambush site, the enemy suddenly appeared and
began to attack. The battle grew extremely fierce, and Armíldez was killed. Most of the other knights
accompanying him were also killed.
(112) One of those who survived was Munio Alfonso. (10) He had been born in Galicia but was now
governor of Mora. He was taken prisoner with other Christian knights, and they were all transported to
Córdoba. There they were thrown in prison. The Moors tortured Munio Alfonso by giving him neither
food nor drink. After several days be ransomed himself with a great deal of gold, and silver, livestock
and arms. He went to Toledo and then to his castle at Mora. On later occasions he fought many battles
from that castle and defeated and killed many powerful Moorish leaders. These latter battles are
recorded below.
[112] The Defeat of the Governors of Escalona and Hita
(113) The infidel leaders mentioned above returned again to the frontier around Toledo. There they
fought with the two brothers, Domingo and Diego Álvarez. (11) The two jointly held the position of
governor of Escalona. Farax and Ali also fought with many Christian knights from other cities. Because
of their sins the Christians were defeated, and the governors of Escalona were killed along with many
others. The Moors also engaged Fernando Fernández (12) in battle. He was governor of Hita. The infidel
forces overpowered him and many of his troops.
The Reasons why Alfonso VII Neglected the Frontier
(114) While the above battles were being fought, Alfonso I, the King of Aragón, was carrying out a
very hostile campaign against Castile and León. He had occupied the following towns: Castrojeriz,
Herrera, Castrillo, the castle at Burgos, San Esteban de Gormaz, Villafranca, Belorado, Grañón, Nájera
and many other castles. The Emperor and his loyal subjects were at war with all these cities. Alfonso
VII was not aided wholeheartedly by Count Pedro de Lara nor by his brother Count Rodrigo González
nor by Count Gonzalo Peláez of Oviedo. Moreover, Pedro Díaz was rebelling in Valle, and Gimeno
Íñiguez was doing the same in Coyanza. They had schemed trouble together, and had joined in a
conspiracy with the Aragonese King. Because of this treachery, they all came to wretched ends, as is
recorded in this book. (13)
(115) When the war with the King of Aragón was over, another one broke out in Castile against King
García of Pamplona and King [113] Alfonso of Portugal. We have already written about the military
offensives of the latter against Galicia. Due to these wars the Emperor did not undertake any
expeditions into the south to the territory of the Moors. For this reason they had gained much power
within Christian lands. Their dominance lasted until the Emperor went to Jerez and captured Oreja and
Coria. Even though the infidels were on the attack to such an extent, every year the Christians living in
the Trans-Sierra region and in Extremadura mobilized their forces and planned military campaigns.
These would vary from one thousand to five thousand soldiers, and sometimes as many as ten
thousand. They would go to the territory of the Almoravides and the Spanish Moslems and massacre
them and, take a great many prisoners. Large amounts of booty would be carried off, and the land
would be left in flames. They also killed several Moorish leaders and destroyed many of their castles
and towns. The end result was that the Christian forces did greater damage to the infidels than the
infidels had ever done to them.
Victory over Texufin at Lucena
(116) Meanwhile King Texufin, Azubel (14) of Córdoba, Abenceta (15) of Sevilla and other Almoravide
leaders had mobilized an enormous army. Their strategy was to come suddenly to the land around
Toledo and completely destroy the cities there. In this way they hoped to gain a great deal of fame in
the Arab world. They moved out from Córdoba, and after a few days they camped on the plain at
Lucena.
[114] (117) On the same day a thousand well-armed select knights were traveling from Avila and
Segovia accompanied by a large infantry force. They were following a certain road which eventually
leads to the plains of Córdoba. While they were marching they discovered that King Texufin and his
forces were bivouacked on the Lucena plain. They immediately prayed to the Lord, to Mary and to
Saint James to aid in their defense. It was divine inspiration that told them to stop where they were and
to pitch their tents in that location. They divided the infantry into two forces. One half they left in the
camp to guard their equipment and supplies. After midday the other half of the infantry and the entire
force of well-armed knights marched out. At about the fifth hour of the night they rushed the tents of
King Texufin and caused terror and pandemonium within his camp.
(118) A great mass of Almoravides and Saracens ran together to seize their arms and to begin the fight.
The battle was fierce, and a great part of the Saracen contingent was killed while others fled the camp
in all directions. King Texufin was wounded in the thigh by spears. However, he mounted his horse
bareback and fled. The Christians captured the entire camp with the royal banners of the Moors, all
their mules and camels, and the gold, silver and other riches. Then they returned to their own camp.
Each soldier went back to his city in Extremadura praising and blessing God. Texufin returned to
Córdoba in a state of disgrace. He was cared for there by [115] physicians, and his wounds healed after
several days of convalescence. However, he was crippled until death.
Cavalry Assault on Sevilla by Rodrigo González de Lara
(119) After Gutier Armíldez died, the Consul Rodrigo González came into favor with the Emperor. He
was made commander of all troops in Toledo and leader of Extremadura. He mobilized a large army
from both Castile and Extremadura. It was much greater than the combined cavalry and infantry of
Toledo and of the other cities under Toledo's jurisdiction. Rodrigo González led this force to the land
around Sevilla and devastated all the area. He cut down the fruit trees and took great quantities of booty
a myriad of captives from the region, gold, silver, costly dresses, herds of horses, mares, asses, bulls,
cows and many other varieties of livestock.
(120) The King of Sevilla viewed all this and immediately summoned many thousands of Almoravides,
Arabs and Spanish Moslems. They came from the islands of the sea and also from the maritime
nations. These were all of his neighbors and allies, and among them were many powerful Arab leaders.
The King set out against the camp of Rodrigo González. The Consul was informed of this military
move, and led away his army out of the camp and took up positions to meet the infidels. The Christian
infantry was divided into two bodies, the archers and the slingers.
All the bravest warriors were located in the front line of battle. Next came a line of knights from Ávila.
The second line was from Segovia. Rodrigo remained to the rear with the forces [116] from Toledo, the
Trans-Sierra region and Castile as a reserve to reinforce the weak and to bring medical aid to the
wounded.
(121) The battle began as the Saracens shouted and sounded their brazen trumpets and drums. They
uttered cries and invoked Mohammed. The Christians called out with all their heart to the Lord, to
Mary and to Saint James. They prayed that they would show them mercy and forget the sins of the king
and of their forefathers. Many on both sides fell wounded shortly after the battle had begun. Rodrigo
realized that the King of Sevilla's army was the stronger. Consequently, all of the bravest warriors
joined with Rodrigo and they attacked. The King of Sevilla fell in the field and died, as did many of his
officers. Rodrigo Gonzalez pursued the survivors all the way to the gates of Sevilla. After picking up
the spoils, he began his march back to the camp.
Defeat of the Council of Salamanca
(122) At the same time the nobles from Salamanca entered the land around Badajoz. When they had
been informed that Rodrigo González had planned a campaign against Sevilla, they said, "Let us go
into the territory around Badajoz, and let us make a glorious name for ourselves. We will not share our
new fame or glory with anyone." They mobilized an extremely large army and set out on the road that
leads to Badajoz. They devastated the entire region and left nothing but ruin behind them. They also
took many enemy captives. Their booty consisted of furnishings from the houses along with much gold
and silver. [117] They gathered all the horses, mules, camels, asses, oxen and many other kinds of
livestock.
(123) While all this was taking place, King Texufin was mobilizing an enormous force to fight the
Consul Rodrigo. When he learned from a certain Spanish Moslem who had fled from Rodrigo's camp
that the King of Sevilla and all his nobles had been killed, he was afraid to carry his campaign there.
But he also learned from the same escapee that the Christian forces were bivouacked in the Badajoz
region. Texufin followed the Christians, and he set up his camp facing theirs. He did not, however,
immediately engage in battle with them, because it was almost nightfall. The Christians carefully
reconnoitered the situation. They killed all the infidel captives in their camp. This was done to avoid
the possibility that these captives might throw the camp into disorder by taking up arms during the
battle. Through his interpreters King Texufin ordered that the Christians be asked who their commander
was. They answered, "Each of us is his own individual commander." When Texufin heard this reply, he
realized immediately that they were all fools and greatly lacking in prudence. This, of course, made
him extremely happy, and he said to those around him, "Let it be known that their God has abandoned
these fools." Many Salamancan nobles, realizing what the outcome of the battle would be, secretly fled
from the camp. At daybreak the fighting began, and the Christians had to retreat immediately. All the
knights and infantrymen were killed, and only the few who fled on horseback were saved. All [118] of
the defenses of the camp were taken, and it was indeed a great disaster for the Christian forces. King
Texufin carried away all the spoils and returned victoriously to Córdoba.
(124) The disaster alone was not a sufficient lesson to the Salamancan officers. The same misfortune
repeated itself three more times in that year and in the following one. The cause of these calamities was
simply that they trusted in their own strength too much and not enough in the Lord's power. After this
they did penance for their sins and prayed a great deal. They offered, tithes and their first fruits to God,
and he favored them. They were given the gift of valor and prudence while waging war. For that
reason, subsequent to their prayers, they were a constant threat to the Moors in their own land under the
leadership of Count Poncio (16) and other generals of the Emperor. They fought several battles and won
great victories which included great spoils. The city of Salamanca became famous for its knights and
infantry. The city also grew very rich from the spoils of war.
The Pilgrimage of Rodrigo González;
the Victories of Rodrigo
Fernández in Almonte, Serpa and Silvia
(125) The Consul Rodrigo returned to Toledo without any difficulty with his entire army. They praised
and blessed God during the return trip, for He had saved those who trusted in Him. The other battles
which the Consul Rodrigo fought with the king of the Almoravides are not recorded in this book. [119]
When all of the military activity was concluded, the Consul became a pilgrim, and in a spirit of
devotion, he journeyed across the sea to the city of Jerusalem.
(l26)Finally the Emperor entrusted Toledo to Rodrigo Fernández. He gave him many cities and towns
in Extremadura. Rodrigo was appointed commander of all forces in Toledo. Following his appointment,
he mobilized the entire army from Toledo and from all Castile, both cavalry and infantry. He led them
to the South to the land of the infidels. There he caused much slaughter and ruin. He took many
captives, a great deal of gold and silver and many beautiful pieces of clothing. He also captured several
varieties of livestock which he found there in the fields. Wherever they traveled in the South, they left
complete destruction behind them.
(127) When this ruin was reported to Texufin, he was extremely angered. He summoned all his friends,
all the army officers and also his cavalry commanders. Moreover, mercenary forces were recruited
from other kingdoms, from the islands in the sea and from the coastal regions. An enormous army of
Almoravides likewise was brought across the Mediterranean to the South of Spain. This force was so
large that it was impossible to count their divisions. The king then went out with his army to meet the
Christians at Almonte.
(128) As soon as the governor of Toledo saw the approaching forces, he said the following to the
Christians: "Do not fear [120] their numbers, and do not be alarmed at the thought of their attack. Keep
in mind how King Alfonso VI and our own fathers captured Toledo and forced the frontier back to the
Duero River. Now let us pray to God for His compassion, and He will crush them before our very
eyes." Then the battle lines were drawn up. The cavalry, infantry and archers from both sides were
assembled for the fighting. The conflict commenced, and God saw to it that several thousand of the
enemy were killed. Consequently, King Texufin was defeated and forced to flee from the battlefield
with his entire army. The Christians seized much gold, silver, horses, mules, camels and many other
valuable spoils. They returned to Toledo singing hymns and blessing God, for He is good and His
mercy endures forever. (17)
(129) Rodrigo Fernández, the governor of Toledo, mobilized the army a second time and marched
south to the land of the Moors. Their kings came out to meet him at Serpa. In this confrontation the
governor of Toledo came away the victor and took great spoils from the enemy. He returned to
Extremadura extremely happy. Finally, a third time he gathered his forces and went to enemy territory
and brought about great destruction. He killed many Almoravides and Hispanic Moslems. The infidel
kings had mobilized a heavy force of cavalry and infantry and had met at Silvia. After the battle had
begun, they retreated and many thousands of their troops were slaughtered. The remainder of the force
fled in all directions. Again the governor of Toledo achieved victory, and the Christians seized a [121]
great amount of booty from the enemy. After they had returned to Toledo, they were all very elated
over the victory. On the return journey they sang the Te Deum in its entirety.
The Reconstruction of Aceca
(130) At that time there was a certain knight in Extremadura whose name was Gocelmo de Rivas. (18)
He was a man of military inclinations who was also extremely wealthy. He possessed silver, bread,
wine and all the riches of the world in great quantity. He went to the Emperor and requested that he be
appointed for the reconstruction of the Aceca castle. The petition pleased King Alfonso a great deal.
Therefore, Gocelmo and his entire family traveled to Aceca. The governor of Toledo accompanied them
with a large army. They pitched their tents at the foot of the castle which had been destroyed by King
Texufin when he had taken it from Tello Fernández. The castle was reconstructed with high walls and
strong towers encircling it in order to keep the enemy from destroying it again. Gocelmo de Rivas had
with him many aggressive knights and well armed infantrymen to guard the fortress. Messengers from
Toledo resupplied it with foodstuffs so that Toledo itself might have something of a stronghold facing
Oreja. Using that city as a base, many of the enemy were waging an aggressive war both in the region
around Toledo and in Extremadura. A fierce battle took place at Calatrava and at Oreja. Sometimes the
Christians were victors in this campaign, and sometimes they were forced to flee.
[122] Campaign of the Emperor through the Land of Jaén
(131) In May of the year 1176 of the Spanish Era, the Emperor joined forces with Rodrigo Fernández,
the commander of the Toledo army. This officer had attained great success in all of his campaigns. The
Emperor also brought Count Rodrigo from León, his own palace advisors and a large force from
Extremadura. They set out and after traveling some distance, they bivouacked near the Guadalquivir
River. Many plundering contingents marched out for several days at a distance from the main camp.
They plundered all the land around Jaén, Baeza, Úbeda and Andújar. They set fire to all the towns they
came upon. They also cut down the vineyards, the olive groves and all the other trees. Every place that
came in their path was left in ruins. After several days they returned to the Emperor who was at the
main camp. They brought a large number of captives, both men and women, and also children. They
carried with them much gold and silver and many elegant and costly garments. Many other riches were
also carried to the camp, including fine furniture and large herds of horses, mares, oxen, cows, sheep
and goats.
(132) While this campaign was taking place, a certain group of individuals from Extremadura crossed
the Guadalquivir River without the Emperor's order. They marched into enemy territory and burned and
destroyed everywhere. After gathering their booty, they returned to the area where they had previously
crossed the river. Because of a serious lack of planning and owing to the [123] large amount of spoils
which they carried, they did not recross the river, but remained on the other side. At midnight there was
an extremely heavy rainfall, and the river rose to flood level. In the morning the people were trapped on
the other side of the river. They could not swim across, nor could they devise any other method for
reaching the other side.
(133) The Emperor foresaw the impending tragedy, and he withdrew with his special guard so as not to
witness the inevitable death of his people. Around the third hour of the day, those trapped on the far
bank of the river looked up and saw squadrons of Almoravides and Hispanic Moslems coming to
slaughter them. They were so completely frightened that panic overcame all of them. Consequently,
they lost all sense of military skill in combat. They shouted across the river to the commander of
Toledo and to Count Rodrigo to have pity on them. But these commanders shouted back: "The water
has risen to such a height that it is totally impossible to make a crossing now. Confess your sins, pray,
and share the Holy Bread of Communion that you have with you. God will then have mercy on your
souls."
(l34) The Christians were now well provided with faith. They took up their arms and killed all of the
infidel prisoners there. They even killed the women, children and animals. Immediately the
approaching forces rushed on them and all of the Christians died. One of them did survive, and he was
a Christian knight who threw himself into the river and was carried across by the current. All those who
witnessed this miracle, [124] both Christian and Moor, were extremely amazed. The enemy cut off
many of the heads of the Christians. They then gathered up the spoils and departed. When it was finally
over, the consuls broke camp and went to the Emperor. They related everything that had occurred, and
consequently, he left in a very disconsolate mood. He went to Toledo, and each of his soldiers departed
for his own land.
The Failure of the Attack on Coria;
the Death of Count Rodrigo Martínez
(135) In July of the same year, the Emperor again gathered together his palace guard, Count Rodrigo of
León and the men of Salamanca, and they all marched toward Coria. Alfonso set out with the intention
of capturing the city. First he laid an ambush at some distance from the walls. Then he sent plundering
companies to the city to capture the men, women and all the livestock in the fields. When the enemy
within saw this they bravely broke out through the city gates in pursuit of the Christians who pretended
to flee. Actually, they wished to pull them away from the city. When they had passed by the site where
the Christians were concealed, the Emperor appeared in the field. Suddenly, those lying in ambush
rushed out and killed all of the Moors and their leaders. Not one of them survived this attack.
(136) When the people within the city of Coria saw this taking place outside the walls, they quickly
shut the city gates and fortified them with heavy timbers. The Emperor ordered the camp to be moved
closer to the city. He sent messengers [125] throughout Extremadura and León with instructions that all
cavalry and infantry should come to assist in the blockade of Coria. If anyone refused to come, that
man would greatly displease the Emperor, and his entire home would be confiscated. The Christian
officers erected high wooden towers that actually reached above the city walls. This resulted in such a
perfect blockade that none of the enemy could enter or leave the city. The Christian forces also brought
engines and mantlets with which to subdue the city.
(137) The Emperor summoned the commanders and ordered them to mobilize the war engines in
preparation for the assault on the city. He left with his hunters for the mountains then in search of deer,
boar and bear. In the morning the assault was begun. Consul Rodrigo Martínez himself climbed one of
the wooden towers. Many knights, archers and slingers went up the tower with him. Then one of the
enemy by pure chance shot an arrow at the tower which the consul had climbed. Because of our sins,
the arrow hit its target on the other side of the wickerwork. The iron point of the arrow struck the neck
of the Consul. It pierced his headpiece and corselet and wounded him.
(138) Nevertheless, after the Consul realized that he was wounded, he quickly grasped the point of the
arrow and, removed it. At once he began to hemorrhage. Neither the conjurers nor the physicians could
stop the bleeding. Finally Rodrigo said to those around him, "Take off my arms, for I am extremely
[126] disheartened." Immediately they removed his arms and carried him to his tent. Throughout the
entire day they attempted to cure his wound. Around sunset all hope in medicine was lost, and he died.
As soon as the news had spread through the camp, there was tremendous mourning--more than anyone
had imagined. Upon returning from the mountains, the Emperor was informed of the Consul's death.
He learned the cause upon entering the camp. Alfonso gathered all of his advisors, and in their
presence, he appointed Osorio, Rodrigo's brother, to be consul in his place.
(139) On the following day the Emperor realized his many misfortunes on this campaign. Thus,
yielding to fate, he withdrew from the blockaded city. His nobles departed with him. He went to
Salamanca, and the others returned safely to their respective homes. Count Osorio, the new consul,
took the body of his brother to León. He was accompanied by his own military force and by that of his
brother. The mourning over the death of Rodrigo Martínez increased in every city. In León they buried
him with honors in his father's tomb near the Basilica of Saint Mary. The tomb is located very near the
episcopal throne.
Texufin Returns to Morocco
(140) After this King Texufin crossed the Mediterranean Sea and went to the city of Morocco to the
house of his father, King Ali. He took many Christians with him. These were called Mozarabs, and they
were the Christians who had been living for [127] centuries in the South of Spain under Moslem rule.
He carried off all of the captives that he had made during his stay on the Peninsula, and he placed them
in cities and castles along with the other Christian prisoners. They were to face the Almohades who
were attacking all of the land of the Almoravides in North Africa.
The Sackings on the Frontier;
the Loss of Mora
(141) After some years King Azuel of Córdoba and King Abenceta of Sevilla and the other infidel
leaders in the South mobilized a very large army. They returned to the cities which lie along the Toledo
frontier. There they committed many massacres and caused much destruction in Escalona and in
Alamín. They captured the Mora castle due to the negligence of Munio Alfonso. I say negligence
because he did not have it properly protected, nor was it provided with enough supplies to sustain large
scale attacks. For this reason the enemy captured it. They fortified it with brave men and resupplied it.
(142) It must be noted that when the army of the Almoravides and of the Spanish Moors came to the
territory around Toledo and its cities, it did not stay for a long time. Rather, it waged war for one entire
day and night, and, then immediately returned home. This army made such a rapid advance south,
because it feared the Emperor and his knights who lived in Ávila, Segovia and in Extremadura.
Countermeasure for the Loss of Mora;
Foragings of Munio Alfonso
(143) When the Emperor was informed that Nora had been captured by the enemy, he went there and
constructed another castle facing it. This castle was Peña Negra, and it was stronger than the Mora
castle. He fortified it with very aggressive knights and infantrymen and provided it with many supplies.
He entrusted this castle to Martín Fernández. (19) Subsequently, he made daily attacks on those within
the Mora castle until the Emperor recaptured it. After Mora had first been lost to the enemy, Munio
Alfonso was too ashamed to appear in the presence of the Emperor. However, he did undertake a rather
dangerous military campaign with his comrades from Toledo, Guadalajara, Talavera, Madrid, Ávila,
Segovia and other cities. He was increasing his military incursions into the South against the
Almoravides and against the Spanish Moslems. He caused great devastation and ruin and carried off a
great deal of booty. He fought many of the Moorish leaders and he defeated and killed many of them.
(144) Since the Emperor realized that Munio Alfonso was a good warrior, he ordered him to come to
his court where he would be rewarded for his brave deeds. He appointed him Vice-Governor of Toledo
and ordered all of the cavalry and infantry in the Trans-Sierra region to obey him. They already were
informed of his outstanding feats and military skills through the many battles which they had fought
with him in the South. Yet the Almoravides and the Spanish Moors in Oreja were still the cause of great
affliction around Toledo and all of its cities.
[129] The Emperor Commands the
Governor of Toledo, Rodrigo Fernandez,
and his Brother Gutier to Blockade Oreja
(145) In the thirteenth year of his reign, the Emperor Alfonso realized that the Lord had given him
somewhat of a respite from his enemies. He took counsel with his advisors, and ordered his two
governors, Gutier Fernández, and his brother, Rodrigo Fernández, to attack the Oreja castle. They were
to do this in April. Each one would have his own force, and also all the knights and infantry from
Toledo and from the cities in the Trans-Sierra region. The forces from Extremadura were to take part
also.
(146) Then the Emperor mobilized all of the military personnel from Gailcia, León and Castile. These
groups were accompanied by large infantry troops. All of them joined up and departed for Oreja. Inside
the fortress was the famous infidel chieftain Ali. He was the notorious murderer of Christians and their
leaders in the Trans-Sierra region. He was accompanied by a large number of archers, cavalrymen and
a good sized infantry. These troops consisted or both Almoravides and of Hispanic Moslems. The castle
at Oreja was extremely strong and well defended with every kind of weapon. Of particular significance
were the catapults which they used for hurling large stones. The Emperor ordered his craftsmen to
construct several war engines for the assault on the castle. Furthermore, he ordered guards to be
stationed along the river bank to out off the enemy's water supply. A special mantlet was placed on the
river at a certain location [130] where the Moors used to draw their water secretly.
Enemy Attempts to Aid the Castle;
Attacks on Toledo Defended by the Empress
(147) When the kings in the South were informed of the blockade, they were greatly alarmed.
Especially angered were Azuel of Córdoba and Abenceta of Sevilla. Abengania, the commander of the
Valencian forces, was equally disturbed. They summoned the other kings and military leaders in the
South, and they gathered all the cavalry and infantry available. They even received military aid from
the islands in the sea. King Texufin sent a powerful army of Almoravides from Morocco. Finally, an
infantry rearguard joined them and followed the many camels loaded down with flour and with every
kind of foodstuff possible. There were approximately thirty thousand troops in the cavalry. The infantry
and the archers were unable to be counted.
(148) They moved their camp from Córdoba and began marching along the highway which leads to
Toledo. They bivouacked when they reached the springs of the Algodor River. There a heavy ambush
was laid under the command of Abengania with the support of his own cavalry guard. If the Emperor
were to come to engage them in battle, they were instructed to go straight to his camp. There they were
to set fire to it and kill all of his warriors. They were to reinforce the castle at Oreja with cavalry and
infantry. They would also resupply them with the foodstuffs they were carrying and replenish their
water supply. Then they would proceed to a prearranged location and join up with the other [131]
forces. From that spot they would all go to Toledo and wait for the Emperor to meet them in battle.
(149) However, Alfonso's scouts came to his camp, and in the presence of his nobles and advisors, they
informed him of the enemy's movements and of their strategy. It was as if they had all been divinely
inspired, for they decided not to go into battle against the Moors, but rather to wait in the camp, even
though they would lose the castle. The enormous army of Almoravides and Hispanic Moslems
approached Toledo and directed their initial attack against San Servando. The tall towers were not
destroyed, although they did demolish a smaller one facing the castle. This was a watchtower, and only
four Christian lives were lost. Many of the enemy then went to Aceca. However, they caused no
damage there.
(150) The enemy army eventually commenced to destroy the vineyards and orchards. However, the
Empress Berengaria was in Toledo with many knights, archers and infantrymen who were guarding at
the gates and walls of the city. When she realized what the Moors were doing, she sent messengers to
their kings bearing the following communication: "Do you not realize that you are fighting against a
woman, and that this is in no way advantageous to your own honor? If you wish to fight, go to Oreja
and fight with the Emperor who is awaiting you there with his forces in battle array." When the enemy
rulers heard this message, they looked up and, saw the Empress seated on a royal throne in the high
tower of the Alcazar. She was adorned [132] and attended as befits an Empress. Around her there was a
large group of distinguished women singing to the accompaniment of tambourines, lutes, cymbals and
psalteries. Upon seeing her the Moors were not only totally astonished, but they were also very
ashamed. They bowed their heads before the Empress, turned back and did not cause further
destruction in the area. They gathered their forces that had lain in ambush, and they returned to their
own lands without victory and without honor.
The Blockade is Completed.;
the Concession of a Treaty
(151) Meanwhile, the Emperor had ordered guards stationed along the river so that the enemy could not
replenish their depleted water supply. These guards had placed a special mantlet at the location where
the water had been secretly drawn. The Moors came out of the castle and set fire to it, because they
found it unattended by guards. Those inside the castle were prevented from leaving after that, and they
suffered tremendously from hunger. Many of them died for lack of food and water. The cisterns had
gone totally dry and were not receiving any water at all. The Emperor's engineers placed the engines
and the war machines against the castle and commenced to destroy its towers.
(152) Ali witnessed this and having consulted with his advisors, he sent the following message to
Alfonso: "Let us come to terms by means of a peace treaty. Grant us a period of one month, so that we
may again send a messenger across the [133] Mediterranean Sea to King Texufin and to all the Spanish
Moslems also on this side of the sea. If no one will come to our aid, we will march out and return your
castle to you. You will then allow us to go peacefully, taking all of our belongings to our city of
Calatrava." The Emperor replied: "I will make the following agreement with you: give me fifteen of
your nobles as hostages excepting Ali. If no one will come to your defense, you will return my castle to
me. Your catapults and all of your weapons and riches will remain in the castle. You will be allow to
take only your personal possessions with you. The Christian captives in your dungeons will remain in
the castle to be fed by my men at my own expense." Although unwilling, Ali and his men accepted the
terms of the treaty and gave the hostages to the Emperor. These were immediately sent to Toledo under
guard. Ali pledged under oath that he would fulfill every item in the treaty as stated. The Emperor
agreed likewise.
The Surrender of the Castle
(154) Very early in the morning on the last day of the month, the castle was surrendered. The towers
were filled with Christian knights, and the royal banners were raised from the highest tower. Those
holding the banners shouted as loudly as they could, "Long live Alfonso, the Emperor of León and of
Toledo." When the bishops and all the clergy witnessed this, they raised their hands to heaven and said,
"We praise you Lord, we acknowledge your glory."
(155) Ali and his forces marched out of the castle taking [134] only their personal belongings. They left
behind all the Christian captives, and they left their riches with these captives. They proceeded to the
Emperor who received them in peace. For some days they were his guests in the camp. In the meantime
the hostages were returned to them. After this the Emperor allowed them to go to Calatrava. Count
Rodrigo accompanied them in order to afford them some protection from the inhabitants of the Toledo
region who wanted to kill them.
(156) The siege of the castle had begun in the month of April, and it was surrendered to Alfonso in
October of the year 1177 of the Spanish Era. Thus all shame related to the loss of the castle was
forgotten. This had been the largest campaign that had been conducted in the combined regions of
Toledo and Extremadura. The Emperor subsequently ordered the castle to be fortified with a force of
knights and infantry, with war machines and with every available kind of weapon. The water supply
was replenished and food provisions were added. The entire army with all of the nobles and officers
returned each to his own home singing and praising God because a great victory had been achieved
through His servant, Alfonso the Emperor.
Toledo Receives the Emperor Upon his Return from Oreja
(157) Following these events, the Emperor decided to go to Toledo. When his coming was announced,
all of the leaders of the Christians, Moors and Jews and all the commoners of the [135] city went out to
meet him with tambourines, lutes, psalteries and many other musical instruments. In his own tongue
each one of them praised and glorified God who had aided all of the enterprises of the Emperor. They
were saying, "Blessed is he who comes in the name of the Lord, and blessed are you and your wife and
your children and the kingdom of your fathers, and blessed is your compassion and forbearance." (20)
(158) Inside the city, Raimundo, the Archbishop of Toledo, (21) led a long procession of clerics and
monks into the plaza of the city and welcomed the Emperor. They went to the Church of Saint Mary
during which time the archbishop was singing, "Fear God obey his commandments." After the
archbishop's blessing, Alfonso withdrew to the Alcazar in the royal palace and remained there for some
days. Afterward he visited the cities and castles in the region of Toledo. On this visit he undertook a
campaign to strengthen justice in his empire by bringing death to all criminals. Consequently, all of the
evildoers throughout Extremadura were pursued and punished. Through the influence the Emperor,
justice, peace and virtue spread, and all of the citizens of his kingdom were delighted with this
favorable state of affairs.
The Reconquest of Coria
(159) Two years and six months had passed, after the capture of Oreja when the Emperor directed his
attention to Coria. He set up his camp around the city and ordered his engineers to [136] construct a
wooden tower which would surmount the walls of the city. Then they began to undermine the walls and
to destroy the towers with war machines and mantlets. The Almoravides and the Spanish Moors in
Coria were completely intimidated by these actions. Initially, they fortified the gates with a strong
supporting wall thus preventing entrance or exit. Finally, a terrible famine prevailed within the city, and
many of the enemy perished from starvation.
(160) When the Almoravides realized that there was no possibility of their survival, they asked the
Emperor for peace under the following terms: They would be permitted an interim period of thirty days
to see if they might gain external aid and be freed. If they did not receive assistance, they would
surrender the city peacefully returning all of the captives and riches. The offer was acceptable to
Alfonso and to all of his advisors. Following the agreement, the Almoravides sent messengers to
Texufin, to Abenceta and to Azuel. The messengers related the incidents prior to the peace treaty and
also the specific terms of the agreement between the Emperor and the Almoravides within the castle.
Since King Texufin and the other rulers could not possibly relieve them, they ordered them to surrender
and save their lives. This greatly saddened Texufin. They commanded them to satisfy all of the
Emperor's demands in the treaty. This was done with the greatest expediency.
(161) After the city was returned to Alfonso, it was cleansed of all Mohammedan contamination. All of
the defilement [137] of the infidels in the city and in the temple was wiped out. A church was dedicated
there in honor of Saint Mary and all the saints. They consecrated as bishop a pious man whose name
was Navarro. (22) The city thus returned to its former state when an episcopal seat had been there
during the time of Archbishop Ildefonso (23) and King Recaredo. (24) At that time all the land from the
shores of the Mediterranean Sea to the Atlantic Ocean in the North was Christian. The city of Coria
was recovered in the year 1181 of the Spanish Era. After the Emperor had been granted such
tremendous victories with God's help, he returned honorably and in peace to Salamanca with all his
army praising God whose mercy is eternal.
The Terrified Almoravides
Abandon the Albalate Castle Leaving it Empty;
Victory of Munio Alfonso in Montiel
(162) When the Almoravides and Spanish Moors in Albalate heard that Coria had been recaptured, they
were terrified, and they abandoned the castle there. They marched out leaving it totally empty. The
Christians from Ávila and from Salamanca came and demolished it to its very foundations. During the
following year Munio Alfonso, the governor of Toledo, selected nine hundred knights and one thousand
of the bravest infantrymen from Toledo, Ávila, Segovia and neighboring cities. This noble was a very
aggressive leader and most dedicated to war. As was his custom, he led these troops to the central plain
of Córdoba and camped there. While in that area, he seized a [138] large quantity of gold, silver and
other riches. He also took a number of prisoners. During that campaign there were many massacres
throughout the plain around Córdoba. However, one enemy captive made a successful escape. Be fled
to King Azuel of Córdoba and to Abenceta, king of Sevilla. Both of these rulers were together at that
time. They were planning the strategy for a campaign into Christian territory with the defeat of Toledo
as their principal objective. However, they had still not reached a decision regarding a suitable strategy.
Quite suddenly then, the prisoner who had escaped from the Christians arrived. He communicated to
them all the facts related to the latest Christian victories around Córdoba.
(163) When they had received this information, they order the alarm to be sounded immediately
throughout the entire plain of Córdoba, Carmona and Sevilla. A general call to arms accompanied this
emergency announcement. The drums and the trumpets were sounded in all the cities, castles and
villages. Consequently, thousands of cavalrymen, infantry and archers marched in pursuit of the
Christian forces. However, Munio Alfonso, ever on the alert, saw the large body of enemy troops
preparing to fight. Their royal banners were raised for battle and other forces were joining them,
including a rearguard.
(164) Munio Alfonso immediately identified them as the armies of Kings Azuel of Córdoba and
Abenceta of Sevilla. He addressed his troops with the following words: ""The kings of the Almoravides
are pursuing us with large forces of cavalry [139] and infantry. We shall now advance our own army to
the orchards around Montiel. There we will mobilize our forces in full battle array and await the
enemy." The Christian forces proceeded to this location, and there they set up their camp. All of them
knelt and prayed in the following manners "Oh Jesus of Nazareth, who hung on the cross and shed
blood, for our sake, the infidel armies have joined together for the purpose of destroying us. Have pity
and deliver us, Oh mighty Virgin of Virgins. Intercede for us before your Son, our Lord, Jesus Christ. If
you deliver us, we will faithfully give your church in Toledo the tithes of all those things which you
have given or will give to us. Saint James, Christ's Apostle, defend us in battle so that we may not
perish during this frightful encounter with the enemy."
(165) When the prayer was finished, Munio Alfonso drew them into extremely tight battle lines facing
the Moors. Again Munio addressed his troops: "Oh children of Christians, take courage and let us fight
boldly and manfully against Abenceta, King of Sevilla, who is known to be the bravest of all the
enemy. If Abenceta is defeated or killed, they all will be defeated. Be certain that none of you dies
while in retreat, for it is better indeed for us to die united in battle than scattered in a state of confusion.
My companions, remember that sixty-two knights and I (some of those are here now and others have
remained home) fought with King Texufin and with the entire Cordoban army on the field of
Almodóvar [140] de Tendas. The Lord placed them in our hands, and they were defeated. Texufin fled,
and many of his officers and troops were killed. The remainder of his army retreated, but only one of us
perished in the battle. We took countless spoils from them and returned peacefully to our cities.
Remember that for God it is as easy to put many at the hands of a few as a few at the hands of many.
Now let it be done according to the will of God." They then received Communion in Masses celebrated
by the clerics who accompanied them.
(166) The columns of Almoravides and Spanish Moors approached with their royal standards raised
and mobilized themselves in formidable battle lines facing the Christians. King Abenceta realized that
the size of the Christian forces was small. There were no princes' standards among their ranks by only
those of Munio Alfonso, the governor of Toledo. Abenceta then addressed those around him regarding
the opposition: "Oh senseless Christians, children of dogs, how is it that you come to lose your heads?"
But combat began at that very moment. Abenceta was immediately attacked by two Toledan knights
Pedro Alguacil and Roberto Mongomáriz. He was killed and was beheaded.
(167) King Azuel witnessed this and instantly wheeled about. The remainder of the enemy officers and
their troops retreated through the mountains. They fled there and concealed themselves in caves or
among the rocks. But Munio Alfonso and his band of Christians pursued them. While [141] fleeing in
retreat, Azuel was thrown to the ground and beheaded by Munio Alfonso. It was virtually impossible to
make a body count of the dead. Moreover, many of the enemy officers were taken prisoner. The
Christians captured as many infantrymen as they could manage to hold.
(168) The following items were among the booty taken: much gold and silver, the royal standards and
many precious garments, excellent arms and mules and camels loaded with many other riches. The
heads of the kings were placed at the tops of the poles which carried the royal standards. The heads the
enemy princes and officers were impaled on individual spears. Munio Alfonso ordered the bodies of the
kings to be wrapped in the finest silk cloths and to be placed in a verdant field and left there under
enemy guard until they might be removed. The Christians returned to their camp singing and blessing
God, for his mercy is eternal.
The Triumphal Entrance of Munio Alfonso into Toledo
(169) Early the following day Munio Alfonso and his companions broke camp and marched into
Toledo. They entered the city through the Alcántara Gate. The royal banners were raised high at the
front of the march with the kings' heads on the poles. Then came the noble Moorish knights in chains;
next the Moorish populace with their hands tied behind their backs. After them the Christian infantry
followed leading the kings' horses and the mules of the princes and officers. These all bore saddles
splendidly crafted in gold and silver. At the [142] end came the camels and the mules loaded down with
captured arms and with all of the spoils.
(170) This entire victory procession stopped at the doors of Saint Mary's Church. Awaiting them there
were the Empress Berengaria, Raimundo, the Archbishop of Toledo, all the clergy, the knights of the
city and the entire populace. They had come to witness the results of this miraculous victory. After they
saw the heads of the infidel kings impaled on the royal standards, they were astonished. They all
entered the church singing the Te Deum joyfully. The archbishop gave his blessing and they all returned
to their homes.
(171) The following day early in the morning the Empress, Munio Alfonso and his comrades sent a
message to the Emperor who was in Segovia: "Come without delay to your house in Toledo. Here you
will witness the results of a great victory which the Lord has accomplished for you and for your entire
kingdom." When the Emperor heard this, he was extremely pleased, and he immediately traveled to
Toledo.
(172) When Munio Alfonso and his victorious soldiers heard that the Emperor was coming, they went
to meet him at some distance from the city. The royal banners led the way with the kings' heads
impaled on the tops of the poles. First came the victors. Following them appeared the heads of the
nobles and officers on individual spears. The enemy knights walked behind those all in chains. The
Moorish people taken captive followed [143] the knights. All of them had their hands tied behind their
backs. Then came the royal horses, the mules of the other leaders and all of the captured weapons. The
beasts of burden and the camels took up the rear loaded with spoils. When the Emperor saw all this,
especially the kings' heads on the top of the standards, he was completely amazed,. He immediately
thanked the Lord saying, "Blessed be the Lord God, Creator of all things, dreadful and mighty, just and
merciful, and He alone is eternal. It was He who rescued all of you from the sword of these kings, and
He always delivers me and all his faithful from every evil."
(173) Then they returned to the city and went to the royal palace. First, as had been promised, tithes
were given by all to God and to the Church of Saint Mary. As was the custom, they gave the Emperor
one fifth of what had belonged to the enemy kings. They also presented him with the royal banners,
several horses and numerous other gifts. From the common spoils they set aside precious items which
were sent to the Church of Saint James at Compostela. The remainder of the booty was divided
according to custom among Munio Alfonso and his comrades.
(174) Munio Alfonso ordered the kings' heads and the heads of the princes and officers to be hung from
the top of the Alcázar in Toledo. This was done in order to give clear evidence to Christians,
Almoravides and Spanish Moors of the divine help which was given to assure victory. However, after
[144] some days had elapsed, the empress was compassionately moved and ordered the heads taken
down. She instructed the Jewish and Mohammedan physicians to anoint them with myrrh and aloes, to
wrap them in the finest cloths and to send them to the South in silver and gold boxes. The empress had
them shipped honorably to Córdoba to be given to the wives of those kings. This victory was won by
God in March in the year 1181 of the Spanish Era.
Abengania is Named Governor of Mohammedan Spain

(175) When Texufin heard that the rulers of southern Spain bad been killed, he and his entire kingdom
were greatly sadden The news also caused, a great deal of political confusion. Texufin called to his side
all the Christian nobles who were in his court and also the Almoravide and Arabian nobles who were
his own advisors. He asked them what they considered a sound plan regarding southern Spain, which
was without a leader. They unanimously recommended that Abengania be appointed ruler of that
region. They insisted that there was no one more qualified for the position either in North Africa or in
southern Spain. Abengania was a loyal friend of Texufin, and at that time he was present there in his
court. So the King gave him the governorship of Córdoba, Carmona, Sevilla, Granada and the entire
rule over the region belonging to the Spanish Moslems. Texufin ordered Abengania to take a large
amount of gold and silver from his treasury. He was to utilize these funds for a campaign into Christian
territory for the purpose of avenging [145] the deaths of the Moorish kings recently killed there.
Abengania was ordered not to spare any of the Christian regions, and to bring every fortified Christian
town under the control of his rule for King Texufin.
The Emperor's Campaign Against Córdoba and Sevilla
(176) In the same year as the above-mentioned battles, the Emperor mobilized large forces of knights,
infantry and archers, and at his command they all camped near the Tajo River in Toledo. He summoned
the two leaders, Munio Alfonso, governor of Toledo, and Martín Fernández, governor of Hita. He
ordered them to take charge of the people and the land and to take up residence in Peña Negra (a town
surnamed Peña Cristiana). They were to be especially careful lest the Almoravides come and fortify the
castle at Mora.
(177) King Alfonso and his army marched to the region around Córdoba. It was harvest time, so they
set fire to all the fields and cut down all the fruit trees. In fact, they put to fire the entire territory around
Córdoba, Carmona and Sevilla, and all that land was destroyed. They burned the vineyards, olive
groves and fig trees, and nothing remained except the stronger towns and cities. The Emperor caused
much slaughter and carried away many captives and much booty.
The Defeat and Death of Munio Alfonso
(178) While the Emperor was in the South, the chieftain Farax, the governor of Calatrava, adopted a
strategy for [146] attacking the land around Toledo. All the infidel leaders who resided in the land up to
the Guadalquivir River combined forces with Farax. Their plan was to fortify the Mora castle and
prepare an ambush for Munio Alfonso. They planned to kill him and all of his companions who were in
the Peña Negra castle.
(179) Before sunrise on the first day of August, Munio Alfonso left the castle at Peña Negra. Forty
knights from Toledo accompanied him. He left his comrade, Martín Fernández, to defend the castle.
Munio Alfonso and his knights went up to the mountainous region around Calatrava to reconnoiter the
enemy activities in that area. While on this mission, they discovered a young Moor hiding in a cave in
the mountains. They immediately seized him. He was brought to Munio Alfonso who asked him who
his leader was, where he was from, and what was his destination. The captive answered that he was a
Mohammedan serving Farax, the chieftain of Calatrava. He had been sent out to spy on the Christians.
When the prisoner was asked about the movements of Farax, he answered that his leader was not far
behind with a large force and many animals carrying provisions for the resupplying of the Mora castle.
He indicated that Farax was actually following the force with the supplies, and that he had in his
command about four thousand troops. The prisoner told Munio Alfonso that their purpose was to kill
him and his comrades. The man was still speaking when suddenly the vanguard of the enemy appeared.
Munio Alfonso and his knights immediately joined in battle with them. The Moors were quicky
defeated and turned back. Many of them died there, and the [147] remainder scattered in retreat leaving
much booty on the battlefield.
(180) Following this, Munio Alfonso returned to Peña Negra and reported to Martín Fernández the
incidents of that day. He also warned that Farax was coming with a large army to make war on them.
After some deliberation, they ate bread and drank wine together. Then Munio Alfonso, Martín
Fernández and all the knights with them departed from the camp and mobilized their forces to meet the
infidels in battle. They encountered the enemy prepared for battle near the springs of the Algodor River.
After the fight had commenced many fell on both sides, and Martín Fernández was wounded. Both
armies then withdrew, and consequently there was a large, open area separating them.
(181) Since Munio Alfonso realized that time was not at all on their side, he told Martín Fernández the
following, "Don Martín, you and your forces leave immediately for Peña Negra. Defend it diligently in
case the Almoravides come from the opposite direction and occupy the castle. That would, indeed,
greatly trouble our Emperor. My comrades and I will fight and leave the rest to the will of God." Martín
Fernández and his soldiers returned to the castle to defend it. Munio Alfonso then addressed his stepson
whom he had knighted that very year: "Go to Toledo to your mother's house and protect her, my other
sons and your own brothers. I pray that your mother will not lose both of us in the same day." [148] But
his stepson refused to leave and insisted that he would rather die at Munio Alfonso's side. Then in a
state of rage, Munio struck him with the pole of his spear, and although unwilling, the stepson left for
Toledo in tears.
(182) At that moment the Almoravides returned to attack Munio Alfonso and his companions. Many
were wounded on both sides in this second encounter. When Munio realized that he and his men were
being pressed too hard on the field, they climbed a certain rock called Peña del Cuervo. The enemy
archers overtook Munio, and subsequent to their attack, he was wounded and died. All of his soldiers
died around him. The majority of the enemy officers also perished.
(183) Farax, the leader of the Moors, came and beheaded Munio Alfonso. He also cut off his right arm
with his shoulder and his right foot with the leg. He stripped him of his weapons, and his trunk was
wrapped in clean cloths. Many other Christian knights were also beheaded. The head of Munio Alfonso
was sent to Córdoba to the house of the widow of King Azuel and then to Sevilla to the house of King
Abenceta. After that it was carried to North Africa to King Texufin, so that the death of Munio Alfonso
might be made known throughout the land of the infidels. The arm and the foot and the heads of the
other knights were hung from the highest towers in Calatrava.
Praise of Munio Alfonso
[149] (184) When the citizens of Toledo received news of what the enemy had done, they recovered the
body of Munio Alfonso and also the bodies of his companions. They buried them in Saint Mary's
cemetery in Toledo. For several days the widows of the slain men visited the cemetery. They were
weeping loudly and expressing their grief in the following ways "Oh Munio Alfonso, we grieve over
you. Just as a woman loves her husband, so the city of Toledo loved you. In combat your shield never
turned away, and your spear never turned back. Your sword always achieved great victories. Do not
announce his death in Córdoba and Sevilla, nor in the house of King Texufin, lest the daughters of the
Saracens rejoice, and the daughters of Toledo be saddened." (25)
(185) It should be noted that Munio Alfonso and the warriors accompanying him met their end, because
of a very serious sin which Munio had committed. He had killed his own daughter who was the
offspring of his legitimate wife. He had done so because she had been consorting with a certain young
man. He did not pity his own daughter as the Lord pitied him in all of the battles which he had fought.
Nor did he consider the woman caught in adultery whom the Scribes and Pharisees placed before the
Lord and whom they wished to stone. The Lord said to them, "Whoever among you is without sin, let
him be the first to stone her." (26) However, Munio Alfonso was repentant for this sin throughout his
life. He even wished to make pilgrimage to Jerusalem. But the archbishop of Toledo, Raimundo, [150]
and the other clergy there ordered him to engage in continual warfare against the infidel as a penance.
The Church gave this command at the request of the Emperor. Munio performed the penance faithfully,
until he was killed by the Moors.
The Return of the Emperor
(186) While the above events were taking place, the Emperor was traveling through the country around
Córdoba, Carmona and Sevilla. He was returning from that area of southern Spain having gained a
great victory over the enemy there. When he arrived at the territory adjacent to Talavera and had
camped on the plains near the Tajo River, knights from Talavera came to visit him. They were
accompanied by their personal, entourages. The Emperor learned from them of the death of Munio
Alfonso, and he became extremely sad over this news. The nobles and the royal advisors saw the great
sorrow of the Emperor. They came and stood around him and told him that there were many men in his
kingdom like Munio Alfonso, some who were even better than he. They said that the good fortune
which was Munio's was also his and would be his for the rest of the days of his life. This was to be so,
for God had said that no one in the kingdom had been as prosperous and fortunate as the Emperor.
After hearing this, Alfonso meditated on its significance for about half an hour. Then he addressed his
troops ordering each of them to return to his home. The following year all the military forces from
Galicia, León, Castile and Extremadura were to join with him in Toledo in the [151] middle of
September. After his soldiers heard this, they all returned home.
The Emperor's Campaign in Andalusia;
Discontent is Raised against the Almoravides
(187) Toward the end of the year 1182 of the Spanish Era in September, all of the Emperor's military
leaders came to Toledo each accompanied by his own respective force. The royal escort and all of the
governors came, as did the troops from Extremadura. The Emperor mobilized his army and sent
powerful raiding parties ahead of him throughout the region around Córdoba, Carmona, Sevilla and
Granada. They devastated all of the land, around Baeza and Úbeda, and they ruined the fields around
Córdoba and Sevilla. They even ventured as far south as the region of Almería. There they destroyed all
the vineyards and cut down the olive groves, the fig trees and all the orchards. They left all these in
flames. They also set fire to the cities, towns and small villages. Much of their livestock was lost in
these fires. They took men, women and children along with an immense booty of horses. They also
captured mules, oxen, cows and all the livestock in the fields. The richer spoils consisted of gold, silver
and expensive household items. They took all this and whatever else they could lay their hands on.
They carried this booty in its entirety to the Emperor at his camp near Granada. Nothing remained
standing in Andalusia from Almería to Calatrava except for a very few of the strongest cities and towns.
After this [152] plundering, the Emperor and his army returned to Toledo carrying the abundance of
goods with them. They had achieved an important victory in the South and had assured greater peace
for their lands.
(188) The leaders of the Spanish Moslems in the South and their people realized that their misfortunes
were increasing. They saw that the Emperor and his army were coming annually to their territory. They
witnessed the yearly destruction or their land by the armies of Toledo, Segovia, Ávila and Salamanca.
Therefore, they assembled in their plazas and in their mosques to discuss the problem. First, they fully
realized that they could not withstand the war with the Emperor and his armies. Some of them spoke
out and said that it was the Almoravides who were seizing their choicest lands and possessions They
had confiscated their gold and silver, and kidnapped their women and children. The Spanish Moors,
therefore, decided to fight the Almoravides and drive them from Spain. They well understood that they
had no part in the house of King Texufin. Nor did they have rights of inheritance among the sons of Ali,
nor of his father Yusuf. (27) Others suggested that they make a peace treaty with the Emperor. They
further recommended paying him royal tributes as their ancestors had done. The latter advice seemed
wise, but at the same time they realized that they should be fully prepared to fight the North Africans.
They turned toward their mosques and prayed, begging the compassion of Mohammed, their false
prophet. They prayed that he would aid them in their plans and in the execution of these [153] plans.
Then messengers were sent to King Zafadola and to all the other descendants of the Spanish Moslem
kings asking them to come and make war on the Almoravides.
The Insurrection against the Almoravides
(189) In October of the year 1182 of the Spanish Era, Mahomet, (28) a Spanish Moslem leader of royal
blood, killed all the Almoravides in Mértola and in the surrounding region. Next, the Almoravides in
Valencia, Murcia, Lérida, Tortosa and in several other places were killed in fights at close quarters. At
that time King Zafadola and all the citizens of the southern cities from the Mediterranean coast up to
Toledo rose up against the Almoravides, then commanded by Abengania. Many thousands of
Almoravides and Spanish Moslems perished in the insurrection. The Spanish Moslems prevailed at first
and succeeded in driving Abengania and all the other Almoravides out of Córdoba. They likewise
expelled them from many other towns in the South. Although Abengania had apparently been ousted
from power in Córdoba, he took up a strategic position in the highest tower of the city. His followers
did the same in Montoro, Carmona and Sevilla. All the Almoravides who had succeeded in escaping the
sword of the Spanish Moors fled to Abengania and offered him powerful support. Subsequent to this
action, there was much massacre and a general state of chaos in southern Spain. The situation was
similar to that which existed when the infidels first crossed the Mediterranean Sea and seized that land.
The Insurrection in Córdoba
(190) At that time there was a Spanish Moslem priest in Córdoba whose name was Aben Hamdin. (29)
This individual was the richest man in all of Córdoba. He summoned Farax, the chieftain of Calatrava,
along with all the Córdoban nobles and his own relatives and friends. They came to him, and he
proposed a secret strategy to them by which King Zafadola might be killed. Zafadola, in the meantime,
had gathered all his loyal Christian knights and infantry, and had them in his personal entourage. He
departed from Córdoba with them, and Farax also left the city. Later, when they met, Zafadola said to
Farax, "Because you have planned to betray me, I must bring an end to your conspiracy." He then
turned to the Christian soldiers and told them to rush on Farax and kill him. They did so immediately.
The Death of Zafadola
(191) Under the pretext of Farax's death, Aben Hamdin and the citizens of Córdoba were determined.
to kill Zafadola. Therefore, they continued to pursue him. He traveled to Jaén and from there to
Granada. He had many military encounters with the Almoravides, and he captured many of their cities
and towns. However, Aben Hamdin became the political leader of Córdoba. Then Zafadola sent
messengers to the Emperor to tell him that Ùbeda and Baeza and their surrounding towns refused to
obey him and were also unwilling to pay the Emperor's tributes. After he had received this news,
Alfonso called Counts [155] Poncio, Manrique, (30) and Armengol (31) and also Martín Fernández. He
directed them to go and subdue Baeza, Ùbeda and Jaén for him and for King Zafadola. They were
ordered not to spare any of the rebels in those cities.
(192) They went with a large army to the South. They devastated the land there and put down all of the
insurgent activity. Much booty and a great number of captives were taken. When the inhabitants of the
region realized the extreme state they were in, they sent envoys to Zafadola. They asked him to aid in
their defense against the Christian attacks. It was made clear that if he would do so, they would serve
him willingly. Zafadola came immediately with a large force. He left this force stationed in front of the
Christians, and he himself entered their camp peacefully. He asked them to return to him all of their
booty and captives from the campaign. Then he promised to accompany them to the court of the
Emperor. Once there, he would act obediently upon whatever orders King Alfonso might give him. The
counts refused to comply with such a request. They reminded Zafadola that it was he who had
requested military force to aid in quelling the rebellion in the South. It was he who had sought the
destruction of the rebel territory. The counts insisted that they had carried out the exact command of the
Emperor. Zafadola replied that if they would not return the captives and the booty to him, he would
utilize military force against them. The counts answered that the time and the hour had arrived for such
a battle. [156] The lines were immediately drawn up, and the combat which ensued was extremely
fierce.
(193) Finally the forces under Zafadola's command retreated and were defeated. During the battle
Zafadola himself was captured by the Christian forces. He was being held, when another group of
knights passed by. They recognized Zafadola, and, because of their own special religious sentiments,
they killed him. When the counts realized what had happened, they were very distressed. Messengers
were sent to the royal city of León to inform the Emperor of the latest incidents in the campaign. Upon
hearing of Zafadola's death, Alfonso was extremely upset. He declared his own innocence regarding the
death of his friend. Both Christians and Moors all the way from the Jordan River in Arabia to the
Atlantic Ocean knew that the Emperor was never part of a conspiracy to kill King Zafadola.
Aben Hamdin Requests Aid from the Emperor
(194) Aben Hamdin, the political leader of Córdoba, was not able to withstand the war with Abengania
and the Almoravides He and his friends fled to Andújar where he was received by the citizens.
Abengania pursued him and blockaded Andújar. He first mobilized catapults, war machines and siege
engines. He then initiated a fierce attack on Aben Hamdin and those with him in the city. Upon seeing
the gravity of the situation, Aben Hamdin sent messengers to the Emperor. The message told of
Abengania's blockade on Andújar. Aben Hamdin begged Alfonso to [157] show compassion and come
and rescue him. He assured the Emperor that he and his friends would then willingly serve him.
(195) After hearing this, Alfonso called for his faithful friend, Fernando Juanes. He was commander of
Limia and the same individual who had aided the Emperor in Limia in his war with the king of
Portugal. Fernando was ordered to take as many of the Emperor's knights as he wished and go to
Andújar. He and Aben Hamdin were to defend the city until Alfonso could arrive there. Fernando
departed immediately with a large force of knights. When Aben Hamdin and the citizens of Andújar
saw him entering the city, they were overjoyed. Fernando ard Aben Hamdin joined forces and fought
several battles with Abengania. Some of this combat took place outside the city walls. Many soldiers
from both sides were killed.
The Death of Reverter
(196) While the above campaign was being fought, Reverter died. He was the Christian leader in
captivity in North Africa in King Texufin's court. All of the Christian prisoners there sprinkled
themselves with dust and dirt and mourned his death. In their state of grief they cried to him, "Reverter,
our leader, our shield and protection, why have you abandoned us? To whom do you leave us? Now the
Almohades will attack and kill us along with our wives and children." Even King Texufin and his entire
house mourned over Reverter's death.
Advances of the Almohades
[158] (197) Abd al Mu'min, the infidel leader of the Almohades, was at that time maintaining a court at
Bugia and at Mount Colobar in the Atlas Mountains in North Africa. He also reigned over several other
nations in the Moslem world. He had heard of the death of Reverter, and he was very pleased because
he had been engaged in a fierce war with him for some time. Abd al Mu'min immediately marched into
King Texufin's territory with an army of more than one hundred thousand horsemen. His archers and
infantrymen comprised such a large force, that it was impossible to count them. Strong cities, both
Moslem and Christian, were captured. Numerous massacres took place, and all the land was burned
through which this enormous army passed. Following this initial show of force, Abd al Mu'min turned
toward the city of Morocco.
The Death of Texufin;
the Conquest of Morocco by the Almohades
(198) King Texufin was terrified and greatly shaken when he heard of the advances of the Almohades.
His entire kingdom was equally frightened at the news of these victories. Texufin gathered all the
Christian leaders who were Reverter's lieutenants, the leaders of his own people and his entire army. He
went out to face Abd al Mu'min in battle, and the fighting was so fierce that it continued for several
days. Finally King Texufin was defeated and fled. He took refuge in a certain castle, but the king of the
Almohades pursued him and surrounded the castle. Abd al Mu'min ignited a raging pitch [159] fire, and
then by means of catapults and flaming arrows, he directed the fire at the tower where Texufin had his
quarters. The tower was burned, and King Texufin died in the flames. Many Christian and Almoravide
princes as well as thousands of cavalry men and footsoldiers were also burned to death.
(199) King Ali's house was thrown into great confusion. The situation was as grave as when the
Almoravides began to rule in Spain. When King Texufin died, the King of the Almohades took
possession of several castles and occupied every fortification he could. He penetrated the defenses of
many highly fortified cities, and he brought about numerous massacres. He strengthened his new
acquisitions with brave soldiers who were capable of carrying on the war within the cities. All who
resisted Abd al Mu'min were captured, and were burned to death with their wives and children.
(200) When Abengania and all the Almoravides in Spain heard of King Texufin's death (and also of the
many princes accompanying him), they were dumbfounded and without any recourse for action. The
Hispanic Moslems were, on the contrary, extremely happy over these events. The Emperor and his
court were not at all saddened at the news of Texufin's death.... (32)
(201)....] of Saint John the Baptist in the location where Satan's synagogue had previously been built.
The bishop of Burgos died there during the siege, while the Emperor was [160] still there. This
occurred on the feast of the nativity of Saint John the Baptist.
Preparations for the Conquest of Almería
(202) We should never cease praising and honoring God who protects His servants everywhere. He
overthrows the enemies of His law and reduces them to nothing. While the Emperor of León (a true
terror to the Arabs) was still involved in the blockade of Córdoba, some noble and eloquent envoys
from Genoa came to visit him there. They urged him to allow them to destroy the city of Almería in his
name. This city was a center for operations for the pirates who sailed from one end of the
Mediterranean to the other. Sometimes they would attack the land of Bari or of Ascalon. They would
strike at Constantinople, Sicily or even at Barcelona. On other occasions they raided Genoa and Pisa in
Italy. They invaded France, Portugal and even Galicia and Asturias. They would seize the booty and the
captive Christians and then flee quickly in their boats. The Genovese delegation insisted on the
importance of the Almería campaign. Finally they ceased speaking in order to allow the Emperor to
reach a decision. He favored the plan, and he gave them thirty thousand maravedis to finance the
operation. They promised to come and assist him with ships, men, arms, war engines and provisions.
The Emperor and the envoys mutually agreed upon the month of August as the deadline for the arrival
of the Italian forces.
[161] (203) Alfonso then sent Arnaldo, the bishop of Astorga, (33) as his envoy to the Count of
Barcelona and also to William of Montpellier. He requested them to come likewise in August and assist
in the destruction of Almería. He reminded these two nobles that such a campaign against the infidels
would be most advantageous to the salvation of their souls. They received his invitation with joy. They
promised to be present along side of the Genovese.
The Almohades in Spain
(204) In the same year that Córdoba was taken, the tribe that was popularly called the Almohades
crossed the Mediterranean Sea from North Africa. They constructed an immense war machine, and
after storming Sevilla, they occupied the city. They also conquered other cities and towns both near and
far from Sevilla. They inhabited these places, and they killed the nobles and the Christians who were
called Mozarabs. They also killed the Jews who had been living in southern Spain since ancient times.
The homes, riches and wives of the men were seized and kept by the Almohades.
Return of the Christian Captives from Morocco
(205) About this same time many thousands of Christian knights and infantrymen accompanied by their
bishop and by a large group of clerics came from North Africa to Spain. They journeyed from the South
to Toledo. These were the Christian prisoners mentioned above who had been living in the court of
King Ali and also in the court of his son Texufin.
The Destruction of Almería
(206) Since we are about to recount matters of great importance, if we change our form to verse, we
may curtail some tedium and elevate our style. We have decided to sing of the French and Spanish
leaders who came to the Almería campaign in the following poem:
Notes for the Second Book

1. This area is located between the Tajo River and the Guadarrama mountain range.
2. Alvar Fáñez, the nephew of the Cid, was one of the most prominent figures in the court of Alfonso
VI. He acted on numerous occasions as Alfonso's envoy to the Moorish kings of Taifas. He fought in
the Battle of Uclés in 1109, and consequent to that Christian defeat he was dispossessed of his domain
in Zorita and in Cuenca. He became governor of Toledo in 1109. His leadership in the defense of the
city is clearly depicted in the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris. He recovered Cuenca in 111, but was
killed in 1114 while defending Queen Urraca's cause against the Aragonese. Ramón Menéndez Pidal,
La España del Cid (5th ed.; Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1956), II, 554 and 586.
3. Bernardo de Sédirac, a descendant of a noble French family, migrated to Spain after becoming a
Cluniac monk. He was named the first abbot of Sahagún in 1080. He left there in 1085 when he was
appointed first archbishop of Toledo after its reconquest. In 1088 he became Primate of Spain, and in
1093, Papal Legate. Bernardo was one of the decisive agents contributing to the French Cluniac
influence on the Peninsula. He died April 3, 1124. M. Defourneaux, Les Français en Espagne aux Xieet
XIIe Siècles (Paris, 1949), pp. 33-34.
4. Psalm 126: 1.
5. Alimenon, the commander of the Almoravide navy, was also known as Ibn Maymum. His fleet
besieged numerous Christian cities and carried back masses of captives to North Africa. They were
conscripted into the Almoravide army to fight against the Almohades. At the death of Texufin in 1145,
Alimenon abandoned the Almoravide cause and presented his navy to Abd al-Mumin, the king of the
Almohades. Immediately thereafter he captured Cádiz and delivered it to them. Antonio Ballesteros y
Beretta, Historia de España y su influencia en la historia universal (2d. ed.; Barcelona: Salvat, 1961),
II, 567.
6. The Almohades were a North African dynasty which originated in the early twelfth century under the
leadership of Ibn Tumart. The tenets of their ideology were dedicated to a complete purification of
Moslem customs and a strict unitarianism. Their greatest victory against the Spanish was at the Battle
of Alarcos in 1195. However, they were decisively defeated by Alfonso VIII in the Battle of Navas de
Tolosa in 1212. Sánchez Albornoz, La España musulmana, II, 202-208, 220-226. Conde, Dominación
de los árabes, pp. 423-531.
7. Abd al-Mumin was the renowned Berber chieftain who in 1130 succeeded Ibn Tumart as King or
Califa of the Almohades. In 1160 he came to Spain for the first time. He died in North Africa at the age
of sixty-nine. The entire dynasty of the Almohade rulers descended from him. Henry Coppée, History
of the Conquest of Spain by the Arab-Moors (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1881), II, 228-235.
8. Reverter, A Mozarab of Catalan origin, was commander of Christian captives compelled to fight in
North Africa for the Almoravides. He enjoyed prestigious treatment from both Ali and his son Texufin.
Ibn Jaldun, Histoire des Berbères (Paris, 1927), II, 176-177.
9. Farax, also known as Ali Alfage, was governor of Calatrava during the first half of the twelfth
century. He was responsible for the deaths of numerous Christian leaders, particularly, Munio Alfonso,
the celebrated warrior of the second part of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris. Although a Spanish
Moslem, he conspired with Abenfandi of Córdoba to kill Zafadola. When the latter discovered the plot,
he killed Farax. Codera, Decadencia de almorávides, pp. 78-79.
10. Munio Alfonso was a Galician noble who became a celebrated captain in the forces of Alfonso VII
and nearly the protagonist of Book II of the Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris. He was mayor of Mora and
vice-governor and military leader of Toledo before 1143. The narration of his encounter with Farax and
his subsequent death provides one of the most heroic sequences in the chronicle. Fernando Brieca
Salvatierra, "Rincones históricos. El frontero Munio Alfonso," Revista Contemporánea, XCV (1894),
449-460 and 576-585.
11. Domingo and Diego Álvarez, brothers who jointly governed Escalona in the province of Toledo,
were killed by Moorish troops in 1147. It is known that they were governing in 1130, for in that year
the fueros of Escalona were granted by them. Ballesteros y Beretta, Historia de España, II, 756.
12. Fernando Fernández was the governor of Hita and the father of Martín Fernández, the noble
mentioned in verse 243 of the Poem of Almería.
13. In paragraph 20 the disastrous end of Pedro Díaz is recorded.
14. Azubel or Azuel is referred to as Al-Zubayr ben Omar el Latuni in Arabic histories. He was
governor of Córdoba, and he commanded the reinforcements in the Battle of Fraga. Al-Maqqari,
Analectes sur l'histoire et la littérature des arabes d'Espagne, ed. by R. Dozy, G. Cugat, L. Krehl and
W. Wright (Leiden, 1856), I, 307 and 384.
15. Abenceta, mentioned as governor of Sevilla, was killed with Azubel by the Christians under Munio
Alfonso. Codera is unable to identify this individual. Decadencia de almorávides, p. 28.
16. Count Poncio of Cabrera was an illustrious figure in the court of the Emperor as well as chief
counselor to the Emperor's son, Fernando II, during his reign. After 1145 his appears on the majority of
royal documents
17. 1 Machabees: 4: 23-24.
18. Gocelmo de Rivas, the individual who reconstructed the castle at Aceca, does not receive mention
in historical sources other than one document from Toledo in December, 1137 in which Alfonso VII
donates funds to the Cathedral at Toledo. Peter Rassow, "Die Urkunden Kaiser Alfons VII von
Castilien, 1126-1155," Archiv für Urkundenforschung (Berlin, 1930), p. 76.
19. Martín Fernández, the son of Fernando Fernández, succeeded his father as governor of Hita. He
commanded the troops from his town in the Battle of Almería. See verses 244-250 of the Poem of
Almería.
20. The author utilized a passage from Daniel 3: 7, for the welcoming of the Emperor by the citizens of
Toledo. The description of the entrance itself is a paraphrase of the entrance of Christ into Jerusalem
taken from Matthew 21: 9.
21. Raimundo was from Salvetat in Gascony. Like his predecessor Bernardo he migrated to Spain from
France. He became bishop of Osma in 1109 and, following Bernardo's death, he was appointed
archbishop of Toledo in 1125. The first document citing him in this position is a privilege granted by
Alfonso VII on April 2, 1127. Rassow, "Die Urkunden Kaiser Alfons VII," p. 67. Raimundo
consistently exploited the prestige in the Emperor's court to enhance the material benefits of the
Cathedral at Toledo. His most celebrated cause of fame was the founding of the School of Translators
in Toledo. He died in 1152. Ángel González Palencia, El Arzobispo Don Raimundo de Toledo (Madrid:
Consejo Superior de Investigators Científicas, 1942).
22. Navarro is mentioned in a document dated October 3, 1142 as the newly appointed bishop of Coria.
The document with the increase of benefits to be granted to the Cathedral at Coria. Peter Rassow, "Die
Urkunden Kaiser Alfons VII von Spanien," extracted from the Archiv für Urkundenforschung (Berlin,
1929), p. 437. The copyist of the chronicle or the chronicler himself is in error when dating the
reconquest of Coria in 1143, particularly since he indicates that the campaign commenced two and one
half years after the reconquest of Oreja. The latter took place in October of 1139. The above cited
document indicates an error of one year in the chronicle.
23. Ildefonso was a famous Visigothic bishop of Toledo who convened the eighth and ninth Councils of
Toledo in 653 and 655 respectively. He became archbishop of that city in 657 and presided over the
diocese until his death in 667.
24. Recaredo I was Visigothic King of Spain from 586 to 601. His reign was decisive for the history of
the Peninsula because his conversion to Catholicism from Arianism united the people of Spain.
25. The eulogy for Munio Alfonso is taken from the words of David spoken upon hearing of the deaths
of Saul and his son Jonathan. Sam. 1: 17-27.
26. John 8: 7.
27. Yusuf ben Texufin was king of the Almoravide dynasty from 1061 to 1106. He is considered the
veritable founder of the sect. He made numerous military expeditions to Spain, and on several
occasions achieved decisive defeats over the Christians. He died in 1106 at the age of 100.
28. Mahomet was Mohammed ben Yahya, known as Ibn al-Quabila to the Islamic chroniclers. He
effectively carried out the slaughter of the Almoravides in Mértola, not in October as the Chronica
Adefonsi Imperatoris indicates, but in August of 1144. He was brave, astute and a celebrated literary
figure. His actions in Mértola stimulated the uprising of the Spanish Moors against the Almoravides in
the Algarve. Codera, Decadencia de almorávides, pp. 37-41.
29. Aben Hamdin was born in Córdoba and he ruled there as governor from 1132 to 1137 at which time
he was forcibly replaced by Ali, son of the Almoravide King Yusuf. He returned to control there by
popular acclaim following the uprising in the Algarve. For a time he was allied with Alfonso VII;
however, this affiliation ceased in 1146 when the Almohades invaded Spain. Codera, Decadencia de
almorávides, pp. 53-57.
30. Count Manrique de Lara, son of Pedro González de Lara, enjoyed the same power and prestige as
his father in the Castilian court. He was royal standard-bearer during most of the reign of Alfonso VII,
and his name appears on all major documents of the period as a member of the royal retinue. He was
killed by Fernando Rodríguez de Castro at the Battle of Huete in 1164. Julio González, El reino de
Castilla en la época de Alfonso VIII. (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1960),
pp. 150-160.
31. Armengol was the sixth count of Urgel and the grandson of Pedro Ansúrez in whose house he was
educated. He attained high rank among both Catalan and Castilian nobility. After 1133 he is
consistently mentioned in the documents of Alfonso VII. Though his mediation, peace was negotiated
between King García Ramírez of Navarra and Ramón Berenguer IV, Count of Barcelona. He died in
Castile and is buried in the monastery of Nuestra Señora de Valbuena near Valladolid.
32. In all of the manuscripts this section is missing. MS I offers a note here that there were two pages
missing from the original history: "Aquí faltaban dos oxas de la historia original y después proseguía
en la forma siguiente."
33. Arnaldo became bishop of Astorga in 1144. He accompanied Alfonso VII on numerous civil and
military expeditions. As the chronicle indicates, he acted as ambassador from the court. His name
ceased to appear in documents in 1152, and in the following year a different prelate presided in
Astorga.

THE POEM OF ALMERÍA

Preface
[162] (I) Pious King, strong King, you whom the last danger of death awaits: Grant peace and a fluent
style so that singing richly and with eloquence, I may describe the famous wars of these men.
(V) The learned doctors of old wrote of the battles of kings. We also must recount the illustrious
campaigns of our Emperor, because of their considerable interest. If it please the Emperor, may the
chronicler be duly allowed the right to describe the wars to come.
(X) The talent which serves him awaits thunderous inspiration. He seeks the warrior's prize at all times.
Therefore, I shall speak to the subject which I have chosen: the imminent wars in which the pagan race
is defeated.
(1)The Spanish and the French leaders joined forces. By sea and by land they seek out war with the
Moors. The king of the Toledan Empire, the commander of all, was Alfonso, he who bears the title of
Emperor.
[163] (5) Emulating the deeds of Charlemagne, with whom it is right to compare him, Alfonso was
equal in rank and like him in military valour. Similar also was the glory of the wars they had waged.
The evil pestilence of the Moors gave witness to this. Neither their swiftness by sea nor the safety of
their own lands protected them.
(10) They cannot sink from sight. Nor can they raise themselves to the stars on high. Their lives were
criminal. Proof of this was their own defeat. They did not know God: by right they perished. This race
deserved to fall. Since it was Baal they worshiped, Baal was not to free them.
(15) Such a barbaric nation was self-destructive. They worship the months, and they attempt to
announce the battles to come. The evil which they wrought was not to remain unpunished. Superior in
number but inferior in divine protection they consumed themselves in wars. Not even did they show
mercy to children.
(20) Like cattle the rest of their nation was sacrificed to the sword. Even those left behind were not
saved. The fierce fate of heaven loosed itself upon these. So that a long interruption may not hinder us,
let us return to the principal matter which we have begun.
(25) All the bishops of León and Toledo unsheathed both the divine and the human sword. They
beseeched the young and the old to come forth strong and certain to do battle. They [164] pardon their
sins, and they raise their voices to heaven.
(30) They promise the earthly prize and the divine reward to all. They offer silver, and with victory
they promise all the gold that the Moors possess. Thus the bishops raised their voices with pious fervor,
and thus they pledged the material rewards of battle.
(35) The mothers were hardly able to hold back their children. The Spanish people desired battle with
the Moors and did not sleep day or night. They were like the deer that is pursued by dogs in the forest.
Abandoning the springs of water, it runs at random through the mountains.
(40) The redeeming trumpet resounds throughout the land. The name of Almería the Cruel is known by
all, and there is nothing sweeter to the ears. It is a word that has echoed through centuries. It is the
incentive to youth, a choice dowry for the aged, a guide for the poor and a light to the young.
(45) The decisive ruin of the Almoravides is the law of the popes. This crusade brings good fortune to
the French and a baneful death to the infidels. The fight also will produce peace for the French.
Although for the Moors it will bring about the highest affliction. For the Spanish it is as welcome as the
dew, and finally, fighting is now a custom. The promised prize is a share of the spoils of silver and
gold.
[165] (50) It is a heavy cross, and glory is the guiding light of combat. It is the month of May, and the
Galician forces go first at the command of Saint James, their protector. Like the stars in heaven a
thousand arrows glitter, a thousand shields shine. All their arms are sharpened for battle.
(55) The people are armed and all don their helmets. The grating of iron joined with the neighing of
horses thunders across the hills. The fountains are dried up everywhere. The grass vanishes as it is fed
upon. The brightness of the moon grows dark in the great cloud of dust.
(60) The splendors of the heavens grow pallid compared with the brilliance of the weapons. The valiant
Count Fernando Pérez follows this armed troop administering the Galician laws with royal care. His
position had been strengthened by his tutoring of the Emperor's son. (1) If one were to see him, one
would judge him already a king.
(65) He is famed for his royal nobility, and because he bears a count's lineage. Next comes the select
order of knights from León. Carrying banners, like lions they burst forth. This group holds the highest
place in the entire Spanish kingdom. It oversees the regal offices with noble bearing.
(70) According to this group's judgment, the laws of the country are enforced. With its aid fierce wars
are fought. Like the lion it surpasses the other animals in beauty and in strength. Thus this city exceeds
the other cities in [166] honor. There is an ancient law: The first battles belong to León.
(75) The golden insignia of the Emperor appears on its banners and on its arms. It is carried into battle
as a protection against every evil. The Moslem people prostrate themselves at the sight of it. They are
terrified and cannot fight back on the battlefield.
(80) As the wolf pursues the lamb, as the waves of the sea bear down upon the lion, thus this light
annihilates the fleeing Mohammedans. The Court of Saint Mary has deliberated in prayer as was
custom. The sins of the faithful have been forgiven. Candles are raised on all sides, and the flaming
sword goes forth.
(85) This vital courage inspires all the land. The animals graze, and the grain is threshed constantly.
Count Ramiro Fróilaz appears. He is admirable in his rank, prudent and kind, caring for the salvation of
León, a distinguished figure born of royal blood.
(90) He is loved by Christ and observes the law with vigilance. At all times he obeys the order of the
Emperor with heedful attention. He serves him with affection. He was the finest of all, strong in the
practice of goodness and, talented with weapons, full of gentleness.
(95) He is influential in the council, famed for his just [167] governing and superior to all the bishops
in respecting the laws. He surpasses his comrades in dealing death blows to kings. What more shall I
say? In his justice he is superior. No one hesitates to serve such a count.
(100) With this daring leader León awaits fierce wars. Meanwhile, the daring Asturian chief measures
his pace. He is neither hateful nor harsh with anyone. He is undefeated on sea and on land. He is
powerful in his forces, not fearing the dangers of death.
(105) He is correct in his appearance, and he scorns death. He is dexterous in battle and no less
competent in the hunt. Traversing the mountains, he knows where to find the springs of water. He
disdains the waves of the sea as if they were the furrows in a field. No one equals him in surmounting
opposition.
(110) This people constantly seeks the Savior's protection as they gallop from the northern shores. They
join other comrades with the greatest speed. The illustrious Pedro Alfonso was their leader. He was not
yet a consul, but he was equal to all in his own right.
(115) He is a burden to no one. He stands out among all as a virtuous man, and he is famed for his
honor. He exceeds all of his peers in integrity. He is as handsome as Absalom, as strong as Samson, and
he possesses the wisdom of Solomon. The Emperor made him a consul upon returning [168] from his
campaign.
(120) He attained this honored title through his own merits. Pedro Alfonso was indeed respected by the
Emperor among his nobles. His royal and pious wife María enhanced his distinction. She was the
daughter of a count, and through her merits she became a countess. Shining like a jewel she will thus
live on through the ages.
(125) Behind these march the thousand spears of Castile, all famed citizens and powerful through many
centuries. Their camps shine like the stars in the heavens. They glittered with gold, and their battle
equipment was of silver. There is no poverty among them, but rather a great wealth.
(130) Not one of them is weak, disgraceful nor a beggar. They are all strong and sure in battle. In their
camps there are unexpected stores of meats and wines. They give an abundance of wheat spontaneously
to whoever seeks it. Their weapons are as numerous as the lights of the stars.
(135) Their many horses are protected with armor of iron and cloth. The Castilian language resounds
like a trumpet and a drum. They are very proud and ennobled by riches. The men of Castile were rebels
for centuries. Fierce Castile waged strong wars.
(140) Castile hardly wished to bow to any ruler. It lived in rebellion while the sun shone down upon it.
Through [169] good fortune the Emperor was able to subdue it at every turn. Only he could tame it like
a young donkey, placing new laws on its unwavering neck.
(145) Intrepid Castile remains unyielding in its strength, and it marches to distant battles with the
greatest speed. Terror is born among the Moors whom the king later crushed with the sword.
(150) Extremadura possesses legions, is overpowering and fearless. It reads the signs of what is to
come, that the evil race will perish. Seeing these portents, Extremadura boldly unites with Castile. Were
one to count the stars of the heavens, the waves of the ocean, the drops of rain and even the blades of
grass in the fields,
(155) he could then number these people. Drinking much wine and supplied with an abundance of
food, Extremadura can bear the burden of the campaign and scorn the summer's heat. Its troops cover
the earth like a plague of locusts. The sky and the sea are not enough to contain them.
(160) They level the hIlls and they drain all the springs. When they rise up, they obscure the lights of
the heavens. They are a fierce people, a strong people which does not fear the threat of death. Count
Poncio, a noble lance, commands the group. He possessed the strength of Samson and the sword of
Gideon.
[170] (165) Be was equal to Jonas, illustrious as a ship of the Lord. He was the leader of the people as
the strong Hector was, as generous and true as the invincible Ajax. He yielded to no one. Never
retreating from combat, he did not turn aside his sword, nor did he flee to the rearguard.
(170) Count Poncio forgets his wife and love when he does battle. He rejects the table while war is
waged. Feasts are declined, for he revels more in wounding the enemy. When he brandishes his lance,
the evil race falls without strength. Be never suffers from the ardors of battle.
(175) His strong arm wounds, his voice resounds and the enemy is brought to the ground. When Count
Poncio gives counsel, he has the wisdom of Solomon. He prefers the sword to the feast. He himself
calculates the months and prepares the food. He distributes the wine to his weary knights while
removing his heavy helmet.
(180) He is death to the Moors. Almería was later a witness to this. This consul Poncio would prefer to
be exiled during the campaign rather than put aside his sword. He always pleases the Emperor with
such merit. He is enriched by the favor of the king because of the wars which he has won.
(185) Count Poncio overcomes all kingdoms with his supreme courage. Fernando Juanes joins all these
men. He is distinguished in the art of war and is never defeated in combat. The King of Portugal feared
being destroyed by him when he saw [171] him brilliantly directing the battle.
(190) Wherever Fernando appears and shows his face, he brings terror to all. With a single thrust of his
sword be falls upon all his opponents. At close quarters no one can withstand the blow of his lance. He
frequently defeated the Moors in fierce battles. Even if they were many, he would not hesitate to attack
with only a few at his side.
(195) A1l who know of Fernando flee from him. So it was that he was present in such a long campaign
with his noble sons. His wife gave birth to many who faithfully followed the steps of their father
wounding the Moors with the sword. Unfailing is the father who commands such arms.
(200) All of Limia rose up and followed Fernando in the war. It is happy to join with so many peoples
from the frontier. The king is overjoyed to receive so many knights. With splendor he welcomes this
man so admirable in his rank. Herein arrives Alvaro, (2) the son of the powerful Rodrigo.
(205) It is he who brought death to many and governed Toledo. The father is honored through the son,
and the son is exalted by his own actions. Strong indeed was Rodrigo, and he is not undeserving of the
glory of his son. The latter was famed through his father, but is even more distinguished through his
grandfather Alvaro. It is he who is known by all and not least by his enemies.
[172] (210) He was a city of goodness and a fortress of integrity for the wicked. I have heard that Alvar
Fáñez subdued the Moslem people. Their garrisoned cities and castles were unable to resist him. He
shattered the strong, and crushed that which had grown mighty.
(215) Without defiling the truth I confess what is most certain: If Alvaro had lived during the time of'
Roland, he would hold the third place of importance after Oliver. The Moslem race would be under the
yoke of the French, and beloved comrades would not lie defeated by death. No better lance ever existed
under the heavens.
(220) It has been sung of Rodrigo, (3) often called "My Cid," that he never suffered defeat at the hands
of his enemies. It was he who subdued the Moors and our own nobles also. He praised Alvaro and
considered himself lesser in glory. However, I must confess a truth which time will not change:
(225) My Cid was the first and Alvaro the second. Valencia mourned the death of its friend Rodrigo.
The servant of Christ could not thwart his demise. Oh Alvaro, the young men also mourn you, and tears
adorn their faces. It was they whom you trained well and to whom you kindly gave arms.
(230) You favored the poor, and you inspired the powerful to even greater strength in combat. Having
descended from such a noble family, behold Alvaro. He enrages the Moors with his virtue because he
hates them. Navia sends forces and [173] Montenegro offers many. The land of Lugo lends the help of
the sword also.
(235) There is no lack of knights because Lugo is rich and dispatches many. Everything is arranged,
and the expenses are carefully prepared. They mount the mules, and they also take unsaddled horses.
These are led by squires who carry their shields on their shoulders. Now they approach the camps, and
they see their smoke.
(240) The king glimpses a cloud of dust that covers the entire land. He orders all of his guard to mount,
and finally receives all these men with splendor. Martín, the son of Fernando, orders all the arms to be
requisitioned from the houses. He will inflict severe reverses on the Moors.
(245) Hita rejoices because he is its governor. The countenance of Martín Fernández is clear and his
body is strong. He is handsome, robust and noble. He has command of these troops, and when he raises
his voice, the Moors flee in terror. He has armed handsome young men with resplendent weapons.
(250) Martín's camp resounds with a youthful tumult. Scorning death they grow bold. They enjoy war
more than a friend enjoys a friend. With their banners unfurled they enter the tents of the king. They
exhort the chiefs to war: "What are you doing here, idle ones?"
(255) After other auspicious events take place (which [174] are sworn to be true), all dismount and
together they seek out the king in his ranks. On bended knee they say, "We wish you health, good.
King." Then they all rest in the fields considering the reports. I do not wish to forget the famous Count
Armengol.
(260) He shines like a star among his comrades in arms. He is loved by both the Moors and by the
Christians. If I were to speak frankly, I could only compare him with kings. With his weapons held fast
as was his practice, Count Armengol is sustained by the spirit of God.
(265) With a great following he came to the camp. Because of the power of his sword, he had many
vassals there. Gutier Fernández arrived shortly thereafter. He himself was royal tutor. Sancho, the first-
born son of our Emperor, was assigned to Gutier to be educated.
(270) He Instructs him with careful attention. He wishes him to surpass everyone. Gutier receives the
highest honors. He approaches the battle in person with masses of troops. He nears combat, and swiftly
the beloved son-in-law of the Emperor carries forth the royal standards.
(275) His name is García Ramírez. At that moment all of Pamplona arrives with Alava. Navarra is
brilliant with the sword. Aided by all these regions, García, the son of King Ramiro, (4) rejoices in being
secure in combat, although later he was defeated. With the arrival of King Garcia all of Spain [175] is
happy.
(280) They receive him like a lord, for they know that he is favored in the eyes of the king. By no
means is he unequal to kings. He is like a whirlwind to the enemy. The royal camps are filled with such
assistance. Aided by so many columns, Spain raises her standards and occupies the outskirts of
Andújar.
(285) Andújar tastes the first wines of sorrow. At the command of the majestic Emperor, it is
surrounded. The castle is crushed, and Almería will also be leveled. Baal is called upon, and Baal is
deaf to their cries. He denies his aid because he can give them none.
(290) Thus during a period of three months, all crops are lost. Likewise, the buildings on which they
were laboring are destroyed. Their forces are exhausted, all of their food is consumed, and the hostages
are handed over. They now seek peace treaties. They are no longer able to exist, so they and their
possessions are delivered to the king.
(295) Baños, a certain noble castle, is surrendered. The famous castle of Bayona, with its crown
humiliated by our forces, is given over to the arms of the noble Emperor. Baeza, another renowned city,
witnesses these defeats and is struck with fear.
(300) Its ancient dignity is debased, and it bends its neck. Since it is incapable of rebelling, it is happy
to [176] surrender. The rest of the Moorish castles nearby yield. They beg for the gift of life, and when
it is granted, they comfort their weary bodies.
(305) Count Manrique de Lara is made governor of these cities. He is a celebrated warrior and a true
friend of Christ. He is pleasing to all including the Emperor, so that he stands out among the Moors and
the Christians. Illustrious in his fame, he is loved by all.
(310) Splendid and generous, he was mean with no one. He was distinguished in the art of war, and he
had the mind of a sage. He rejoiced in battle and possessed a great knowledge of military affairs. He
imitated his father, Count Pedro de Lara, in all that he did.
(315) He governed his own land for many years. His son followed in the steps of his father. For this
reason he was enriched with honor in the flower of his youth and respected by the Emperor. It was his
rule to be witness to the law and to be an evil plague to the Moors.
(320) When all these things were carried out, and when the time of the campaign had elapsed, the
citizens returned victoriously to their city walls as their ancestors had done. However, the king wisely
retained a few in the South.
(325) In the beginning of August the famous French ambassadors came by sea. Their arrival embittered
many. Having [177] duly greeted the Emperor, they, the glory of their kingdom, spoke in the following
manner: "Oh what a great honor it is for the noble French youth to greet you in a clear voice with all
their sails unfurled.
(330) Your brother-in-law, Count Ramón Berenguer of Barcelona, an armed knight, awaits, as he
promised, at the shores of the sea. He marches fiercely against the enemy. The people from Pisa
accompany those from Genoa. William, the leader of Montpellier, powerful in his own right,
(335) [sic] follows these in a large and mighty vessel. They are perfectly armed and are prepared for a
fierce war. They have remembered the alliance, for they now have arrived at the port. They also bring
large stones for the destruction of the walls. These men lead a thousand ships, and they claim that
already they may be too late.
(340) They are loaded with embellished arms and sweet foods. Once the battle begins, they will fight
for the booty of gold. Surely they will kill our enemies without fail. Under their prudent leader, these
spirited troops do not need the aid of anyone, if only they are aided by your forces."
(345) After the ambassadors had spoken, they were silent. When the Emperor had heard all this, he
smiled to himself. But at these words, his powerful troops were troubled. One nearby soldier weeps and
speaks to a comrade: "Until now, [178] wars have joined us with other wars on all sides.
(350) The Emperor sanctions the intentions of the ambassadors, but they bring only bitterness to our
lives. The enemy is standing like pillars everywhere, and the long road of battle is sewn with many
different thorns. None of the food or drink is left in the sacks. The sword of war pursues us at every
turn.
(355) Oh glitter of coveted gold and gleam of money, would that you were not joined to our left side.
For a bit of gold we will fall in the field under the sharp cutting-edge of the sword. Our women will
take in other husbands, and our children will weep when others take their beds.
(360) The birds of the sky will tear at our flesh." Among the bishops who were present, the Asturian
whose famous sword shines, witnessed this scene. He then comforted the troops more than the other
bishops had done. He consoled those who were dispirited.
(365) With his right band raised and with a commanding voice, he brings silence. He says, "Sing the
glory of heaven on high, and let there be peace on earth to the people who serve the Lord. Now each
must confess well all of his sins. Know then that the merciful doors of paradise are open.
(370) I beseech you, believe in God who is truly God of Gods and Lord of Lords. He is the only one
who has wrought miracles for us, and it is clear that from heaven. (5)
Notes for The Poem of Almería

1. Fernando II was the younger son of Alfonso VII and Queen Berengaria. After the death of the
Emperor in 1157, Fernando received the crown of León along with Galicia and the cities of Toro,
Zamora and Salamanca. Throughout his reign he dedicated much energy to the repopulation of the
León-Extremadura frontier. The military orders of Calatrava, Alcántara and Santiago were established
during his reign. Fernando's reconquest endeavors were similar to those of his father, Alfonso VII. He
carried out many attacks on the Almohades, but all were without enduring results. Fernando II died
January 22, 1188.
2. Alvaro Rodríguez was the grandson of Alvar Fáñez and the son of Rodrigo Álvarez. He governed
Toledo for a short time, but neither he nor his father attained the fame and power of Alvar Fáñez.
3. The Cid, Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar, is the most renowned of all Spanish heroes and Spain's greatest
warrior during the Middle Ages. He was born around 1043. His father was Diego Laínez and his
mother, whose name is not known, descended from ranking Castilian aristocracy He married Jimena
Díaz in 1074. His most famous enterprise was against Valencia which he conquered in 1094, and
subsequently he gained control of extensive areas along the eastern coast of Spain. At length the
Almoravides, whom he had beaten several times, marched on his forces at Cuenca and inflicted a
severe defeat. Rodrigo died shortly after on June 10, 1099. Menédez Pidal, La España del Cid.
4. History offers much discrepancy concerning the identity and lineage of Ramiro of Monzón, Prince of
Navara and father of King García Ramírez. Menéndez Pidal examines the divergence of historical
opinion and concludes that this Ramiro was the grandson of King García of Atapuerca and the son of
the king's illegitimate offspring, another Ramiro. Ramiro of Monzón died in 1116. La España del Cid,
II, 563, 583, 817 and 822.
5. The copyist of MS I provides the following information in reference to this final lacuna: "Aquí faltan
las ocho oxas desta historia, cuya falta vi con gran dolor y no menos sentimento del malbado [sic] que
las cortó." The copyist of MS II simply states: "Deerat in exemplari." (There was something missing in
the manuscript.)

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THE LIBRARY OF IBERIAN RESOURCES ONLINE

The Chronicle of Alfonso the Emperor

The Chronicle of Alfonso the Emperor

The Chronicle of Alfonso the Emperor

Notes for Introduction

The Chronicle of Alfonso the Emperor

Notes for Chapter 1

The Chronicle of Alfonso the Emperor

The Chronicle of Alfonso the Emperor

Notes for Chapter 3

The Chronicle of Alfonso the Emperor

The Chronicle of Alfonso the Emperor

The Chronicle of Alfonso the Emperor

Notes For the First Book

The Chronicle of Alfonso the Emperor

The Chronicle of Alfonso the Emperor

Abengania is Named Governor of Mohammedan Spain

Notes for the Second Book

The Chronicle of Alfonso the Emperor

THE POEM OF ALMERÍA

Notes for The Poem of Almería

The Chronicle of Alfonso the Emperor

The Chronicle of Alfonso the Emperor

© Glenn Edward Lipskey 1972

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