Course outline

PRM – 42 (2021-23)
Academic Year (2021-22)

Course Title: GENDER AND DEVELOPMENT LAB

Course Instructor H.S. Shylendra

Term I Term (PRM42)
Credit One and Half (Sessions 10)
Core / Elective Core: Value Added
Introduction Course Description: Gender inequality (between male and
female) and the growing gender gap in development are some of
the core challenges facing the world in the 21st century. While
rural women and men are not homogenous social categories,
women continue to suffer discrimination whether at home, at the
workplace, in leadership positions or with respect to access to
basic needs and resources. Despite a plethora of policies,
programs and national and international commitments to gender
rights, women, particularly from rural and urban poor and
marginalized communities, are still unable to realize their
potential in contributing fully to the development process.
Without addressing gender inequalities, accomplishment of
broader development goals would remain elusive. Mainstreaming
gender is necessary both as a means and goal of empowerment
and development.

Course Objectives This course will focus on understanding gender and gender issues
in rural and development context. It aims at sensitizing the
participants to gender and equip them with necessary concepts
and tools to appreciate the role of gender. More specifically the
course aims at:
i) To broaden the conceptual understanding about gender and how
gender intersects with social structures and identities.
ii) To examine the role of gender in various social and
developmental sectors such as family, property rights, work
participation, education, using gender lenses, and
iii) To familiarize participants about ways of applying gender in
governance, organizations and development projects.

Connect with IRMA’s The course addresses specifically the issues relating to the goal of
Mission and Course creating socio-economic equality.

Learning Outcomes Create understanding on gender and its role especially in the rural
areas. It aims at sensitizing the participants to gender and equip
them with necessary concepts and tools to appreciate the role of
gender in rural areas and in organizational context.
Measuring Learning The course is basically visualized as a Lab wherein through more
Outcomes & practical and experiential methods the participants are enabled to
Evaluation Plan understand gender and its significance. A combination of
pedagogic methods (subject to Covid-19 norms) such as
problem-analysis, workshops, classroom discussions, case
analysis, role plays; and presentations. The course expects the
students to read suggested problems, cases and resources, and
actively participate in the analysis and discussion-individually
and in groups. Individual assignments would involve short write-
ups and reflective essays of specific gender issues, roles, and
challenges based on the conceptual and practical learnings from
the course.

Evaluation Components Weightage in %

• Course/ Class participation 10%
• Quizzes (2) 20%
• Exercises/Assignments/Presentation 35%
• End-term Examination 35%

Total 100%

Session Plan with Enclosed below

Readings / References

Simu/Games/Exercises Exercises, Problem-Analysis.

Intake Core course (Value added)
 Session Plan and Readings

Module I: Understanding Gender

Session 1: Understanding Gender / Introduction to the Course
-Women and Gender in South Asia (Mahbub. U. Haq 2000).
-Gender: Introduction (V Geetha 2006)
- Hijda/LGBT (A.Tellis, 2020)
Session 2: Nature V/s Nurture: Role of Biology & Culture in Gender
God Made You Different, Nature Made Us Different: (V Geetha 2006)
Patriarchy: (Uma C 2020)
Gender in Your Family (Format for Assignment I)
Session 3: Why Gender Matters?
World Bank (2012) Why does Gender Equality matter?
Human Development Report-2019: Gender Development Index
Module II: Gender Problems and Practice in Rural Areas
Session 4: Gender in Family: (Based on Assignment1)
V Geetha (2006): Role Play
Female Foeticide (R Kaur 2020)
Session 5: Gender and Property Rights
Reading: Land Rights of Women (N.C Saxena)
Session 6. Gender and Work Participation
Reading: Women’s labourforce participation:Why is it so low?(Sher Verick)
Session 7: Gender Education
Reading: A School in Rajasthan (H Rathod)
NFHS 2015-16: Educational attainment of household population (2017)
Module III: Gender Application in Organizations and Development
Session 8: Gender in Panchayats
Women in Panchayats (R. K Sinha 2017)
Session 9: Gender and SHGs
Self-Help Groups (SHGs) & Women (H.S. Shylendra)
Session 10: Gender in Organisation
Gender Mainstreaming At Organisational Level (K Sharma et 2007)
---o---
Additional Reading:
1. Radha Kumar et al (2018): All-India Scorecard: A Gender Atlas of India
 Assignments/Exercises/Presentation:

There will be Two Assignments (One Individual and Another Group) in the Course
Assignment I (Individual): Gender in Your Family
The Assignment is about understanding Gender in Your own family (nuclear or joint) context.
Using the format given in reading material (TAU), collect and compile info on the items given
in the format in your family. Look at each aspect from gender point of view i.e collect info by
male and female. Find out the reasons for difference or parity by discussing with your family
members.
Date of Submission: Pre-Mid Term (Date to be announced)
Weightage: 10%
Assignment II: Gender and Development

Select any socio-economic problem or topic of group’s interest in the country; Analyze the
problem by gender dimension including identifying the reasons or factors causing gender
imbalance or inequality. Draw suggestions to address the gender imbalance or inequality in
the problem.

Word Limit: About 1500 words

Weightage : 15%
Date of Announcement: Post-Mid Term (Date to be announced)

Group Presentation:
There will be group presentation on the topics of the day(from class 4 onwards). Each group
will get about 10 minutes time for presentation. The group will analyse the problem or issue
given and make a presentation. The topics and groups will be announced by the instructor.

Weightage : 10%

--o-
 Module I:
Understanding Gender
Mahbub ul Haq

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 by women from Bangladesh, India,
Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, in a
workshop run by the Indian women's
organisation Kali for Women (Bhasin and
Khan 1986):
'Feminism is an awareness of women's
oppression and exploitation in society, at
work and within the family, and conscious
action by women and men to change this
situation.'
Both South Asian women and South
Both South Asian Asian societies as a whole suffer due to
the low status accorded to women-on
women and South this point there is no doubt. At the same
Asian societies as a time, this Report is founded upon a
whole suffer due to diversity of beliefs surrounding the
condition and position of South Asian
the low status
women, the reasons for attempting to
accorded to women change women's status, and the best
-on this point there means to do so. We believe that the
is no doubt strength of this Report lies in this
combination of diversity of views and
unity of purpose.

30 H11111a11 Develop111ent in 5011th Asia 2000

9
 GENDER V. Geetha
Norms and expectations which define male and female
natures and behaviour are essential components of and
rest on social and economic systems. These systems in
turn are informed and shaped by these norms and ex­
pectations. But social and economic systems are also
influenced by other things, for instance, caste, religion,
language. These in turn influence and shape norms of
masculinity and femininity. The question arises: are
norms and expectations regarding masculine and femi­
nine roles and actions decisive in shaping caste, class,
religion, sexual preferences, or do any or all of these de­
termine norms of masculinity and femininity? This is a
difficult but important question. It involves unpacking
systems and the ideas which govern them and scrutiniz­
ing systems for the ideas they create.
Many thinkers, theorists and political leaders have
thought long and hard on this question. This question,
in fact, has been central to the thought and politics of
women's rights' activists and feminists all over the
world. Several kinds of arguments have been advanced
and argued and yet there is no easy consensus on the
matter. One thing, however, appears settled. It is now
recognized that by posing this important question about
masculinity and femininity, a significant and necessary
category of analysis has been formulated-this is what
we call gender.
In its most commonplace sense, gender is a gram­
matical commodity. It exists in most languages and di­
vides up objects into masculine, feminine and neuter.
Usually there is no particular reason as to why certain
objects are considered feminine or masculine or neuter.
Besides each language does this differently. Gender in
language is thus a matter of habit and convention-this
is how things have been referred to and this is how they
ought to be referred to. However, the term 'gender' has
other meanings. It has come to be associated with bio-

1
 logical sex. Sex is considered a fact--one is born with
either male or female genitalia. Gender is considered a
social construction-it grants meaning to the fact of sex.
Conversely, it could be said that only after specific
meanings came to be attached to the sexes, did sex dif­
ferences become pertinent.

GENDER AS CATEGORY OF ANALYSIS

What does it mean to use gender as a category of analy­
sis? A category of analysis is basically a methodological
tool that enables a researcher to identify and isolate cer­
tain elements in the reality she wishes to study. Like
caste and religion, gender is both a part of the reality
we study as well as the lens through which we view that
reality. When we examine masculinity and femininity
and the systems that are linked to them, we actually
study and use gender as a category of both description
and analysis. That is, we treat masculinity and feminin­
ity as pertinent features of the reality we wish to
study-this is gender as a category of description. But
we also try to link gender to other aspects of reality, and
ask how, for instance, class and caste are determined
and influenced by gender; likewise we ask how class and
caste influence gender divisions. When we do this, we
use gender as a category of analysis.

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V. Geetha

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 Gender in Your Family: Take Home Assignment I
Activity /Role /Status Data / Info/ Details

1.Number of Male & Adult Male: Adult Male Female Children:

Female Adults (>15) & Female: Children:
Children (<15):

Also Mention Transgender person, if any:

2. List the Education Male: Female:

level of all Male and
female members:

3. List the major daily

activities in your family;
and who performs them-
male or female?. Any
household work done by
male members?

4. What is the Main Male: Female:

Occupation/ Business of
all adult male and female
members? Reason for
women not in job or
working, if so?

5. Who takes major

social and economic
decisions like marriage;
education; investment;
house building etc.?

6.Who owns the family

land / property / House
/business?. Any property
transferred to women
members? Any dowry
paid or taken in family?
7. Do you observe any
major difference or
discrimination between
male & female in 1 to 6?
What are the reasons?
 Gender Equality and Development

World Development Report 2012

Overview

Baruani is reflecting on how women’s and men’s lives have changed over the past decade in
Ijuhanyondo—a village in Tanzania. “Ten years back was terrible,” she recalls. “Women were very be-
hind. They used to be only at home doing housework. But now, they are in businesses, they are in poli-
tics.” Others hold similar views. “We do not depend a lot on men as it used to be,” says Agnetha. “We
have some cash for ourselves, and this assists us in being free from men and to some extent controlling
our lives.” In addition to managing their businesses, the women now make up half the members of the
street committee that runs the village.

Despite these positive changes, many challenges continue to weigh on women’s daily lives. Fewer than
half the homes in the village have piped water. Even more difficult, Tungise and other women of the
village still fear violence by their partners: “When they are drunk, they can begin beating up women and
children in the house. The worst bit of it is forcing sex with you.” Although legally women can inherit
land or a house, tradition prevails. “Yes, women can inherit property,” says Flora, the executive secretary
of the street committee. “In fact, in the will the father is supposed to give each son and daughter some-
thing, and nowadays the law is strict, equally. But still, men give to their sons and argue that women
have the property of where they are married.”

Dodoma Rural Community Report, from “Defining Gender in the

21st Century: Talking with Women and Men around the World:
A Multi-Country Qualitative Study of Gender and Economic Choice”
(World Bank 2011)

WHY DOES GENDER EQUALITY
MATTER FOR DEVELOPMENT?
The story of Ijuhanyondo village in Tanzania
mirrors the evolution of gender equality across
the world over the past quarter century. Although
many women continue to struggle with gender-
based disadvantages in their daily lives, things
have changed for the better—and at a pace that
would have been unthinkable even two decades
ago. Women have made unprecedented gains in
rights, in education and health, and in access to
jobs and livelihoods. More countries than ever
guarantee women and men equal rights under
the law in such areas as property ownership,
inheritance, and marriage. In all, 136 countries
now have explicit guarantees for the equality of
all citizens and nondiscrimination between men
and women in their constitutions.
Progress has not come easily. And it has not
come evenly to all countries or to all women—or
across all dimensions of gender equality. The
likelihood of women dying during childbirth
in Sub-Saharan Africa and parts of South Asia
is still comparable to that in Northern Europe
in the 19th century. A wealthy urban child in
Nigeria—boy or girl—averages around 10 years
of schooling, while poor rural Hausa girls aver-

10

age fewer than six months. The rate at which
women die relative to men is higher in low- and
middle-income countries compared with their
high-income counterparts, especially in the crit-
ical years of infancy and early childhood and
in the reproductive period. Divorce or widow-
hood causes many women to become landless
and lose their assets. Women continue to clus-
ter in sectors and occupations characterized as
“female”—many of them lower paying. Women
are also more likely to be the victims of violence
at home and suffer more severe injuries. And
almost everywhere women’s representation in
politics and in senior managerial positions in
business remains far lower than men’s.
Do these patterns of gender inequality–
in human and physical capital endowments,
in economic opportunities, and in the ability
to make choices to achieve desired outcomes
(agency)—matter, particularly those that per-
sist even as the development process unfolds?
This World Development Report (WDR) ar-
gues that they do for two reasons. First, gender
equality matters intrinsically, because the abil-
ity to live the life of one’s own choosing and
be spared from absolute deprivation is a basic
human right and should be equal for everyone,
independent of whether one is male or female.
Second, gender equality matters instrumentally,
because greater gender equality contributes to
economic efficiency and the achievement of
other key development outcomes.
Gender equality matters in its own right
Following Amartya Sen, we see development
as a process of expanding freedoms equally for
all people.1 In this view of development, gen-
der equality is a core objective in itself (box
1). So, just as development means less income
poverty or better access to justice, it should also
mean fewer gaps in well-being between males
and females. This viewpoint is also evident in
the international development community’s
recognition that women’s empowerment and
gender equality are development objectives in
their own right, as embodied in Millennium
Development Goals 3 and 5 (box 2). It is seen
as well in the adoption and widespread ratifica-
tion of the Convention on the Elimination of
All Forms of Discrimination against Women
(CEDAW). Adopted by the United Nations
General Assembly in 1979, the convention es-
tablished a comprehensive framework for the
Overview 3
advancement of women and has been ratified to
date by 187 countries.
Gender equality matters for
development—It is smart economics
Gender equality matters also as an instrument
for development. As this Report shows, gender
equality is smart economics: it can enhance eco-
nomic efficiency and improve other develop-
ment outcomes in three ways. First, removing
barriers that prevent women from having the
same access as men to education, economic op-
portunities, and productive inputs can generate
broad productivity gains—gains all the more
important in a more competitive and globalized
world. Second, improving women’s absolute and
relative status feeds many other development
outcomes, including those for their children.
Third, leveling the playing field—where women
and men have equal chances to become socially
and politically active, make decisions, and shape
policies—is likely to lead over time to more rep-
resentative, and more inclusive, institutions and
policy choices and thus to a better development
path. Consider each in turn.
Misallocating women’s skills and talent
comes at a high (and rising) economic cost
Gender equality can have large impacts on pro-
ductivity. Women now represent more than 40
percent of the global labor force, 43 percent of
the agricultural workforce, and more than half
of the world’s university students. For an econ-
omy to be functioning at its potential, women’s
skills and talents should be engaged in activities
that make the best use of those abilities. But,
as the stories of many women illustrate, this
is not always the case. When women’s labor is
underused or misallocated—because they face
discrimination in markets or societal institu-
tions that prevents them from completing their
education, entering certain occupations, and
earning the same incomes as men—economic
losses are the result. When women farmers
lack security of land tenure, as they do in many
countries, especially in Africa, the result is lower
access to credit and inputs and to inefficient
land use, reducing yields. Discrimination in
credit markets and other gender inequalities in
access to productive inputs also make it more
difficult for female-headed firms to be as pro-
ductive and profitable as male-headed ones.
And, when women are excluded from manage-
11
4 WO R L D D E V E LO P M E N T R E P O RT 2 0 1 2

BOX 1 What do we mean by gender equality?

Gender refers to the social, behavioral, and cultural attributes,
expectations, and norms associated with being a woman or a man.
Gender equality refers to how these aspects determine how women
and men relate to each other and to the resulting differences in
power between them.
This Report focuses on three key dimensions of gender equality
identified by men and women from Afghanistan to Poland to South
Africa, as well as by researchers: the accumulation of endowments
(education, health, and physical assets); the use of those endow-
ments to take up economic opportunities and generate incomes;
and the application of those endowments to take actions, or agency,
affecting individual and household well-being. These are aspects of
equality where shortfalls of choice are reflected in shortfalls of wel-
fare. They matter in and of themselves. But they are also closely
interlinked.
Gender inequality is both similar to and different from inequal-
ity based on other attributes such as race or ethnicity. Three differ-
ences are of particular relevance to the analysis of gender equality.
First, the welfare of women and men living in the same household
is difficult to measure separately, a problem that is compounded by
the paucity of data on outcomes in the household. Second, prefer-
ences, needs, and constraints can differ systematically between
men and women, reflecting both biological factors and “learned”
social behaviors. Third, gender cuts across distinctions of income
and class. These characteristics raise the question whether gender
equality should be measured as equality of outcomes or equality of
opportunity. The economic and philosophical literature on this
issue is divided.
Those who defend framing gender equality as equality of oppor-
tunity argue that it allows one to distinguish between inequalities
that arise from circumstances beyond the control of individuals and
those that stem from differences in preferences and choices. A sub-
stantial body of research documents such male-female differences in
risk aversion, social preferences, and attitudes about competition. It
follows that if men and women differ, on average, in attitudes, prefer-
ences, and choices, then not all observed differences in outcomes
can be attributed to differences in opportunities.
Those who argue for equality of outcomes argue that differ-
ences in preferences and attitudes are largely “learned” and not
inherent—that is, they are the result of culture and environment
that lead men and women to internalize social norms and expec-
tations. Persistent differences in power and status between men
and women can become internalized in aspirations, behaviors, and
preferences that perpetuate the inequalities. So, it is difficult to
define equality of opportunity without also considering how actual
outcomes are distributed. Only by attempting to equalize out-
comes can one break the vicious circle of low aspirations and low
opportunity.
Despite this debate, it is difficult in practice to measure oppor-
tunities separately from outcomes. Indeed, equality of opportuni-
ties and equality of outcomes are tightly linked both in theory and
in measurement. For this reason, the Report takes a pragmatic
approach, focusing on both outcomes and opportunities in relation
to endowments, agency, and access to economic activities. Follow-
ing Sen, we also believe that while people may disagree in what is
just or fair, they will agree on eliminating what are “outrageously
unjust arrangements.” In other words, while it may be difficult
to define whether gender equality is about outcomes or opportuni-
ties, most will agree that gross manifestations of gender inequality
should be eliminated.

Sources: Booth and Nolen 2009; Croson and Gneezy 2009; Gneezy, Leonard, and List 2009; Kabeer 1996; Sen 1999; World Bank 2011.

BOX 2 The Millennium Development Goals recognize the intrinsic and

instrumental value of gender equality

The 2010 Millennium Development Goal (MDG) Sum-
mit concluded with the adoption of a global action
plan to achieve the eight goals by 2015. The summit
also adopted a resolution calling for action to ensure
gender parity in education and health, economic
opportunities, and decision making through gender
mainstreaming in development policy making. The
resolution and the action plan reflect the belief of the
international development community that gender
equality and women’s empowerment are develop-
ment objectives in their own right (MDG 3 and 5), as
well as serving as critical channels for achieving the
other MDGs and reducing income and non-income
poverty. Gender equality and women’s empower-
ment help to promote universal primary education
(MDG 2), reduce under-five mortality (MDG 4),
improve maternal health (MDG 5), and reduce the
likelihood of contracting HIV/AIDS (MDG 6).

Source: WDR 2012 team.

ment positions, managers are less skilled on
average, reducing the pace of innovation and
technology adoption.2
The direct payoff to correcting these failures,
many rooted in how markets and institutions
12
function, is large: ensuring that women farmers
have the same access as men to fertilizer and other
agricultural inputs would increase maize yields
by 11 to 16 percent in Malawi and by 17 percent
in Ghana.3 Improving women’s property rights

in Burkina Faso would increase total household
agricultural production by about 6 percent, with
no additional resources—simply by reallocat-
ing resources (fertilizer and labor) from men to
women.4 The Food and Agriculture Organiza-
tion (FAO) estimates that equalizing access to
productive resources between female and male
farmers could increase agricultural output in
developing countries by as much as 2.5 to 4 per-
cent.5 Eliminating barriers that prevent women
from working in certain occupations or sectors
would have similar positive effects, reducing
the productivity gap between male and female
workers by one-third to one-half (chapter 5) and
increasing output per worker by 3 to 25 percent
across a range of countries.6 But achieving these
gains will not occur automatically as countries
get richer: multiple and sometimes reinforcing
barriers to gender equality can get in the way.
These productivity gains are likely to be even
larger in a more integrated world where efficiency
in the use of resources is essential to a country’s
competitiveness and growth. Indeed, recent
work shows that gender inequality has become
more costly for most countries in a world of open
trade.7 Gender inequality diminishes a country’s
ability to compete internationally—particularly
if the country specializes in exporting goods and
services for which men and women workers are
equally well suited. Industries that rely more on
female labor expand more in countries where
women are more equal.8 The relationship also
goes the other way: countries with an advantage
in making products that rely more on women’s
labor also have become more gender equal.9
And in countries and regions with rapidly aging
populations, like China and Europe and Central
Asia, encouraging women to enter and remain
in the labor force can help dampen the adverse
impact of shrinking working-age populations.
So, in a globalized world, countries that reduce
gender-based inequalities, especially in second-
ary and tertiary education and in economic par-
ticipation, will have a clear advantage over those
that delay action (chapter 6).
Women’s endowments, agency, and
opportunities shape those of the next
generation
Greater control over household resources by
women leads to more investment in children’s
human capital, with dynamic positive effects
on economic growth. Evidence from a range
Overview 5
of countries (such as Bangladesh, Brazil, Côte
d’Ivoire, Mexico, South Africa, and the United
Kingdom) shows that increasing the share of
household income controlled by women, either
through their own earnings or cash transfers,
changes spending in ways that benefit chil-
dren.10 In Ghana, the share of assets and the
share of land owned by women are positively
associated with higher food expenditures.11 In
Brazil, women’s own nonlabor income has a
positive impact on the height of their daugh-
ters.12 In China, increasing adult female income
by 10 percent of the average household income
increased the fraction of surviving girls by 1 per-
centage point and increased years of schooling
for both boys and girls. In contrast, a compa-
rable increase in male income reduced survival
rates and educational attainment for girls, with
no impact on boys.13 In India, a woman’s higher
earned income increases her children’s years of
schooling.14
Improvements in women’s own education
and health also have positive impacts on these
and other outcomes for their children. Better
nutritional status of mothers has been associ-
ated with better child health and survival.15
And women’s education has been positively
linked to a range of health benefits for chil-
dren—from higher immunization rates to bet-
ter nutrition to lower child mortality. Mothers’
(and fathers’) schooling has been positively
linked to children’s educational attainment
across a broad set of countries; in Pakistan,
children whose mothers have even a single year
of education spend one extra hour studying at
home every day and report higher test scores.16
Women’s lack of agency—as seen in domes-
tic violence—has consequences for their chil-
dren’s cognitive behaviors and health as adults.
Medical research from developed countries has
established a link between exposure to domes-
tic violence as a child and health problems as
an adult—men and women who experienced
violence in the home as children are two to
three times more likely to suffer from cancer,
a stroke, or cardiovascular problems, and five
to ten times more likely to use alcohol or ille-
gal drugs than those who did not.17 Numerous
studies also document how experiencing vio-
lence between parents as a child is a risk factor
for women experiencing violence from their
own partners as adults, and for men perpetrat-
ing violence against their partners.18
13
6 WO R L D D E V E LO P M E N T R E P O RT 2 0 1 2

Increasing women’s individual and collective to systematically favor the interests of those with
agency leads to better outcomes, institutions, more infl uence. Institutional constraints and
and policy choices market failures that feed gender inequalities are
Agency is about one’s ability to make choices— less likely to be addressed and corrected, leading
and to transform them into desired actions and to their persistence. As highlighted in the World
outcomes. Across all countries and cultures, Development Report 2006: Equity and Develop-
there are differences between men’s and women’s ment, an “inequality trap” may thus emerge,
ability to make these choices, usually to women’s preventing generations of women from getting
disadvantage. These gendered differences mat- educated and taking up economic opportuni-
ter for women’s well-being but also for a whole ties on a par with men, reducing their ability to
set of outcomes for their families and for soci- make informed choices and to realize their po-
ety in general. Women’s agency influences their tential as individuals.23
ability to build their human capital and take up
economic opportunities. In Bangladesh, women
with greater control over health care and house-
hold purchases have higher nutritional status.
Women’s agency also matters for the welfare of
their children. In Mexico, the daughters (but
not the sons) of women with more control
over household decisions work fewer hours on
household tasks.
Women’s collective agency can be transfor-
mative for society. It can shape the institutions,
markets, and social norms that limit their indi-
vidual agency and opportunities. Empowering
women as political and social actors can change
policy choices and make institutions more rep-
resentative of a range of voices. Female suffrage
in the United States led policy makers to turn
their attention to child and maternal health and
helped lower infant mortality by 8 to 15 per-
cent.19 In India, giving power to women at the
local level (through political quotas) led to in-
creases in the provision of public goods (both
female-preferred ones such as water and sani-
tation and male-preferred goods such as irri-
gation and schools) and reduced corruption.20
Bribes paid by men and women in villages with
a female leader were 2.7 to 3.2 percentage points
less than in villages with a male leader.21 In India
and Nepal, giving women a bigger say in man-
aging forests significantly improved conserva-
tion outcomes.22 Women’s greater public voice
not only benefits women and children but can
also benefit men. In many rich countries, greater
female participation in economic activity has
combined with their increased representation
in political leadership to reshape social views on
balancing work and family life in general and to
pass more family-friendly labor legislation.
Conversely, when women and men do not
have equal chances to be socially and politically
active and to influence laws, politics, and policy
making, institutions and policies are more likely
14
 Overview 9

FIGURE 1 Gender outcomes result from interactions between households, markets, and institutions

R EQUALIT
NDE Y
po GE
lic
ies

IONS
TITUT
MAL INS
INFOR
ECONOMIC
OPPORTUNITIES

TS HOUSEHOLDS
RKE
MA AGENCY ENDOWMENTS

FOR
MAL
INST
ITUT
ION
S

GR
OW
TH

Source: WDR 2012 team.

15
 Human Development Report 2019

TABLE
4 Gender Development Index
SDG 3 SDG 4.3 SDG 4.6 SDG 8.5
Gender Development Human Development Life expectancy Expected years Mean years Estimated gross national
Index Index (HDI) at birth of schooling of schooling income per capitaa

Value (years) (years) (years) (2011 PPP $)

Value Groupb Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male

HDI rank 2018 2018 2018 2018 2018 2018 2018c 2018c 2018c 2018c 2018 2018
VERY HIGH HUMAN DEVELOPMENT
1 Norway 0.990 1 0.946 0.955 84.3 80.3 18.8 d 17.4 12.6 12.5 60,283 75,688 e
2 Switzerland 0.963 2 0.924 0.959 85.5 81.7 16.1 16.3 12.7 13.6 49,275 69,649
3 Ireland 0.975 2 0.929 0.953 83.7 80.4 18.9 d 18.7 d 12.7 f 12.3 f 44,921 66,583
4 Germany 0.968 2 0.923 0.953 83.6 78.8 17.0 17.2 13.7 14.6 38,470 55,649
TABLE 4 Hong Kong, China (SAR) 0.963 2 0.919 0.954 87.6 81.8 16.4 16.6 11.6 12.5 43,852 79,385 e
4 6 Australia
6 Iceland
0.975
0.966
1
2
0.926
0.921
0.949
0.954
85.3
84.4
81.3
81.3
22.6 d
20.4 d
21.6 d
18.0 d
12.7 f
12.3 f
12.6 f
12.7 f
35,900
39,246
52,359
55,824
8 Sweden 0.982 1 0.928 0.945 84.4 80.9 19.6 d 18.0 d 12.5 12.3 41,919 53,979
9 Singapore 0.988 1 0.929 0.941 85.6 81.3 16.5 16.1 11.1 12.0 74,600 92,163 e
10 Netherlands 0.967 2 0.916 0.947 83.8 80.4 18.3 d 17.8 11.9 12.5 40,573 59,536
11 Denmark 0.980 1 0.920 0.938 82.8 78.8 19.8 d 18.4 d 12.7 12.4 41,026 56,732
12 Finland 0.990 1 0.920 0.929 84.6 78.9 20.1 d 18.5 d 12.6 12.3 35,066 48,689
13 Canada 0.989 1 0.916 0.926 84.3 80.3 16.6 15.6 13.5 f 13.1 f 35,118 52,221
14 New Zealand 0.963 2 0.902 0.936 83.9 80.4 19.7 d 17.9 12.6 f 12.8 f 26,754 43,745
15 United Kingdom 0.967 2 0.904 0.935 83.0 79.5 18.0 d 17.1 12.9 g 13.0 g 28,526 50,771
15 United States 0.991 1 0.915 0.923 81.4 76.3 16.9 15.7 13.5 13.4 44,465 68,061
17 Belgium 0.972 2 0.904 0.931 83.8 79.1 20.6 d 18.8 d 11.6 11.9 34,928 52,927
18 Liechtenstein .. .. .. .. .. .. 13.4 16.1 .. .. .. ..
19 Japan 0.976 1 0.901 0.923 87.5 81.3 15.2 15.3 13.0 h 12.6 h 28,784 53,384
20 Austria 0.963 2 0.895 0.929 83.8 79.0 16.6 16.0 12.3 13.0 32,618 60,303
21 Luxembourg 0.970 2 0.893 0.921 84.2 80.0 14.3 14.1 11.8 g 12.6 g 53,006 77,851 e
22 Israel 0.972 2 0.891 0.917 84.4 81.1 16.6 15.4 13.0 13.0 24,616 42,792
22 Korea (Republic of) 0.934 3 0.870 0.932 85.8 79.7 15.8 16.9 11.5 12.9 23,228 50,241
24 Slovenia 1.003 1 0.902 0.899 83.9 78.4 18.2 d 16.7 12.2 12.3 28,832 35,487
25 Spain 0.981 1 0.882 0.899 86.1 80.7 18.2 d 17.5 9.7 10.0 28,086 42,250
26 Czechia 0.983 1 0.882 0.897 81.8 76.6 17.6 16.1 12.5 13.0 24,114 39,327
26 France 0.984 1 0.883 0.897 85.4 79.6 15.8 15.2 11.2 11.6 33,002 48,510
28 Malta 0.965 2 0.867 0.899 84.1 80.5 16.4 15.4 11.0 11.6 25,023 44,518
29 Italy 0.967 2 0.866 0.895 85.4 81.1 16.6 15.9 10.0 g 10.5 g 26,471 46,360
30 Estonia 1.016 1 0.886 0.872 82.6 74.1 16.8 15.3 13.4 f 12.6 f 22,999 38,653
31 Cyprus 0.983 1 0.865 0.880 82.9 78.7 15.1 14.3 12.0 12.2 27,791 38,404
32 Greece 0.963 2 0.854 0.887 84.5 79.6 17.1 17.5 10.3 10.8 19,747 30,264
32 Poland 1.009 1 0.874 0.867 82.4 74.6 17.3 15.6 12.3 12.3 21,876 33,739
34 Lithuania 1.028 2 0.880 0.856 81.2 70.1 16.9 16.1 13.0 g 13.0 g 25,665 34,560
35 United Arab Emirates 0.965 2 0.832 0.862 79.2 77.1 14.3 13.4 12.0 9.8 24,211 85,772 e
36 Andorra .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 10.1 10.2 .. ..
36 Saudi Arabia 0.879 5 0.784 0.892 76.6 73.8 15.8 g 17.6 g 9.0 g 10.1 g 18,166 72,328
36 Slovakia 0.992 1 0.852 0.859 80.8 73.8 15.0 14.1 12.5 f 12.7 f 23,683 38,045
39 Latvia 1.030 2 0.865 0.840 79.9 70.1 16.7 15.3 13.1 f 12.5 f 21,857 31,520
40 Portugal 0.984 1 0.843 0.856 84.7 78.8 16.2 16.4 9.2 9.2 23,627 32,738
41 Qatar 1.043 2 0.873 0.837 81.9 79.0 14.1 11.1 11.1 9.3 57,209 127,774 e
42 Chile 0.962 2 0.828 0.860 82.4 77.6 16.8 16.3 10.3 10.6 15,211 28,933
43 Brunei Darussalam 0.987 1 0.837 0.848 77.0 74.6 14.8 14.0 9.1 h 9.1 h 65,914 86,071 e
43 Hungary 0.984 1 0.836 0.850 80.1 73.1 15.4 14.8 11.7 12.1 21,010 33,906
45 Bahrain 0.937 3 0.800 0.854 78.3 76.3 16.1 14.7 9.3 g 9.5 g 18,422 52,949
46 Croatia 0.989 1 0.832 0.842 81.5 75.1 15.7 14.3 10.9 g 12.0 g 19,441 26,960
47 Oman 0.943 3 0.793 0.841 80.1 75.9 15.5 14.1 10.6 9.4 11,435 50,238
48 Argentina 0.988 1 0.818 0.828 79.9 73.1 18.9 d 16.4 10.7 f 10.5 f 12,084 23,419
49 Russian Federation 1.015 1 0.828 0.816 77.6 66.9 15.9 15.2 11.9 g 12.1 g 19,969 30,904
50 Belarus 1.010 1 0.820 0.811 79.4 69.4 15.7 15.0 12.2 i 12.4 i 13,923 20,616
50 Kazakhstan 0.999 1 0.814 0.815 77.3 68.8 15.6 14.9 11.9 h 11.7 h 16,492 28,197
52 Bulgaria 0.993 1 0.812 0.818 78.5 71.4 15.0 14.6 11.9 11.8 15,621 23,905
52 Montenegro 0.966 2 0.801 0.829 79.2 74.3 15.3 14.7 10.7 g 12.0 g 14,457 20,634
52 Romania 0.986 1 0.809 0.821 79.4 72.5 14.6 13.9 10.6 11.3 19,487 28,569
55 Palau .. .. .. .. .. .. 16.3 g 15.0 g .. .. .. ..
56 Barbados 1.010 1 0.816 0.808 80.4 77.7 16.6 g 13.8 g 10.9 j 10.3 j 13,686 18,292
57 Kuwait 0.999 1 0.802 0.803 76.5 74.7 14.3 12.9 8.0 6.9 49,067 85,620 e
57 Uruguay 1.016 1 0.810 0.797 81.4 74.0 17.1 15.1 9.0 8.4 14,901 24,292
59 Turkey 0.924 4 0.771 0.834 80.3 74.4 15.9 g 16.9 g 6.9 8.4 15,921 34,137
60 Bahamas .. .. .. .. 75.9 71.5 .. .. 11.7 g 11.4 g 22,830 34,288
61 Malaysia 0.972 2 0.792 0.815 78.2 74.1 13.8 13.1 10.0 10.3 20,820 33,279

312 | HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2019

45
 HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2019
Beyond income, beyond averages, beyond today:
Inequalities in human development in the 21st century

SDG 3 SDG 4.3 SDG 4.6 SDG 8.5

Gender Development Human Development Life expectancy Expected years Mean years Estimated gross national
Index Index (HDI) at birth of schooling of schooling income per capitaa

Value (years) (years) (years) (2011 PPP $)

Value Groupb Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male

HDI rank 2018 2018 2018 2018 2018 2018 2018c 2018c 2018c 2018c 2018 2018
62 Seychelles .. .. .. .. 77.3 69.8 16.2 14.7 .. .. .. ..
HIGH HUMAN DEVELOPMENT
63 Serbia 0.976 1 0.789 0.808 78.5 73.3 15.3 14.3 10.7 11.6 12,549 17,995
63 Trinidad and Tobago 1.002 1 0.798 0.796 76.1 70.8 13.8 g 12.0 g 11.1 i 10.9 i 22,266 34,878
65 Iran (Islamic Republic of) 0.874 5 0.727 0.832 77.7 75.4 14.6 14.8 9.9 10.1 5,809 30,250
TABLE
66 Mauritius 0.974 2 0.782 0.803 78.4 71.5 15.5 14.4 9.3 h 9.5 h 14,261 31,385
67 Panama 1.005 1 0.794 0.790 81.6 75.2 13.3 12.1 10.4 h 9.9 h 16,106 24,788 4
68 Costa Rica 0.977 1 0.782 0.800 82.7 77.5 15.8 14.9 8.8 8.5 10,566 19,015
69 Albania 0.971 2 0.779 0.802 80.2 76.8 15.8 14.8 9.9 j 10.2 j 9,781 14,725
70 Georgia 0.979 1 0.775 0.791 78.0 69.2 15.7 15.2 12.8 12.8 6,505 12,929
71 Sri Lanka 0.938 3 0.749 0.799 80.1 73.4 14.2 13.7 10.5 g 11.6 g 6,766 16,852
72 Cuba 0.948 3 0.753 0.794 80.7 76.8 14.8 13.9 11.8 g 11.7 g 5,035 10,625
73 Saint Kitts and Nevis .. .. .. .. .. .. 13.8 g 13.5 g .. .. .. ..
74 Antigua and Barbuda .. .. .. .. 78.0 75.7 13.1 g 11.8 g .. .. .. ..
75 Bosnia and Herzegovina 0.924 4 0.735 0.796 79.7 74.8 13.9 k 13.5 k 8.6 10.9 8,432 17,123
76 Mexico 0.957 2 0.747 0.781 77.8 72.1 14.6 14.0 8.4 8.8 11,254 24,286
77 Thailand 0.995 1 0.763 0.766 80.7 73.2 14.8 g 14.5 g 7.5 8.0 14,319 18,033
78 Grenada .. .. .. .. 74.9 70.1 17.0 16.2 .. .. .. ..
79 Brazil 0.995 1 0.757 0.761 79.4 72.0 15.8 15.0 8.1 g 7.6 g 10,432 17,827
79 Colombia 0.986 1 0.755 0.765 79.9 74.3 14.9 14.3 8.5 8.2 10,236 15,656
81 Armenia 0.972 2 0.746 0.767 78.4 71.2 13.6 g 12.8 g 11.8 11.8 6,342 12,581
82 Algeria 0.865 5 0.685 0.792 77.9 75.5 14.9 g 14.5 g 7.7 i 8.3 i 4,103 22,981
82 North Macedonia 0.947 3 0.737 0.778 77.7 73.7 13.6 13.3 9.2 i 10.2 i 9,464 16,279
82 Peru 0.951 2 0.738 0.776 79.3 73.8 14.1 13.7 8.7 9.7 8,839 15,854
85 China 0.961 2 0.741 0.771 79.1 74.5 14.1 g 13.7 g 7.5 j 8.3 j 12,665 19,410
85 Ecuador 0.980 1 0.748 0.763 79.6 74.1 15.7 g 14.1 g 8.9 9.1 7,319 12,960
87 Azerbaijan 0.940 3 0.728 0.774 75.3 70.3 12.4 12.5 10.2 10.8 9,849 20,656
88 Ukraine 0.995 1 0.745 0.749 76.7 67.0 15.2 g 14.8 g 11.3 j 11.3 j 6,064 10,232
89 Dominican Republic 1.003 1 0.744 0.742 77.2 70.8 14.8 13.5 8.3 7.6 11,176 18,974
89 Saint Lucia 0.975 2 0.734 0.753 77.4 74.7 14.2 g 13.6 g 8.8 8.2 9,085 14,046
91 Tunisia 0.899 5 0.689 0.767 78.5 74.5 15.8 14.4 6.4 g 7.9 g 4,737 16,722
92 Mongolia 1.031 2 0.746 0.724 74.0 65.6 14.8 g 13.7 g 10.5 g 9.9 g 9,666 11,931
93 Lebanon 0.891 5 0.678 0.762 80.8 77.1 11.4 11.6 8.5 l 8.9 l 4,667 17,530
94 Botswana 0.990 1 0.723 0.731 72.0 66.2 12.8 g 12.6 g 9.2 j 9.5 j 14,176 17,854
94 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines .. .. .. .. 75.0 70.2 13.7 g 13.4 g .. .. 8,615 14,780
96 Jamaica 0.986 1 0.719 0.729 76.0 72.8 13.9 g 12.4 g 10.0 g 9.5 g 6,326 9,559
96 Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of) 1.013 1 0.728 0.719 76.1 68.4 13.8 g 11.8 g 10.7 10.0 6,655 11,546
98 Dominica .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..
98 Fiji .. .. .. .. 69.2 65.6 .. .. 11.0 h 10.7 h 5,839 12,292
98 Paraguay 0.968 2 0.710 0.734 76.3 72.2 13.2 g 12.2 g 8.5 8.4 8,325 15,001
98 Suriname 0.972 2 0.710 0.731 74.9 68.4 13.4 g 12.4 g 9.0 9.2 7,953 15,868
102 Jordan 0.868 5 0.654 0.754 76.2 72.7 12.1 g 11.6 g 10.2 h 10.7 h 2,734 13,668
103 Belize 0.983 1 0.713 0.725 77.7 71.6 13.4 12.9 9.9 i 9.7 i 5,665 8,619
104 Maldives 0.939 3 0.689 0.734 80.5 77.2 12.2 m 12.0 m 6.7 m 6.9 m 7,454 15,576
105 Tonga 0.944 3 0.692 0.733 72.8 68.9 14.4 g 13.9 g 11.3 h 11.2 h 3,817 7,747
106 Philippines 1.004 1 0.712 0.710 75.4 67.1 13.0 g 12.4 g 9.6 g 9.2 g 7,541 11,518
107 Moldova (Republic of) 1.007 1 0.714 0.709 76.1 67.5 11.8 11.4 11.6 11.5 5,886 7,861
108 Turkmenistan .. .. .. .. 71.6 64.6 10.5 g 11.1 g .. .. 11,746 21,213
108 Uzbekistan 0.939 3 0.685 0.730 73.7 69.4 11.8 12.2 11.3 11.8 4,656 8,277
110 Libya 0.931 3 0.670 0.720 75.8 69.9 13.0 l 12.6 l 8.0 j 7.2 j 4,867 18,363
111 Indonesia 0.937 3 0.681 0.727 73.7 69.4 12.9 12.9 7.6 8.4 7,672 14,789
111 Samoa .. .. .. .. 75.3 71.2 12.9 g 12.1 g .. .. 3,955 7,685
113 South Africa 0.984 1 0.698 0.710 67.4 60.5 14.0 13.3 10.0 10.5 9,035 14,554
114 Bolivia (Plurinational State of) 0.936 3 0.678 0.724 74.2 68.4 14.0 n 14.0 n 8.3 9.8 4,902 8,780
115 Gabon 0.917 4 0.669 0.729 68.3 64.2 12.5 l 13.3 l 7.5 m 9.2 m 11,238 20,183
116 Egypt 0.878 5 0.643 0.732 74.2 69.6 13.1 13.1 6.7 h 8.0 h 4,364 16,989
MEDIUM HUMAN DEVELOPMENT
117 Marshall Islands .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 10.9 g 11.2 g .. ..
118 Viet Nam 1.003 1 0.693 0.692 79.4 71.2 12.9 i 12.5 i 7.9 h 8.5 h 5,739 6,703
119 Palestine, State of 0.871 5 0.624 0.716 75.6 72.3 13.7 12.0 8.9 9.3 1,824 8,705
120 Iraq 0.789 5 0.587 0.744 72.5 68.4 10.2 m 12.1 m 6.0 g 8.6 g 3,712 26,745
121 Morocco 0.833 5 0.603 0.724 77.7 75.2 12.6 g 13.6 g 4.6 h 6.4 h 3,012 12,019

TABLE 4  Gender Development Index | 313

46
 TABLE 4  GENDER DEVELOPMENT INDEX

SDG 3 SDG 4.3 SDG 4.6 SDG 8.5

Gender Development Human Development Life expectancy Expected years Mean years Estimated gross national
Index Index (HDI) at birth of schooling of schooling income per capitaa

Value (years) (years) (years) (2011 PPP $)

Value Groupb Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male

HDI rank 2018 2018 2018 2018 2018 2018 2018c 2018c 2018c 2018c 2018 2018
122 Kyrgyzstan 0.959 2 0.656 0.684 75.5 67.3 13.6 13.2 11.0 i 10.8 i 2,192 4,465
123 Guyana 0.973 2 0.656 0.674 73.0 66.8 11.9 g 11.1 g 8.9 i 8.0 i 4,676 10,533
124 El Salvador 0.969 2 0.654 0.675 77.6 68.2 11.9 12.2 6.6 7.3 5,234 8,944
125 Tajikistan 0.799 5 0.561 0.703 73.2 68.7 10.9 g 12.3 g 10.1 m 11.2 m 1,044 5,881
126 Cabo Verde 0.984 1 0.644 0.655 76.0 69.3 12.1 11.6 6.0 6.5 5,523 7,497
TABLE
126 Guatemala 0.943 3 0.628 0.666 76.9 71.1 10.5 10.8 6.4 6.5 4,864 9,970
4 126 Nicaragua 1.013 1 0.655 0.646 77.8 70.7 12.5 n 11.9 n 7.1 h 6.5 h 4,277 5,318
129 India 0.829 5 0.574 0.692 70.7 68.2 12.9 11.9 4.7 g 8.2 g 2,625 10,712
130 Namibia 1.009 1 0.647 0.641 66.2 60.4 12.7 m 12.5 m 7.3 h 6.6 h 8,917 10,497
131 Timor-Leste 0.899 5 0.589 0.655 71.4 67.3 12.0 g 12.8 g 3.6 m 5.3 m 5,389 9,618
132 Honduras 0.970 2 0.611 0.630 77.4 72.8 10.6 9.8 6.6 6.6 3,214 5,305
132 Kiribati .. .. .. .. 72.1 64.0 12.2 g 11.4 g .. .. .. ..
134 Bhutan 0.893 5 0.581 0.650 71.8 71.1 12.2 g 12.0 g 2.1 g 4.2 g 6,388 10,579
135 Bangladesh 0.895 5 0.575 0.642 74.3 70.6 11.6 10.8 5.3 6.8 2,373 5,701
135 Micronesia (Federated States of) .. .. .. .. 69.5 66.1 .. .. .. .. .. ..
137 Sao Tome and Principe 0.900 5 0.571 0.635 72.6 67.8 12.8 g 12.6 g 5.7 g 7.2 g 1,885 4,162
138 Congo 0.931 3 0.591 0.635 65.7 62.8 11.5 l 11.9 l 6.1 j 7.5 j 4,989 6,621
138 Eswatini (Kingdom of) 0.962 2 0.595 0.618 64.0 55.3 10.9 g 11.7 g 6.3 i 7.2 i 7,030 11,798
140 Lao People's Democratic Republic 0.929 3 0.581 0.625 69.4 65.8 10.8 11.3 4.8 h 5.6 h 5,027 7,595
141 Vanuatu .. .. .. .. 72.0 68.8 10.9 g 11.7 g .. .. 2,185 3,413
142 Ghana 0.912 4 0.567 0.622 64.9 62.7 11.4 11.7 6.4 h 7.9 h 3,287 4,889
143 Zambia 0.949 3 0.575 0.606 66.4 60.5 11.6 m 12.5 m 6.7 m 7.5 m 3,011 4,164
144 Equatorial Guinea .. .. .. .. 59.6 57.4 .. .. 3.9 k 7.2 k 12,781 21,809
145 Myanmar 0.953 2 0.566 0.594 69.9 63.8 10.5 10.1 5.0 m 4.9 m 3,613 8,076
146 Cambodia 0.919 4 0.557 0.606 71.6 67.3 10.9 g 11.8 g 4.1 h 5.7 h 3,129 4,089
147 Kenya 0.933 3 0.553 0.593 68.7 64.0 10.3 g 10.9 g 6.0 h 7.2 h 2,619 3,490
147 Nepal 0.897 5 0.549 0.612 71.9 69.0 12.7 11.7 3.6 h 6.4 h 2,113 3,510
149 Angola 0.902 4 0.546 0.605 63.7 58.1 11.0 m 12.7 m 4.0 m 6.4 m 4,720 6,407
150 Cameroon 0.869 5 0.522 0.601 60.2 57.7 11.9 13.6 4.8 i 7.8 i 2,724 3,858
150 Zimbabwe 0.925 4 0.540 0.584 62.6 59.5 10.3 10.6 7.6 g 9.0 g 2,280 3,080
152 Pakistan 0.747 5 0.464 0.622 68.1 66.2 7.8 9.3 3.8 6.5 1,570 8,605
153 Solomon Islands .. .. .. .. 74.7 71.2 9.7 g 10.7 g .. .. 1,569 2,469
LOW HUMAN DEVELOPMENT
154 Syrian Arab Republic 0.795 5 0.457 0.575 77.8 66.6 8.7 g 8.8 g 4.6 o 5.6 o 656 4,779
155 Papua New Guinea .. .. .. .. 65.6 63.0 .. .. 3.9 h 5.4 h 3,248 4,106
156 Comoros 0.888 5 0.504 0.568 65.9 62.4 11.1 g 11.4 g 3.9 m 5.9 m 1,812 3,030
157 Rwanda 0.943 3 0.520 0.551 70.8 66.5 11.2 11.2 3.9 g 4.9 g 1,708 2,218
158 Nigeria 0.868 5 0.492 0.567 55.2 53.5 8.6 i 10.1 i 5.3 m 7.6 m 4,313 5,838
159 Tanzania (United Republic of) 0.936 3 0.509 0.544 66.8 63.2 7.7 8.1 5.6 h 6.4 h 2,436 3,175
159 Uganda 0.863 5 0.484 0.561 65.2 60.7 10.4 g 11.5 g 4.8 m 7.4 m 1,272 2,247
161 Mauritania 0.853 5 0.479 0.562 66.3 63.1 8.5 8.5 3.7 h 5.5 h 2,018 5,462
162 Madagascar 0.946 3 0.504 0.533 68.3 65.1 10.3 10.4 6.4 l 5.8 l 1,119 1,690
163 Benin 0.883 5 0.486 0.550 63.0 59.9 11.4 13.8 3.0 j 4.4 j 1,863 2,407
164 Lesotho 1.026 2 0.522 0.509 57.0 50.6 11.1 10.3 7.0 h 5.5 h 2,641 3,864
165 Côte d'Ivoire 0.796 5 0.445 0.559 58.7 56.3 8.2 10.0 4.1 h 6.3 h 1,790 5,355
166 Senegal 0.873 5 0.476 0.545 69.6 65.5 9.4 8.6 1.8 g 4.4 g 2,173 4,396
167 Togo 0.818 5 0.459 0.561 61.6 59.9 11.4 13.7 3.3 m 6.6 m 1,200 1,989
168 Sudan 0.837 5 0.457 0.546 66.9 63.3 7.7 8.3 3.2 h 4.2 h 1,759 6,168
169 Haiti 0.890 5 0.477 0.536 65.8 61.5 9.6 l 10.4 l 4.3 m 6.6 m 1,388 1,949
170 Afghanistan 0.723 5 0.411 0.568 66.0 63.0 7.9 12.5 1.9 h 6.0 h 1,102 2,355
171 Djibouti .. .. .. .. 68.8 64.6 6.0 g 6.9 g .. .. 2,900 4,232
172 Malawi 0.930 3 0.466 0.501 66.9 60.7 10.9 m 11.0 m 4.1 h 5.1 h 925 1,400
173 Ethiopia 0.844 5 0.428 0.507 68.2 64.4 8.3 g 9.1 g 1.6 m 3.9 m 1,333 2,231
174 Gambia 0.832 5 0.416 0.500 63.2 60.4 9.5 g 9.4 g 3.0 m 4.3 m 800 2,190
174 Guinea 0.806 5 0.413 0.513 61.7 60.5 7.7 g 10.3 g 1.5 m 3.9 m 1,878 2,569
176 Liberia 0.899 5 0.438 0.487 65.1 62.3 8.8 g 10.1 g 3.5 h 5.9 h 1,051 1,030
177 Yemen 0.458 5 0.245 0.535 67.8 64.4 7.4 g 10.1 g 1.9 j 4.4 j 168 2,679
178 Guinea-Bissau .. .. .. .. 59.9 56.0 .. .. .. .. 1,305 1,895
179 Congo (Democratic Republic of the) 0.844 5 0.419 0.496 61.9 58.9 8.7 g 10.6 g 5.3 8.4 684 917
180 Mozambique 0.901 4 0.422 0.468 63.0 57.1 9.3 10.2 2.5 g 4.6 g 1,031 1,284
181 Sierra Leone 0.882 5 0.411 0.465 55.1 53.5 9.7 g 10.6 g 2.8 h 4.4 h 1,238 1,525

314 | HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2019

47
 HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2019
Beyond income, beyond averages, beyond today:
Inequalities in human development in the 21st century

SDG 3 SDG 4.3 SDG 4.6 SDG 8.5

Gender Development Human Development Life expectancy Expected years Mean years Estimated gross national
Index Index (HDI) at birth of schooling of schooling income per capitaa

Value (years) (years) (years) (2011 PPP $)

Value Groupb Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male

HDI rank 2018 2018 2018 2018 2018 2018 2018c 2018c 2018c 2018c 2018 2018
182 Burkina Faso 0.875 5 0.403 0.461 61.9 60.4 8.7 9.1 1.0 m 2.1 m 1,336 2,077
182 Eritrea .. .. .. .. 68.2 63.8 4.6 5.4 .. .. 1,403 2,011
184 Mali 0.807 5 0.380 0.471 59.6 58.1 6.8 8.6 1.7 i 3.0 i 1,311 2,618
185 Burundi 1.003 1 0.422 0.420 63.0 59.4 10.9 11.7 2.7 m 3.6 m 763 555
186 South Sudan 0.839 5 0.369 0.440 59.1 56.1 3.5 g 5.9 g 4.0 5.3 1,277 1,633
TABLE
187 Chad 0.774 5 0.347 0.449 55.4 52.6 6.0 g 8.9 g 1.3 m 3.6 m 1,377 2,056
188 Central African Republic
189 Niger
0.795 5 0.335 0.421 55.0 50.6 6.2 g 8.9 g 3.0 h 5.6 h 622 935 4
0.298 5 0.130 0.435 63.2 60.9 5.8 7.2 1.4 g 2.7 g 112 1,705
OTHER COUNTRIES OR TERRITORIES
.. Korea (Democratic People's Rep. of) .. .. .. .. 75.5 68.4 10.4 g 11.3 g .. .. .. ..
.. Monaco .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..
.. Nauru .. .. .. .. .. .. 11.8 g 10.8 g .. .. .. ..
.. San Marino .. .. .. .. .. .. 15.6 14.6 .. .. .. ..
.. Somalia .. .. .. .. 58.8 55.4 .. .. .. .. .. ..
.. Tuvalu .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..
Human development groups
Very high human development 0.979 — 0.880 0.898 82.4 76.7 16.7 16.1 12.0 12.1 30,171 50,297
High human development 0.960 — 0.732 0.763 77.8 72.7 14.0 13.6 8.0 8.6 10,460 18,271
Medium human development 0.845 — 0.571 0.676 70.9 67.8 11.9 11.5 5.0 7.8 2,787 9,528
Low human development 0.858 — 0.465 0.542 63.0 59.7 8.5 9.9 3.8 5.8 1,928 3,232
Developing countries 0.918 — 0.653 0.711 73.2 69.1 12.2 12.2 6.7 8.1 6,804 14,040
Regions
Arab States 0.856 — 0.634 0.740 73.8 70.2 11.7 12.3 6.4 7.8 5,338 25,343
East Asia and the Pacific 0.962 — 0.725 0.754 77.8 72.9 13.5 13.3 7.5 8.3 11,385 17,728
Europe and Central Asia 0.953 — 0.757 0.794 77.5 70.8 14.4 14.7 9.9 10.5 10,588 20,674
Latin America and the Caribbean 0.978 — 0.747 0.764 78.6 72.3 14.9 14.1 8.6 8.5 9,836 18,004
South Asia 0.828 — 0.570 0.688 71.1 68.5 12.0 11.6 5.0 8.0 2,639 10,693
Sub-Saharan Africa 0.891 — 0.507 0.569 62.9 59.4 9.3 10.4 4.8 6.6 2,752 4,133
Least developed countries 0.869 — 0.489 0.562 66.9 63.2 9.3 10.2 3.9 5.7 1,807 3,462
Small island developing states 0.967 — 0.718 0.743 74.0 69.8 13.1 12.6 8.5 9.0 12,022 19,066
Organisation for Economic
Co‑operation and Development 0.976 — 0.882 0.903 83.0 77.7 16.6 16.0 11.9 12.1 31,016 50,530
World 0.941 — 0.707 0.751 74.9 70.4 12.7 12.6 7.9 9.0 11,246 20,167

NOTES
a Because disaggregated income data are not
available, data are crudely estimated. See
Definitions and Technical note 3 at http://hdr.
undp.org/sites/default/files/hdr2019_technical_
notes.pdf for details on how the Gender
Development Index is calculated.
b Countries are divided into five groups by absolute
deviation from gender parity in HDI values.
c Data refer to 2018 or the most recent year available.
d In calculating the HDI value, expected years of
schooling is capped at 18 years.
e In calculating the male HDI value, estimated gross
national income per capita is capped at $75,000.
f Based on data from OECD (2018).
g Updated by HDRO based on data from UNESCO
Institute for Statistics (2019).
h Based on Barro and Lee (2018).
i Updated by HDRO based on data from United
Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) Multiple
Indicator Cluster Surveys for 2006–2018.
j Updated by HDRO using Barro and Lee (2018)
estimates.
k Based on data from the national statistical office.
l Based on cross-country regression.
m Updated by HDRO based on data from ICF Macro
Demographic and Health Surveys for 2006–2018.
n Updated by HDRO based on data from CEDLAS
and World Bank (2018).
o Updated by HDRO based on Syrian Center for
Policy Research (2017).
DEFINITIONS
Gender Development Index: Ratio of female
to male HDI values. See Technical note 3 at
http://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/files/hdr2019_
technical_notes.pdf for details on how the Gender
Development Index is calculated.
Gender Development Index groups: Countries
are divided into five groups by absolute deviation
from gender parity in HDI values. Group 1 comprises
countries with high equality in HDI achievements
between women and men (absolute deviation of
less than 2.5 percent), group 2 comprises countries
with medium to high equality in HDI achievements
between women and men (absolute deviation of 2.5–
5 percent), group 3 comprises countries with medium
equality in HDI achievements between women and
men (absolute deviation of 5–7.5 percent), group 4
comprises countries with medium to low equality
in HDI achievements between women and men
(absolute deviation of 7.5–10 percent) and group
5 comprises countries with low equality in HDI
achievements between women and men (absolute
deviation from gender parity of more than 10 percent).
Human Development Index (HDI): A composite
index measuring average achievement in three basic
dimensions of human development­—­a long and
healthy life, knowledge and a decent standard of
living. See Technical note 1 at http://hdr.undp.org/
sites/default/files/hdr2019_technical_notes.pdf for
details on how the HDI is calculated.
Life expectancy at birth: Number of years a
newborn infant could expect to live if prevailing
patterns of age-specific mortality rates at the time of
birth stay the same throughout the infant’s life.
Expected years of schooling: Number of years
of schooling that a child of school entrance age
can expect to receive if prevailing patterns of
age-specific enrolment rates persist throughout the
child’s life.
Mean years of schooling: Average number of
years of education received by people ages 25 and
older, converted from educational attainment levels
using official durations of each level.
Estimated gross national income per capita:
Derived from the ratio of female to male wages,
female and male shares of economically active
population and gross national income (in 2011
purchasing power parity terms). See Technical
note 3 at http://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/files/
hdr2019_technical_notes.pdf for details.
MAIN DATA SOURCES
Column 1: Calculated based on data in columns
3 and 4.
Column 2: Calculated based on data in column 1.
Columns 3 and 4: HDRO calculations based on
data from UNDESA (2019b), UNESCO Institute for
Statistics (2019), Barro and Lee (2018), World Bank
(2019a), ILO (2019) and IMF (2019).
Columns 5 and 6: UNDESA (2019b).
Columns 7 and 8: UNESCO Institute for Statistics
(2019), ICF Macro Demographic and Health Surveys,
UNICEF Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys and
OECD (2018).
Columns 9 and 10: UNESCO Institute for
Statistics (2019), Barro and Lee (2018), ICF Macro
Demographic and Health Surveys, UNICEF Multiple
Indicator Cluster Surveys and OECD (2018).
Columns 11 and 12: HDRO calculations based on
ILO (2019), UNDESA (2019b), World Bank (2019a),
United Nations Statistics Division (2019b) and IMF
(2019).

TABLE 4  Gender Development Index | 315

48
 Module II:
Gender Problems and Practice in Rural Areas
V. Geetha

32
 food than boys. They are less likely to be sent to
school, less favoured when it comes to buying new
clothes or toys. By the time a child is six or seven years
old, it has a fairly coherent sense of its sexual identity
and the expectations which are attached to it.
Children accept and abide by these roles for two
major reasons: they are scolded, reprimanded or pun­
ished if they do not. Or worse, they are shamed if they
dare to be different. Girl children, especially, learn at a
very early age that they will be laughed at, teased, if, for
example, they do not wear clothes which they are ex­
pected to wear. Often they are teased by their own
peers. Boys are likewise mocked at for being 'sissies'
should they wish to play with girls.
Schools reinforce some of these expectations: in
many Indian schools, for example, girls and boys are
made to sit separately, are not encouraged to talk or play
together. Segregated classrooms send out signals to chil­
dren that boys and girls are inescapably, dangerously
different. Primary school textbooks are replete with ref­
erences to distinctive male and female roles. Boy-girl
interactions in school are not spontaneous. They are
mediated by notions of shame, modesty and fear, for
girls, and aggression and awkwardness for boys. An ad­
vertisement for a biscuit, popular in the late 1990s in
India expresses this perfectly. A schoolboy tears open a
packet of biscuits. A girl associates the sound of tearing
with a slit hem in her school uniform and embarrassedly
pulls her pinafore down. The boy laughs indulgently and
holds out the biscuit packet to her, the girl realizes she
has been deliberately fooled, and coyly accepts a biscuit.
As children grow up, they find out that everything
around them communicates fairly identical messages
about growing up male or female. Many things seem to
>-.
ro
suggest that it is natural and inevitable for men and
CL women to pursue different paths and seek particular and
<l.l exclusive destinies. These come from the media or from

32

33
34
35
36
37
38
17
18
19
20
 Women’s labour force participation in India: Why is it so low?

By Sher Verick, ILO1 Most notable is the falling engagement of women in the Indian
labour force, which occurred despite strong economic growth and
Trends in female labour force participation rising wages and incomes.

Female labour force2 participation is a driver of growth and

therefore, participation rates indicate the potential for a country to
grow more rapidly. However, the relationship between women’s
engagement in the labour market and broader development
outcomes is complex.

The participation of women in the labour force varies considerably

across developing countries and emerging economies, far more than
in the case of men. In the Middle East, North Africa and South Asia,
less than one-third of women of working-age participate, while the
proportion reaches around two-thirds in East Asia and sub-Saharan
Africa. This variation is driven by a wide variety of economic and
social factors including economic growth, increasing educational
attainment, falling fertility rates and social norms. Besides labour
market gender gaps are more pronounced in developing countries,
and disparity is highest in South Asian countries.
Falling labour force participation of women in India
Figure 1: Trends in female labour force participation rates in
Longer term trends suggest that female labour force participation
South Asia (per cent) (various years) rates in India have been puzzling. Female participation rates declined
40 from 34.1 per cent in 1999-00 to 27.2 per cent in 2011-12, and wide
35 gender differences in participation rate also persists.
30
Also there are considerable variations between urban and rural
25
areas. The participation rate of rural women decreased from 26.5 per
20

15
cent in 2009-10 to 25.3 per cent in 2011-12 (usual status definition),
10
while the rate for urban women increased from 14.6 per cent to 15.5
5
per cent over the same period.
0
Figure 2: Falling labour force participation rate among
women, (per cent) (Usual status, all ages)
Bangladesh India Pakistan Sri Lanka 60 56.1 57.1 55.9 56.3
54
Source: Based on data from National Statistical Offices 50 54.3
55.5 55.6 55.3
54.2
Notes: Sri Lanka - 10+, excluding North and Eastern provinces
40
33.1 33.3
30 30.2
The rate of female labour force participation in South Asia was just 26.5 25.3
30.5 per cent in 2013, while the rate for men was 80.7 per cent. 20
17.8
16.5 15.5
14.7 14.6
Considerable diversity in the female participation rates can be 10
observed in the region (Figure 1) and historical gender roles, spaces
0
and stereotypes continue to affect outcomes. 1993-94 1999-00 2004-05 2009-10 2011-12

Rural_Male Rural_Female Urban_Male Urban_Female

The longer term trends suggest that women have increased their
participation in Bangladesh, which is due to the growth of the
readymade garment sector and an increase in rural female
employment, mainly on account of the spread of micro-credit. Apart
from Nepal, where the participation rate for women reached 79.4 per
cent in 2010-11 (not shown on Figure 2) and the Maldives (54 per
cent in 2009-10), Bangladesh now has the highest rate in the region.
The rate has also increased in Pakistan, albeit from a very low
starting point, and is particularly low in the urban areas, while
participation has remained relatively stable in Sri Lanka, though the
latter has witnessed robust economic growth and strong
improvements in social indicators in recent years.
21
Source: National Sample Survey, various rounds.
Evidence from the 68th Round indicates no overall reversal in the
female labour force participation rate, which is estimated to be 22.5
per cent (for all ages), a further slump from the 23.3 per cent
reported in 2009-10. In this regard, the female labour force
participation rate in rural areas is showing a continuous declining
trend, while it reported an increase in the urban areas. The latest
data from 2011-12 also reveals that fewer women in rural areas are
working; however, if they are working, they are more likely to be in
subsidiary or more marginal employment in comparison to 2009-10.
Figure 3: Net increase in the number of women workers in
India (Millions)
15
10 8 and urban areas preferred work on regular basis. About 74 per cent
3.5 3.3
5 2.7
0
-0.2
-5 -2.7
-3.9
-10
-10.4
-9.1 -9.6
-15
-20
-19.5 -19.5
-25 -22.2
Rural Female Urban Female Rural Female
UPS
2004-05 to 2009-10 2009-10 to 2011-12 2004-05 to 2011-12
Source: National Sample Survey, various rounds.
What explains low participation in India?
The decision of and ability for women to participate in the labour
force is the outcome of various economic and social factors that
interact in a complex fashion at both the household and macro-
level. Based on global evidence, some of the most important drivers
include educational attainment, fertility rates and the age of
marriage, economic growth/cyclical effects, and urbanization. In
addition to these issues, social norms determining the role of women
in the public domain continue to affect outcomes.
In India, much of the discussion on the falling trends has focused on
four key explanations: 1) rising educational enrolment of young
women; 2) lack of employment opportunities; 3) effect of household
income on participation; and 4) measurement (Chaudhary and
Verick, forthcoming; Kapsos et al., 2014; Mazumdar and Neetha,
2011).
Over the last decade or so, India has made considerable progress in
increasing access to education for girls as increasing numbers of
women of working age are enrolling in secondary schools.
Nonetheless, the nature of economic growth in the country has
meant that jobs were not created in large numbers in sectors that
could readily absorb women, especially for those in rural areas.
Despite inadequate job creation, household incomes did rise, which
potentially reduced women’s participation, especially in subsidiary
activities (“income effect”) due to change in preferences. Finally,
though most women in India work and contribute to the economy in
one form or another, much of their work is not documented or
accounted for in official statistics, and thus women’s work tends to
be under-reported. In India, a substantially high proportion of
females report their activity status as attending to domestic duties.3
In 2011-12, 35.3 per cent of all rural females and 46.1 per cent of all
urban females in India were attending to domestic duties, whereas
these rates were 29 per cent and 42 per cent respectively in 1993-94.
Therefore, mis-measurement may not only affect the level but also
the trend in the participation rate.
It is interesting to note that significant proportion of women usually
engaged in domestic duties reported their willingness to accept work
if the work was made available at their household premises. Of the
total women usually engaged in domestic duties, 34 per cent in rural
areas and about 28 per cent in urban areas reported their willingness
to accept work and tailoring was the most preferred work in both
rural and urban areas. Among the women who were willing to accept
work at their household premises, about 95 per cent in both rural
9.1
4.5 in rural areas and about 70 per cent in urban areas preferred ‘part-
time’ work on a regular basis while 21 per cent in rural areas and 25
per cent in urban areas wanted regular ‘full-time’ work (Chaudhary
-1.8 and Verick, forthcoming).
Comprehensive approaches are needed…
Women’s labour force participation and access to decent work are
important and necessary elements of an inclusive and sustainable
development process. Women continue to face many barriers to
Urban Female
enter labour market and to access decent work and
UPSS
1999-00 to 2011-12
disproportionately face a range of multiple challenges relating to
access to employment, choice of work, working conditions,
employment security, wage parity, discrimination, and balancing the
competing burdens of work and family responsibilities. In addition,
women are heavily represented in the informal economy where their
exposure to risk of exploitation is usually greatest and they have the
least formal protection.
Considering these insights, policy makers in India and throughout the
region should take a comprehensive approach to improving labour
market outcomes for women through improving access to and
relevance of education and training programs, skills development,
access to child care, maternity protection, and provision of safe and
accessible transport, along with the promotion of a pattern of growth
that creates job opportunities. Beyond standard labour force
participation rates, policy-makers should be more concerned about
whether women are able to access better jobs or start up a business,
and take advantage of new labour market opportunities as a country
grows. A policy framework encouraging and enabling women’s
participation should be constructed with active awareness of the
“gender-specific” constraints that face most women. Gender-
responsive policies need to be contextually developed.
Ultimately, the goal is not merely to increase female labour force
participation, but to provide opportunities for decent work that will,
in turn, contribute to the economic empowerment of women.
For further information please contact
ILO DWT for South Asia and Country Office for India
India Habitat Centre, Core 4B, 3rd Floor, Lodhi Road
New Delhi 110003, India
Tel.: +91 11 4750 9200 | Fax: +91 11 2460 2111
Email: DELHI@ilo.org
Copyright © International Labour Organization 2014
1 This update was prepared by Sher Verick and Ruchika Chaudhary of the ILO
Decent Work Team for South Asia. It provides a snapshot of women’s labour
market trends in India and South Asia.
2 The labour force consists of both employed and unemployed individuals, but
not those who are inactive (due to education, discouragement, caring duties,
retirement, disability, etc.)
3 In the Indian context, domestic duties are defined as non-SNA and extended
SNA activities and are classified under codes 92 and 93 of the usual principal
activity status.
22
 A School in Rajasthan 1

Himanshu P Rathod

Village: Rawa, a small village with a population of around 113 households, is located in
Girwa block of Udaipur district of South Rajasthan. It is 56 kms south of Udaipur city.
The block town Girwa is only 19 kms from Rawa. The total area of the village is 264 ha.
As Rawa is situated amdist hills and cannot be easily approached, there is lack of
infrastructure facilities. Agriculture and labour work are the main occupation of the
villagers. Not a single household in the village is landless. Landholding varies from 2
bigha to 8 bigha per household. Daily migration to urban areas is an important aspect of
the village economy. Rawa is a village of Meena tribe.

Educational Situation: Rawa has a primary school working since 1963; though
building was constructed much later. It has 4 classrooms for students, one small office
room and some open space occupying around one bigha of land. To know about the
literacy scenario of the Rawa village, a village survey was carried out for 109
households out of 113 households. Outcome of this survey indicates that literacy rate in
Rawa is only 30.43%. Male literacy rate is 51.89% and female literacy rate is only
8.74%. This clearly indicates the villagers’ attitude towards women literacy.

Formal education in Rawa started in 1963 with the establishment of Government primary
school. Prior to primary school, teachers from the nearby villages used to come to the
village and teach basic literacy and numeracy to the children of well-to-do families who
can pay their fees. A pucca room of school building was constructed by the village
panchayat. One more room was added to school in by the funding from Hindustan Zinc
Ltd.. The school is funded and governed by a panchayat samiti. Teachers have been
given targets for students’ enrolment. The net enrollment ratio is found to be 55.8 % in
the school going age (6-15 years); 85.2 % for boys and 28.1% for girls. Nearly 45 % of
the children never get enrolled. On an average, from first to fifth standard 92 % of the
boys and 98 % of the girls dropped out in the primary school. The actual enrollment and
drop out details of Rawa school are given in the following table:

Rawa School Enrolment Statistics

Class Previous year Survey Year

Boys Girls Boys Girls
1st Standard 49 20 40 16
2nd Standard 10 1 10 6
3rd Standard 8 1 8 0
4th Standard 5 0 7 1
5th Standard 6 0 4 0

1
Case-let based on Village fieldwork by a PRM participant of IRMA.

23
There were 92 students in the school and only one teacher taught all the students together
in one classroom. As per the state government’s rule there should be one teacher for
every 40 students. In this school too, there are two posts of teacher but the second post is
vacant. One of the reasons given by the teacher was that no other teacher was ready to
come to this village as it is physically separated from other areas. Further, though there is
only one teacher, the prescribed course has to be completed for all the classes. This
increases burden on the teacher and it directly affects the quality of education imparted.
The performance levels of learning of children in grade 5 are barely equivalent to what
one is supposed to achieve at the end of grade 2. Pass certificate is given to all those
students who have more than 80% attendance. This continues till a student completes 5th
standard. The middle school is 5 km away. Hence most do not send their children to
middle school.

The school being in tribal village, a wheat distribution scheme of government is going on.
Under this scheme, 3 kgs of wheat are distributed to students from poor family having
more than 80% attendance. As per government notice, the school teacher is supposed to
form a educational committee in the village. Members of committee are from various
parts of the village. This committee is supposed to meet every month and discuss issues
related to the school. But, it was observed that the committee was working only on
paper. Committee members have not conducted even a single meeting. Many were not
even aware that they are members of the committee. Villagers are indifferent towards
the school. Hardly any person in the village was concerned about the regularity of
school or teaching standards in the school. Parents of the students were also not inquiring
about the attendance and performance of their children.

Most of the people in the village saw education as a source for alternative employment.
However, not many educated persons in the village are employed especially in
government jobs. This was one of the reasons given by villagers for not sending their
children to school. Many people do not send their girl children to school. There
argument is that being girls they would go to their in-laws house and its not worth
investing on them. Moreover, they say that more than literacy girls need to learn
household work as it would help sustain their marriage. For villagers, between
subsistence and education, their obvious priority is subsistence not education. As a
villager mentioned “Khali pet bhajan na thai” means empty stomach cannot even pray
and the study comes much later.

Questions for Discussion:

1) What are the gender (male and female)differences in schooling in Rawa?

2) Why such differences ?
3) What can be done to address such gender difference in schooling
--- 0 ---

24
NFHS 2015-16: Educational attainment of household population (2017)
Table 2.17 Educational attainment of household population

Percent distribution of the GHIDFWR female and male household populations age six and over by highest number of years of schooling completed
and median number of years of schooling completed, according to selected background characteristics, India, 2015-16, and NFHS-3

Median
Level of schooling
number
10-11 12 or more Don't of years of
No <5 years 5-7 years 8-9 years years years know/ schooling
Background characteristic schooling complete complete complete complete complete missing Total completed
FEMALE

Age
6-9 7.3 91.5 1.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 100.0 0.9
10-14 3.6 25.7 51.7 18.1 0.7 0.0 0.1 100.0 5.1
15-19 6.6 3.4 11.6 30.1 28.9 19.3 0.1 100.0 8.9
20-24 13.0 4.8 13.7 16.3 13.5 38.5 0.2 100.0 9.2
25-29 21.7 6.5 16.2 15.6 12.5 27.3 0.2 100.0 7.7
30-34 29.7 7.5 16.2 15.1 11.8 19.5 0.2 100.0 6.4
35-39 37.5 8.4 15.7 12.7 10.6 14.9 0.2 100.0 4.5
40-44 44.6 8.7 14.4 10.9 9.2 12.0 0.2 100.0 3.1
45-49 51.8 8.9 13.6 9.0 7.8 8.6 0.2 100.0 0.0
50-54 56.6 9.0 12.7 7.3 6.8 7.3 0.3 100.0 0.0
55-59 62.1 8.6 12.1 6.0 5.6 5.4 0.2 100.0 0.0
60-64 67.6 8.5 10.3 4.6 4.7 4.1 0.2 100.0 0.0
65+ 75.7 8.5 8.0 2.5 2.8 2.2 0.2 100.0 0.0

Residence
Urban 19.2 14.0 16.5 13.3 13.0 23.8 0.2 100.0 7.0
Rural 36.8 17.3 16.6 12.6 7.9 8.7 0.2 100.0 3.1

Religion of household head

Hindu 31.4 15.7 16.2 12.9 9.6 14.0 0.2 100.0 4.4
Muslim 32.3 19.5 18.3 12.3 8.3 9.2 0.2 100.0 3.7
Christian 18.8 16.2 16.2 13.9 12.9 21.9 0.2 100.0 6.8
Sikh 24.9 10.2 18.2 11.8 13.8 21.0 0.1 100.0 6.2
Buddhist/Neo-Buddhist 23.5 16.2 16.6 18.1 10.3 15.1 0.1 100.0 6.1
Jain 5.8 10.8 15.4 9.6 19.7 38.4 0.4 100.0 9.6
Other 36.8 21.6 15.1 12.3 7.1 6.9 0.2 100.0 2.4

Caste/tribe of household head

Scheduled caste 36.2 16.7 16.5 12.9 7.9 9.6 0.1 100.0 3.3
Scheduled tribe 42.5 18.2 15.2 11.7 5.9 6.4 0.2 100.0 1.5
Other backward class 31.9 16.0 16.6 12.5 9.6 13.2 0.2 100.0 4.3
Other 21.5 15.2 16.9 13.8 12.1 20.4 0.2 100.0 6.4
Don't know 36.2 21.4 17.4 11.4 7.4 5.8 0.3 100.0 2.7

Wealth index
Lowest 51.6 20.6 14.4 8.6 2.9 1.8 0.1 100.0 0.0
Second 39.6 18.8 17.4 13.2 6.1 4.7 0.2 100.0 2.2
Middle 31.2 16.7 18.6 14.7 9.7 8.9 0.2 100.0 4.2
Fourth 21.7 14.5 18.3 15.3 13.3 16.7 0.2 100.0 6.3
Highest 11.7 10.5 14.0 12.3 15.6 35.7 0.2 100.0 9.1

Total 31.0 16.2 16.5 12.8 9.6 13.7 0.2 100.0 4.4

NFHS-3 (2005-06) 41.5 18.1 15.7 10.2 6.7 7.6 0.2 100.0 1.9

&RQWLQXHG

Household Population and Housing Characteristics z43

25
Table 2.17 Educational attainment of household population³&RQWLQXHG

Percent distribution of the GHIDFWR female and male household populations age six and over by highest number of years of schooling completed
and median number of years of schooling completed, according to selected background characteristics, India, 2015-16, and NFHS-3

Median
Level of schooling
number
10-11 12 or more Don't of years of
No <5 years 5-7 years 8-9 years years years know/ schooling
Background characteristic schooling complete complete complete complete complete missing Total completed
MALE

Age
6-9 6.9 92.1 1.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 100.0 0.8
10-14 3.2 29.2 50.3 16.7 0.5 0.0 0.1 100.0 4.9
15-19 4.3 3.6 11.9 31.8 29.8 18.5 0.2 100.0 8.9
20-24 5.9 4.6 12.3 16.9 14.1 46.0 0.2 100.0 10.0
25-29 8.9 5.5 15.0 18.8 14.7 36.7 0.3 100.0 9.1
30-34 12.3 6.9 15.9 19.4 15.8 29.3 0.4 100.0 8.6
35-39 16.5 7.6 15.7 19.0 15.7 25.2 0.4 100.0 8.1
40-44 19.3 8.3 15.2 17.0 15.6 24.3 0.3 100.0 7.9
45-49 23.7 9.7 15.1 15.7 14.7 20.7 0.4 100.0 7.2
50-54 27.4 10.6 15.4 13.3 14.0 18.7 0.5 100.0 6.2
55-59 29.6 11.1 16.3 12.8 13.6 16.2 0.5 100.0 5.3
60-64 34.9 11.0 16.2 11.1 12.3 14.0 0.5 100.0 4.4
65+ 41.0 13.6 15.0 8.1 10.9 10.8 0.6 100.0 3.1

Residence
Urban 8.9 14.2 15.5 15.1 15.6 30.3 0.3 100.0 8.5
Rural 18.4 19.8 18.6 16.7 11.7 14.6 0.3 100.0 5.8

Religion of household head

Hindu 14.5 17.2 17.3 16.4 13.3 21.0 0.3 100.0 7.1
Muslim 19.8 22.5 19.6 14.8 10.3 12.7 0.3 100.0 4.8
Christian 11.9 16.1 17.0 15.7 15.7 23.4 0.2 100.0 7.7
Sikh 15.8 11.5 16.7 13.8 18.1 24.0 0.1 100.0 7.7
Buddhist/Neo-Buddhist 8.8 20.1 13.6 19.3 14.9 23.2 0.2 100.0 8.1
Jain 1.6 10.0 10.3 10.6 18.8 48.3 0.3 100.0 10.7
Other 22.4 25.4 17.0 15.7 8.8 10.3 0.4 100.0 4.3

Caste/tribe of household head

Scheduled caste 18.8 18.9 18.7 16.9 11.4 15.0 0.3 100.0 5.9
Scheduled tribe 24.0 21.6 18.8 15.7 8.6 11.0 0.4 100.0 4.5
Other backward class 14.8 17.7 18.2 16.2 13.4 19.3 0.3 100.0 6.8
Other 9.8 15.9 15.1 15.6 15.1 28.3 0.3 100.0 8.2
Don't know 20.7 23.4 22.7 13.8 10.1 8.4 1.0 100.0 4.6

Wealth index
Lowest 31.3 25.6 19.7 13.8 5.3 4.0 0.4 100.0 2.9
Second 19.7 21.9 20.8 18.3 9.8 9.1 0.3 100.0 4.9
Middle 14.3 17.8 19.8 18.8 13.9 15.1 0.3 100.0 6.7
Fourth 8.7 14.7 17.1 17.6 17.5 24.0 0.3 100.0 8.1
Highest 3.6 10.2 10.9 12.2 17.7 45.2 0.2 100.0 9.9

Total 15.1 17.9 17.6 16.1 13.0 20.0 0.3 100.0 6.9

NFHS-3 (2005-06) 21.9 20.9 18.4 14.8 10.6 13.2 0.2 100.0 4.9

44 z Household Population and Housing Characteristics

26
 Module III:
Gender Mainstreaming and Application
 Women, Panchayats and Local Governance 1

Article 15 (3) to the Constitution of India empowers State to make special provisions for
women. This is a recognition of the fact that women need to be empowered socially and
economically. The 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act 1992 (CAA) for the first time provided
one-third reservations for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) and thus ushered a new
era of women’s participation in local governance.

Article 243D of the Constitution of India provides that one-third of the total number of seats and
offices of the Chairpersons in PRIs at each level shall be reserved for women to be allotted by
rotation to different constituencies in a Panchayat. Such reservations of seats and offices of the
chairpersons for women are also within the reservations for SCs and STs in all three tiers of
PRIs. Although 73rd CAA provides for only 1/3rd reservation for women in PRIs, as many as 19
States have raised reservation of women to 50%. There are approximately 13.45 lakh Elected
Women Representatives (EWRs) in PRIs which constitute 46.14% of total Elected
Representatives (ERs).

Achievements of Women in PRIs: The potential of elected women in PRIs was not recognized
initially. They were dismissed as proxies of their husbands and other male members and as
proxies of elites in the village. Their capacity to understand the process of governance and to
lead panchayats was questioned. However, many women elected representatives have made
their mark in bringing positive changes in their areas.

For example, woman Sarpanch of Chandsamand GP in Karnal of Haryana has developed a three
pond system under MGNREGA with the purpose to treat the grey water and further use the same
for gardening, kitchen gardening and irrigation purposes. Dhauj, another woman headed GP in
Haryana has taken several initiatives towards empowerment of women. Among these are skill
development of women and girls, bridging the digital divide through mobile computer training
institute, motivating and orienting school girls on their rights, campaign against Purdha (veil)
system etc.

A former investment banker, the woman Sarpanch of Dhunkapara GP in Odisha launched a

campaign to revive traditional folk art in her village and ensured that the benefits of the various
schemes reach the needy people. She has introduced the benefits of Public Distribution System to
her village, which wasn’t known to most people. Now they avail wheat, kerosene and other
items. She also started a major literacy campaign for women where only signatures would be
recorded for official applications, instead of thumb impressions. Her work was recognized
internationally when she was selected to be a part of International Visitors Leadership Program
to speak on the importance transparency in the government. Woman Sarpanch of Abdullah
Badkheda returned from USA and is now working towards making her GP model by ensuring
most effective implementation of government schemes. Under the leadership of it’s woman
Sarpanch, Khetri GP in Assam has achieved 100% institutional delivery, 100% immunization,
near 100% drinking water & sanitation coverage and 80% all weather road. Apart from that, it
organises regular health camps, legal literacy camps for women and provide shelters to victims
of domestic violence and destitute women. Woman Gram Pradhan of Namkhana GP in West
Bengal has ensured functional standing committees on women and children in her GP. She has
emphasized on SHG formation, joyful learning and nutritious food for the children. Her GP
maintains records and contact details of women out-migrating for work.

1
Extracted from R.K. Sinha ‘Women in Panchayat’, Kurukshetra, July 2018.

27
Pattanaik (2010) studied functioning of EWRs in many panchayats and found ‘it is clear that
women’s leadership in panchayats is transforming India. These elected women are altering the
development agenda to address issues critical to village life’. Another study in 2017 in Tamil
Nadu found that 60% women elected representatives of PRIs are functioning independently of
their male family members or colleagues.

Challenges before EWRs: EWRs continue to face many challenges:

(i) Patriarchy: Indian society in general continues to suffer from patriarchy. Many EWRs
continue to work as a rubber stamp for their family members. Their male co-workers show
insensitivity. Burden of household responsibilities, purdah system and domestic violence
negatively affect their functioning.

(ii) Caste System: Hierarchical caste system in rural India makes it difficult for women from SC
and ST communities to function independently and effectively. Community or Khap panchayats
functions paralelly and pressurizes EWRs to act in a particular way.

(iii) Lack of Cooperation from Government Departments: EWRs, particularly the first timers
find it very difficult to deal with officials of block and district administration. Bureaucratic
apathy and corruption makes these EWRs demotivated and disenchanted. People’s expectation
to deliver coupled with non-cooperation of administration frustrate these EWRs.

(iv) Inadequate Capacities: Majority of EWRs do not have enough knowledge and experience
to handle affairs of panchayats. Training programmes of government are unable to cover all
elected representatives. At times they are also not allowed by their family members to travel for
trainings. Lack of education also puts constraints.

(v) Rotation of Terms: Policy of reservation for only one term and rotation of reserved
seats hinders consolidation of leadership qualities among EWRs as it takes time for them to
learn the governance skills. By the time they learn these skills, their term is over. Five States
namely Chattisgarh, Kerala, HP, Odisha and Karnataka have made provisions for two term
reservation of seats and offices of chairpersons.

(vi) Encroachment and Non-Payment of Taxes/Fees: Elected representative in general and

specially EWRs face resistance from community if they want to remove encroachment from
panchayat land/properties. Many a times they are subjected to violence from powerful elements
of the society. Many rural households do not want to pay taxes and fees on time while expect
panchayats to deliver public services and good in time. Insistence by EWRs are resisted at times
by violent protests.

(vii) Two Child Norm: A few States are still continuing with the two child norm for contesting
panchayat elections. In rural areas women hardly have any say in the number of children in the
family and such laws restrict their entry into panchayats.

(viii) Inadequate Women Panchayat Functionaries: EWRs are more comfortable with women
functionaries. However, there are very few women panchayat functionaries. Patriarchal mindsets
make it difficult for EWRs to freely interact with male functionaries at times when it is required.
--0--

28
 Self-Help Groups (SHGs) and Women in India

H.S. Shylendra

‘Most of us are illiterate. We need education and training on income generation activities
simultaneously’ Members of a SHG

The self-help group (SHG) movement is a group-based microfinance intervention promoted as an

alternative mechanism to enabling hassle free access to savings and credit by the poor, especially
women, to overcome failures of financial inclusion. Given the popularity of the savings and credit
groups, the Government of India has co-opted the SHGs and has tried scaling up. It is hoped that
such access to SHGs will help women members to take up various income generating activities to
overcome their poverty besides empowering them. The National Bank for Agriculture and Rural
Development (NABARD) as the apex bank is spearheading the SHG-Bank linkage to facilitate
linkage of SHGs with the formal banks and cooperatives. The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) besides
recognising the informal SHGs allowed banks to deal with them as customers under the normal
banking operations. SHGs are promoted by NGOs and other development agencies at the village
level. The SHG movement has grown into one of the largest women’s programmes (Table 1).

Table 1: Progress of SHGs in India

Particulars 2017
1 No. of SHGs (Lakh) 85.77
2 Estimated members Covered (lakh) 944
3 Savings per SHG (Rs) 18,788
4 Savings per member (Rs) 1708
5 Bank Loan Outstanding per SHG (Rs) 1,27,017
6 Loan outstanding per member (Rs) 11,547

Working of SHGs: SHGs are now the most pervasive small women’s groups in rural India. Each
SHG is an informal associations with a maximum group size of 20 poor members hailing mostly from
the same habitation and socio-economic background. The actual membership would be generally in
the range of 10-12. The SHG members are encouraged to join SHGs voluntarily to access various
services. The SHGs are expected meet regularly (weekly or monthly as per convenience, and
mobilize small regular savings as per the members capacity in every meeting. The SHGs meet either
in one of the woman members’ house or may use a common facility in the village. Members tend to
save from Rs 20 to 100 in each meeting. The SHG can then use the savings to inter-loan among
members for meeting urgent and small loans for household and other needs. Besides collecting back
loan, SHGs have to keep minutes and books of accounts. The SHGs frame their rules or bye-laws,
elect their leader, and appoint a bookkeeper. SHG leaders receive training in various aspects of SHG
management from a NGO and government agency.

A SHG member remarked ‘I saw 2-3 SHGs in my village. I was interested in SHG activities. I joined
SHG. Training is required. I want to take up IGP but I do not have any idea how to take up. Till now
no benefit I have got from SHG which can change my life, though I have not faced any problem.
However, I require loans/credit for buying a milch animal. The only limitation is inadequate loan
amount. No government official comes to my village for making us aware about schemes. Water
scarcity prevails so our time is wasted for collecting water.

Bank Linkage: After working for a few months SHGs will approach a bank for larger loans. The
banks based on the savings and economic activities of members are expected to provide loans to the
SHGs which in turn will provide loans to their members. The banks are not expected to take any
collateral or security from the SHGs and their members. Loan have to be given at reasonable interest
rate by banks. SHGs will charge interest as per their decision to the members like Rs. 2 for every
Rs.100 per month. SHGs use peer pressure and monitoring to recover the loans from members.

29
Members are expected to use the loans for production purposes to improve their livelihood. It is niot
easy to obtain loans from the banks for the SHG members. Generally, SHGs have high loan recovery
from the members. In case of any loan default, members help each other though they are expected to
be jointly responsible for the default.

Many SHGs also take-up social issues for discussion like drinking water, dowry, alcoholism,
violence on women, school problem etc. Members may approach concerned authorities or NGOs to
help address these issues. As many SHGs come up in locality or village; these SHGs try to from their
own federation or association to address larger and collective needs.

Another SHG member had said: A meeting was held by leader who was inspired by Shram Jivi
Sanstha to make a SHG. By then all members decided to start SHG. Training is required. Loan for
machine is required. Rawmaterial at low rate is also required. If I will take IGP where should I go to
sell? Market is far from our village. Now I am a member of SHG, so I can take loan in times of health
problem and other problems. Earlier, it was difficult to save Rs. 25 as other family members
discouraged and scolded me for joining SHG. But now scenario has changed, as I give them money
from my savings. They have now suggested me to continue in SHG.

Loan use and Impact: The bank loan that is given to the SHG women members is supposed to
utilized for productive purpose. In the absence of viable activities loans generally get used for
consumption and non-production purpose which may increase the loan burden. Women may be even
forced part with the loan with the male members of their family. Women may not have control over
these loans. The following table gives information on loan utilization by SHG members of the
National Rural Livelihood Project (NRLM)

Table 1: Purpose-wise loan Utilisation by SHG Households (%)

Purpose Treatment
1 Agriculture 25.66
2 Livestock 5.49
3 Non-farm/Business 4.73
Production/ Income Generating 35.88
4 Housing 8.33
5 Consumer Durables 19.51
6 Household Consumption 15.72
7 Education 4.26
8 Medical 9.66
9 Social/Religious 5.59
10 Repayment of Old loan 1.04
Consumption/ Non-production 64.12
Total 100.0

Thus, the members have tended to use the SHG loans largely (64%) for Consumption & Non-
production purpose. The household and social compulsions which drive the use of loans away from
productive activities, along with the low project effort to promote livelihoods for the members are the
major constraints.

Can SHGs empower Rural Women?

--o--

30
K Sharma et 2007

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Additional Readings:
 A Gender Atlas of India
The All India Scorecard
Radha Kumar with Marcel Korff and Karthika Sudhir

Current Performance C- Rate of Change, 2001-11 C

Indicator Grade Indicator Grade
Sex Ratio C- Sex Ratio C+
Health D Health B-
Literacy D- Literacy C+
Political Participation and Representation C Political Participation and Representation 8-
Decision-Making C Decision-Making B+
Employment D- Employment D
Crimes Against Women B+ Crimes Against Women F
Note: Pass grade: C; Result: Fail. Note: Pass grade: C; Result: Pass.

As the summary scorecards provided here
show, India falls short of world averages on all
but three out of seven indicators when it comes
to its current gender performance, as can be
judged from data for 2011-15. India's sex
ratio, women's health, literacy, and employ­
ment rates are all below their respective world
figures, in some cases by a relatively large
margin. The country's overall sex ratio (OSR)
is 41 points below the world average, there
are almost twice as many women with anemia
compared to the world average, women's liter­
acy is 15 percentage points less than the world
;:iverage, and women's labor force participation
is around half that of the world average. On
these four indicators, India gets a Fail.
India gets a bare Pass on two other
indicators-political participation and repre­
sentation and decision-making. Seven decades
after Independence, the number of women in
Indian Parliament comprises 12 percent of total
MPs, just above half of the world average. The
figures for nominated women MPs are slightly
higher than those for elected women MPs, but
only very slightly, indicating that the root causes
lie as much in political parties as in the elector­
ate, if not more. Where India does score high is
on the figures for women in local bodies: close
to 50 percent of the elected members of Pan­
chayati Raj Institutions (PRis) are women, more
than double the world average.
Surprisingly, given the low ratio of women
MPs, India does well on women ministers with
22.2 percent in 2015 as against the world aver­
age of 18. 7 percent. Women do not do so well
in industry---only 15 percent of senior man­
agement are women as against the world aver­
age of 22 percent, and the figures for women
in the police also fall below the world average
at 7.47:9.
The only indicator on which India performs
less badly than the world average is crimes
against women. However, this is difficult to
use as an indicator, since policing is a state

55
4 A GENDER ATLAS OF INDIA
subject in India, and thus there is no uniformity
in police rep01ting. Social nom1s also vary so
what might be considered a crime in one part
of the country may be considered a shame and
therefore to be concealed in another part of the
country. World averages are also based on dif­
ferent countries' reporting, making comparison
even more problematic.
We have nevertheless included data on
crimes against women in the Gender Atlas.
Unreliable as it may be, the police data pro­
vides a broad-brush picture of women's vul­
nerability to violence in India, and especially
of the types of violence they are subjected to.
While underreporting is certainly a problem,
especially in states such as Uttar Pradesh (UP),
overreporting is unlikely in any of the catego­
ries of crimes against women-with the pos­
sible exception of "kidnapping and abduction,"
which is dealt with further down this chapter.
We have also graded crimes against women
in this chapter and the chapter on crimes, though
we have not included gender crimes in the
overall state-wise grades. The reason why we
decided to grade at the all-India level, despite
the unreliability of the data, was because world
averages for crimes against women suffer from
the same types of unreliability as the Indian
data, based on the same types of bias. In other
words, it is probable that similar proportions of
countries unde1Teport crimes against women as
do states in India, since in both cases the under­
reporting would be due to tolerance of physi­
cal and sexual violence against women, hence
comparison could be warranted (always keep­
ing in view the qualifications listed previously).
On the other hand, state-wise crimes figures are
not comparable across states since some state
police forces are clearly more conscientious in
their data collection than others. We have, how­
ever, given crime grades state-wise as indicative
of the situation for readers, without including
them in overall scores.
QUESTIONS OF CHANGE
While seeking to map gender at the all-India
level as well as state-wise, we have also looked
at whether India has changed over the past
15 years, and if so, in which ways. Here the data
56
reveals a far more positive picture-indeed, it
reverses the previous picture. Between 2001 and
2015, India has improved its rates on all but two
indicators-those of employment and crimes
against women. The female:male sex ratio,
women's literacy, political participation, and
decision-making rates have all increased; female
mortality rates are down. Even on employment,
the data is mixed. Though the gender gap in
wages has increased, leading to a Fail on this
sub-indicator, the women's labor force partici­
pation rate (LFPR) has also increased.
W hile alterations in data collection and anal­
ysis might explain some degree of change on
the indicators, this would most likely apply to
the more subjective indicators, such as unem­
ployment rates. Moreover, the change margin
is too high on many of the indicators to be
explained by alterations in data collection. In
contrast to the Fail grade for its current gender
performance, India therefore gets a Pass grade
on rates of change.
Looking at the subheads, however, worrying
trends emerge. India's child sex ratio (CSR)
has declined between 2001 and 2011, female
anemia rates have increased, the literacy rates of
Scheduled Caste (SC) women have decreased,
the female elected to contested ratio (FECR) is
down, the gender gap in wages has increased,
and the proportion of women making their own
household decisions has shrunk. These are
areas for policymakers to focus on.
In the ensuing sections of this chapter, we
look at the seven indicators one by one and dis­
cuss what the sub-indicators under each head
tell us.
SEX RATIO
Between 2001 and 2011, India's OSR increased
from 933 to 943; indeed, it has steadily improved
since 1991. Despite this increase, it is still well
below the world average of 984 women per
1,000 men at 943 women. 1 While this ratio
stands above the OSRs of China and Bhutan and
at par with Pakistan's, Afghanistan, Bangladesh,
Myanmar, Nepal, and Sri Lanka all outperform
India. Notably, however, the sex ratios for SCs
and Scheduled Tribes (STs) are higher than the
OSR and also saw a slight increase.
57
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 The All-India Scorecard 19

C
Decision-making
Rate Value Grade
Indicators
(2015 World Average: 18.7%) 22.2 1.2 B­
1. women Ministers
Management (2015 World Average: 22%) 15 0.7 D
2. women in Senior
7.47
3. women in the Police
9.46
4. women in the Judiciary
ns 36.7
5. women Making Household Decisio
6. women's Financial Access 80.9

Employment 0-

Indicators* Rate Value Grade

1. Labor Force Participation Rate(%) (2013 World Average: 50.2%) 25.8 0.51 E+
2. Unemployment Rate(%) (2013 World Average: 6.4%) 7.7 1.2 D+
3. Overall Gender Gap Average Wages(2012) 85.48
4. Gender Gap Average Wages for Salaried Employees�)(Rural)
120.72
(All-India Average 2012)
5. Gender Gap for Average Wages for Salaried Employees�)
103.72
(Urban)(All-India Average 2012)
6. Gender Gap Average Wages for Casual Labor({)(Rural)
46.04
(All-India Average 2012)
7. Gender Gap Average Wages for Casual Labor({) (Urban)
71.42
(All-India Average 2012)
Crimes Against Women B+
Indicators Rate Value Grade
1. Rape(2013 World Average: 10.82) 6.1 0.56 A­
2. Physical Violence(2005-06 World Average: 33.1%) 21 0.63 B+
3. Intimate Partner Violence(2005-06 World Average: 25.6%) 19 0.74 B
4. Cruelty by Husband/Family(2014 All-India Average) 20.05
5. Molestation/Sexual Harassment(2014 All-India Average) 17.04
6. Kidnapping/Abduction(2014 All-India Average) 9.6
7. Dowry Deaths(2014 All-India Average) 1.4
Note: Pass grade: C
*Unemployment rate is not included in the overall employment grade. Only the overall gender wage gap is included from the
wage indicators in the overall employment grade.

71