Arab. arch. epig.
2007: 18: 258–264 (2007)
Printed in Singapore. All rights reserved
Jabal Haroun during the Islamic period: a study
in the light of newly discovered inscriptions (1)
This paper tries to shed more light on the history of Islamic Petra and
concentrates particularly on the Jabal Haroun area. Five new Islamic
inscriptions dated to the early, middle and late Islamic periods are published
below for the first time. These confirm the sanctity of the site during these
periods.
Keywords: Islamic Petra, Jabal Haroun.
Introduction
The history of Islamic Petra has been largely
neglected by most scholars. This is attributable to
several factors including the paucity of sources that
shed light on its history during this period and the
lack of notable Islamic remains in the city. So far the
most important Islamic archaeological site in Petra is
Jabal Haroun. Situated 1270 m above sea level, Jabal
Haroun is located about 5 km southwest of Petra
and is considered to be the burial place of Aaron
(Haroun), the brother of Moses. Stimulated by an
increasing interest in the history and archaeology in
the Holy Land during the nineteenth century (2), the
site was visited by several early travellers, including
Irby and Mangles (3), Palmer (4) and Musil (5).
Apparently none of these travellers saw this group
of inscriptions although it is less than 350 m from
the foot of the mountain on which the Haroun shrine
is located.
Archaeological fieldwork conducted at Jabal Har-
oun by the Finnish Jabal Haroun Project (FJHP) has
shown that the site was occupied from the Nabat-
aean to the Ayyubid-Mamluk period (twelfth–fif-
teenth centuries), with particularly intensive
settlement from the Byzantine era to the eighth–
ninth centuries (6). The main sources for the history
258
Zeyad al-Salameen1 and
Hani al-Falahat2
1
Nabataean Centre for
Archaeological Studies,
Al-Hussein Bin Talal Univer-
sity, Wadi Mousa, Petra, P.O.
Box 270, Jordan
e-mail: zmslameen@yahoo.com
2
Department of Antiquities,
Maan Office, P.O. Box 22,
Wadi Mousa, Petra, Jordan,
e-mail: Hani_Petra@yahoo.com
of Jabal Haroun are the Hebrew Bible, and Classical,
Christian and Islamic texts. All indicate the sanctity
of the site, but provide almost no detailed informa-
tion about its history.
The earliest mention of Haroun is in the Old
Testament, which mentions that Aaron (Haroun)
died on the top of Mount Hor ‘‘near the borders of
Edom’’ (7). The Jewish historian Josephus says that
Aaron went up one of the high mountains of Petra
and died there (8). Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea,
repeats the biblical story (9). The area of Jabal
Haroun was visited by the crusaders during the
expedition of King Baldwin I to the Holy Land in
AD 1100 as narrated by Fulcher of Chartres who
refers to ‘‘a Monastery of St. Aaron’’, indicating a
Christian presence there (10). In AD 1217 the
Christian pilgrim Thetmar found Petra uninhabited
but noted a church at the top of the mountain and
two Greek monks still living there (11).
As far as the Islamic historical sources are
concerned, the site and its vicinity received no
mention in accounts of the Islamic conquests of the
seventh century (12). The earliest mention of the site
in these sources is found in al-T@ abari’s (d. AD 922)
Tarikh al-Rusul wal-Muluk. He discussed the death of
Moses and Haroun and said that Haroun died
 JABAL HAROUN DURING THE ISLAMIC PERIOD

before Moses, who buried him and returned to the Some of the traditions mentioned by Sheikh
Israelites who accused him of Haroun’s death (13). Hamzah are a continuation of pagan and Jewish
The same account is mentioned in Ibn al-Jawzi’s religious practices. He wrote that the saden (custo-
al-Muntatham fi Tarikh al-Muluk wal-Umam where it is dians) used to go to the peasants during the harvest
said that Haroun died when he was 118 years old to take the first of their barley and wheat products in
(14). Al-Mas‘udi also refers to the mountain as a holy honour of Haroun. This portion was called S@a’
mountain of the Christians (15). Baibars, the Mam- an-Naby which means ‘‘the Prophet’s S@a’’’ (S@a’ (20) is
luk Sultan, visited Petra in 1276. His voyage is a capacity measurement). Also, the saden used to go
mentioned by al-Nuwairi, who also gives a brief to Tafilah to bring olive oil from its first olives in
description of the site (16). The last reference to the order to light the shrine twice a week on Monday
site in Islamic sources is found in Yaq ut’s (fifteenth and Friday (21).
century AD) Mu’jam al-Buldan where Tur Haroun, The inscriptions published below were found and
‘‘Haroun’s Mountain’’ is described as a high moun- photographed by Hani al-Falahat of the Jordanian
tain between Mecca and Jerusalem, with the tomb of Department of Antiquities. They were inscribed on a
Haroun (17). rocky surface, which seems to have contained other
Haroun’s shrine was constructed at the top of the inscriptions (Fig. 1), but they have been eroded and
highest mountain at Petra. The date of its construc- damaged due to the fragile state of the rock. Dated to
tion, however, is unknown. Mamluk inscriptions the early, middle and late Islamic periods, the
written on the main entrance of the shrine and on inscriptions add to the scanty evidence of the site
the shrine itself state that the shrine was reconstruc- in the Islamic era.
ted and renewed during the reign of the Mamluk
Sultan al-Naser Mohammad bin Qalawun in 739
AH/1338 AD. The Location of the Inscriptions
In the 1920s Sheikh Hamzah al-Arabi, a judge in
Maan, visited Wadi Mousa and Petra. His notes,
preserved in an unpublished manuscript entitled
Waqfah bayn al-ath ar, reveal the following habits of
the local inhabitants with respect to visiting the
Haroun Shrine. There was a special season for this
visit. Men, women and children from Wadi Mo-
usa, Shobak, Maan, Tafilah and Palestine used to
visit this place, particularly in summer. They
would sing and sacrifice goats and sheep in
honour of Haroun. In addition, visitors would
normally bring their horses to participate in
competitive races, which took place on the Haroun Fig. 1.
mountain and in the Al-Jmeed area in Wadi The location of the inscriptions.
Mousa. There were no rewards for participants
who won. After the races, hosts and guests would
normally have their traditional dinner and there-
after return home (18).
Sheikh Hamzah also wrote about the routes used
by travellers to Jabal Haroun. The most significant
allusion is to the route from Palestine to Petra, which
was presumably used already during the Nabataean
period. He says that travellers from Palestine either
came via the Ber es-Sab’ road , then via Wadi Araba
through Naqb al-’Wynat, or through Namalah, Jisr Fig. 2.
Umm Khusheiba, Beidha and el-Barid (19). Inscription 1.

259
ZEYAD AL-SALAMEEN AND HANI AL-FALAHAT

it resembles inscriptions of the second and third

centuries AH/eighth and ninth centuries AD (22).
The beginning of the inscription is weathered and
the end of the first line is broken, which makes the
reading of the rest of the line uncertain. The name
Mahmoud bin ‘Abd al-Malik is uncommon in
contemporary Islamic sources.

Fig. 3.
Inscription 1.
Inscription 2 (Figs 4–5)
Date 690 AH/AD 1291
Inscription 1 (Figs 2–3) Measurements: 14 cm high · 13 cm wide
Date: probably second–third century AH/eighth– Text
ninth centuries AD
Measurements: 13 cm high  38 cm wide
Text

Commentary
The inscription is written in simple, unornamented
Kufic script. The oldest in our collection, it is
important from a palaeographical point of view as

Commentary
This inscription and the following one were located
next to each other and a rock drawing was carved to
Fig. 4. their right. The inscription is written in Thulth script
Inscription 2. and is clearly and beautifully carved, probably with

260
 JABAL HAROUN DURING THE ISLAMIC PERIOD

struction of the Islamic shrine on the summit in AD

1338. As far as the al-Azraqi family name is
concerned, Islamic historical sources do not provide
us with a specific name, but the tribe name al-Azraqi
is quite common in Islamic sources and it seems
from these sources that this family is famous in
Hadith literature (23). Some historical sources locate
the family in Kerak, north of Petra, and indicate that
members of this family were involved in legal
matters, and some were judges (24).

Inscription 3 (Figs 5–6)

Date: probably Ottoman
Measurements: 13 cm high · 27 cm wide
Text

Fig. 5.
Inscriptions 2 and 3.

a fine tool. With the exception of a few words in lines

2 and 5, the words can be easily read. The unclear
words may have been intentionally defaced, as they
might have contained the word ‘‘Allah’’. Muslims,
after writing such inscriptions, preferred to deface
them so that they would not be trodden on by the
feet of pilgrims who used to walk over this rocky
surface while looking down on Wadi Araba from the
edge of the plateau. The third word in line 5 is
incorrectly written with a medial alif added. The
inscription is important for several reasons. First, it
Commentary
is dated to 690 AH/AD 1291 and refers to a visit by
This inscription is engraved immediately above
Muslims in the area after the visit made in AD 1276
inscription 1. A break in the rock divides it into
by the Mamluk Sultan Baibars. Second, it refers to a
two parts. It is carved in large, crude letters. The
visit to the site made by al-Khat@ib al-Azraqi. This
word ‘‘Amen’’ was written before the beginning of
confirms the habit of visiting the shrine at the top of
the inscription, indicating that there was another
the mountain for pilgrimage even before the recon-
inscription written to the right that must have been
damaged due to the fragility of the rock. The
inscription is written in a way that suggests that
the writer was not particularly skilful at writing.
There are some spelling mistakes: (a) the word ‘bn
which is repeated twice in line 2; (b) the word brkt,
the ending of which should be ta marbut@ah not
ordinary ta; (c) the second word in line 3 omits the
definite article ‘l; and (d) the letter alif in qra’h in the
last line is omitted. The inscription is undated but it
Fig. 6. is most likely that it should be dated to later Islamic
Inscription 3. times (Ottoman period).

261
ZEYAD AL-SALAMEEN AND HANI AL-FALAHAT

Fig. 8.
Inscription 4.

Commentary
This inscription is engraved close to the above-
Fig. 7.
Inscription 4. mentioned inscriptions. It is crudely and badly
engraved and broken on the left side but contains
no spelling mistakes. It is difficult to date the
Inscription 4 (Figs 7–8) inscription, but the form of the letters suggests a
Date: probably Ottoman medieval or Ottoman script. The word ‘‘Allah’’ may
Measurements: 11 cm high  13 cm wide have been defaced intentionally. The inscription
Text contains the name of the tribe al-Hilali. A Nabataean
inscription is engraved immediately below this
inscription. Most of the inscription has been affected

Fig. 9.
Inscription 5.

262

Fig. 10.
Inscription 5.
by weathering, but we are able to read the name
H@ arithah in the first line, a common name in
Nabataean inscriptions.
Inscription 5 (Figs 9–10)
Date: probably Ottoman 1019 AH/1610 AD
Measurements: 12 cm high  26 cm wide
Text
References
1. We wish to express our gratitude to
Professor John F. Healey for reading
this article and for his valuable com-
ments and suggestions.
2. Miettunen P. Travelers, Pilgrims and
Tribes — Jabal Harun in the past
200 years. In: Frösén J & Fiema Z, eds.
JABAL HAROUN DURING THE ISLAMIC PERIOD
Commentary
The letters are untidily carved. Parts of the second
and fourth lines have faded considerably, so that the
words are difficult to make out. The beginning of the
first line contains the forename of the dedicator,
which is mostly defaced. The word al-sheikh in line 1
was scratched and written again, probably by the
original writer of the inscription. The first word of
the fourth line has been affected by weathering and
the reading is doubtful. The possible reading is snt
(year), but it seems that it was misspelled: the letters
nun and ta are separated. There is another spelling
mistake in the last word of the same line where a
medial alif is added to the word.
Conclusions
The history of the Petra area in the Islamic era is still
obscure. These inscriptions help provide a better
understanding of the nature of this area at that time
and confirm that Jabal Haroun was of vital spiritual
importance to Muslims who went on pilgrimage to
this site. These inscriptions are either the commem-
orative inscriptions of pilgrims who visited the
Haroun Shrine or religious supplications for for-
giveness. The formulae and contents of the inscrip-
tions are similar to those of contemporary Islamic
inscriptions elsewhere in Arabia and the Levant but
there are differences in the methods of writing. The
inscriptions shed light on the evolution of the Arabic
script from the early to late Islamic era. Passing by
Jabal Haroun, travellers between Egypt and the
Levant were able to take advantage of a huge water
storage facility at the foot of the mountain.
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Helsinki: Amos Anderson Art on Foot in the Wilderness of the Forty
Museum, 2002: 126ff. Years’ Wanderings. Cambridge: Deigh-
3. Irby L & Mangles J. Travels in Egypt and ton, Bell and Co., 1871: 435.
Nubia, Syria, and Asia Minor during the 5. Musil A. Arabia Petraea, Volume II:
Years 1817–1918. London: Darf Pub- Edom. Vienna: Alfred Hölder, 1907:
lishers Ltd, 1985: 433. 161.
263
ZEYAD AL-SALAMEEN AND HANI AL-FALAHAT
6. Lavento M. Past Human occupation in
the Jabal Haroun Area. The FJHP
Survey. In: Frösén J & Fiema Z, eds.
Petra: 124.
7. Numbers 20: 22–29.
8. Josephus F. Jewish Antiquities. London:
William Heinemann, IV: 1988: 4.7.
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mastikon der biblischen Ortsnamen. Hil-
desheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 1966:
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historia Hierosolymitana. Heidelberg:
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11. Palmer, The Desert of Exodus: 435.
12. Fiema Z. Economics, Administration and
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tine Southern Transjordan. Unpublished
PhD thesis, The University of Utah,
1991: 216.
13. Al-T@ abari, Mohammad bin Jarir. Tarikh
al-Rusul wa al-Mul uk. (10 volumes, ed.
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1960: 256.
264
14. Ibn al-Jawzi, Abu al-Faraj ’Abd al-
Rahm an. Al-Muntatham fi Tarick al-
Mul uk wal-Umam. Beirut: D ar al-kwtb
al-‘ilmyah 1: 1987: 373.
15. Al-Mas’udi, Abu al-Hasan. Kit ab at-
tanbih wal- ishr
af. Leiden: Brill (ed. de
Goeje MJ), 1967: 143–144.
16. Zayadine F. Caravan Routes between
Egypt and Nabataea and the Voyage of
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Hadidi A, ed. Studies in the History and
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17. Yaqut al-Hamawi. Mu’jam al-Buldan.
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18. Hamzah al-Arabi, Waqfah bayn al-ath ar.
Unpublished manuscript: 429–434.
19. al-Arabi, Waqfah bayn al-athar: 78–79.
20. It is worth mentioning that there is a
term in Nabataean connected with
measures of capacity, se’ah (in the form
s’yn) which corresponds to S@a’, a dry
measure still used by the inhabitants of
Wadi Mousa. Some scholars suggest
that one seah , in Hebrew, results
from sowing 625 m2 and others sug-
gest that it results from sowing 784 m2
(for more details see al-Salameen Z.
The Nabataean Economy in the Light of
Archaeological Evidence. Unpublished
PhD Thesis, The University of Man-
chester, 2004: 107–110).
21. al-Arabi, Waqfah bayn al-ath ar: 427–429.
22. al-Muaikel K. A Critical Study of the
Archaeology of the Jauf Region of Saudi
Arabia with Additional Materials on its
History and Early Arabic Epigraphy.
Unpublished PhD Thesis, Durham
University, 1988; Jum’ah I. Dir asah fi
Tat@awor al-Kit 
abah al-Kufiah ’ala al-
ar fi Mis@r fi al-Qur
Ah@ j un al-Khamsah al-
ula lel-hijrah. D
 ar al-Fikr al-’Arabi, 1982:
56.
23. Ibn Saad, Mohammad. at@-T@ abaq at al-
Kubr a. Beirut: D ar S@ader, 1: 125, 247,
368, 474, 477.
24. Jam aludibn, Abi al-Mah asen al-At abiki,
an-Nuj um az-Zahirah Fi Mul uk Mis@r
wal-qahirah. Cairo: Al-M uasasah
al-Mis@riyah, 12: n.d.: 132; 13:3.