Carrer 10 x Piecing Together the Middle ‘The Middle Horizon in the Norte Chico Kir Netson, NATHAN CRAIG, AND MANUEL PERALES HE DATA FOR THE Norte Cuico do not fit Tose of social or political control by the Wari during the Middle Horizon (MH). Instead, they reveal participation of local polities in at least two panregional iconographic phenomena as wall as in theie own localized systems. These levels of participation are visible in architecture and pottery sty- liseicfeataces in both the Pativilea and Huaura valleys. Stylisic similarities in architecture document local sol- arity by the presence of repeated room forms, invoking shared concepts of architecture and space. Pottery styles represent a duality tha is indicated by the inclusion of both Central Coase press-mold portery and more gen- eral MH polychromes. Both architecture and pottery, which each represent multilevel and multimedia sys- ‘ems of style, come together to form the complex MH of the Norte Chico. Previous notions of che incorporation of che Norte Chico in the Wari Empire have been based on expan- sionist models that include the north-central coast in she broad area of control. These assumptions of Wari dominance were based on characterizations of the Wari as having broad concrol over vast regions (Isbell and ‘MeBiwan 1991; Schceiber 1992) and on isolaced finds of Wasiclike architecture and pottery in the region, The Norte Chico was included within che Wari Empire because of is location close eo sites such as Pachacamac (Roscoworski de Diez Canseco 1992; Shimada 1991; Uhle 1903) and Socos (Isla and Guerrero 1987), which were argued co have Wari components. The incerpre- tation of the Norte Chico as one of the many areas under Wari domination was sealed by afew tantalizing descriptions of Wari-type artifuceual remains discov- cred in the Supe Valley (Menzel 1977; Reiss and Scuebel 1880; Uble 1925) and at the coastal site of Véguerain che Huaura Valley (Shady and Ruiz 1975). As eesule, che Norte Chico is assumed to have been under Wari domni- nation even though there was scant empirical evidence of direct control. Using broadscale patterning of eats, we explore the stylistic elements that compose the MH complex in the Norte Chico. We use these data co documene different levels of stylistic spheres, including panre- gional, regional, and local distribucions. These stylistic modalities are displayed in a variety of medi ing archicecrure and pottery, and detail che complex stylistic systems of this frontier zone during the MEL This reevaluation of the MH in the Norte Chico raises larger questions of the role of the Wari in this and other intermediary or frontier areas. These results sup- pore a dynamic model of interaction that includes the importance of ocal systems of power and authority chatdevelop wichin the context of negotiating the incorpo- ration of specific components of the political ideology shat likely underlie the larger stylist systems. PREVIOUS RESEARCH The Pativilea and Huaura valleys are located on the Central Coast in an area referred to locally as the Norte Chico (Figure 102). Alchough identified as a distinct region, che various cultural connections among val leys in the Norte Chico changes through time. During some periods, these connections articulate beyond, and 172 NIT NELSON, NATHAN CRAIG, AND MANUEL FERALES Jn some cases are stronger outside of, the Norte Chico. Archaeological research documents long human occu- pation of the Norte Chico. Although focused on the caliest and latest prehistoric periods, this work has revealed a range of site types and occupational periods inthis region. Research in the Norte Chico began in the 19208 with the visits by Uhle (1935) to the Supe Valley and included basic published descriptions of the archaeol- ‘gy: In 1943 preliminary excavations fhe ste of Puerto 4e Supe and other sites outside of the Norte Chico were carried out by Secongand Willey (1943).Following these Figure to. Map of the Norte Chico marked with sts discussed in the textcarly studies, more detailed projects were conducted. “These lacer investigations are dominated by a focus on sites dating to the Preceramic (or Late Archaic) Period. General discussions concerning the Preceramic in the Norte Chico cover social organization, consumption, conetol, and other diverse topics (Engel 1957a, 1957b; Feldman 1985, 1985,1987; Haasand Creamer2001,2004: Haas et al. 20042; Moseley 1975; Vega-Cenceno Sara- Lafosse 2005a; Vega-Centeno Sara-Lafosse etal. 1998; Zechenter 1988). Derailed investigations have occurred a several Preceramic sites including Aspero (Feldman 1980; Moseley 197s) and Lampay (Vega-Centeno Sara Lafosse 2003b, 2006, 2007: Vega-Centeno Sara-Lafosse etal, 006), and projectsare ongoingat the sites of Caral (Shady 1993, 1995, 1997, 19998, 1999, 1999, 19994, 2000a, 2000b, 2000¢; Shady et al. 2001), Caballete (Haas etal. 2004b), Huaricanga (Haas tal. 2007), and Banduria (Chu Barrera 2006; Fung 1974) ‘The later periods of the Norte Chico have received less attention (Ruiz Estrada 1999). Surveys of the lower and middle valleys have provided basic information such as site location and general time period. These surveys provide the basis for underseanding change through time and period-specific settlement patterns. The first survey of sites was carried out in the Huaura Valley using air photos by Cardenas (1977, 1977-1978, 1988), which resulted in a list and descriptions of sites based ‘on Cardenas’ study by Miasta Gutiérrez and Merino Jiménez. (1986). Several more recent comprehensive sur- veys of the Huaura (Nelson and Ruiz 2004), Pativiles (Perales Mungufa 2006), and Fortaleza valleys (Perales ‘Munguia 2007) incorporate new data collection meth- ods including Global Positioning System (GPS) and geographic information system (GIS) technology and provide improved coverage of the lower and middle val- leys of the Norte Chico. ‘The majority of excavation projects at late period sites in. the Norse Chico has been focused on Late Incermediate Period (LIP) sites and their association to the Chancay. These include descriptions of che sites of Centinela and Vileahuaura by Kosok and Schaedel (Kosok 1965) and small-scale excavations at Rontoy, Quipico, Centinela and Chambara (Nelson and Ruiz Estrada 2010; Ruiz Estrada and Nelson 2008), and Casa Blanca and Quintay (Krzanowski 1991) in the Huaura Valley. The fortress of Acaray has both an LIP and Early Horizon occupation that has been studied in more detail (Brown Enrile 2005, 2006; Brown Enrile and Rivas Panduro 2004; Brown Vega 2008, 2009; Horkheimer 1962; Ruiz Estrada and Domingo Torero 1978), includ- ing large open excavations and radiocarbon dating con- firming the timing of use (Brown Vega 2008). Of specific interest co this paper ae the studies of MU sites, The MH in the Norte Chico islargely unstud- ied; few published reports are available, and chese rep- resent a small number of sites, ll of which are focused ‘on individual finds or descriptions of single sites. Shady and Ruiz (1979) discuss the multiple design styles pres- ent on pottery from MH-period burials From the site of Véguera located in the coastal zone of the Huaura Valley, sessing the importance of local polities in the Norte Chico during the MHL. The site of Caldera was examined by Seamer (1952), who provides a general site map and discusses the types of portery found, inluding both MH and LIP pottery styles. More recent work at the MH sites of Caldera and El Carmen in the Huaura Valley include targeted excavations within MH archi- tecture (Heaton et al 2010; Pierce Terry etal. 2010). In all, although the valleys ofthe Norte Chico are rich in sites dating zo all periods, very ltl is known about the archaeology of this area. ASSESSING ARCHITECTURAL STYLE ‘This study isbased on a combination of valley survey and stylistic analysis oftraits. These data are preliminary and based on analysis of data collected duringan inital valley survey and small amounts of additional site documenta- tion. In che Pativilea Valley and Huaura Valley, initial steps of systematic regional investigation were operation- alized chcough siceess survey (Dunnell and Dancey 1985: ‘Thomas 1975) using Differential GPS (DGPS)-enabled mobile GIS (Tripcevich 20042, 2004b, 2006) to system- atically document artifact and architectural distcibu- tions on the landscape (Craig eal. .007), Shuttle Radar ‘Topographic Mission (SRTM) (van Zyl 2001) 90 m digi- «al elevation models (DEMS) and histori aerial photo- graphs from the Servicio Acrofotogrifico Nacional PIECING TOGETHER THEMIDOLE 173(SAN) were added to the GIS database to create a more detailed picture of the sites and their relationships co the valley topography. These data provided the discribu- sion of sites by general time period as well as very basic maps of each site. Additional data were also collected, including general potcery information based on surface scatters and types of construction techniques utilized. The second phase, sill in progress is designed to furcher develop che valley chronology using radiocarbon dat ing and ceramic analysis. This phase includes additional ‘mapping, small-scale excavation, and artifact analysis of sites throughout che valleys. ‘MH sites were documented during the survey, and. the site of Caldera was chosen for a small architectural seudy due cits high level of preservation, Located in the middle ofthe lower valley on the north side ofthe river, Caldera rests in a small guebrada and is visibly promi- nent from che valley lor. A map of selected architecture at the site was created using che DGPS-enabled mobile GIS, and datz on each room, including presence and description of doorway embellishment, wall construc- tion, plaster color, doorway wideh, wall height, number of stories, and type of subdivisions, were recorded for ‘ach ofthe thirteen buildings studied. Although this is by no means a complete record of the ste of Caldera, ie isa sample chat represents some ofthe diversity in archi- tecture ata well: preserved MH site that i typical ofthe architecture ofthis period in che Huaura Valley, in con- trast to the Pativilea Valley, where no such well-preserved sites were identified during survey. ‘he detailed study of the site of Caldera was then compared to observational data collected during survey and used to mote broadly define the MH architeccural traditions. Special focus was given to architectural styis- sicelements that were present atallstes and features that defined the MH and were not present at sites dating to periods directly before and following the MH. Detailed featutes at Caldera include embellished doorways, spe- sialized wall form, and distinctive wall color. These fex- ‘tures were present at sites in the Huaura Valley and not present in the Pativilea Valley. Sites in the Pativilea Valley shared fewer and more general features. In both cases, architecture represented localized expresions of ideas of. space, function, ideology, and aesthetic (Moore 1996) 174 KIT NELSON. NATHAN CRAIG, AND MANUEL PERALES ARCHITECTURE AS STYLE AND ‘THE MH oF THE Norte Cuico The patterning ofarchiteceuralrypes within che Patvilea and Huaura valleys reveals the localized nacure of syle and possibly the extent of local polities in the Noree Chico during the MH. The regularity of architecture in the Huaura Valley, and toa lesser extent in the Pativilea Valley, presents and represents shared concepts of space (Hillier and Hanson 19843 Lawrence and Low 990) as documented in the repetition of layout and architectural featuresat both the intersite and intrasit levels In the Norte Chico, the MH settlement pattern consists of small (<1o ha) dispersed sits. Stylistic dis- twibution of architectural forms is valley specific. In the Pativilea Valley, these similarities inchude three types of archivecvure distributed throughout the valley. In the Huaura Valley, che similarities among sites are much greater, s0 that each ste is dominated by the same archi- tectural style denoting a greater level of internal consis- tency than the sitesin the Pativilea Valley show. In both valleys, there is @ lack of typical Wari administrative architecture; instead pacterning of architectural styles by valley represents both local expressions of style and local attempts at control Architecture ofthe Pativilea Valley Acoral of fifty MH habitation sites were identified in the Pativilea lower and middle valley during a comprehen- sive survey carried out between 2005 and 2006 (Perales Munguia 2006). The sites, with single-component sur face assemblages, are dispersed from the coast o 20 km inland, where a concentration of sites is located juse before the valley constrits at the hydrologic apex or valley neck. Above this constriction, fewer sites are pres- ent. The second cluster of sces is located near che mod- xn village of Huaylillas, which is near the upper limi of the survey area, The clustering of MH architecture in the Pativilea Valley may be strategic for controlling down-valley irrigation. Thisis especially imporrane given the arguments for droughe conditions during the MH (Shimada eal. 1991). ‘Much ofthe architeceure ofthe MH in che Patvilea has been heavily eroded or completely destroyed bymodern agricultural expansion chrough the lower and middle valle. The destruction of surface remains atsome sitesis complete due to bulldozing to lateenateas for agr- culture and che expansion ofitrigation canals chav enable new areas tobe farmed, Other sites are disturbed by boch smallerscale agriculture, modern habitation, and loot ing, Due to these factors, the daca for the MH horizon ‘occupation in the Pativilca are based on acombination of both survey and close examination of air photos to docu- ment sites. From these sources, chree types ofhabieation sites have been identified in the Patvilea Valley: adobe compounds (ten sites), room aggregates (six site), and terraced complexes (thirty-four sites), These sites were classified as belonging to the MH based on the sucface scatters oflocal polychrome pottery. Adobe compounds are groups of buildings oxga- nized in a square or reesangular plan that is intcznally subdivided and enclosed by a surrounding wall. Some compounds re oriented norch~south (Figure 10), oth- ers have a more random organization (Figure 10), and there is no regular plan co the internal layout for either north-south or randomly oriented compounds. These compounds are large, spacious, and organized. The internal rooms range in size to 8-10 x 1215 m. Internal construction is usually composed of adobe brick walls (Chickness= 5m), while che outer wal is made of adobe tapia,or poured adobe (thickness =0.8-1 m),andistypi- cally thicker than che inner walls. Medium-sized blocks of fieldstones are sometimes used as the foundation of the oucer walls. Although doorways ae pooely pre- served, their preservation is sufficient to determine that they lack che typical entryway embellishments observed at Huaura Valley MH sites (to be described fureher). In the Pativilea Valley, these compounds seem co be part of larger architectural complexes chat would have excended toward the valley loor but that have been destcoyed by modern agriculture and looting. Site size canges from approximately 2 to 10 ha, Evidence of use of compounds is based on examina tion of stratigcaphy exposed in looters’ pits. These sites ate more commonly targeted by looters due to location and the common presence of intrusive burials, and so some evidence of use can be determined. While surface refuse is scarce in these buildings, deeper deposits reveal Figure 10.2 Plan map of the ste of PVsg-am located in the Pativilea Valley. 30-212 General Plan rae UT Zon 108 Sonn wee | erosanges Laer: ieeaty CoreandScbnte G ‘Sot reona 05m Soeettio 0125 255075 a0 ——— Melon Figure 105 Plan map ofthe site of PV39-212 located in the Pativilca Valley. MIEGING TOGETHER THE MIDDLE 175poorly preserved rextiles, human remains, and pottery. ‘Also present are ash lenses and other features that sug- gest some residential activities in these spaces. In some cases, the pottery present includes Late Intermediate Period sherds, which may denote intcusive burials in this MH architecture, « common phenomenon in the Norte Chico. In summary, compounds are an important feature of the MH architecture in the Patvilea Valley. They are the most formal architectural evidence in the Pativilea, and, even when they show some degree of variability, their size, organization, and structure are important markers of the MH in both the Pativilea Valley and the Norte Chico. Room aggregates, or clusters of rooms, ate present in all sections of the valley. These, t00, ae heavily dis- turbed by modern agriculture and Jooting. The rooms are square to rectangular in plan and small, measuring approximately 2-3 m per side. Walls, measuring approx- imately 0.4 m in thickness, are made of worked stone and mortar. They differ from compounds in that they do not create a rectangular or square plan, they are not organized within a single surrounding wall, and they are random in orientation and layout. ‘Terraced complexes are sites that were cut into the lower slopes of the valley edge, usually following the natural topography of che hillside, These sites are most abundant in the area where the valle begins o constrict at the hydrologic apex. The reduction in available land ‘on the valley floor and the absence ofa large frst verrace above the valley foor may be the reason that this type of site is Found cut into the slopes at the valley edge. They may also have been partoflargersites chat were destroyed and are not visible on the 190s air photos. Architecture ofthe Huausa Valley Similar architectural features are shared among the ‘majority of MH sites within the Huaura Valley (n= 54). ‘The MH architecture shows a complete stylistic connect with earlier Early Intermediate Period (EIP) architecture, with MH architeccure typically located adjacent to or in differen places from earlier architec- ture. Moreover, ic differs in construction techniques, 176 KIT NELSON. NATHAN CRAIG, AND MANUEL PERALES structure layout, and site organization, Architecture of ‘the EIP is made from unworked stone masonry, not the adobe brick or tapia chat has been noted for EIP sites, Sice layout includes clustered two-roomed structures focused around a hilleop foreress with litle internal organization. MH sites are typically more organized and are not defensive in nacure, MH sites are composed of clusters of individual rooms, of which few are subdivided. The majority of structures that make up these MH sites share architec- tural features chat include embellished doorways, exter nal decorative elements, and brightly painted exteriors. ‘hisarchitectural style is repeated chroughout the alley at every MH site recorded in the survey. ‘The embellished doorways are present not only in one or two examples at each site, but are a canonical element of the majoriey of structures (Figure 10.4). This architectural feature is easy to identify, even when embed- ded in later architecture or within sites that were heavily Tooted due to the presence of later cemeteries within the abandoned MH architecture. The embellished doorways are an extension of the exterior wall into the bounded space of the room, forming a 90-degree angle or L shape. This feature i present on both sides ofthe door and cre- ates a restrictive passageway into the room. There is minor ‘aabiliy in this feacue; for example, some appear only a a thickening ofthe doorway and not wall extensions, others ate more rectangular or columnlike in shape, and a few structures, those with internal subdivisions, are missing this feature entirely. At che ste of Caldera (PV 671) Figure 105), embellished doorway width (x= 83 cm, sd.= 1 em,n = 9, range = 47-120 em) and embellish ment width (i= 6o cm, s.d.= 1 m,n =12,range= 34-82 cm) vary in size, while wall width (= 38 em, sid. = 5 cm, n=12,range = 30-46 cm) isless varied, These embellished doorways are an idencifying feature ofthe MH in this va: leyin that they are not present at sites that pre-or posdate the MH in the Huaura Valley. These kinds of doorways have not been widely reported at sites beyond Huaura (see. Benavides 1991:60; Williams 2001;Figure 10, Structure B, as possible examples at Wari sts) and are not typical fea- tures of Wari architecture, Tivo other feavures of MH architecture in the Hiuaura Valley are the use of shaped exterior walls andFigure 10.4 Cluster of architecture a the upper end ofthe qubrada at Caldera, Hau Valley. Each 's coated in brightly colored plaster and inches the achiteccralfeatute ofan embellished doorway. Pryor: Zoe 18, one wees ‘enadoges Locate Ottery maa Serr G28 Sestnanat con Seuss os Nes Figure 105 The archaeological sce ‘of Caldera. Lines represent walls ‘mapped in che field using submecer dlifferencally corrected GPS. The gray area represent che limits of the Instturo Nacional de Culkura site boundary polygon.tinted plaster. External wall decoration is sometimes present on MH architecture, The wall decoration includesa shoulder present on the exterior that does not appear to be structural buestessing. At Caldera (PVgx 671), ewelve cases had external wall decorations present ‘on buildings. The presence of this exterior decoration does not seem to be correlated with internal subdivisions of che building (internal building complexity). In seven of the rwelve cases, rooms with exterior decoration are not subdivided. In four cases externally decorated rooms are subdivided, and one room is not subdivided and does not have external decoration. External walls are often plastered to form a smooth exterior, with some rooms decorated in plaster tinted in either yellow or red (See Figure 10.4). This feature enhances both intersie visibility of these structures and their visibility from the valley. The majority of the build ingsat MH sitesin the Huaura Valleyhave taupe-colored exteriors. Taupe is the natural color of the sediment of the area and represents untinted plaster, and the most cost-efficient plaster co uilize, while afew buildings are plastered in bright yellow or red. ‘The wall color was recorded for a sample of build- ings at the site of Caldera. The colored plastered walls ate clustered at the site ina single sector located in an area chat i farchest from the floodplain, where they are the most isolated from other architecture and where the natural ground is the highest. Of the small sample of thirteen buildings, seven had caupe-colored exteriors, four were yellow, and two red. It should be noted that, this small sample does not represent the normal color distribution of the site, as the area sampled was where the majority of colored plastered buildings were located. ‘The notmal representation of taupe-colored buildings at ‘MH sites in the Huaura Valley is closer to 75 percent or more of the architecture at each site. Inthe thirteen buildings at Caldera, the dominance of taupe-colored exteriors is interesting when viewed in light of the distcibution of subdivided verses unsubdi- vided rooms. Six ofthe seven buildings with taupe exte- riorshave no internal subdivisions, while halfofboth the yellowand red buildings have subdivisions. This suggests ‘a mote complex internal structure of the buildings wich brightly colored facades. This, in combination with the 178 KITNELSON, NATHAN CRAIG, AND MANUEL PERALES presence of brightly colored architecture in a cluster at the site, and the inereased labor and access to materials needed to create the yellow and red plaster, may suggest hae these buildings represented administration build- ings, elite residences, or, as Isbell and Vranich (2004) suggest, ceremonial architecture. The importance of brightly colored structures, stylistic feature of MH sites within the Huaura Valley, demonstrates that although these structures have restricted accessibility, they were shared by the MH population due to their wide visibil Sines such as Caldera are composed of architecture that is ubiquitous at MH sites throughout the Huaura Valley. The characteristics ofthe sample of architecture reveal alittle about the function of the structures them- selves or each site as a whole, Ths is not cypical habita- sion architecture, First chereisalack ofdomesticrefuse or cooking areas that are typical of habitation architecture. These rooms are open on the interior, and access to these scructures is limiced by their arrangement on the land- scape and by the location of the eneryways, In addition, the entryways are formed so that acess is restricted, vis- ibility ofthe interior reduced, and only one person could enter ata time. These sites are not defensive and, in the case of Caldera and other MH ste in the Huaura Valley, are easly seen from the center ofthe valley. The brightly colored rooms draw additional axtention to these sites, Since the architecture is not residential, the other possible functions are administrative at some level or another. This architecture could represent civic space used for decision-making activities of small groups ot councils. It may also represent storage that would have been controlled. It could also be a combination of both of these functions, In either case, it was meant to be seen, and yec knowledge of what was cartied out or stored inside the space was restricted and access to itwaslimited. MH Architectural Features in the Norte Chico ‘Two features are shared among MH sites in the Pativilea and Huaura valleys, The first is che presence of sites in easily accessible locations, suggesting thae the Wari did not have an aggressive military presence in the region. ‘The second commonality is the presence of repeated, locally distinct themes of architectural embellishment.None of the MH sites in the Patvilea and Huaura valleys are located in typically defensive posiions, nor do they contain che classic hallmarks of defensive archi- tecture. The majority of MH sites are located on the first terrace above the floodplain, usually in small quebradas thac open tothe valley. Though not systematically ested aguinscan expected pattern, sites are often highly visible within the valley, Several of the buildings are brightly coloced, making them even more visible from the valley floor and suggesting that visual prominence may have been an important criterion in their construction, Though some sites, including Caldera and two sices near the fortress of Acaray (PV41-69, PV41-76) ate sieu- ated in small quebradas that have high ridges, the ridges ate easily maneuvered, and no evidence of additional for- tification along these ridges was encountered, No perim- ‘cer walls are present, and the eases ines of ener into the sites fcom either the ridge othe valle are noe asi cially fortified. Within che area of compact architecture, small alleyways are present, and although maneuvering through the tightly packed archicecture would have been difficule, there ace multiple locations of entcy alongevery side, which means it would not have been difficule co overtake these small communities The second notable architecoural feature in che Norte Chico s the presence of locally distinct repetition of architeceural elements. The tree forms ofarchitecture ppresentin the Pativilea seem distince, bur due to the wide- spread destruction of sites in this valley, we do not know whether all chree forms are included within each of the MH habitation sites in the Pativlea. This composite of architectural features may reflect diferent functional characteristics and not intersite differences. The MH architecture of the Huaura Valley displays a greater sense ‘of cohesion, wich litele intersite variability. The repeti- tion of cis architecture throughout the valley implies a greater level of incernal consistency than is evidenced by architectural distributions in the Pativilca Valley. MISSING ARCHITECTURAL FEATURES— Way Nor Warr? Several features thar have been identified as typical in the Wari architectural canon are absent in the Huaura Valley. These elements include masonry or rubble walls, Deshaped structures, patio groups, orthogonal architec- cure, and great walled enclosutes. As Isbell (1991) notes, Wari sites do not necessarily exhibit all of these archi- cectural fearues. Yee in the valley we find none of these imporcane features that have come to define both the Wari core and che distribution of Wari influence. The absence of these architeccual elements is importane in assessing the role of the Wari in the Norte Chico. Masonry or Rubble Walls The majority of MH architecture identified in the Pativilea and Huaura valleys is composed of adobe brick or tapia walls. Neither finished stone nor unfin- ished masonry architeceuce is present at MH sices in the Huaura Valley, and few examples exist from ME architecture in the Pativica Valley. Alchough unfin- ished stone is sometimes present as foundation supports, itis not used for che visible wall segments. Ie may not have been possible ro make the finished stone masonry archiveceure seen at Huari (Benavides 991: Jennings and Yépez Alvarez 2001) because che Norte Chico lacks fine- {rain stone as well asthe local masoncy experts needed co create this architecture. Bur rubble-stone masonry was possible—ic is present throughout the valley in architectural examples that have been assigned to the Late Preceramic, Initial Period, and Early Incermediate Period. The masoney has been dated through analysis of associated ceramic styles (Nelson and Ruiz 2004), while mortar from masonry walls at Acaray was radiocarbon dated to the Early Horizon (Brown Vega 2008, 1009). D-Shaped Structures, Patio Groups, Orthogonal Architecture, and Great Walled Enclosures Absent from the MH architccture in the Pativilea and Huaura valleys are several feacures that have come to define the MH in the Wati cote: D-shaped seruc- ‘tures, patio groups, orthogonal architecture, and great walled enclosures (for examples and descriptions of these architectural types see Cook 2001; Isbell t991, 2006; bell and Vianich 2004:176;Jenningsand Yépez Alvarez 2001; McEwan 1996; Moseley etal. 199). This PIECING TOGETHER THE MIDDLE 179suite of architectural features is in part time sensitive (Isbell 2001), and so the timing of Wari expansion into the Central Coast may be one of the reasons for the absence of one or more of these architectural fea. tures, The absence of them all suggests that there was ‘no major Wari administrative /religious cencer in these valleys, These specialized facilities should exist for administration with a state-level organization (Wright and Johnson 1973). What is significant is not only that these feacures are absent, or that planned settlements and large urban centers are not present (see Anders 19895 Isbell 1991, .006; Schreiber 1992), rather itis this toral ack of Wari-indicative architectural features, in addition to the absence of planned sectlements and large urban areas, amid a orescence of local MH archi- tectural craditions thar do not embody the grandeur of the Wari core. Porrery AND ICONOGRAPHY No derailed stylistic or sourcing studies have been car ticd out on the MH pottery from either the Pativilea cor Huaura valleys Sil, visible a each of the sites isthe presence of both Central Coast press-mold and utili tarian wares (Figure 10.6) and polychromes with MHI features (Figures 10,7). Central coast press-mold pot- tery is present from the Pativilica and Huaura valleys, possibly from farther south, and from farther north as found in the Casma Valley (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990). These press-mold wares have a variety of names, usually based on where they are found, a result of the lack of detailed studies on similarities and differences among valleys. Some local names include both Pativilea and Huaura Impressed. These styles are created not by impressions, but by the use of molds, several of which were found in the Patvilea Valley during survey (Perales Munguia 2006). The imagery usually includes the use of framing lines to delineate areas of decoration, Within these zones of decoration are typically patterns of raised lines and bean shapes (see, for example, Shady and Ruiz 1979:Figure 6). Someexamples also include stylized birds and sea animals, with greater variation in figures presenc in the Pacivlea chan in the Huaura Valley. The broad dis- tribution of this press-mold pottery is also documented 180 KIT NELSON. NATHAN CRAIG, AND MANUEL FERALES as a north-central coast phenomenon during the Late Intermediate Period (Bria 2006). This distribution sty- listically isthe valleys of the Norte Chico intoa norch- central coast iconographic system, one that continues into the following period. Also present are polychromes that have been defined as similar to polychrome pottery from Nasca and Wari, with a specific example having shared char- acteristics with the Epoch 2A style of the Wari chronol- ‘ogy (Shady and Ruiz 1979) and Epoch 3 and 4 (Menzel 1977). Beyond the small studies conducted by Shady and Ruiz (1979) and Menzel (1977), no additional detailed data have been collected, and so no data con- cerning the similarities or differences to Wari style are available, nor have the observations listed been quanti- fied. Lacking these studies, there are some general fea- tures that document traits that could be more broadly defined as generalized MH traits and not the result of Wari control. A. great variability exists in the imagery present and the location of decoration. Polychrome pottery of the MH in general shares a similar color palette, includ- ing yellow, ted, cream, and black decoration on a red LT Figure 10.6 Impressed Middle Horizon pottery fom Lutiama, Huaura Valleybackground. Utilizing this color scheme, the majority of polychrome vessels from the Norte Chico have sparse decoration that includes bands parallel ro and near the rim ora band, sometimes with dots, perpendicular to the rim. The characteristic MH features, uch asthe presence cof mythical figures (Menzel 1977; Figure 1.72) are pres- enc but rare and are not integrated into detailed design motif like those found on Wari vessels. The blocky fig- ures and design elements within larger motifs are also rare in the Norce Chico. Overall che pure quantities of clements and motifs are few, and motif are simple, typi- cally composed of only few geomecric elements. These motifs are then replicated across the zone of decoration. This design layout mimics thae found on the local press- ‘mold ware that is the dominate poteery style during the MH in the Norte Chico. SrvListic SPHERES AND WARI FRONTIERS Style is based on many factors (Hill 1985; Hodder 1982; Plog 198, 19915 Roe 1995) chat take on multivo- cal and multivalent meanings and may be employed to enforce boundaries or appeal to hybridity. The MH of the Norte Chico shows culeural plurality, as repre- sented in stylistic characteristics where “cultures exist with different natures of contents and boundaries” (Gullestrup 2006:167). This plurality is visible in che local MH architectural canons as internally cohesive and diseiner from che Wari core. Likewise, pluraliy is Figure 197 Middle Horizon polychrome poccry fom the Huaura Valley: devo wich mia figure from Lariam (a), lero fom Pampa de las Animas (b), impressed polychrome from Pampa delas Animas (. also exhibited by poctery style. In the Norte Chico dur- ing the MH, there isa co-oceusrence of local Central Coast press-mold wares with pottery bearing panre- gional polychrome decorations that arc reminiscent and yet atypical examples of classic Wari design elements Using the broadscale patcerning of syle in both archi tecture and pottery, we have addressed che interplay of local and nonlocal symbol systems inthe Norte Chico by examining the layering of architectural and pottery attributes and the cole of outside forces in che frontier policies of the Central Coast. Panregional MH Style At the broadest scale, style in the Norte Chico is part of the pancegional MH symbol system. These styles, includ ing the wide distribution of polychcome pozeery,crosscut cultural boundaries and are integrated into local poli ties. In the Norte Chico, these widely distributed traits appear together with the advent of nev, locally distinct architectural styles. The combination of cosmopolitan seyles and the emergence of local ones marks the bitch of the MH and is one of the mukiple symbol sets used within the regio, ‘he shift co wha is defined asthe MH includes the introduction and incorporation of a myriad of traits, ‘one of which is the advent of the MH.-seyle polychrome pottery (also see Marcone, this volume). These traits are prevalent and not randomly distributed. In fact, they PIECING TOGETHER THE MIDDLE 181cover large areas and occur in conjunction with broad- scale changes in socioeconomic systems that inchide the formation and expansion of state-level societies such as the Wari In some cases, the spread and accep- tance of the MH polychrome-style pottery represents the expanding states through the formation of border- lands (Parker 2006) and the usurping of local power as part of locals’ incoxporation—whether militaristic, economic, or religious—into the growing states. In ‘other cases, asin the Norte Chico example, the spread of these stylistic features does not seem to be due to domination of local powers by expanding states, The absence of evidence for either military takeover, seen in the lack of defensive localities, or state-sponsored con- trol, seen in the dearth of typical Wari administrative facilities, implies that in the Norte Chico the influence of Wari did not entail direct control. Yet the MH style is incorporated inco the local symbol system, including use of mixed stylistic traits such as polychrome-zoned decoration following local traditions and polychrome designs on press-mold ware. Although not directly controlled, the spread of this styleisnotrandom when viewed in ight ofthe Tivwanakus ‘and Wari expansion. This period of organized state esca- lation and advance of both the Wari and Tiwanaku may have facilitated che distribution of the MH style, includ ing the use of polychrome porcery and mychical figures, through the north-central and North Coast of Peru. As noted by Isbell and Schreiber (197), state-level systems are one way in which information, and thus style, can be distributed and enforced. ‘Multiregional Systems In addition to the incorporation of regional MH styles, the Norte Chico also participated in both mulkivalley and valley-specific stylistic systems. Although differing in the media in which they are portrayed, these reflect the shared concepts of style at mulkple levels Potcery styles reflect mulkivalley connections. The presence of press-mold pottery vessels with similar designs and use of decorated space is more restricted in its distribution. The Pativilea and Huauta valleysare ust ‘wo of the north-central coastal valleys in which this 182 KIPNELSON.NATHAN CRAIG, AND MANUEL YERALES ware type is distributed. This distribution ties the Norte Chico co valleys as far north as Casma and possibility farther and may indicate a system of exchange of more constant interaction in this region. Unforvunately, the MBH of this area isnot yet well defined. ‘Ara smaller scale, both the Pativilea and Huaura valleys show local stylistic traits in the form of archi- tecture and pottery. These architectural features first appear during the MH and show the reformation of local cultures at che onset of the MH. Valley-specific pottery styles are more difficult to tease out duc to the lack of detailed studies, but i is possible, ifnot probable, that thete will be localized expressions of style in this media as well. The development and reproduction of these styles are nor the result of emulation of the langer sate systems—instead they represent specifi, localized stylistic trajectories Style in architecture, especially in reproduced architecture, represents an important cultural maker. ‘The large and visible representations of local power in architeccure are an important emblem of local control visible not only a che personal, family, or community level. Instead, architecture is displayed beyond local “consumption.” ‘The presence of architectural styles thar are valley wide demonstrates internal cohesion and shared concepts of space and style throughout the valley. These architectural features do not show emula- tion of the architecture ofthe state-level systems of the ‘Wari, but instead embody local distinctness in their structure and form. Local polities are then influenc- ing or even controlling the patterning of architecture, including the rules of construction, layout, and access. The restricted distribution of these architectural forms is in striking contrast to the broadly distributed stylis- tic systems present in portery. ‘The Norte Chico Frontier Zone “These multiple styles exist because the Norte Chico was 4 frontier a place “acthe edge fandin che mide] of eul- tural spheres” (Patker2006:77). Combinations of slis- tic traits ae expected in an area that serves asa frontier zone where politcal, economic, and cultural boundaries overlap (Elton 1996; Parker 2002, 2006). What resultsis a complex mateix of stylistic expression—culearal hybridity. Although the terms frontier and boundary are usually used in the disciplines of history and his- torical archaeology to define colonial expansion (i.e, the Spanish frontier), these concepes ate applicable to the study of any state expansion and influence—pre- Columbian or otherwise. The complicated nature of stylistic spheres in the Norte Chico sogether with the presence of competing states tothe south, inchiding but not limiced co Lima, Wari, and Tiwanaku, fits the defi- nition ofa frontier zone and helps explain the plurality of cultural expression present. Because frontier zones are porous (Parker 2006), chese areas can maintain local tra ditions while incorporating aspects of the systems that surround them, These local expressions are preseneatdif- ferent layers of these complicated matrices and so are not necessarily regulated by others (ee, fr example, Morris and Taompson 1970; Zimansky 1995) ‘The Norte Chico differs from other borderland or frontier areas during the MH in thae i lacks both administrative and miliary struccures that are present in many other areas (Chapdelaine; Marcone; and Segura and Shimada, this volume). lnseead of being directly sub- sumed into the Wari system, the Norte Chico negotiated 4 relationship at one edge. Its role as a frontier zone is visible in the multiple stylistic spheres that define this region duringthe MH. Acknowledging areas adjacent to the expanding states as frontier zones better defines their relationship within the dynamic period of the MH and helps co explain che multimedia and multilevel expres- sions of syle present during this petiod. ConcLusions Broadscale patterning fseylstic elements in pottery and archiecture from the Huaura and Patvileavalleysin the Norte Chico indicates that this area was a frontier zone that participaced ina range ofseylstic spheres duringthe MH. The mukilayered, hybrid matrix of multimedia dis- plays of style represents panregional, multiregional, and local stylistic spheres. At che broadest scale, panregional seyle is present in the form of MH-style polychrome pottery Its pres- «nce has been used to infer Wari control of the region, but this discribution, although possibly aided by state expansion, is spread beyond what can be argued as the ‘Wari state, Instead, when viewed feom the perspective of che Norte Chico it is an iconographic constellation that interfaced ina frontier zone. Ar the multiegional and local scales, he Norte Chico both ted roche sur rounding region whilealso locally defined. The stylistic sphere of press-mold pottery stretches from the Huaura Valley noreh as fr as Casma, eying the Norte Chico to ‘many north-central coast polities. Local styles exhibit cohesion in the formality of valley-specific architec tural styles thar show continuity in specific architec- tural elements, suchas the embellished doorways in the Huaura Valley. ‘The incorporation of multiple seylistic spheres in the Frontier zone of the Norte Chico represents che compli- ‘cated emblematic systems at play during che MH. These seylistic features represene mulkple levels of patticips- tion in “overlapping politcal, economic, and culeural boundaries” that define frontier zones (Parker 2006:80, 2002; Elton 1996) and reveal the pluralistic and hybrid nature of culture. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Support for the surveys used as che basis of this research comes from several sources. The survey of the Hluaura Valley was funded by grants from the Nacional Geographic Society (Grant No. 7677-04), the Stone ‘Center for Latin American Seudies, and the H. Sophie Newcomb Memorial College Insitute, and the survey of che Pativilea Valley was completely supported by the Field Museum, Nelson and Perales especially wish to thank the Proyecto Arqueolégico Noree Chico, directed by Jonathan Haas, Winifeed Creamer, and Alvaro Ruiz and its many members for their grantsmanship and logistical support. Many PANC members also pat- ticipated in these surveys, including Miguel Aguilar, Mateo Lopez, Gerbert Ascencios, Kasia Szzemski, Stacy Dunn, Felipe Livora, Lucho Verastigui,and Don Galvez and the Tulane 2004 field school ‘This paper resulted from an invitation by Justin Jennings so participate ina session atthe seventh-fourth meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, which MiECING TOGETHER THEMUDDLE 185was entitled “Beyond Wari Walls: Exploring the Nature of Middle Horizon Peru Away from Wari Cencers” We thank him for his tireless work to direct and organize these papers. 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