Grammar of Creek (Muskogee)

Copyright © 2011. University of Nebraska Press. All rights reserved.
Martin, Jack B. Grammar of Creek (Muskogee), University of Nebraska Press, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central,
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Created from lfcc on 2020-11-19 10:33:41.
A Grammar of Creek (Muskogee)
s tudie s in
the an thro polo g y of
north a m erican india ns
Editors
Douglas R. Parks
Raymond J. DeMallie
A GRAMMAR OF CREEK (MUSKOGEE)
Jack B. Martin
With the assistance of
Margaret McKane Mauldin and Juanita McGirt

Published by the University of Nebraska Press

Lincoln and London
In cooperation with the

American Indian Studies Research Institute
Indiana University
© 2011 by the Board of Regents of the University of Nebraska
All rights reserved
Manufactured in the United States of America
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Martin, Jack B., 1961–
A grammar of Creek (Muskogee) / Jack B. Martin; with the
assistance of Margaret McKane Mauldin and Juanita McGirt.
p. cm.—(Studies in the Anthropology of North American Indians)
Text in English and Creek.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-8032-1106-3 (cloth: alk. paper)
1. Creek language—Grammar. 2. Creek language—Textbooks
for foreign speakers—English. I. Mauldin, Margaret McKane, 1940–
II. McGirt, Juanita. III. Indiana University, Bloomington.
American Indian Studies Research Institute. IV. Title.
PM991.M37 2011
497'.385—dc22
2010047366
Contents
Illustrations
Tables xv
Figures xvii
Maps xvii
Foreword xix
Acknowledgments xxi
Abbreviations and conventions
Abbreviations in glosses of Creek examples xxiii
Other grammatical abbreviations xxiv
Conventions xxv
Abbreviations for sources of examples xxv
The language and its speakers
1 Creek and the Creek-speaking peoples 3

1.1 In the old country 5
1.2 In Indian Territory 9
1.3 In Florida 10
1.4 History of documenting Creek 12
1.5 Status in 2000 17
1.6 Basis of this work 18
2 Overview of the language 21

2.1 Sounds and spelling 21
2.2 Basic word order and discourse markers 21
2.3 Noun morphology 24
2.4 Verb morphology 25
2.5 Parts of speech 29
2.6 Basic issues in analyzing Creek and Muskogean
languages 33
3 Creek dialects and ways of speaking 38

3.1 Regional differences 38
3.1.1 Vocabulary 38
3.1.2 Semantic variation 40
3.1.3 Grammatical variation 42
vi Contents
3.1.4 Pronunciation 42
3.2 Individual differences 43
3.3 Archaisms 44
Phonology
4 Phonemes 47
4.1 Consonant contrasts 48
4.1.1 Plosives 48
4.1.2 Fricatives 49
4.1.3 Sonorants 49
4.1.4 Geminate consonants 50
4.2 Vowel contrasts 51
4.2.1 Short vowels 51
4.2.2 Long vowels 52
4.2.3 Nasal vowels 53
4.3 Diphthongs 54
4.3.1 The diphthong ay (or ey) 54
4.3.2 The diphthong oy 55
4.3.3 The diphthong aw 55
4.4 Suprasegmentals 55
4.4.1 Stress contrasts 55
4.4.2 Tone contrasts 57
4.4.3 Intonation contrasts 59
5 General phonological processes 62

5.1 Voicing of plosives 62

5.2 Nasal assimilation 63
5.3 Backing of k 63
5.4 Backing of h 63
5.5 Devoicing of sonorants 64
5.6 Deletion of initial vowels 64
5.7 Vowel shortening 64
5.8 Depalatalization of c 65
5.9 Processes applying in informal speech 65
5.10 Processes applying in rapid speech 68
6 The organization of phonemes into higher units 70

6.1 Syllable structure 70
6.2 The organization of syllables into feet 72
6.3 Word shapes by category 72
6.3.1 Nouns 72
Contents vii
6.3.2 Verbs 73
6.4 Phrasing 73
7 Stress and tone in nouns 75

7.1 Stress in nouns and nominalizations 75
7.2 Stress clash and stress retraction 78
7.3 Stress and deletion in compounds 79
7.4 The domain of stress in nouns 80
7.5 Nouns and affixes with unpredictable stress 81
7.6 Nouns and affixes with unpredictable tone 81
8 Stress, tone, and grades in verbs 83

8.1 The zero grade 84
8.2 The lengthened grade (lgr.) 88
8.3 The aspirating grade (hgr.) 92
8.4 The falling tone grade (fgr.) 94
8.5 The nasalizing grade (ngr.) 95
8.6 The domain of grade formation 96
8.7 Downstep and accent deletion 97
8.8 Stress and grades in sentences 98
8.9 Summary of differences between stress and tone 100
9 Orthography 101
Nouns and their modifiers

10 Nominalization 107
10.1 Agent nominalizations in -a 107
10.2 Nominalizations in -i: 108
10.3 Verbal nouns: -ka and -ita 109
11 Compounding 114
11.1 Phonology of compounds and adjoined expressions 114
11.2 Noun + noun compounds 116
11.2.1 Noun + title/sex/location 116
11.3 Noun + verbal noun compounds 117
11.4 Noun + reduced participle compounds 118
11.5 Complex compounds 120
11.6 Lexicalized possessives 121
11.7 Verb compounds 123
11.8 Compounding vs. adjunction of nouns and participles 124
viii Contents
12 Plural nouns 127

12.1 Plural -ta:ki 127
12.2 Plural -aki 128
12.3 Group plural -âlki 128
12.4 Other noun plurals 130
13 Size 131
13.1 Diminutive -oci 131
13.2 Augmentative -ɬakko 131
14 Possession 133
14.1 Relational and nonrelational possession 133
14.2 Obligatory and periphrastic possession 137
14.3 Variants of the relational prefixes and the treatment of i- 139
14.4 Uses of the possessive prefixes 140
15 Pronouns 142
15.1 Personal pronouns 142
15.2 Interrogative and indefinite pronouns 143
15.3 Independent possessive pronouns 144
15.4 Demonstratives 145
16 Postpositions 147
17 Noun forms with adverbial function 149
18 Adjectival nouns (quantifiers) 151

Verbs and their modifiers
19 Locative prefixes 155

19.1 Location pertaining to a side: a- 159
19.2 Location in water or a low place: ak- 161
19.3 Location on top or over: oh- 162
19.4 Location on the ground or floor: tak- 164
19.5 Body-part prefixes: cok- ‘mouth’, fik- ‘heart’,
nok- ‘neck’ 166
19.6 Use of locative prefixes with nouns 166
19.7 (a)cak- ‘after, with (someone)’ 167
20 Agreement 168
20.1 The shape of the agreement markers 169
Contents ix
20.2 The choice of agent vs. patient markers 171
21 Reflexives and reciprocals 179

21.1 Reflexive i:- 179
21.2 iti- ‘each other, together, pairwise’ 180
22 Adding objects: dative and instrumental 183

22.1 Dative im- 183
22.1.1 a:-im- ‘with (another)’ 188
22.1.2 im- for possession on verbs 188
22.2 Instrumental is- 192
23 Plural verbs 197

23.1 Suppletive verbs 197
23.1.1 Plural/dual -ho- 200
23.1.2 Intransitive triplural -ic- 201
23.2 Number selection tied to theme 201
23.3 Intransitive reduplication 203
23.3.1 Placement of C1V1 203
23.3.2 Reduplication in derived transitive verbs 207
23.3.3 C2V2 pattern 209
23.4 Plural-distributive -hl- 210
23.5 Plural -ak- 210
23.6 Uses of plural verbs 211
24 Voice alternations: middle -k-, causative -ic-

and -ipeyc- 214
24.1 Transitive > intransitive pairs 216

24.2 Intransitive > transitive pairs 218
24.3 Intransitive < > transitive pairs 221
24.4 Other uses of -ic- 225
24.5 Indirect causative -ipeyc- ‘make, have’ 225
25 Impersonals 228
25.1 Impersonal passive -ho- 228
25.2 Impersonal agent -ak- 230
26 Degree 233
26.1 má:h-i: ‘very, about, exactly’ 233
26.2 hǐ:ⁿɬ-i: ‘very, really’ 234
26.3 Diminutive -os- 234
26.4 oɬ-í:-n ‘really, very’ 236
26.5 -ita ‘too . . .’ 236
x Contents
27 Verb forms with adverbial function 238

27.1 Expressing manner: -i:-n and -i:-t 238
28 Aspect 241
28.1 The eventive (lgr.) 242
28.2 The resultative stative (fgr.) 244
28.3 The perfective (hgr.) 245
28.4 The expressive (ngr.) 247
28.5 Durative forms (-i:) 248
28.6 -ip- ‘spontaneous’ 251
28.7 Summary 254
29 Expressing time: tense and related notions 257

29.1 Present or recent past time 262
29.2 Past time 265
29.2.1 Past 2 -ánk- 265
29.2.2 Past 3 -imáta- 266
29.2.3 Past 4 -ánta- 266
29.2.4 Past 5 -ati:- 267
29.2.5 Past forms of om- ‘be’ 268
29.3 Future time 269
29.3.1 Choice of future forms 270
29.4 Nominal tense 271
29.5 Uses of tenses in texts 272
30 Negation 281
31 Mood 284
31.1 Statements 284
31.2 Questions 285
31.2.1 Questions with -a 285
31.2.2 Questions with -ti 288
31.2.3 Questions with -iha:ⁿ˅ 289
31.2.4 Questions with -ihá:ks 289
31.3 Commands 290
31.3.1 Positive imperative -as 291
31.3.2 Plural imperative -aks 292
31.3.3 Less direct commands with -tô: 292
31.3.4 -íko-t (ow-ás) ‘don’t (do something)’ 293
31.3.5 Aspirating grade + second person +
-as ‘don’t (do something)’ 293
31.3.6 -ak-i:-s ‘let’s (do something)’ 293
31.3.7 homp-ǐ:ⁿp ‘let’s (do something)’ 294
Contents xi
31.3.8 -íkas ‘let him/her (do something)’ 294

31.3.9 Aspirating grade + -(i)n ô: ‘let
(someone do something)’ 295
31.3.10 -áccas ‘you must/shall/can’ 295
31.3.11 -áɬi:- ‘must’, -iká:ɬi:- ‘must not’ 296
31.3.12 -an ó:s ‘go ahead and (do something)’ 296
31.3.13 Aspirating grade + -i:-sko-:-s ‘one should not’ 297
31.3.14 -ita-t ô:m-i:-s, -ita-ts ‘one should’;
-ita tó:ko-:-t ô:m-i:-s ‘one should not’ 297
32 ‘Be’, auxiliaries, and modality 298

32.1 om- ‘be’ and periphrasis 299
32.2 Reduced copula -ti 302
32.3 Negative copula tó:ko-: 303
32.4 ok- ‘say, mean’ 303
32.5 Positional verbs as auxiliaries 304
32.6 wêyt-i: ‘might’ 304
32.7 tâ:y-i: ‘able, can’ 305
32.8 po:y- ‘finish, do all of’ 305
32.9 ma:h- ‘keep (doing), actually (do)’ 306
32.10 -i: (i)mônk- ‘keep, still’ 306
32.11 -ǐ:ⁿt-t ‘busily (doing)’ 307
32.12 Aspirating grade + -ahóhk- ‘almost’ 307
32.13 -ahǎ:ⁿn-os-i: ‘just about to, almost’ 307
32.14 (i)s-awó:sk-i: ‘always, used to’ 308
32.15 ha:k- ‘become, get’ 308
32.16 Deductive -acok- 309
32.17 Generic statements: ô:m-i:-s 310

32.18 -a:ti-:^ ‘I wish that, if only’ 311
32.19 Happenstance: -at- 311
32.20 Discovered change: -íhp-át-teys 311
33 Numbers and quantifiers 313

33.1 Numerals 313
33.1.1 Uses of numerals 315
33.2 Ordinals 318
33.3 Adverbial numerals 319
33.4 Other quantifiers 319
33.4.1 nâ:ki ...-ak-i: tâ:y-a:t ‘anything one
needs to . . .’ 319
33.4.2 istǒ:ⁿm-i:-t kô:m-ak-a:t ‘of any desired kind’ 320
33.4.3 (i)stô:m-eys ‘any, whatever’ 320
33.4.4 álk- ‘each, always, only, must’ 321
xii Contents
34 Describing motion and direction 323

34.1 (i)ɬ-, ɬih-, ɬis- ‘go a distance and (do)’ 323
34.2 (i)y-, ’yi- ‘come and (do)’ 324
34.3 (i)ɬa:- ‘go a short distance and (do)’, ‘back’ 324
34.4 a:- ‘this way’ 325
35 Existence 328
35.1 o:c- ‘be, exist, have’ 328
35.2 sas- ‘(for there to) be some (person doing something)’ 329
35.3 -síko-, -sko- ‘(for there to) be none’, ‘without’ 330
35.4 Experiential: -ati:-siko-: ‘have never’ 331
35.5 ‘Sit’, ‘stand’, and ‘lie’ 331
36 Sound-symbolic verbs 333
Discourse markers
37 Case and switch-reference markers 337

37.1 -(i)t and -(i)n as case markers 338
37.1.1 Presence or absence of case 339
37.2 -(i)t and -(i)n as switch-reference markers 343
37.2.1 Basic uses of -(i)t and -(i)n 345
37.2.2 Presence or absence of switch-reference
marking 347
37.2.3 Clause skipping 348
37.2.4 The status of subjects in impersonal clauses 349
37.2.5 Switch reference in cleft sentences and

‘if’ clauses 350
37.2.6 Overlapping contexts 351
37.2.7 Connecting words (recapitulation clauses) 353
38 Focus of attention clitic 357

38.1 Long form -(i)t ó:-n o:m-â:t 358
39 Referential clitic 360

39.1 Noun phrase use (definite/emphatic) 360
39.2 Complement and adverbial clause use 362
40 Other markers 364

40.1 mêy ‘rather, instead’ 364
40.2 mâ:haká ‘especially’ 364
40.3 tǎ:ⁿwa ‘first, foremost’ 364
Contents xiii
40.4 ta:wá ‘probably’ 365

40.5 -teys ‘even’ 365
40.6 -w′ ‘also, too’ 366
40.7 Declarative particles ci:^, ca:^, cah^, ta′ 367
Syntax
41 Word order and basic syntax 371

41.1 The noun phrase 371
41.2 The clause 373
41.3 Fronting of direct quotations 376
41.4 Right-dislocation: afterthoughts 377
41.5 Combining phrases 378
41.6 Comparatives 379
41.7 The cleft construction (‘it’s that . . .’) 381
41.8 Questions 381
41.9 Grammatical relations 383
41.9.1 Subjects and nonsubjects 384
42 Clause types 387

42.1 Complement clauses 388
42.2 Relative clauses 391
42.2.1 Left-headed relative clauses 392
42.2.2 Headless relative clauses 394
42.2.3 Internally-headed relative clauses 395
42.2.4 Right-headed relative clauses 397
42.2.5 Tense in relative clauses 398

42.3 Adverbial clauses 399
42.3.1 -o:f(a) ‘when, after’ 399
42.3.2 -ika ‘because’ 400
42.3.3 omí:ceyc-ín ‘because of (something), due to’ 401
42.3.4 -eys(in) ‘even, even though’ 402
42.3.5 atî:k- ‘as soon as, as far as, unless’ 402
42.3.6 apâ:k-it ‘as soon as’ 403
42.3.7 mǎ:ⁿh-a-n ‘just as (something happens)’ 403
42.3.8 -i: (i)mônk- ‘while, before’ 404
42.3.9 -(i)n o:m-â:t(i) ‘if (something happens)’ 404
42.3.10 Purpose clauses 405
43 Interpreting pronouns, reflexives, and reciprocals 407

43.1 Interpreting the antecedent of possessors 411
43.2 Complex sentences 412
xiv Contents
44 Style 416
44.1 Direct quotation 416
44.2 Discussing a word or name 416
44.3 Introducing characters 417
44.4 Names 418
44.5 Discussing someone deceased: tá:t-i: ‘the former’ 419
44.6 Formal address 419
Appendices
Appendix 1: Paradigms 423
Appendix 2: Texts 436

Text 1: Letter from Titahke to Cepe, 16 November 1876 436
Text 2: The stork father, by Earnest Gouge 440
Appendix 3: List of common affixes 445
References 455
Index 469
Illustrations
Tables
Table 1.1 Dialect names and tribal affiliation 5
Table 1.2 Partial list of Creek-speaking towns and tribes
within the Creek Confederacy, 1776,
according to William Bartram 7
Table 1.3 Selected Creek words as written by Salzburgers
(Anonymous[1738?]), with modern phonemic
equivalents in italics 12
Table 1.4 Federally recognized tribes that have historically
included Creek speakers, with estimated
enrollments in 2000 17
Table 2.1 Discourse markers 23
Table 2.2 Possessive prefixes 24
Table 2.3 Parts of speech 30
Table 2.4 Duratives and nonduratives 31
Table 2.5 Participles 32
Table 3.1 Some lexical differences between Muskogee and
Seminole 39
Table 3.2 Some plants and animal terms found only in Florida 39
Table 3.3 Some lexical differences between Oklahoma and
Florida Dialects 41
Table 3.4 Semantic differences between Muskogee and
Seminole 41
Table 3.5 Some semantic differences between Oklahoma and
Florida dialects 41
Table 3.6 Numbers in Oklahoma and Florida dialects 42
Table 4.1 Consonant phonemes 47
Table 4.2 Vowel phonemes 47
Table 4.3 Suprasegmentals 48
Table 8.1 Grades of an unsuffixed stem 83
Table 8.2 Grades of a stem including an inner suffix 84
Table 8.3 Grades of a stem followed by an outer suffix 84
Table 8.4 Zero-grade stative participles 85
Table 8.5 Zero grade in imperatives 86
Table 8.6 Zero grade with a stressed suffix 86
Table 8.7 Zero grade with two stressed suffixes 87
xvi Illustrations
Table 8.8 Lengthened grade (basic form) 88

Table 8.9 Lengthened grade of stems with a long vowel
or VN in the last syllable 88
Table 8.10 Aspirating grade (basic form) 92
Table 8.11 Aspirating grade with infixation of -êy- 93
Table 8.12 Aspirating grade with suffixation of -êyy- 93
Table 8.13 Aspirating grade of stems with diphthongs 94
Table 8.14 Falling tone grade (basic form) 94
Table 8.15 Falling tone grade of stems with long vowel or
VN in the last syllable 95
Table 8.16 Nasalizing grade (basic form) 95
Table 8.17 Nasalizing grade of stems with long vowel or
VN in the last syllable 95
Table 8.18 Inner (stem-forming) suffixes of verbs 97
Table 8.19 Outer suffixes of verbs (examples) 97
Table 8.20 Lengthened grade with outer suffixes and clitics 97
Table 9.1 Comparison of nineteenth-century spellings with
phonemic transcription 101
Table 14.1 Possessive prefixes 133
Table 19.1 Locative prefix forms 155
Table 19.2 Intransitive and transitive uses of locative prefixes 156
Table 20.1 Agent agreement suffixes 168
Table 20.2 Patient agreement prefixes 169
Table 20.3 Patient agreement prefixes, prevocalic forms 170
Table 23.1 Intransitives showing a singular-plural distinction 198
Table 23.2 Transitives showing a singular-plural distinction 198
Table 23.3 Intransitives showing a singular-dual-triplural
distinction 199
Table 23.4 Transitives showing a singular-dual-triplural
distinction 200
Table 24.1 Patterns of transitive-intransitive relations 215
Table 28.1 Basic (nondurative) grade forms of the verb
stem hic- ‘see, look’ 241
Table 28.2 Durative grade forms of the verb stem
hic- ‘see, look’ 241
Table 28.3 Relative frequency of grade forms in seven
stories by Earnest Gouge 256
Table 29.1 Time-related forms of the verb stem nis- ‘buy’ 257
Table 29.2 True tense suffixes and their order relative to
agent agreement 261
Table 30.1 Positive and negative forms of tenses 283
Table 37.1 Contracted forms of adverbial suffixes 347
Table 37.2 Recapitulation clauses in four texts by
Contents xvii
Earnest Gouge (2004) 355

Table 42.1 Tense in relative clauses 398
Table 42.2 Contraction of -ika ‘because’ 400
Figures
Figure 1.1 The Muskogean language family 3
Figure 1.2 Detail from William S. Robertson’s and David
Winslett’s Nakcokv Es Kerretv Enhvteceskv /
Muskokee or Creek First Reader (1867) 14
Figure 2.1 Order of affixes in nouns 24
Figure 2.2 Order of affixes in verbs 26
Figure 3.1 Creek dialects 38
Figure 4.1 Acoustic vowel space 52
Figure 4.2 Pitch patterns in two-syllable nouns 56
Figure 4.3 Pitch patterns in three-syllable nouns 57
Figure 4.4 Pitch patterns in verbs 58
Figure 4.5 The neutral intonation pattern 59
Figure 4.6 The high intonation pattern 60
Figure 4.7 The rising intonation pattern 60
Figure 29.1 Older tense system 262
Figure 29.2 Newer tense system 262
Maps
Map 1.1 Forced resettlement of Creeks and Seminoles
to Indian Territory 4
Map 1.2 Settlements in Florida 11
Foreword
Creek (or Muskogee) is a major language of the American South,
originally shared by several dozen tribes in Alabama and Georgia and
spoken today within the Muscogee (Creek) and Seminole nations of
Oklahoma and the Seminole Tribe of Florida. This book is the first
modern grammar of the language. It is divided into six parts, covering
the language and its speakers, sounds, nouns and their modifiers, verbs
and their modifiers, discourse markers, and syntax. The description is
unusual in its time-depth (covering several hundred years of
documentation) and in its geographical spread (describing speech in
Oklahoma as well as in Florida). It draws heavily on natural data
produced by Creek speakers. When it seems useful, historical context
is provided by references to the other languages of the Muskogean
family.
Besides its historical importance, Creek has several grammatical
features that make it of interest to linguists. Its prosodic system reflects
the interplay of stress, tone, and intonation. It has a rich system of
number in verbs, often distinguishing singular and plural as well as
singular, dual, and triplural. Like the other Muskogean languages, it
has a complex system of grades or internal changes in verbs for
marking aspect. It has an agent-patient system of person marking on
verbs and an unusually broad subject-nonsubject distinction in case
marking. Case markers on noun phrases are intimately connected with

switch-reference markers on clauses. Prefixes on verbs are used to
classify location and direction and to add instruments and benefactives.
The tense system is unusual in distinguishing five degrees of
remoteness in the past.
The present volume is part of a larger project to document the
Creek language. This project includes a dictionary (Martin and
Mauldin 2000), a collection of folktales by Earnest Gouge (Gouge
2004), and the texts of Mary R. Haas and James H. Hill (in progress).
Acknowledgments
Some of the most enjoyable times in my life have been spent sitting at
kitchen tables in Creek and Seminole homes laughing, drinking coffee,
eating, listening to stories and songs, and talking about language. I
have always felt guilty using the term “fieldwork” for such comfortable
circumstances.
A research project spanning twenty years incurs many debts. First
and foremost, I would like to thank Margaret Mauldin of the University
of Oklahoma. Over the thirteen years we have worked together, we
have spent endless hours puzzling over her native language. Many
examples used in this work came from conversations we have had
while driving or eating in restaurants. For all her contributions to the
study and preservation of Creek, the College of William and Mary
awarded Margaret Mauldin the degree of Doctor of Humane Letters in
2005.
Margaret’s sister Juanita McGirt transcribed and translated many
recordings and documents and corrected mistakes in interpretation.
Margaret’s daughter Gloria McCarty and her husband Michael
McCarty helped with sound recordings. Without this family, this work
would have been much less accurate and much less fun.
Many other Creek and Seminole friends, some now deceased,
patiently shared their language with me, including Linda Alexander,
Edna Bear, Rosie Billie, Abraham Bunny, George Bunny, Helen

Bunny, Joanna Freeman, Lorene Gopher, Felix Gouge, Toney Hill,
Happy Jones, Shula Jones, Willie Lena, Walter McGirt, Jack Micco,
John Pigeon, Sarah Sampson, Jennie Shore, Alice Snow, Tim
Thompson, Juanita Walker, Mary Lee Walker, Nettie Walker, and
Robert Washington.
Pam Munro introduced me to Oklahoma Seminole Creek, to field
methods, and to the structure and history of the Muskogean languages
at UCLA. She and Aaron Broadwell, through their careful work on
Chickasaw and Choctaw, served as constant sources of new ideas. I
enjoyed many discussions with Heather Hardy, Don Hardy, and
Timothy Montler when I was a postdoctoral research associate at the
University of North Texas. Mary R. Haas kindly gave me access to her
Creek field notes: working through her meticulous texts proved an
indispensable education not only in Creek but in field methods. Akira
xxii Acknowledgments
Yamamoto reached out to Margaret and me early on and helped me

understand and respond to community needs.
My former students Clarke Boehling, Stuart Hannah, and Aubrey
Poe researched specific topics in Creek and aided my understanding of
them. My colleague Ann Reed read drafts of key sections and helped
clarify my presentation. Keith Johnson’s analysis of sound recordings
allowed more substantive descriptions of Creek sounds. Two reviewers
helped sharpen my inquiry. Paul Kroeber sharpened the analysis,
caught many errors, and greatly improved the manuscript.
The College of William and Mary, the University of North Texas,
the National Endowment for the Humanities (RT–21566–94), and the
National Science Foundation supported my research. In 2003, Dean
Paul Bell and Pat Gilman invited me to spend a semester at the
University of Oklahoma to work with Margaret Mauldin and Gloria
McCarty on a Creek textbook.
To all I say, Mvto—Vnlopicatskvnks. I hope I have it right.
Abbreviations and conventions
Abbreviations in glosses of Creek examples
Cross-references are given to sections of the grammar where one can
find the principle discussion of the grammatical categories represented
by the abbreviations. (Note that categories may be discussed in other
places as well.)
1 S, 1 P first person singular, first person plural (§20)

2, 2S, 2P second person (number unspecified), second person singular,
second person plural (§20)
3 third person (§20)
AG agent (type I) agreement (§20)
Also ‘also’ (-w′, §40.6)
ATN focus of attention (-ta:t(i), §38)
DAT dative (im-, in-, §22.1)
DCL declarative (ci:^, §40.7)
DED deductive (-acok-, §32.16)
DIM diminutive (-oci on nouns, §13.1; -os- on verbs, postpositions,
and adjectival nouns, §26.3)
DIR directionals ((i)ɬ- ‘go and’, (i)ɬa:- ‘go back’, a:- ‘this way’,
(i)y- ‘come and’, §34)
DU dual (used for verbs with suppletive plural forms) (§23)
DUR durative (-i:, -:, §28.5)

Even concessive (-eys(in), §42.3.4; -teys, §40.5)
FGR falling tone grade (for resultative perfective) (§28.2)
FUT future suffix (‘will’) (-áɬi:-, §29.3)
GER gerund (-ka, §10.3)
GPL group plural (-âlki, §12.3)
Happen happenstance suffix (-at-, §32.19)
HGR aspirating grade (for perfective sequential or past 1 perfective)
(§28.3)
I short form of durative -i: appearing in reduced participles (-i,
§11.4, §11.8)
IMP imperative (-as, -aks, -tô:, §31.3)
IMPL impersonal passive (-ho- [often infixed], §25.1)
IMPL.AG impersonal agent (‘one does . . .’) (-ak-, §25.2)
IND indicative (-is, §31.1)
INF infinitive (-ita, §10.3, §26.5)
INST instrumental ((i)s-, §22.2)
xxiv Abbreviations and conventions
let third person command (‘let [someone do something]’) (-ikas,

§31.3.8)
LGR lengthened grade (for eventive aspect) (§28.1)
LOC locative prefixes (a- ‘on a side or underside’, ak- ‘in water, a
low place’, oh- ‘on top’, tak- ‘on the ground, fire’, §19)
make indirect causative (-ipeyc-, §24.5)
N nonthematic clitic (-(i)n), indicating nonsubject case-marker on
noun phrases (§37.1) or different-subject switch-reference
marker on clauses (§37.2)
NGR nasalizing grade (for expressive) (§28.4)
not negative (-iko-, §30)
NZR agent nominalizing suffix (-a, §10.1)
PAST1.IMPF Past 1 (today up to last night) imperfective (-eys-, §29.1)
PAST2 Past 2 (yesterday to several weeks ago) (-ank-, §29.2.1)
PAST3 Past 3 (from several weeks to about a year ago) (-imat-,
§29.2.2)
PAST4 Past 4 (distant past) (-ánta-, -ánt-, §29.2.3)
PAST5 Past 5 (remote past, ‘very long ago’) (-ati:-, §29.2.4)
PAT patient (type II) agreement (§20)
PL plural (-ta:ki, §12.1; -ak-, §23.5; -ho-, §23.1.1)
PROSP prospective suffix (-aɬa:n-, -aha:n-, §29.3)
Q question markers (-a, -a:, -ha:ks, -iha:ⁿ, §31.2)
RCP reciprocal ((i)ti-, §21.2)
RED reduplication of the first consonant and vowel (§23.3)
REF referential clitic (-a:t(i), §39)
REF.N referential clitic fused with N (-a:n, §39.2)
RFL reflexive (i:-, §21.1)
SG singular (used for verbs with suppletive plural forms)
so ‘so’, ‘because’ (-(i)ka, §42.3.2)
SPN spontaneous suffix (-ip-, §28.6)

T thematic clitic (-(i)t), indicating nominative on noun phrases
(§37.1) or same-subject switch-reference marker on clauses
(§37.2)
TPL triplural (used for verbs with suppletive plural forms) (§23)
when ‘when’ (-o:f(a), §42.3.1)
Other grammatical abbreviations

C consonant
D determiner
DS different-subject
[e] implied (but unpronounced) expression
N noun
N′ phrase intermediate between noun and noun phrase
NP noun phrase
[pro] implied (but unpronounced) pronoun
Abbreviations and conventions xxv
S clause
SS same-subject
V verb
V vowel
V′ phrase intermediate between verb and verb phrase
VP verb phrase
Conventions
italics phonemic transcription
§8, §14.3 cross-reference to chapter 8, to section 14.3, etc.
[. . .] phonetic transcription or additions to a translation
<. . .> traditional spelling (the angle brackets are sometimes omitted
for lengthy passages in traditional spelling)
‘. . .’ free translation
* (1) before a word, phrase, or sentence: the word, phrase, or
sentence does not occur (it is ungrammatical or reconstructed)
(2) after a grammatical category label: one or more instances of
that category (e.g., VERB* “one or more verbs,” OBJECT* “one
or more objects,” etc.)
> becomes
< derives from
Abbreviations for sources of examples

Creek forms in this work are generally either elicited directly or taken
from texts. Elicited examples from Margaret Mauldin are not marked.
Elicited examples from Juanita McGirt are marked “(JM).” Examples

from texts have a year in parentheses indicating the date of the source.
These dates are keyed to more complete citations below.
1871 Robertson and Winslett (1871).

1878a John R. Postoak letter to A. E. W. Robertson, December 11.
Creek MS 2, Alice Robertson Collection, University of Tulsa.
1878b John R. Postoak letter to A. E. W. Robertson, December 18.
Creek MS 3, Alice Robertson Collection, University of Tulsa.
1880 John C. Carr letter to A. E. W. Robertson, June 11. Creek MS
6, Alice Robertson Collection, University of Tulsa.
1883 Wesley Smith letter to A. E. W. Robertson, June 5. Creek MS
1885 Vce Nakonvkuce. [The Corn Fable.] Given by Taylor Postoak,
Second Chief of the Muskokees, to Mrs. A. E. W. Robertson, at
the request of Hon. P. Porter. Bureau of American Ethnology
xxvi Abbreviations and conventions
MS 571, National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian

Institution.
1886a Wesley Smith letter to A. E. W. Robertson, July 8. Creek MS
1886b Wesley Smith letter to A. E. W. Robertson, August 3. Creek
MS 17, Alice Robertson Collection, University of Tulsa.
1890 Hotvlk Emvrthle letter to A. E. W. Robertson, June 29. Creek
1898 W. Tanyan letter to A. E. W. Robertson, November 26. Creek
1899a W. Tanyan letter to A. E. W. Robertson, March 23. Creek MS
1899b W. Tanyan letter to A. E. W. Robertson, June 5. Creek MS 24,
Alice Robertson Collection, University of Tulsa.
1902 Silus Johnson letter to A. E. W. Robertson, July 12. Creek MS
1905 M. L. Asburry letter to A. E. W. Robertson, September 8. Creek
1915 Stories written by Earnest Gouge for John R. Swanton. Bureau
of American Ethnology MS 4930, National Anthropological
Archives, Smithsonian Institution. “(1915.1)” indicates the first
story in the published version (Gouge 2004).
1936a Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook I. MS, American Philosophical
Society Library, Philadelphia.
1936b Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook II. MS, American Philosophical
Society Library, Philadelphia.
1937a Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook III. MS, American Philosophi-
cal Society Library, Philadelphia.
1937b Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook IV. MS, American Philosophi-

1937c Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook V. MS, American Philosophi-
1937d Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook VIII. MS, American Philosoph-
ical Society Library, Philadelphia.
ca. 1938 Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook IX. MS, American Philosophi-
1939a Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook XIV. MS, American Philosoph-
1939b Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook XV. MS, American Philosoph-
ca. 1940a Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook XVI. MS, American Philosoph-
ca. 1940b Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook XVII. MS, American
Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia.
ca. 1940c Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook XVIII. MS, American Philo-
sophical Society Library, Philadelphia.
Abbreviations and conventions xxvii
ca. 1940d Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook XIX. MS, American Philosoph-
ca. 1940e Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook XX. MS, American Philosophi-
1941a Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook XXI. MS, American Philosoph-
1941b Mary R. Haas, Creek Notebook XXII. MS, American Philo-
sophical Society Library, Philadelphia.
1990a KWSH broadcast by Spencer Frank, Seminole Nation News,
August 21. Sound recording and MS.
1990b KWSH broadcast by Spencer Frank of the Seminole Nation
News, August 28. Sound recordings and MS.
1991 Stories told by Alice Snow (Florida Seminole), Brighton,
Florida. Sound recordings and MSS.
1992a Stories told by Linda Alexander (Oklahoma Seminole),
Norman, Oklahoma. Sound recordings and MSS.
1992b Stories told by Rosie Billie (Florida Seminole), Brighton,
Florida. Sound recordings and MSS.
1992c Stories told by Toney Hill (Muskogee), Norman, Oklahoma.
Sound recordings and MSS.
1992d Stories told by Robert Washington (Muskogee), Norman, Okla-
homa. Sound recordings and MSS.
The language and its speakers
1 Creek and the Creek-speaking peoples
When Europeans entered North America, Creek was spoken in the
southeastern portion of the continent in what is now Alabama and
Georgia. It served as the native language of several dozen small tribes
(called (i)tálwa or ‘tribal towns’) and as a lingua franca among a
number of groups within the Creek Confederacy.
Creek belongs to a larger family of languages called Muskogean,
each member of which is thought to descend from an ancient language
known as Proto-Muskogean (figure 1.1).
Proto-Muskogean
Choctaw Chickasaw Alabama Koasati Apalachee Hitchiti-Mikasuki Creek
Figure 1.1. The Muskogean language family (Martin 2004).
The five major divisions of the family are about as different from each
other as English is from German. This has led some to speculate that
Proto-Muskogean may have begun separating into distinct languages
some three thousand years ago.

The name Creek is shortened from Ochese Creek Indians. This
name in turn is from Ochese Creek, an early name for the Ocmulgee
river of Georgia (Crane 1918). Creek speakers in Oklahoma use the
term ma:skó:ki, spelled Maskoke or Mvskoke in the traditional Creek
alphabet, and Muskogee, Muscogee, Muskokee, Maskoki, or Maskoke
in English. The word ma:sko:k-âlki ‘the Muskogee (as a group)’ is
sometimes also used in English, with various spellings.
A distinction has long been made between the Upper Creeks of
northern Alabama and the Lower Creeks of southern Georgia. Many of
the Lower Creeks spoke Hitchiti-Mikasuki alongside Creek. In the
mid-eighteenth century, some Lower Creeks began moving into
Florida. They and the escaped slaves who accompanied them were
referred to by the Spanish name of cimarrón ‘wild, untamed’. This
term was borrowed into Creek as simaló:ni or simanó:li, and from
there it was borrowed into English as Seminole (MacCauley 1887).
4 §1
Following the Creek War of 1813–14, a number of Upper Creek

refugees joined the Seminoles in Florida, apparently settling in the
more northerly areas.
In the 1830s and 1840s, the United States began a policy of
“removal” in which many southeastern tribes were forcibly relocated to
Indian Territory (present Oklahoma) (map 1.1). Most Creeks settled in
east-central Oklahoma where they established the Muscogee (Creek)
Nation. Seminoles who were removed from Florida established a
smaller nation nearby. A few pockets of Creek speakers remained in
Alabama, among the Seminoles in Florida, and in eastern Texas.
Map 1.1. Forced resettlement of Creeks and Seminoles to Indian Territory.

(Reprinted from A Dictionary of Creek/Muskogee by Jack B. Martin and
Margaret McKane Mauldin by permission of University of Nebraska Press. ©
2000 by the University of Nebraska Press.)
The two Creek-speaking nations in Indian Territory were largely

autonomous from the United States until Oklahoma statehood in 1907.
Creek-speaking Seminoles in Florida joined speakers of Hitchiti-
Mikasuki to establish the Seminole Tribe of Florida in 1954.
In 2004, Creek was spoken in three locations: by several thousand
individuals in the Muscogee (Creek) and Seminole nations of eastern
Oklahoma and by several hundred members of the more distant
Seminole Tribe of Florida. The three main dialects—Muskogee,
Creek and the Creek-speaking peoples 5
Oklahoma Seminole Creek, and Florida Seminole Creek—conform to

these three political groups (table 1.1).
TABLE 1.1. DIALECT NAMES AND TRIBAL AFFILIATION

DIALECT TRIBAL AFFILIATION
Muskogee Muscogee (Creek) Nation
Oklahoma Seminole Creek Seminole Nation
Florida Seminole Creek Seminole Tribe of Florida
1.1 In the old country

Most of our knowledge of Creek customs in the early years is based on
reports by Spanish, German, and English visitors. A few early reports
come from members of the Unitas Fratrum or Moravian Church, who
fled Salzburg and began to settle near Savannah, Georgia in 1734.
They began missions among the Yamacraw—an apparently Creek-
speaking group new to the area—and established a school for Indian
children on the island of Irene (Hamilton 1900:79). The travel diary of
Philip Georg Friedrich von Reck provides a description of neighboring
Creeks and Yuchis in 1736:
Their towns and dwellings are usually situated on a river. The Creek
Nation consists of several towns, which however are more like our
villages than towns. The houses are scattered here and there without
order, and the plantations are nearby. The houses are beaten together
out of mud, without chimneys, without doors, without compartments,
without storeys. The fire is in the center of the house, around which
they lie on the ground in the ashes with their wives, children and dogs
round about. When they camp during travelling or on the hunt, they
peel a pine tree and make a hut of bark or else of skins and a few poles.
[Hvidt 1980:49–50]
Different towns were governed by “kings” (Creek mí:kko):
This Creek nation is ruled by various kings who must win this
preference or title through an especially brave deed. Otherwise the king
is not distinguished from his subjects. He eats, drinks, sleeps and lives
together with them. He rules merely through good advice, which they
nevertheless follow exactly. In their councils the king presents the
matter to the old people, the old people present it to the young and then
it is carried out. They do not object or argue amongst themselves but
follow. . . . Distinct from these are those who have command in war
time. They give the king one-tenth of everything. They administer a
regular justice, observe the right to revenge, punish vices, for example,
adultery by cutting off noses and ears, and fornication by cutting off
6 §1
ears and hair, and lying by not letting anyone eat or drink with a liar or
give him a hand, &c. [Hvidt 1980:41]
In the above passage, von Reck refers to two major divisions of leaders
found in Creek towns in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries: the
hatha:k-âlki or ‘white’ moiety governed during time of peace; the
cilokho:k-âlki or ‘red’ moiety (literally, ‘those who speak a different
language’) ruled in time of war.
Food in 1736 consisted of “rice, deer, buffalo and bear meat, which
they boil, roast and smoke” and “small cakes of Indian corn [baked] in
the ashes” (Hvidt 1980:46). Von Reck also described their dress:
They go about almost naked, except that males are covered with an
apron in front and behind. The females wrap a piece of cloth around
their hips, which reaches to their knees. When it is cold, they envelop
themselves in a fur or blanket. [Hvidt 1980:46]
Men tattooed their faces and chests, and women tattooed their arms.
This practice had begun to disappear by the 1770s, when it was limited
to elders.
Like many later visitors, von Reck described the annual “busk”
(Creek poskitá ‘fast’), now usually referred to in English as the Green
Corn dance:
They celebrate a feast every year when the corn is ripe, at the end of
July or the beginning of August, which is called the Busk.
Even if the nation is not assembled throughout the year, yet they
assemble at this time. In this festival, which lasts four days, war, peace
and other matters which concern the general welfare are discussed,
and, if war is decided on, then it commences just after the Busk. On the
first festival day they undertake a cleansing. They purge the body using
the four different kinds of plants: Pasaw, or rattlesnake root;
Micoweanochaw or, red root; Sowatchko, which grows like wild
fennel; and Eschalapootchke, or small tobacco. After that they fast,
some for twenty-four hours, some longer. On the second day a few
warriors sit together and celebrate in song the deeds of their heroes.
During the singing, there comes here a captain, there a captain, there a
third, &c., with his people running up in a fury, all singing and
shrieking together. The fire in all the huts of the Indian town is put out,
and a new fire is made. . . . Before or during the Busk no one may bake
anything from or eat the new corn . . .
The remainder of the time during this festival is spent in eating,
drinking and dancing. At the same time the women appear in their best
finery and join in rows. The music consists of rattles and a kettledrum,
which are accompanied by the shrieks of the dancers. [Hvidt 1980:49]
Three of the four medicinal plants von Reck described in this

passage—pá:ssa, mi:kko-hoyaní:ca, and hici-lopócki—are still
identifiable. The “rattles” consist of box-turtle shells that are fastened
to buckskin and tied to the lower legs of women dancers.
Some forty years after the Moravians settled on the coast of
Georgia, the naturalist William Bartram traveled through the Lower
and Upper Creek regions “for the discovery of rare and useful
productions of nature, chiefly in the vegetable kingdom” (Waselkov
and Braund 1995:33). He described the Creeks as having a “powerful
confederacy or empire” (Waselkov and Braund 1995:108). The Upper
Creeks lived on the Tallapoosa, Coosa, Apalachicola, or Chatahoochee
rivers, mostly in northern Alabama, while the Lower Creeks or
“Siminoles” lived in the swampier areas of the Flint river in southern
Georgia. The Lower Creek towns, he noted, spoke “Muscogulge”
(Creek) and “Stincard” (Hitchiti-Mikasuki). Several languages were
spoken among the Upper Creek, though Creek was the majority
language and the lingua franca. Table 1.2 lists the Upper Creek towns
Bartram identified as speaking Creek in 1776. In all, he estimated there
were fifty-five towns in the confederacy with a total population of
eleven thousand (Waselkov and Braund 1995:109).
TABLE 1.2. PARTIAL LIST OF CREEK-SPEAKING TOWNS AND TRIBES WITHIN THE
CREEK CONFEDERACY, 1776, ACCORDING TO WILLIAM BARTRAM
ON THE TALLAPOOSE [TALLAPOOSA] OR OAKFUSKE RIVER
Oakfuskee, upper akfáski (‘promontory’)
Oakfuskee, lower
Ufale, upper yofá:la (no meaning)
Ufale, lower
Sokaspoge
Tallase, great tálsi (no meaning)
Coolome
Chuaclahatche
Otasse a:tasí (no meaning)
Cluale ɬiwáhli (<hoɬɬi-wáhli ‘war-
distribute’)
Fusahatche fos-hácci (‘bird stream’)
Tuccabatche ’tokipáhci (no meaning)
Cunhutke kan-hátki (‘white ground’)
8 §1
ON THE COOSAU [COOSA] RIVER

Pocontallahasse pakan-talahá:ssi (‘peach-old-town’)
Hickory ground, traders name oci:-ap-ó:fa (‘hickory-tree-place’)
ON BRANCHES OF THE COOSAU

Wiccakaw wakoká:yi (no meaning)
Fish pond, traders name ɬaɬo-kál-ka (‘fish-breaking’)
Hillaba hilápi (no meaning)
Kiolege keyléyci (no meaning)
Apalachucla
Tucpauska tokpá:fka (‘punk’)
Chockeclucca cahki:-ɬákko ‘Big Shoals’
Chata Uche cato-hó:cci (‘decorated stone’)
Checlucca-ninne ’ciɬakko-níni (‘horse-path’)
Hothletega hoɬɬi-atí:ka (‘war-edge’)
Coweta kawíta (no meaning)
Usseta
NOTE: After Waselkov and Braund (1995:108–9). Possible identifications of
the Creek versions of Bartram’s terms are in the right column.
As described by Bartram, an Upper Creek town might include a

public square, a rotunda, and a “chunky yard,” surrounded by
individual plots of land with fields and one to four rectangular houses.1
A larger community field was divided into family parcels and tended
partly by the community and partly by each family unit (Waselkov and
Braund 1995:158–59).
The public square contained four rectangular buildings. One was a
council house with a private space in back for sacred objects and an
open space in front for the town’s leaders to sit. Opposite this was a
“Banquetting House.” On the sides were halls for the public (Waselkov
and Braund 1995:168–74). These four houses and private homes had
walls decorated with clay paintings of animals, plants, and men
(Waselkov and Braund 1995:143–44). The rotunda was a circular
structure with a fireplace used as the winter council house. The
“chunky yard” was a rectangular space used for games and displays.
1
English traders used the word “chunky” to refer to a sport involving a stone disk
(known in Creek as motáka). Ives Goddard (2005) traces the English word to the
Shoccoree-Eno of North Carolina.
During the summer the town’s leaders were seated by rank in the
council house: in the center were the King (mí:kko), elected for life, the
Great War Chief, Second Head Man, and “other venerable & worthy
Chiefs and Warriors” (Waselkov and Braund 1995:147, 172). To the
sides were other warriors, head men, and citizens. Every town also had
a “High Priest & Juniors.”
As a naturalist, Bartram took an interest in their food sources:
“Their animal food consists chiefly of venison and Bear’s Flesh,
Turkeys, Hare, Wild Fowl and Domestic Poultry, and also of Domestic
Kine, as Bulls, Oxen, Goats & Swine” (Waselkov and Braund
1995:164). European domestic animals like chickens, hogs, goats,
cattle, and horses had been introduced to Creeks by the Spanish some
two centuries earlier, but were not commonly raised until the mid-
eighteenth century (Bogan 1980). In addition, they raised corn, rice,
sweet potatoes, squashes, pumpkins, and watermelons (Waselkov and
Braund 1995:165). Shortly after their introduction, peaches and
oranges spread widely in the north and south, respectively. Wild grapes
were dried, walnuts, acorns, and hickory nuts were collected and used
for oil, and the roots of catbrier (Smilax spp.) were processed for a type
of flour (Waselkov and Braund 1995:94,152,165–66).
1.2 In Indian Territory

It would be hard to overestimate the devastation brought about by the
relocation of Creeks and Seminoles to Indian Territory in the 1830s
and 1840s. Thousands died in the journey; winters were severe;
Comanches and other hostile groups lived nearby; plant life differed
dramatically from Alabama, Georgia, and Florida. Yet families built

cabins, settlements gradually grew, and livestock slowly increased.
In the 1830s Creeks began permitting missionaries to teach on their
new lands, but then expelled them from the Creek Nation in 1836 for a
period of about five years (Loughridge 1888:2). The leaders of the
Nation were faced with a difficult choice between education and
traditions: “We want a school, but we don’t want any preaching; for we
find that preaching breaks up all our old customs—our feasts, ball
plays and dances—which we want to keep up” (Loughridge 1888:3).
In 1843, the Creek Nation allowed the Presbyterian missionary
Robert M. Loughridge to establish a school at Kowetah (Loughridge
1888:3). A few years later William S. Robertson and Ann Eliza
Worcester Robertson opened a school at Tullahassee. All of these
teachers took the controversial position of supporting native language
education: “English instruction in English books, never has, directly
reached and influenced any Indian speaking people, and never can” (A.
10 §1
E. W. Robertson [1874?]). Lectures were necessarily in English, but

bilingual students interpreted for those who did not understand (Brown
1978:91).
By the late 1840s, the missionary schools had produced a younger
group of Creeks and Seminoles who were bilingual in Creek and
English, literate in both, and knowledgeable about government and the
larger world. These students sought to fend off the United States by
establishing a nation with the same level of “civilization,” including a
stronger, constitutional government. These attempts placed the students
at odds with more traditional members of society, so that there was
tension throughout the nineteenth century between Creek progressives
(usually Christian) and traditionalists.
The U.S. Civil War had catastrophic consequences in Indian
Territory. Most families in the Creek Nation abandoned their
possessions and fled north to Kansas or south to Texas. After the war,
refugees returned to their homes to find their livestock and homes
plundered. The United States then confiscated the western portions of
the Creek and Seminole nations as punishment for dealing with the
Confederacy.
When railroads came to Indian Territory, word began to spread that
the United States wanted to “cut up the land.” Individuals were forced
to sign up for plots, making it difficult to maintain the traditional
family-style arrangement of houses. The itálwa or tribal town seems to
have shifted about this time from a settlement of different clan-based
camps to a ceremonial ground where members gathered for
celebrations and meetings.
Christianity gained many converts in the 1880s and 1890s as the
United States began to take more of an interest in Indian Territory.

Missionaries presented Christianity and education as the keys to
maintaining a separate nation: “[We] must educate our people,” wrote
the missionary A. E. W. Robertson, “[or p]erish as a nation”
(Robertson [1874?]). Entire tribal towns converted and formed
churches under the name of their former tribal town. Other
communities refused to change, and individuals throughout the
twentieth century tended to identify either with a church or ceremonial
ground.
1.3 In Florida
While Creeks and Seminoles in Indian Territory were going to schools
and developing laws, the Seminoles in Florida remained apart. Very
few Seminoles in Florida were in fact able to escape removal to Indian
Territory. When J. C. Casey conducted a census in 1850, he counted
only about 110 men (Casey 1856). Clay MacCauley’s 1880 census
agreed, showing 112 men and 96 women in five settlements (map 1.2;
MacCauley 1887).
Map 1.2. Settlements in Florida (from MacCauley 1887). In the twentieth

century, settlements IV and V moved to III, the main Creek-speaking area.
Each settlement consisted of one to ten camps. All the women and
children in a camp belonged to the same clan (MacCauley 1887:478,
507). Each camp contained several houses consisting of raised
platforms covered by thatched roofs and open on all sides. These are
usually called “chickees” in English, from Hitchiti-Mikasuki ciki.
Distinctive clothing was made from fabric purchased in stores.
Reservations were created in the twentieth century. The Catfish
Lake and Cow Creek settlements were then consolidated with the Fish
Eating Creek settlement at the Brighton Reservation on the northwest
12 §1
side of Lake Okeechobee. In 2004, as many as two hundred people

continued to speak Creek there. Many continued to build chickees,
attend the Green Corn dance, and follow ancient traditions.
Only a portion of the Seminoles remaining in Florida spoke Creek.
The remainder spoke Hitchiti-Mikasuki. According to MacCauley’s
informant Ko-nip-hatco (konip-há:co ‘crazy skunk’), the Big Cypress
and Miami River settlements called themselves “Kän-yuk-sa Is-ti-tca-
ti” (kan-yóksa isti-cá:t-i ‘Florida Indians’), while the Fish Eating
Creek, Cow Creek, and Catfish Lake settlements north of the
Caloosahatchie River were “Tallahassee Indians” (MacCauley
1887:509). His distinction probably reflected language differences,
with the former, more southerly group speaking mostly Hitchiti-
Mikasuki and the northern group—just seventy-two people—speaking
mostly Creek.
1.4 History of documenting Creek

The earliest important materials in Creek were collected by
Salzburgers living near Savannah, Georgia in the 1730s. Von Reck
recorded a few Creek and Yuchi terms for flora and local fauna during
his visit (Hvidt 1980). Others in the community completed a
vocabulary and short text (Anonymous [1738?]). These survive in a
small notebook of about one hundred pages in Creek, German, and
English at the Archives of the Moravian Church in Bethlehem,
Pennsylvania. The notes are written in a phonetic system composed
mostly of Greek and Latin letters (table 1.3).2
TABLE 1.3. SELECTED CREEK WORDS AS WRITTEN BY SALZBURGERS

(ANONYMOUS [1738?]), WITH MODERN PHONEMIC EQUIVALENTS IN ITALICS
ORIGINAL GLOSS ORIGINAL MODERN PHONEMIC
TRANSCRIPTION TRANSCRIPTION
‘the Sky’ soτᾰ sotá
‘the Sun’ hᾰssε hasí
‘Fire’ τuτκα tó:tka
‘a Valley’ πŭννε paní
‘Stone’ χᾰτu cató
‘a King’ μῐκκo mí:kko
‘my Father’ χᾰλκε cá-ɬki
2
References in diaries suggest that the authors of the vocabulary are the pastors
Johann Martin Boltzius and Israel Christian Gronau (von Reck in Jones 1968:147;
Boltzius and Gronau in Jones 1969:30).
The language in this notebook differs only slightly from the modern
language.
William Bartram recorded only a few Creek words in his account of
life between 1773 and 1776 (Bartram 1928). Colonel Benjamin
Hawkins paid more serious attention to language while serving as the
United States’ chief agent to the four major southern tribes between
1796 and 1816. His Sketch of the Creek Country (Hawkins 1848) is a
rich source of place-names and names of tribal groups. Many of
Hawkins’ papers were lost in a house fire (Hawkins 1848:4), but a few
originals and copies survive. Some of Hawkins’ word lists from the
1790s are at the American Philosophical Society, the Georgia
Historical Society, and the New-York Historical Society.3
The next serious language work was conducted in Indian Territory.
The Presbyterian missionary John Fleming and his wife visited in 1832
(Loughridge 1888:1). Rev. Fleming developed the second Creek
alphabet and published the first books in Creek: three primers (Fleming
1834, 1835a, 1836) and a sermon with hymns (Fleming 1835b). At
about the same time, John Davis and Johnston Lykins created a
different spelling for a translation of the Gospel of John (Davis and
Lykins 1835).
Because missionaries to the Creeks believed in education in Creek,
they desperately needed Creek language materials. Loughridge worked
with David Winslett, a promising young student, to produce Creek
hymnals (Loughridge 1845; Loughridge and Winslett 1851), a
catechism (Loughridge 1846), and translations of the gospels of
Matthew and John (Loughridge 1855; Loughridge et al. 1871).
Husband and wife William S. Robertson and Ann Eliza Worcester
Robertson worked with Winslett to publish the first and second Creek
readers (W. Robertson and Winslett 1867, 1871) (figure 1.2). The
spelling system they used at their schools combined features of
Fleming’s spelling in his primers and Davis’s and Lykins’ spelling in
the Gospel of John. It was adopted as the “National Alphabet” by many
interpreters and chiefs as early as 1853 (A. E. W. Robertson 1880;
Loughridge and Hodge 1890). For a brief time, the Baptist missionary
H. F. Buckner used a different alphabet in his grammar and songbook
written with G. Herrod (Buckner 1860a, 1860b), but that alphabet was
never taken up by others.
3
Other vocabularies from this early period, sometimes based on Hawkins, include
Adair (1775), Pope (1792), Barton (1797), Anonymous (ca. 1815), Adelung (1816),
Gallatin (1836, 1848), Latham (1846, 1862), Casey ([1850?], 1854), and Morgan
(1871). From 1807 to 1813, the Moravian missionaries Johann Christian Burckhard
and Karsten Petersen lived near Hawkins’ residence on the Flint River. They recorded
only a few words in their diary (Mauelshagen and Davis 1969).
14 §1
David Winslett died during the U.S. Civil War, but Loughridge
eventually completed a dictionary with David M. Hodge (Loughridge
and Hodge 1890). Ann Eliza Worcester Robertson, the best linguist of
the missionaries, published a book of hymns (A. E. W. Robertson
1880), a note on long consonants (A. E. W. Robertson 1881), and
translations of the New Testament, Genesis, and Psalms (A. E. W.
Robertson et al. 1887, 1893, 1896).
Figure 1.2. Detail from William S. Robertson’s and David Winslett’s

Nakcokv Es Kerretv Enhvteceskv / Muskokee or Creek First Reader (1867).
As a result of the missionary schools, many Creeks and Seminoles

were literate by the end of the nineteenth century. They wrote letters,
laws, constitutions, newspaper articles in Our Monthly and the Indian
Journal, pamphlets (e.g., Anonymous 1872, Creek Nation 1903), and
other materials in Creek. Many of these can be found today in archives
at the University of Tulsa’s McFarlin Library, the Oklahoma Historical
Society, the University of Oklahoma’s Western History Collections,
and Tulsa’s Thomas Gilcrease Museum.
Anthropologists became interested in Creek in the late nineteenth
century. Albert S. Gatschet worked with Judge George W. Stidham, a
trilingual speaker of Creek, Hitchiti, and English, in the 1870s. Their

collaboration resulted in a grammatical sketch, a vocabulary, and a text
in Creek and Hitchiti (Gatschet 1884, 1888). George Washington
Grayson, later Principal Chief of the Creek Nation, completed a
vocabulary and verb paradigms for the Bureau of American Ethnology
(Grayson 1885).4
The anthropologists Frank Speck and John Reed Swanton
conducted fieldwork on Creek in the early twentieth century. Around
1905 Speck made sound recordings on wax cylinders of a few tales and
songs, now at Indiana University’s Archives of Traditional Music. He
later published a study of ceremonial songs (Speck 1911). Swanton
employed several literate speakers during this period to transcribe
traditional stories in their native languages. At Swanton’s urging,
Earnest Gouge wrote down twenty-nine folktales in Creek in 1915. The
Gouge manuscript is housed at the National Anthropological Archives
and has only recently been edited and translated (Gouge 2004).
The most important linguistic work on Creek was conducted by
Mary R. Haas between 1936 and 1941. Haas had originally traveled to
Oklahoma to work on Natchez, but found she had to use Creek-
speaking interpreters. Her work on Natchez led to an interest in Creek,
and she spent the last years of the Great Depression recording texts and
paradigms in Eufaula, Oklahoma. Haas’s publications on Creek
included descriptions of grades (Haas 1940), dialects (Haas 1945),
classificatory verbs (Haas 1948), nasalization (Haas 1977a), and tonal
accent (Haas 1977b). Her phonemic system evolved over several
decades (Haas 1940, 1977a, 1977b) and became the standard for all
linguistic descriptions of Creek. Haas, like Swanton, hired literate
individuals to write texts. The writings of James H. Hill, now at the

American Philosophical Society, are a particularly important collection
of texts.
During World War II, many Creek men served overseas and many
women moved to cities for employment. Creeks increasingly lived
alongside non-Creeks and worked and attended school in English-only
environments. By the 1970s the Creek language was in serious decline.
A number of individuals began to produce materials to teach the
language. Susannah Factor and others, with advice from Mary Haas,
produced several Oklahoma Seminole Creek primers (see, e.g., Factor
1978); C. Randall Daniels-Sakim created materials for a group in
North Florida (Daniels-Sakim 1982, 1984, 1985); Lee Chupco et al.
4
Other materials from the Bureau of American Ethnology (now in the National
Anthropological Archives) include a vocabulary on file slips attributed to General
Albert Pike.
16 §1
(1982) produced a concordance of the New Testament; Harwell and

Harwell (1981) studied the Creek verb; Woodrow Haney, Ted Isham,
George Bunny, and James Wesley made sound recordings with
booklets (Haney 1975; Isham and Bunny 1995; Wesley 1997); Anna
Bosch (1984) published lessons and a sketch; and Pamela Innes, Linda
Alexander, and Bertha Tilkens (2004) wrote a textbook. Several
individuals and churches published songbooks and recordings of
hymns during this period (see, e.g., Mauldin 1994), while Lewis Oliver
(1985) preserved the language through bilingual poems and stories.
The 1980s saw a second wave of linguistic research. Karen Booker
conducted fieldwork on Muskogee while preparing a dissertation on
Proto-Muskogean morphology (Booker 1980). She published on
directional prefixes (Booker 1984) and question formation (Booker
1993a) in addition to work on Creek historical developments (Booker
1988, 1993b, 2005). Donald Hardy completed a dissertation on the
semantics of Creek morphology in 1988 (D. Hardy 1988). He also
wrote a grammatical sketch (D. Hardy 2005) and published on the
Creek auxiliary om- (D. Hardy 1992), the middle voice (D. Hardy
1994a), and the ordering of cause and effect (D. Hardy 1994b).
Linguistic work on Creek in Florida is not as extensive as work in
Oklahoma. The most important early work on Florida Seminole Creek
is a phrase book by J. C. Casey, now at the Thomas Gilcrease Museum
in Tulsa (Casey [1850?]). In 1880, John Wesley Powell published an
extensive list of “Words, Phrases, and Sentences to be Collected”:
copies of this were filled out by Clay MacCauley and J. M. Willson Jr.
(MacCauley 1881; Willson [1884?]). In 1955, William C. Sturtevant
completed a dissertation on Florida Seminole medical practices
(Sturtevant 1954). His work focused on Mikasuki, but some curing

songs were recorded in Creek, and Creek names were included for
plants. More recent work on medicinal plants appears in Snow and
Stans (2001). Michele Nathan completed a dissertation on Florida
Seminole Creek in 1977 (Nathan 1977). Her work, which incorporated
some of Haas’s findings, was the first linguistic analysis of the Florida
Seminole dialect and the first grammatical description of Creek since
Buckner (1860a).
Work on Creek has not proceeded in isolation: a number of
researchers have simultaneously worked on other Southeastern
languages, and a number of insights have been shared at conferences
and in classes. Particularly influential published sources are West
(1962, 1974a, 1974b), Derrick-Mescua (1980), and Boynton (1982) for
Mikasuki; Nicklas (1974), Ulrich (1986), and Broadwell (2005, 2006)
for Choctaw; Sylestine, H. Hardy, and Montler (1993) for Alabama;
Kimball (1991, 1994) for Koasati; and Munro and Willmond (1994)
and Munro (2005) for Chickasaw.5
1.5 Status in 2000

In 2000, there were four federally recognized tribes known to have
included Creek speakers historically (table 1.4).6
TABLE 1.4. FEDERALLY RECOGNIZED TRIBES THAT HAVE HISTORICALLY

INCLUDED CREEK SPEAKERS, WITH ESTIMATED ENROLLMENTS IN 2000
ENROLLMENT CREEK SPEAKERS

(EST.) (EST.)
Muscogee (Creek) Nation, 48,965 3,000
Oklahoma
Seminole Nation of Oklahoma 12,000 700
Seminole Tribe of Florida 2,000 200
Poarch Band of Creek Indians of 1,840 0
Alabama ______ _____
TOTAL 64,805 3,900
No systematic surveys have been done to determine the numbers of

Creek speakers within these groups. In 2000, there were probably
fewer than twelve monolingual Creek speakers. Many individuals born
in the 1940s and 1950s were able to understand Creek, but reluctant to
use it. The youngest known speaker was born around 1960. The
youngest person who understands it was born in 1986.
In 2000, the enrollment in the Muscogee (Creek) Nation was

48,965. This figure includes groups that historically spoke other
languages, including Yuchi (Euchee), Natchez, Alabama, Koasati, and
Hitchiti-Mikasuki. The enrollment of the Seminole Nation of
Oklahoma in 2000 was estimated to be 12,000.7 Hitchiti-Mikasuki was
once spoken within the Seminole Nation, but had given way to Creek
by the mid-twentieth century. For the Oklahoma groups, about 6
5
Space does not allow a full bibliographic treatment of Creek or Southeastern
languages here. The standard bibliographies are Pilling (1885, 1889) and Booker
(1991). Recent surveys of work on Southeastern languages have been written by
Martin (2004) and Sturtevant (2005).
6
Three tribal towns within the Muscogee (Creek) Nation have federal recognition:
Alabama-Quassartey Tribal Town, Kialegee Tribal Town, and Thlopthlocco Tribal
Town.
7
Seminole Nation of Oklahoma: Official Homepage <www.cowboy.net/native/
seminole>, accessed 5 October 2000.
18 §1
percent of the population (roughly, the percentage of the population

believed to be above 64) speaks Creek.
The Poarch Band of Creek Indians of Alabama had 2,340 members
in 2006.8 There have been no fluent speakers in this group since the
mid-twentieth century, although there have been attempts to
reintroduce Creek from Oklahoma.
Creek is a minority language within the Seminole Tribe of Florida,
where most of the population speaks Hitchiti-Mikasuki. Out of an
enrollment of 2,000, only about 10 percent spoke Creek in 2000.
Literacy in Creek appears to have been highest around 1900, when
many individuals had attended schools in Creek and had ready access
to printed materials in the language. Literacy was low in 2000: some
individuals could read and write Creek with difficulty, but had few
occasions to do so.
In response to the decline in use of the language, there have been
several attempts to introduce Creek in schools. During the 1970s,
Susannah Factor and others were involved with a Creek-Seminole
Bilingual Education Project at East Central University in Ada,
Oklahoma. During the 1990s, several preschool and elementary school
programs were established in Oklahoma and Florida. Children learned
names for colors, animals, numbers, etc., but it seems no children have
learned to converse. Adult courses in Oklahoma have been more
successful. The University of Oklahoma began offering Creek courses
in 1991.
1.6 Basis of this work

I was first introduced to Creek in 1986 through a field methods course

in linguistics taught by Pamela Munro at the University of California,
Los Angeles. Our language instructor was Joanna Freeman, an
Oklahoma Seminole living in Los Angeles. In 1989 Heather Hardy and
Timothy Montler asked me to help with a dictionary of Alabama
underway at the University of North Texas. While living in Texas I
made regular trips to Oklahoma to work on Creek, working most
closely with Helen Bunny of Okmulgee. I was particularly interested in
causatives (Martin 1991b) and in the agent/patient split in the
agreement system (Martin 1991a). I also became familiar with some of
the archives in Oklahoma. In 1990 I accepted a postdoctoral research
position at the University of Michigan. With help from Leanne Hinton
and Mary Haas, I obtained photocopies of Haas’s notebooks at this
8
Poarch Band of Creek Indians <http://www.poarchcreekindians.org[1]>,
accessed 2 June 2009.
time. I gained access to a much expanded collection of texts through

her notebooks and came to better appreciate Haas’s recording of
accent.
In 1991 I made my first trip to Florida, where Alice Snow, Rosie
Billie, and others taught me about Creek as spoken by Florida
Seminoles. It was also in 1991 that John Moore and Morris Foster of
the University of Oklahoma introduced me to Margaret Mauldin in
Okemah, Oklahoma. Margaret had grown up speaking Creek (her
mother was still monolingual) and had taught herself to read Creek as a
child. After spending eight years driving trucks across the country, she
found that the use of Creek was declining and decided to devote herself
to language work. When I first met her I showed her some old Creek
letters and was surprised to find that she could read them as easily as if
they had been typed in English. After that we began to work together
more closely. I suggested that Margaret attend the Oklahoma Native
American Language Development Institute to learn more about
language structure and teaching. In 1993 and 1994 we were both
intructors at the Institute and were greatly aided and encouraged by
Akira Yamamoto and other organizers.
In 1993 I took a position at the College of William and Mary in
Virginia. During the 1990s Margaret and I concentrated on dictionary
work each summer. The National Endowment for the Humanities
provided funds for the dictionary and the gathering of texts and other
supporting materials. I began making trips to archives on the east coast,
particularly the Smithsonian Institution. It was there I first learned of
the Gouge manuscript. In 1993 Margaret began teaching Creek at the
University of Oklahoma. She later inspired her daughter Gloria
McCarty and her sister Juanita McGirt to work on the language. While
we were working on the dictionary, I completed several specific
studies of Creek grammar and its relation to Proto-Muskogean (Martin
1989, 1993, 1994a, 1994b, 1998, 1999, 2000). Keith Johnson and I
published two acoustic studies (Johnson and Martin 2001; Martin and
Johnson 2002), and Margaret and I published a study of clothing verbs
(Mauldin and Martin 1996), a description of the problems encountered
in dictionary work (Martin and Mauldin 1997), the dictionary itself
(Martin and Mauldin 2000), and a brief sketch of Creek grammar
(Martin and Mauldin 2001). From 1997 to 2003, Margaret Mauldin,
Juanita McGirt, and I edited and translated the folktales of Earnest
Gouge (Gouge 2004). Mary R. Haas died in 1996. We are currently
editing and translating her Creek texts. While working on these, I
collected many examples of usage. Many of these have found their way
into this work.
20 §1
The organization of this grammar ultimately reflects my

understanding of the structure of Creek, with two major parts of speech
(nouns and verbs) at the heart of the language. I have opted to draw
examples from naturally occurring language instead of elicited and
translated data when possible. Examples from texts are supplemented
by elicited forms to simplify presentations and to complete paradigms.
2 Overview of the language
This overview is meant as an introduction to the structure of Creek, to
terms used in describing the language, and to sources of additional
information.
2.1 Sounds and spelling

There are two main systems for writing Creek. The traditional spelling
is that established in the nineteenth century and found in the Creek
New Testament. This system uses the Latin alphabet and is partly
influenced by English spelling practices. A second system was
developed by Mary R. Haas in the twentieth century. Most descriptions
written for linguists use a variant of her phonemic system.
Italicized forms in this work are phonemic transcriptions. In this
system, Creek has thirteen consonants: c [ʧ], f, h, k, l, ɬ, m, n, p, s, t, w,
y. There are three short vowels a, i, o, and three long vowels a:, i:, o:.
The diphthongs are ay (generally pronounced and written ey), oy, and
aw. Vowels and diphthongs may be nasalized (written a:ⁿ, awⁿ, etc.).
Nasalized vowels are usually long, but are short before sonorants in the
same syllable. Three separate phenomena affect pitch: tonal accent,
indicated in this work by accents over vowels, is primarily used for
verbal aspect and includes falling tone (ˆ) and rising tone (ˇ); stress,
indicated by an acute accent over a vowel (´), occurs in all types of

words and is generally predictable based on word shape and word
structure; intonation, marked in this work with accents that follow
words, includes falling (^), rising (ˇ), and high (′) pitch patterns at the
ends of utterances.
2.2 Basic word order and discourse markers

The basic word order in Creek is subject, object, verb. The subject is
often followed by -(i)t (1)–(2), and the object is often followed by -(i)n
(2).
(1) ifá-t wo:hk-ís
dog-T bark.SG.LGR-IND
‘The dog is barking.’
22 §2
(2) ifá-t pó:si lást-i:-n á:ssi:c-ís

dog-T cat black-DUR-N chase.LGR-IND
‘The dog is chasing the black cat.’
These endings -(i)t and -(i)n are often omitted. When present, they may
imply mild focus or contrast: in (1), for example, -(i)t implies that out
of a group of animals, it is the dog who is barking. The endings -(i)t or
-(i)n appear at the ends of noun phrases (pó:si lást-i:-n ‘black cat’) and
have no effect on stress: for this reason, they are referred to here as
clitics.
A great deal of information can be conveyed with a single word in
Creek. In (1), the verb stem wo:hkis glossed “bark.SG.LGR” to
indicate that it is a singular (SG) verb in the lengthened grade (LGR). If
two dogs were barking, the stem wo:hhok- would be used, and if three
or more dogs were barking, the stem wo:hic- would be used. The
lengthened grade is a specific accent pattern, in this case indicating that
the action is ongoing. The suffix -is marks the sentence as indicative (a
statement rather than a question or command).
No grammatical term in English covers the various uses of -(i)t and
-(i)n. The clitic -(i)n, for example, is used for what might be called a
direct object in (2), but it also appears on noun phrases expressing
direction (3) and location (4).
(3) ’taló:fa-n â:y-ánk-s
town-N go.SG.FGR-PAST2-IND
‘He/she went to town.’
(4) Bill ’taló:fa-n ato:tk-acók-s
Bill town-N work.LGR-DED-IND

‘Bill is working in town.’
In fact, more than one noun phrase can appear with -(i)n (5).
(5) oy-mó:ɬk-i-n yahá-n akálho:y-ín
water-boil-I-N wolf-N pour.on.IMPL-LGR-N
‘. . . they pour boiling water on Wolf . . .’ (1939b)
For this reason, -(i)n could be called a nonsubject case marker. The
clitics -(i)t and -(i)n have broader uses than marking subject and
nonsubject, however. Very similar endings are found on many chained
and subordinate clauses, for example:
(6) ifá-t wo:hk-ít pó:si-n á:ssi:c-ís
dog-T bark.LGR-T cat-N chase.LGR-IND
‘The dog is barking and chasing the cat.’
Overview of the language 23
(7) ifá-t wo:hk-ín pó:si-t á:ssi:c-ís

dog-T bark.Lgr-N cat-T chase.Lgr-IND
‘The dog is barking, and the cat is chasing him.’
The use of -(i)t at the end of the first clause in (6) indicates that the
subject of that clause is the same as the subject of the second clause;
the use of -(i)n in (7) indicates a shift to a different subject. In this
function, -(i)t and -(i)n can be referred to as switch-reference markers,
with -(i)t marking same-subject and -(i)n marking different-subject.
I take the case-marking and switch-reference functions of these
endings to be fundamentally related, labeling -(i)t as ‘thematic’ and
-(i)n as ‘nonthematic’, respectively (table 2.1).
TABLE 2.1. DISCOURSE MARKERS

THEMATIC -(i)t NONTHEMATIC -(i)n
ON NOUN PHRASES: subject nonsubject
ON CLAUSES: same-subject different-subject
The labels ‘thematic’ (T) and ‘nonthematic’ (N) are meant to echo the
form of the endings, but also suggest their functions in an abstract way.
Noun phrases in Creek may be dropped when they are clear from
context. Examples (1)–(2) can thus be expressed as follows:
(8) wo:hk-ís
bark.SG.LGR-IND
‘He/she/it is barking.’
(9) á:ssi:c-ís
chase. LGR-IND
‘He/she/it is chasing him/her/it.’
Note that there is no distinction in gender or animacy: wo:hk-ís can be
translated as ‘he is barking’, ‘she is barking’ or ‘it is barking’.
Some elements precede the head noun in a noun phrase, and some
elements follow it. Demonstratives and possessors come first: ma ifá
‘that dog’, cá:ni im-ífa ‘John’s dog’. Other modifiers follow the
nouns they modify: ifá lást-i: ‘a black dog’, ifá toccî:n-in ‘three
dogs’.
Instead of prepositions, Creek has postpositions: i:kantácka ó:fa
‘within the territory’, cokó onápa ‘on top of the house’. Postpositions
are a type of noun in Creek. Thus, ó:fa can also mean ‘the inside’, and
onápa can also mean ‘the top’. The phrase containing the postposition
usually functions as a nonsubject, and so is marked with -(i)n.
24 §2
(10) hácci tapá:la-n léyk-i:-s

stream other.side-N sit.SG-DUR-IND
‘He/she lives on the other side of the stream.’
The complement of the postposition (hácci in (10)) behaves
grammatically like a possessor and is not case-marked.
Auxiliary verbs appear after main verbs. Creek frequently uses the
auxiliary verb om- ‘be’ with main verbs:
(11) a. a:y-ís
go.SG.LGR.IND
‘He/she is going.’
(11) b. a:y-ít o:m-ís
go. SG.LGR-T be.LGR.IND
This periphrastic construction indicates stronger assertion, perhaps
informing someone who may not know.
2.3 Noun morphology

Nouns occur with a small number of prefixes and suffixes (figure 2.1).
PAT-
Root PL DIM GPL
DAT-
Figure 2.1. Order of affixes in nouns.

Prefixes are used to indicate possession (§14). Relational nouns (most

body parts, kin terms, postpositions) use one set of prefixes, while
nouns expressing ownership use another (table 2.2).
TABLE 2.2. POSSESSIVE PREFIXES

RELATIONAL/PATIENT NONRELATIONAL/DATIVE
first person singular ca- am-
second person ci- cim-
third person (or base) i- im-
first person plural po- pom-
The relational prefixes are similar in form to the patient prefixes on

verbs (§20), and so are labeled “PAT.” The nonrelational prefixes are
the same as the dative prefixes on verbs (“DAT”; §22.1) and have the
same variants (an-, cin-, in-, pon- before nonlabial consonants).
Compounds are common in Creek (§11). The “Root” slot in figure

2.1 is meant to include noun+noun and other compounds. True plurals
(§12) are found in only a few nouns (hoktí: ‘woman’, hokt-akí
‘women’; hopóywa ‘child’, hopoy-tá:ki ‘children’), though a group
plural suffix -âlki (§12.3) is used for tribes, clans, and other groups.
Diminutives (§13.1) are formed by adding -oci (ifá ‘dog’, if-óci
‘puppy’; hokt-akí ‘women’, hokt-ak-óci ‘girls’).
2.4 Verb morphology

Like the other Muskogean languages, Creek has a complex system of
grades or internal changes in verbs. These usually signal differences in
aspect and are marked by tone, vowel lengthening, nasalization, or
aspiration (12).
(12) wanay- ‘tie’ stem
wanáy-as ‘tie it!’ zero grade
wana:y-ís ‘he/she is tying it’ lengthened grade (lgr.)
wanáhy-is ‘he/she tied it (last night/today)’ aspirating grade (hgr.)
wanâ:y-is ‘he/she has tied it’ falling tone grade (fgr.)
wanǎ:ny-is ‘he/she keeps tying it’ nasalizing grade (ngr.)
As (12) shows, these changes apply to the last syllable of the stem. The
stem (in bold above) is a unit of structure within a verb. Some suffixes,
like those in the words below, are part of the stem and so vary in shape
depending on grade (13).
(13) wanay-ak- ‘tie (pl.)’ stem
wanay-ak-íko-s ‘they are not tying it’ zero grade

wanáy-a:k-ís ‘they are tying it’ lengthened grade (lgr.)
wanay-áhk-is ‘they tied it (last night/ aspirating grade (hgr.)
today)’
Other suffixes are outside the stem and are unaffected by grades (14).
(14) wana:y-íck-is ‘you are tying it’ lengthened grade (lgr.)
wanáhy-íck-is ‘you tied it (last night/today)’ aspirating grade (hgr.)
The formation of grades is closely related to the phonology, and so is
described in that section (§8). The uses of grades are treated separately
(§28).
In addition to these internal changes in verbs, Creek has many
prefixes and suffixes (figure 2.2).
26 §2
DIR INST DAT PAT LOC Root SPN PL PROSP AG not Tense DUR Mood
[ STEM ]
Figure 2.2. Order of affixes in verbs.
The outermost layer of prefixes (DIR) is used to indicate direction and

motion (§34):
(15) hic-íta ‘to look, see’
iɬ-hic-íta ‘to go a distance and look’
ɬa:-hic-íta ‘to go a short distance and look, to look back’
(i)yi-hic-íta ‘to come and see, visit’
a:-hic-íta ‘to look this way’
The instrumental (INST) and dative (DAT) prefixes (§22) come next:
(16) ta:c-ís ‘he/she is cutting it’
ís-ta:c-ís ‘he/she is cutting it with it’ Instrumental is-
ín-ta:c-ís ‘he/she is cutting it for him/her’ Dative im-
These prefixes generally add objects to a verb.
The patient prefixes (PAT) appear after the dative prefixes. Creek
makes a distinction between participants who perform an action
deliberately (agents) and participants who are affected by actions or at
least do not instigate them (patients) (§20). Agent agreement is
indicated by suffixes (“AG” in figure 2.2). They are used for subjects
that are in control of the verb:
(17) li:tk-éy-s ‘I am running’

lêyk-ey-s ‘I have sat down’
homp-éy-s ‘I am eating’
Patient agreement is indicated by prefixes. They are used for
participants who are not in control of the state of affairs denoted by the
verb, whether that participant is a subject, as in (18), or an object, as in
(19):
(18) ca-láw-i:-s ‘I am hungry’
ca-yâ:c-is ‘I want it’
(19) ca-hî:c-is ‘he/she has looked at me’
ca-keyc-ís ‘he/she is telling me’
Agent and patient agreement markers can be used together to mark
multiple participants:
(20) ci-na:fk-éy-s ‘I am hitting you’

ca-na:fk-íck-is ‘you are hitting me’
The terms agent and patient are distinct from subject and object. All
agents are subjects, but some subjects are agents (21a) and some
subjects are patients (21b).
(21) a. aní-t míhc-ey-s
I-T do.HGR-1S.A-IND
‘I did it.’ / ‘I’m the one who did it.’
b. aní-t ca-nókk-i:-s
I-T 1S.PAT-sick-DUR-IND
‘I am sick.’ / ‘I’m the one who is sick.’
The subject (marked by -(i)t) is the same in (21a, b). When the agent
series of agreement markers is used, it is interpreted as agentive, and
when the patient series is used, it is interepreted as nonagentive.
Location (LOC) is the category of the prefixes closest to the root
(§19):
(22) leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit’
a-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit at, sit on (a side or underside)’
ak-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit in water or a low place’
oh-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit on top of’
tak-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit on the ground or floor, or in an enclosed
space’
Locative prefixes are common with verbs describing position. The
suffix -ita in (22) is a suffix that derives verbal nouns. It is a standard

way to list verbs in Creek.
The category “Root” in figure 2.2 includes elements like leyk-
‘(one) sit’ and hic- ‘look, see’. Many verb roots specify the number of
participants in a clause as part of their meaning (§23). The verb
meaning ‘die’ is one such suppletive verb, with a two-way distinction
between singular (one) and plural (two or more):
(23) il-íta ‘(one) to die’
pasatk-itá ‘(two or more) to die’
Verbs expressing motion or position often have a three-way distinction
between singular, dual (two), and triplural (three or more):
ka:k-itá ‘(two) to sit’
apo:k-itá ‘(three or more) to sit’
28 §2
The “Root” category in figure 2.2 also includes infixes and less regular
affixes, including middle -k- (§24), impersonal passive -ho- (§25.1),
reduplication (§23.3), and direct causative -ic- (§24):
(25) tac- ‘cut (something)’
táck-i:-s ‘it is cut’ Middle -k-
tácho:y-ís ‘they/people are cutting it’ Impersonal passive -ho-
(26) hatk- ‘white’
hathak- ‘(two or more) white’ Reduplication
hatic- ‘whiten’ Direct causative
These affixes are considered part of the root, and so are not separated
by a hyphen in this work.
Several suffixes following the root are affected by grades and thus
form part of the stem. Among these are spontaneous -ip- and plural
-ak-.
(27) nis- ‘buy’
nis-i:p-ís ‘he/she is buying it’ (lgr.)
nis-a:k-ís ‘they are buying it’ (lgr.)
After these are the agent agreement markers, discussed above.
Negation (§30) is indicated with a suffix -íko.
(28) nis-íko-: ‘doesn’t buy’
Verbs indicate a number of distinctions in time (§29):
(29) Future nis-áɬi:-s ‘he/she will buy it’
Prospective nis-áha:n-ís ‘he/she is going to buy it’

Present ni:s-ís ‘he/she is buying it, bought it (up to a few
seconds ago)’
Past 1 perfective níhs-is ‘he/she bought it (today up to last night)’
imperfective ni:s-êy-s ‘he/she was buying it (today up to last
night)’
Past 2 nî:s-ánk-s ‘he/she bought it (yesterday to several
weeks ago)’
Past 3 nî:s-imát-s ‘he/she bought it (several weeks to
about a year ago)’
Past 4 ni:s-ánta-s ‘he/she bought it (long ago, at least
several years)’
Past 5 ni:s-atí:-s ‘he/she bought it (very long ago)’
Future time may be expressed with future -áɬi:- ‘will’ or prospective

modal -aha:n- ‘going to’. The former belongs to the “Tense” category
in figure 2.2 and follows agent agreement and negation, while -aha:n-
appears before the agent agreement markers:
(30) a. nis-áha:n-íck-is
buy- PROSP.LGR-2S.AG-IND
‘You are going to buy it.’
b. nis-íck-áɬi:-s
buy-2S.AG-FUT-IND
‘You will buy it.’
Present and Past 1 perfective are indicated by aspect alone. Suffixes
indicating past time (Past 1 imperfective -eys-, Past 2 -ánk-, Past 3
-imáta-, Past 4 -ánta-, Past 5 -ati:-) also belong to the “Tense” category
in figure 2.2 and distinguish several degrees of remoteness in the past.
The durative suffix -i:- indicates an event that is recurrent (such as a
habit) or a state:
(31) héyy-i:-s ‘it is hot’ Durative -i:
ni:s-í:-s ‘he/she buys it’
The last element in the verb complex is a mark of mood. The
suffixes in (32) are common:
(32) ni:s-ís ‘he/she is buying it’ Indicative -is
nis-ás ‘buy it!’ Imperative -as
ni:s-á′ ‘is he/she buying it?’ Interrogative -a
Every full sentence is marked for mood.

Adverbial clauses are marked with suffixes:
(33) a:y-â:t(i) ‘as he/she goes, . . .’
a:y-ô:f(a) ‘when he/she goes, . . .’
a:y-ín o:m-â:t(i) ‘if he/she goes, . . .’
ay-íko-: (i)mônk-in ‘before he/she goes, . . .’
a:y-iká ‘because he/she is going, . . .’
a:y-ít o:m-êys(in) ‘though he/she is going, . . .’
These and other clause types are discussed in §42.
2.5 Parts of speech

Stems in Creek can be divided into several classes based on their
grammatical behavior (table 2.3).
30 §2
TABLE 2.3. PARTS OF SPEECH

Verb stems
Common verbs: homp- ‘eat’, iwanhk- ‘(be/get) thirsty’, hisa:k- ‘breathe’
Auxiliary verbs: om- ‘be’
Numerals: hokkô:l- ‘two’
Nouns
Common nouns: ací ‘corn’, ísti ‘person’
Proper nouns: cá:ni ‘John’, citto-há:co ‘Crazy Snake’
Pronouns: cí:mi ‘you’
Demonstratives: ma ‘that’
Postpositions: onápa ‘above’, ó:fa ‘inside’
Adjectival nouns: omálka ‘all’
Derived categories
Verbal nouns: homp-itá ‘to eat, food’, ca:tí:c-ka ‘blood letting’
Participles
Stative (“adjectives”): lást-i: ‘black’
Reduced: -last-i ‘black’, -hotopk-i ‘barbecued’
Eventive: wo:hk-í: ‘barking’, á:ssi:c-í: ‘chasing’
Minor categories
Interjections: hêylá: ‘oh!’, ihín ‘um’, ihí ‘yes’
Particles: ci:^ (emphatic)
The most obvious characteristic of verb stems is that they require a

suffix. They also commonly show tense, negation, mood, and grades,
and take instrumental, directional, and locative prefixes. Semantically,
verb stems may refer to activities or states. I distinguish common verbs

like homp- ‘eat’ from verbs with more limited distribution. Auxiliary
verbs occur with another verb: ni:s-í: wêyt-ay-i:-s ‘I might buy it’.
Numerals are like other verbs in showing tense and person (toccî:n-iy-
áɬi:-s ‘we will be three’), but are special in forming ordinals and in
having causative forms for expressing age. Most numerals are usually
in the falling tone grade.
The noun class includes words referring to people (mahá:ya
‘teacher’) and things (cokó ‘house’). Nouns may be used independently
and occur with fewer affixes than verbs, though many have
diminutives in -oci. Proper nouns and pronouns generally function as
noun phrases and are not usually compounded or modified.
Demonstratives may precede nouns (ma ifá ‘that dog’) but may also
be used independently as pronouns (ma ‘that one’). Postpositions are
like other nouns in taking bare complements (cokó onápa ‘above the
house’). They differ from other nouns in that they can be modified for
degree (onáp-os-a:n ‘just above’). Adjectival nouns are a small

category of nouns appearing at the end of a noun phrase (ísti omálka
‘everyone’) or used independently (omálka ‘everything’). They often
express quantity.
Derived forms introduce additional categories. Many verbs,
particularly activities, are cited in this work with the suffix -ita. This
suffix turns a verb stem into a noun: a form like homp-itá is a verbal
noun that may refer to an activity (‘to eat’) or to what is eaten (‘food’).
Another suffix -ka has a similar function, though it is more restricted in
use. I refer to forms in -ita as “infinitives” and to forms in -ka as
“gerunds,” although these terms are potentially misleading.
I have so far said nothing about adjectives. In English, adjectives
like red or angry are different parts of speech from verbs like run or
eat. Sometimes English allows a word to be turned into another part of
speech, however: the verb freeze, for example, has corresponding
modifying forms frozen and freezing, traditionally referred to as past
and present participles. Modifying forms in Creek are derived from
verbs in the same way:
(34) a. ahólo:c-ís
cloud.LGR-IND
‘It is clouding up.’
b. aholoc-í:
cloud-DUR
‘cloudy’
In order to understand this, it is first helpful to describe some of the
aspectual distinctions in Creek, however.

Creek has a primary distinction between temporary events
(“nonduratives”) and states or prolonged events (“duratives”). The
chief distinction is that duratives are marked with a suffix -i:-. Further
distinctions can be made by using different grades, as in table 2.4.
TABLE 2.4. DURATIVES AND NONDURATIVES

Nondurative
Eventive ahólo:c-ís ‘it is getting cloudy’ (lgr.)
wo:hk-ís ‘it is barking’ (lgr.)
Durative (-i:-)
Stative aholoc-í:-s ‘it is cloudy’ (zero grade)
Eventive wo:hk-í:-s ‘it barks (all the time)’ (lgr.)
32 §2
As the forms in table 2.3 show, simple states are expressed by

combining the zero grade with the durative aspect, as in aholoc-í:-s ‘it
is cloudy’. Habits, however, are events that happen regularly over a
sustained period, so they are expressed by combining the eventive
aspect (lgr.) with the durative.
Durative verb forms are also used to modify nouns in noun
phrases. I use the term “participle” for verb forms with this function
(table 2.5).1
TABLE 2.5. PARTICIPLES

Stative participle aholoc-í: ‘cloudy’ (zero grade)
Eventive participle wo:hk-í: ‘barking’ (lgr.)
Simple states are once again in the zero grade, while events are in the
lengthened grade:
(35) Ma ifá lást-i: wo:hk-í: a:ɬ-â:t
that dog black-DUR bark.LGR-DUR go.around.SG.LGR-REF
‘that black dog going around barking’
A stative participle often combines with a preceding noun, however,
and results in a reduced participle ending in short -i (36).
(36) a. ma ísti acól-i: (full participle)
that person old-DUR
‘that old man’2
b. ma isti-acól-i (reduced adjoined participle)

that person-old-I
‘that old man’
c. ma isti-hátk-i (reduced compounded participle)
that person-white-I
‘that white person’
Reduced participles may be adjoined with nouns, as in (36b), or
compounded. When compounded, they usually refer to a variety.
Diminutive -oci (§13.1) can be used with reduced adjoined participles
and reduced compounded participles. Referential -a:t(i) (§39) can be
1
Martin and Mauldin (2000) use the term “adjective” for stative participles. The
current terminology distinguishes stative participle, eventive participle, and reduced
stative participle, and thus adds greater precision to the description.
2
The participle acól-i: ‘old’ refers specifically to males.
used with full participles and reduced adjoined participles, but not with
compounds.
To summarize, modifying forms in Creek are durative verb forms.
These modifying forms are referred to here as participles. They may
occur in different grades and be full or reduced.
Verb stems, nouns, and derived categories are open classes with
almost unlimited membership. There are in addition several limited
categories of words including interjections and particles. Neither
interjections nor particles take affixes of any kind. Interjections may
stand alone, while particles may not.
There is no clear category of “adverb” in Creek. Among
expressions with adverbial function, concepts pertaining to time may
be expressed through verbal forms (haya:tk-â:t ‘in the morning’,
literally ‘when it dawns’) or with nouns (páksi-n ‘tomorrow’). Manner
adverbs are derived from verbs: pafn- ‘be/get quick’ > páfn-i: ‘quick’ >
páfn-i:-n ‘quickly’.
Further distinctions in word classes can be based on function. Thus,
interrogative expressions may belong to the class of nouns (nâ:ki
‘what’) or common verbs (isto:m- ‘do what’). Connecting words (e.g.,
mo:m-ín ‘and, then’) are reduced clauses (‘doing that’, etc.) that have
taken on the function of connecting a sentence to a previous discourse.
2.6 Basic issues in analyzing Creek and Muskogean

languages
Different linguists working on Muskogean languages have sometimes
approached similar data in different ways. Sometimes these different
approaches reflect differences in the languages, but at other times they

reflect differences in theoretical assumptions. This section describes
and justifies a few specific positions taken in this work.
As noted in §2.2, the clitics -(i)t and -(i)n appearing on noun
phrases are similar in form to the clitics -(i)t and -(i)n appearing on
clauses. When these endings appear on noun phrases, they function to
distinguish subjects from nonsubjects. When they appear on clauses,
they mark same- or different-subject. I have taken the position that
these two functions are ultimately related, being special uses of more
general discourse markers that I call thematic and nonthematic. This is
the same position taken by H. Hardy (2005) in her work on Alabama.
Linguists working on Chickasaw and Choctaw, however, have made a
clear distinction between case markers and switch-reference markers.
Thus Munro (2005) refers to same-subject -t and different-subject -ⁿ in
Chickasaw being reminiscent of case markers -at and -aⁿ, but she sees
34 §2
no synchronic relation between the two functions, and indeed the

suffixes have different forms in that language.
One reason I group the two functions together in Creek is practical:
it is often difficult to decide whether a particular use is the noun phrase
use or the clause-final use. Example (37) is typical in this regard:
(37) ísti hámk-it ippocí toccî:n-in o:c-atí:-s
person one-T son three.FGR-N have-PAST5-IND
‘A man once had three sons.’
The subject in (37) ends in -it and the object ends in -in, so it might be
thought that these are case markers. Numerals are verbs, however, so it
would also be possible to analyze -it and -in in (37) as switch-reference
markers: a literal translation of (37) would then be ‘a person who is
one [same-subject] had sons who are three [different-subject]’.
Despite the existence of such ambiguous examples, in most
instances I feel it is more informative to make statements either about
case marking or about switch reference. There are a few places where
it is appropriate to speak of the two functions together, however. In
relative clauses, for example, both case marking and switch-reference
marking are “stripped” from noun phrases and clauses:
(38) a. nâ:ki-t no:ks-ít a:ɬ-ís
thing steal.food.LGR-T go.about.SG.LGR-IND
‘Something is going about stealing food.’
b. [ma nâ:ki_ no:ks-í:_ a:ɬ-â:t NP]
that thing steal.food.LGR-DUR go.about.SG.LGR-REF
‘that thing going about stealing food’ (1915.1)
Presumably the stripping of discourse markers from relative clauses

has to do with the fact that information in relative clauses is
presupposed rather than asserted: whatever the ultimate explanation
might be, the fact that both phenomena pattern together suggests
similar functions.
Another major issue dividing linguists is how to apply traditional
terms such as “direct object” and “transitive verb” to these languages.
As we have seen, Creek -(i)n on a noun phrase marks a nonsubject in a
clause. It can appear on an object (39), on more than one object (40),
on directions (41), on general locations (42), on postpositions
indicating specific location (43), and on noun phrases expressing time
(44).
(39) ifá-t pó:si lást-i:-n á:ssi:c-ís
dog-T cat black-DUR-N chase.LGR-IND
‘The dog is chasing the black cat.’

water-boil-I-N wolf-N pour.on.IMPL.LGR-N
‘. . . they pour boiling water on Wolf. . .’ (1939b)
(43) hácci tapá:la-n léyk-i:-s
stream other.side-N sit.SG-DUR-IND
‘He/she lives on the other side of the stream.’
(44) páksi-n ’yifolk-ip-áha:n-éy-s
tomorrow-N go.back.SG-SPN-PROSP.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m going back tomorrow.’
Based on case marking, it is difficult to distinguish direct objects from
indirect objects. Thus, where traditional English grammar might
distinguish a direct object in (39) from an indirect object in (41), Creek
makes no obvious distinction. The traditional distinction between
transitive and intransitive verb is similarly blurred: there is no clear
motivation for calling â:y-ánk-s in (41) an intransitive verb.
It does seem desirable, however, to distinguish objects from
nominals with adverbial function. Thus, general locations as in (42)–
(43) and time expressions as in (44) can be added to almost any verb,
but whether a nominal receives an interpretation as patient (39), goal

(41), etc., depends on the choice of verb. I thus use object in a broad
way for nominals whose interpretation as patient, goal, etc., depends on
the verb.
The situation in Chickasaw and Choctaw is somewhat different,
leading to possible confusion in terminology. The cognate of -(i)n in
these languages is -ⁿ, but its use on nominals is more constrained. It is
used in examples like (39) and (41), but -ⁿ generally only appears on
the first object in examples like (40). Nominals expressing location as
in (42)–(43) also take -ⁿ, but in this context Chickasaw requires an
applicative prefix on the verb, suggesting the location is an added
object (Munro 2005). Nominals expressing time as in (44) are bare.
Because of this more limited distribution, it seems reasonable to call -ⁿ
in Chickasaw and Choctaw a mark of primary object.
A third issue dividing linguists is the analysis of the agent-patient
distinction in the agreement system:
36 §2
(45) a. aní-t míhc-ey-s

I-T do.HGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I did it.’ / ‘I’m the one who did it.’
b. aní-t ca-nókk-i:-s
I-T 1S.PAT-sick-DUR-IND
‘I am sick.’ / ‘I’m the one who is sick.’
All linguists agree that (45a) and (45b) have first person singular
subjects. Davies (1986) introduced the idea that constructions in
Choctaw analogous to (45b) are unaccusatives: that is, that the subject
in such clauses corresponds to a direct object at another level of
analysis. To my knowledge, no one else has maintained this analysis.
One reason is that the distinction in Muskogean languages is largely
based on agency, whereas what is thought to be unaccusativity in
languages like Italian is closer to aspect (Martin 1991a). A second
reason is that whether a verb has agent or patient agreement seems
unrelated to the syntax of the language: one can devise a syntactic
account that explains the morphology, but this move is generally seen
to complicate the syntax.
Another issue pertaining to examples like (45) is whether the agent
and patient markers are agreement or incorporated pronouns. As (45)
shows, person markers can cooccur with independent pronouns. My
conclusion is that these markers are in agreement with arguments,
whether implicit or explicit. When the independent pronoun is omitted,
I assume the presence of an implicit pronoun (“pro”):
(46) [pro] míhc-ey-s
do.HGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I did it.’
A final issue specific to Creek has to do with segmentation of words
into morphemes. The following contrast is one I have had difficulty
with myself:
(47) a. isti-acól-i-t
person-old-I-T
‘old man (as subject)’
b. ísti toccî:n-it
person three.FGR-T
‘three people (as subject)’
Note that I segment the final -it as -i-t in (47a), but as -it in (47b). The
contrast stems from the observation that isti-acól-i is a word, while
*ísti toccî:n-i is incomplete. The former includes the reduced
participial suffix -i (glossed as “I”) used when a modifying stative

participle combines with a noun.
3 Creek dialects and ways of speaking
Creek shows variation across regions, variation among speakers, and
variation over time.
3.1 Regional differences

There was probably some variation in the early period among clans and
tribal towns in Alabama and Georgia, but migration to Indian Territory
in the 1830s and 1840s and the redistribution of land in the 1890s
likely contributed to a flattening of dialect differences. Surveys
conducted in the late twentieth century provided evidence for three
Creek dialects: Muskogee, Oklahoma Seminole Creek, and Florida
Seminole Creek.
CREEK
Muskogee Oklahoma Seminole Creek Florida Seminole Creek
Seminole
Oklahoma
Figure 3.1. Creek dialects (after Martin and Mauldin 2000).
As shown in figure 3.1, these dialects overlap: the Seminole dialects

share a history of approximately one hundred years (roughly 1750–
1840), while the Oklahoma dialects share a longer and more recent
history (about 1840 to the present). This overlapping history is evident
in several areas of the language.
3.1.1 Vocabulary
The Seminole grouping in figure 3.1 is supported by a few lexical
differences, as the partial list in table 3.1 shows.
Creek dialects and ways of speaking 39
TABLE 3.1. SOME LEXICAL DIFFERENCES BETWEEN MUSKOGEE AND SEMINOLE

MUSKOGEE SEMINOLE
‘to climb’ acimk-itá acomk-itá
‘needle’ cofónwa is-ɬopó:tt-a
‘soap’ kapí (i)s-okkós-ka
‘star’ kocicámpa, kolá:swa kocicámpa
‘cactus’ tanɬákko, talhácko* kanɬákko
* Haas (1941) discusses variation of this form as a product of folk etymology.
It is more common to find the Oklahoma dialects agreeing against the

Florida dialect, however: in vocabulary, most Oklahoma Seminoles
have more in common with Muskogees than they do with Florida
Seminoles.
Because Oklahoma has a temperate climate and Florida is
subtropical, the names for plants and animals differ widely in the two
regions. Many names for plants and animals used in Florida are
unknown in Oklahoma (table 3.2).
TABLE 3.2. SOME PLANTS AND ANIMAL TERMS FOUND ONLY IN FLORIDA
PLANTS
a:sónwa ‘Spanish moss’, acinahó: ‘bald cypress’, aha-ɬákko ‘elephant
ears’, api:tti:-ɬákko ‘papaya’, hiká:ko ‘cocoa plum’, hilokhá:ka ‘dahoon’,
konti:-hátk-i ‘Zamia species’, kowá:wa ‘guava’, miskol-ápi ‘water oak’,
siya:phó: ‘date palm’, solic-apí ‘wax myrtle’, ta:la-sáwka ‘coconut palm’,
ta:la-ɬákko ‘palmetto’, tó:la ‘sweet bay’, ’to-tákw-i ‘swamp apple’,
wilantaló ‘banana’
ANIMALS
foco-li-cá:t-i ‘American black duck’, fos-lást-i ‘cormorant’, halólo
‘curlew’, kacacawá ‘gator turtle’, kanɬapóci ‘anole’, ’ka-tákw-i ‘wood
stork’, loca-hóyhk-a ‘gopher turtle’, nok-cá:pko ‘American bittern’, opa-
ka-pil-ocí ‘burrowing owl’, op-ak-hatk-ocí ‘short-eared owl’, pahi-oh-
wá:kk-a ‘least bittern’, winkiskí:ka ‘Virginia rail’
Conversely, some species restricted to colder climates are not widely

known in Florida. These include common nut trees like ocí: ‘hickory’
and oci:-cápko ‘pecan’. Plants like wí:so ‘sassafras’ and hilis-hátk-i
‘ginseng’ are imported to Florida for medicine but do not grow there.
Many names for foods also differ between Florida and Oklahoma.
In Oklahoma, the traditional corn dish called (o)sá:fki is served in one
basic way. Visitors to Florida are surprised to find kowa:wa-sá:fki
40 §3
‘guava sofkee’, alo:so-sá:fki ‘rice sofkee’, toma:ti-sá:fki ‘tomato

sofkee’, and kont-osá:fki ‘coontie sofkee’, among others.
Florida also differs from Oklahoma in social organization. In
Oklahoma, an individual identifies with a tribe (e.g., ma:skó:ki
‘Muskogee’), an itálwa ‘tribal town’ (e.g., oci:-ap-ó:fa ‘Hickory
Ground’), and an im-aleyk-itá ‘clan’ (e.g., ’co-âlki ‘Deer clan’). In
Florida, names for tribal towns have either disappeared or merged with
clans (thus, ‘Big Town’ is a clan in Florida, though it was previously a
tribal town).
Most Florida Seminoles live on reservations, while many Creeks in
Oklahoma were allotted land. During the twentieth century, the
Seminole Tribe of Florida invested heavily in citrus, cattle, and
traditional crafts such as baskets and patchwork. Dozens of terms for
citrus are used in Florida. Terms for cattle like wa:ka-ika-hátk-i
‘Hereford’ (lit., ‘white-head cow’) can be understood by Oklahoma
speakers, though they are not used there. Sewing has its own
vocabulary and has affected color terms: páɬko ‘grape’ and yalá:ha
‘orange (fruit)’ are used for colors in Florida.
Because of their location, Florida Seminoles have had more contact
with speakers of Mikasuki and Spanish. When referring to one’s
mother, some Creek speakers in Florida will use the word wá:ci, from
Mikasuki. Two frequent exclamations used in Florida are wíʔ ‘oops’
and incáʔ ‘here!’. These are not used in Oklahoma. The word for ‘flag’
in Florida is wantí:la, from Spanish bandera. In Oklahoma, the word
talilínna is used. A number of other lexical differences, some of which
are shown in table 3.3, support the Oklahoma grouping in figure 3.1.
3.1.2 Semantic variation

Occasionally the same word will have different meanings in different
regions. Semantic evidence found so far for the Seminole grouping in
figure 3.1 is slim (table 3.4). As the table shows, the word kapí can
mean ‘ash-lye’ or ‘soap’ for Muskogees, but only has the former
reading for most Seminoles in Oklahoma and Florida.1
There is greater evidence for an Oklahoma grouping of Muskogees
and Oklahoma Seminoles, as seen in the partial list in table 3.5.
1
George Grayson, a Muskogee speaker, complained in 1885 that kapí was used to
refer to soap, but “is more properly lye dripped from wood ashes” (Grayson 1885:194).
His statement indicates that the use of this word for ‘soap’ is an innovation among
Muskogees in Oklahoma.
TABLE 3.3. SOME LEXICAL DIFFERENCES BETWEEN OKLAHOMA AND FLORIDA

DIALECTS
OKLAHOMA FLORIDA
‘car’ a:tamí nompí:li
‘we’ pó:mi pí:mi, pó:mi*
‘soda pop’ (no word) pónci
‘flour’ hockatí: hockati:-hátk-i, alí:na
‘hello’ istonkô:, hí:ɬs cey istonkô:
‘rattlesnake’ citto-mí:kko cikto-ɬakɬá:k-a:t
‘centipede’ ’li-sólk-a ’li-cókp-a
‘squirrel’ iɬó, iɬo-ha:tk-ocí ‘gray ’ɬo-hatk-ocí, ’to-hatk-ocí
squirrel’
‘her husband’ ihí (i)m-acól-a:t
‘teenage boy’ (no word) acol-ocí
‘penny’ hopoɬɬink-ocí tokna:p-la:n-ocí
* Similarly, the first person plural patient and dative prefixes po- and pom-
are sometimes given as pi- and pim- in Florida.
TABLE 3.4. SEMANTIC DIFFERENCES BETWEEN MUSKOGEE AND SEMINOLE

MUSKOGEE SEMINOLE
kapí ‘ash-lye, soap’ ‘ash-lye’
TABLE 3.5. SOME SEMANTIC DIFFERENCES BETWEEN OKLAHOMA AND FLORIDA

DIALECTS
OKLAHOMA FLORIDA
topá ‘bed’ ‘raised platform’
piɬɬo-támk-a ‘airplane’ ‘airboat’
cofónwa ‘table fork’ ‘pitchfork’
aha:ka-há:y-a ‘attorney’ ‘police officer’
há:lo ‘tin can’ ‘cup’
nokos-ó:m-a ‘mythical being’ ‘black, fuzzy caterpillar’
ká:cca ‘tiger’ ‘Florida panther’
lá:n-i: ‘green, yellow, brown’ ‘yellow’
iccá:swa ‘beaver’ ‘manatee’*
* This use is archaic in Florida. The shift from ‘beaver’ to ‘manatee’ is also
found in Hitchiti-Mikasuki.
42 §3
3.1.3 Grammatical variation

There are a few regional differences in grammar supporting the
Oklahoma grouping in figure 3.1.
• Copular (‘be’) sentences are pronounced with an extra t in Florida
(1b).
(1) a. Oklahoma
hiyá pókko-t ô:( n)-s
this ball-T be.FGR-IND
‘This is a ball.’
b. Florida
hiyá pókko-t tô:n(-s)
this ball-T be.FGR-IND
Example (1b) also shows that indicative -(i)s may be dropped in
Florida.
• The numbers ‘eleven’ through ‘nineteen’, ‘twenty-one’ through
‘twenty-nine’, ‘thirty-one’ through ‘thirty-nine’, etc., have been
replaced in Florida with newer expressions (table 3.6).
TABLE 3.6. NUMBERS IN OKLAHOMA AND FLORIDA DIALECTS

OKLAHOMA FLORIDA
‘eleven’ pá:l-in hamkontalâ:k-in pá:l-in hámk-it hoyâ:n-in
‘twelve’ pá:l-in hokkolohkâ:k-in pá:l-in hokkô:l-it hoyâ:n-in
The modern forms from Florida mean literally ‘one past ten’, ‘two
past ten’, etc.
• When words ending in a consonant are borrowed from English into
Creek in Florida, a suffix -ki is added: thus, the English word church
is borrowed as church-ki. In Oklahoma, a suffix -ka is occasionally
used for this purpose, but generally no suffix is used.
3.1.4 Pronunciation
Muskogee speakers describe Florida Seminoles as speaking in a rapid,
staccato manner. There are additional differences in pronunciation. A
few support the Seminole grouping in figure 3.1; notably, the group
plural suffix -âlki is sometimes pronounced -êyki by Seminoles in
Florida and Oklahoma.
Other differences support the Oklahoma grouping:
• For some Florida speakers, h shifts in places to f. These speakers

pronounce hoyâ:n-in ‘went past’ as fâ:n-in, and hoyɬ-itá ‘to stand’ as
fi:ɬ-itá.
• The sequence ct is simplified in different ways. In Florida, (i)yâ:c-t
ó:-s ‘he/she wants it’ may be pronounced (i)yâ:s-t ó:-s in rapid
speech, while in Oklahoma it may be simplified to (i)yâ:tt ó:-s.
• In Oklahoma, the word for ‘leaf’ is ’to-íssi or ’towí:ssi. In Florida, it
is ’tohíssi.
• The word for ‘snake’ is pronounced cítto in Oklahoma and cíkto in
Florida.
• The word for ‘horse’ is ’coɬákko or ’ciɬákko in Oklahoma and
Florida, ultimately from ico-ɬákko ‘big deer’. In Oklahoma the word
is further shortened to ɬákko.
• Florida speakers have in in a few words corresponding to Oklahoma
i:. This is evident in the words for ‘garfish’ (Oklahoma i:sá:pa,
Florida insá:pa) and ‘land’ (Oklahoma i:kaná, Florida
inkaná~i:kaná).
• Oklahoma speakers say asêyma ‘yonder’. Florida speakers use
asî:ma.
• The suffix -o:fa ‘when’ is shortened to -o:f in Oklahoma and to -o:ʔ
in Florida.2
3.2 Individual differences

Some speech variation reflects individual rather than regional

differences.3
• Some speakers pronounce the diphthong oy as [ʊː], [wiː], or [iː]
(§5.10). The word for ‘water’ may be pronounced óywa, ó:wa, or
wí:wa by members of the same family. A fourth variant, í:wa, is
sometimes heard in Florida.
• A number of speakers shift the rare sequence kyV to ki, leading to
pairs like: atokyiha:tt-í: ~ atokiha:tt-í: ‘lightning’; okyihá: ~ okihá:
‘mosquito’; okyánwa ~ okínwa ‘channel catfish’.
2
Glottal stops are rarely used in Oklahoma, but sometimes occur at the ends of
words in Florida.
3
Haas (1945) discusses individual differences in Oklahoma. Florida Seminoles
often describe differences between camps or families, but variation at this level has not
been investigated systematically.
44 §3
• The future suffix -áɬi:- is pronounced -áhi:- by individuals in all

three tribal groups. The prospective suffix -aha:n- also has a less
common variant -aɬa:n-.
3.3 Archaisms
A few archaic features are documented in eighteenth- and nineteenth-
century sources:
• One way to indicate questions prior to the twentieth century was with
a suffix -ha:ks.
• The suffix -eys(in) ‘though’ found in twentieth-century sources has
an older variant -eysim.
• The modern word tokná:wa ‘money’ has a longer form cato-koná:wa
(lit., ‘stone/metal bead’) in earlier sources.
• Several older sources (Anonymous [1738?], Davis and Lykins 1835,
Casey [1850?]) show an emphatic indicative suffix -st as distinct
from indicative -s. More recent sources have only -s.
• Older sources have a discourse marker -hka. Its use is poorly
understood.
• The suffix -ánta- used for Past 4 ceased to be used much after about
1940.
• The diphthong ay (ey) shifted from [ǝj] to [ej] about 1900 (§4.3.1).
The differences described in this chapter are individually small, but
quickly accumulate. In order to simplify the presentation, this work is

primarily based on the Muskogee dialect.
Phonology
4 Phonemes
Creek phonemes can be divided into consonants and vowels.1 Table 4.1
lists the consonants by place and manner of articulation.
TABLE 4.1. CONSONANT PHONEMES

LABIAL ALVEOLAR PALATAL VELAR GLOTTAL
PLOSIVE p t c k
FRICATIVE f s h
LATERAL ɬ
SONORANT
NASAL m n
GLIDE w y
LATERAL l
“Plosive” combines the oral stops p, t, k and the affricate c.2 Consonant
contrasts are treated in §4.1.
Creek vowels are divided into short and long vowels (table 4.2).
TABLE 4.2. VOWEL PHONEMES

SHORT LONG
FRONT BACK FRONT BACK

NONLOW i o i: o:
LOW a a:
Creek also has short and long nasal vowels iⁿ, aⁿ, oⁿ, i:ⁿ, a:ⁿ, o:ⁿ. Vowel
contrasts are presented in §4.2 below. The diphthongs ay (or ey), oy,
and aw are discussed in §4.3.
Table 4.3 lists the suprasegmentals. Stress, tone, and intonation all
influence pitch in Creek.
1
The analysis of phonemes presented here follows Haas (1940, 1977a, 1977b).
2
A glottal stop (ʔ) is sometimes recorded before a vowel at certain junctures (end
of §6.1).
48 §4
TABLE 4.3. SUPRASEGMENTALS

STRESS (MARKED OVER VOWELS)
Primary stress ´
TONE (MARKED OVER VOWELS)
Falling tone ˆ
Rising tone ˇ
INTONATION (MARKED AFTER WORDS)
High intonation ′
Falling intonation ^
Rising intonation ˅
Contrasts involving these phenomena are presented in §4.4.

Phonemic transcriptions in this work are italicized. Phonetic
transcriptions are enclosed in square brackets ([ ]) and, except where
noted, follow the 1993 conventions of the International Phonetic
Association.
4.1 Consonant contrasts

4.1.1 Plosives
The plosives p, t, c, and k are unaspirated and normally voiceless.
p is a voiceless bilabial stop;
t is a voiceless alveolar stop;
c is a voiceless palatal affricate;3
k is a voiceless velar stop.

The following are examples of contrasts among the plosives in initial
position (1) and medial position (2).
(1) páɬko ‘grape’ [pǝɬko]
táɬpa ‘wing’ [tǝɬpǝ]
cá-ɬki ‘my father’ [ʧǝɬkɪ]
káɬp-i: ‘dry’ [kǝɬpiː]
(2) cápk-i: ‘long’ [ʧǝpkiː]
hátk-i: ‘white’ [hǝtkiː]
fáck-i: ‘full’ [fǝʧkiː]
3
The affricate c is phonetically [ʧ], a sequence of stop+fricative; it patterns as a
single consonant within the language, however. Thus, icó ‘deer’ is stressed and
syllabified like ifá ‘dog’ rather than like ísti ‘person’. Infixation also treats c as a single
consonant.
Phonemes 49
fákki ‘soil’ [fɑkkɪ]

Plosives at the beginnings of syllables are voiced between voiced
sounds (§5.1). The velar plosive k sometimes has a uvular
pronunciation (§5.3); c is sometimes pronounced [ts], especially before
k (§5.8).
4.1.2 Fricatives
The fricatives f, s, ɬ, and h are normally voiceless.
f is a voiceless labiodental or bilabial fricative (the bilabial
articulation is pronounced by raising the lower lip to the upper lip,
with no rounding of the lips);
s is a voiceless apico-alveolar fricative;4
ɬ is a voiceless alveolar-lateral fricative;
h is a voiceless glottal fricative.
The following examples show contrasts in initial position (3) and
medial position (4).
(3) fákki ‘soil’ [fɑkkɪ]
sákpa ‘his or her arm’ [sɑkpǝ]
ɬákko ‘horse’ [ɬɑkko]
hákka ‘dipper’ [hɑkkǝ]
(4) cafk-itá ‘to drip’ [ʧǝfkɪdǝ]
cask-itá ‘to peck at’ [ʧǝskɪdǝ]
cá-ɬki ‘my father’ [ʧǝɬkɪ]
cahkî:p-in ‘five’ [ʧɑhkiːbɪn]

At the beginnings of syllables, s and f may be lightly voiced between
voiced sounds (§5.1). Lightly voiced f and s are transcribed here
phonetically as [f̬] and [s̬], respectively. In some positions, h has a
uvular articulation (§5.4).
4.1.3 Sonorants
Sonorants are normally fully voiced.
m is a voiced bilabial nasal;
w is a voiced labiovelar glide;
n is a voiced alveolar nasal;
4
Some speakers give s a laminal articulation sounding a little like [ʃ]. This
pronunciation is particularly prevalent in Florida.
50 §4
l is a voiced alveolar lateral;

y is a voiced palatal glide.
The following are examples of contrasts in initial position (5) and
medial position (6).
(5) motí:sa ‘type of jug’ [modiːs̬ǝ]
wó:tko ‘raccoon’ [woːtko]
nokósi ‘bear’ [nogos̬ɪ]
locá ‘turtle’ [lʊʤǝ]
yahá ‘wolf’ [jǝhǝ]
(6) hámk-in ‘one’ [hǝmgɪn]
aháwki ‘door’ [ǝhǝwgɪ]
opánka ‘dance’ [obǝngǝ] ~ [obǝŋgǝ]
omálka ‘everything’ [omǝlgǝ]
apóyka ‘tame animal’ [ǝbʊjgǝ]
Under certain circumstances, n assimilates in place to a following k
(§5.2).
4.1.4 Geminate consonants

Geminate consonants are clusters of like consonants. Geminate
consonants are tense and slightly longer than nongeminates:
(7) a. hafáp-i: ‘weedy’ [hǝfǝbiː]
kasápp-i: ‘cold’ [kǝs̬ǝppiː]
b. hotop-itá ‘to barbecue’ [hodobɪdǝ]
hottop-íta ‘to be itchy’ [hottobɪdǝ]
c. ikóci ‘his/her elbow’ [ɪgʊʤɪ]

i:kkoc-í: ‘smoke’ [iːkkʊʤiː]
Geminate cc is pronounced [tʧ]:
(8) iháci ‘its tail’ [ɪhǝʤɪ]
hácci ‘river’ [hǝtʧɪ]
The examples in (9) contrast geminate and nongeminate fricatives:
(9) a. iháfi ‘his/her thigh’ [ɪhǝf̬ɪ]
laff-itá ‘to cut, carve’ [lǝffɪdǝ]
b. hasí ‘sun’ [hǝs̬ɪ]
ássi ‘tea’ [ǝssɪ]
c. á:ɬ-a ‘wanderer, one who goes about’ [ɑːɬǝ]
kí:ɬɬ-a ‘seer, prophet’ [kiːɬɬǝ]
Sonorants may also be geminate:
Phonemes 51
(10) a. acína ‘cedar’ [ǝʤɪnǝ]

hónna ‘dress’ [honnǝ]
b. fo:y-itá ‘to saw’ [foːjɪdǝ]
loyy-itá ‘to hoe’ [lʊjjɪdǝ]
Geminate hh and mm are uncommon within roots. Geminate ww does
not occur in the speech of most speakers.5
4.2 Vowel contrasts

4.2.1 Short vowels
The three short vowels i, a, and o range in quality from lax (central) [ɪ],
[ǝ], [ʊ] to tense (noncentral) [i], [ɑ], [o], respectively.
i is a nonlow front vowel;
a is a low back vowel;
o is a nonlow back rounded vowel.
The following are examples of contrasts in initial position (11) and
final position (12).
(11) icó ‘deer’ [ɪʤo]
ací ‘corn’ [ǝʤɪ]
ocí: ‘hickory’ [oʤiː]
(12) pací ‘pigeon’ [pǝʤɪ]
locá ‘turtle’ [lʊʤǝ]
focó ‘duck’ [fʊʤo]
A number of factors determine whether a vowel is centralized:

• As figure 4.1 shows, short vowels are central relative to long vowels.
• Vowels are more central in closed syllables.
• Vowels are less central in slow speech.
• A neighboring consonant made with the blade or tip of the tongue has
a centralizing effect (particularly on o).
• The vowel a is generally noncentral when followed in the same
syllable by h or k.
• The vowel o in final position is generally noncentral.
5
But cf. Haas (1977a:202, n. 5), who reports ww among Creek speakers
influenced by Alabama or Koasati.
52 §4
Figure 4.1. Acoustic vowel space for women (top panel) and men (bottom
panel). The placement of vowel symbols indicates the average formant values
of each vowel. Ellipses enclose approximately 90 percent of the measured
values of each vowel. (After Johnson and Martin 2001. © 2001 S. Karger AG,
Basel.)
4.2.2 Long vowels

The long vowels i:, a:, and o: are held slightly longer than short
vowels and are always noncentral (tense). The following examples
contrast short and long vowels in initial position (13) and final position
(14).
Phonemes 53
(13) a. íssi ‘body-hair, fur’ [ɪssɪ]

í:sso ‘ashes’ [iːsso]
b. ássi ‘tea’ [ǝssɪ]
á:fki ‘hominy grits’ [ɑːfkɪ]
c. opá ‘owl’ [obǝ]
ó:fa ‘inside’ [oːf̬ǝ]
(14) a. ací ‘corn’ [ǝʤɪ]
ocí: ‘hickory’ [oʤiː]
b. locá ‘turtle’ [lʊʤǝ]
osá: ‘pokeweed’ [os̬ɑː]
c. kicó ‘pounding bowl’ [kiʤo]
kacó: ‘berry’ [kǝʤoː]
4.2.3 Nasal vowels

The nasal vowels are short iⁿ, aⁿ, oⁿ and long i:ⁿ, a:ⁿ, o:ⁿ. Nasal vowels
are generally derived from nasal consonants or result from the
nasalizing grade. They are almost always long.
• The most common source of nasal vowels is the nasalizing grade,
where nasalization, rising tone, and lengthening are used to signal
greater degree (§8.5):
(15) hǐ:ⁿɬ-os-i: ‘pretty’ [hĩːɬos̬iː]
• Nasal vowels also occur in a few suffixes indicating questions.6
(16) o:sk-ihá:ⁿ [oːskihɑ̃ː]
rain.LGR-Q
‘I wonder if it’s raining.’
• In informal speech, the word mo:m-ín ‘then, and’ may be pronounced
mo:ⁿw-ín or mo:w-ín. A few other forms show a similar pattern
(§5.9).7
• Only a few other forms show contrasts between oral and nasal
vowels:
(17) a. pó-ɬki ‘our father’ [poɬkɪ]
opóⁿɬko ‘cutworm’ [obõɬko]
b. in-hóɬ-ka ‘laziness’ (<in-hóɬɬ- ‘be lazy’) [ɪnhoɬkǝ]
in-hóⁿɬ-ka ‘trust’ (<in-honɬ- ‘believe’) [ɪnhõɬkǝ]
6
Booker (1993a) discusses nasalization in questions.
7
This process is described by Haas (1977a).
54 §4
The nasal vowel in the last form is a result of contraction: in-hónɬ-ka >
in-hóⁿɬ-ka.
4.3 Diphthongs
The diphthongs ay (or ey), oy, and aw all rise from back vowels to
glides. The glides y and w in these diphthongs are slightly centralized
(approaching [ɪ] and [ʊ], respectively).
4.3.1 The diphthong ay (or ey)

The diphthong ay underwent a shift from [ǝj] to [ej] in the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries. Loughridge and Hodge (1890) used the
English letter <i> to spell the sound and described it as sounding like i
in English pine.8
When Mary R. Haas did her fieldwork in the 1930s and 1940s, she
recorded a limited distinction between ay and ey in words like
hayyô:ma:t ‘now’ and weyyitá ‘to sell’. It seems from this that the
diphthong ay had begun shifting pronunciation to [ej] by the first half
of the twentieth century, but that the shift at that time was still
incomplete.
At the close of the twentieth century, the shift to [ej] was nearly
complete: a few speakers continued to make a subtle and limited
distinction that might be transcribed as in (18).
(18) a. hayyô:m-a:t ‘now’ [hǝjjoːmɑːt]
weyy-itá ‘to sell’ [wejjɪdǝ]
b. háyy-i: ‘hot’ [hǝjjiː]
ihéywa ‘his wife’ [ɪhejwǝ]

I have followed Haas’s practice of distinguishing ay and ey in such
forms, though the contrast appears to be disappearing.
When followed by a consonant at the end of a phrase, the diphthong
ey is pronounced [ɛː] by some Oklahoma speakers.9
(19) homp-ít o:m-éy-s [hombɪdoːmɛːs]
eat.LGR-T be.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m eating.’
In Florida, the pronunciation [ej] is used in this context.
8
Albert S. Gatschet, a native German speaker, generally transcribed the sound as
<äí> (Gatschet 1884–88).
9
Gatschet (1884-1888) transcribed this sound as <ä>.
Phonemes 55
4.3.2 The diphthong oy

The diphthong oy is generally pronounced [ʊj]:
(20) hopóywa ‘child’ [hobʊjwǝ]
Many speakers pronounce oy as [ʊː]. As noted in §5.10, oy may also
shift from [ʊj] to [wiː] or [iː].
4.3.3 The diphthong aw

The diphthong aw is generally pronounced [ǝw]:
(21) aháwki ‘door’ [ǝhǝwgɪ]
There is a clear contrast between o: and aw in words like those in (22).
(22) fó: ‘bee’ [foː]
hâw ‘okay!’ [hǝw]
4.4 Suprasegmentals
Stress, tone, and intonation are three distinct phenomena affecting the
pitch of words and sentences. The basic contrasts are presented here.
The rules underlying the system are described in §7 and §8.
4.4.1 Stress contrasts

Stress in Creek is reflected in terms of pitch rather than loudness or
duration. In the examples in this section, the pitch of each syllable is
represented by a line whose height and contour corresponds to the
pitch of the syllable. Thus, [ — — ] represents a two-syllable word
with high pitch throughout, and [ — __ ] represents a two-syllable
word whose first syllable has high pitch and whose second syllable has
low pitch. Some initial light syllables may have pitch that is lowered
slightly, as though the pitch is on the way to high. This is marked with
.... —
a dotted line; [ ] thus represents a word with level high pitch,
except that the first syllable may be slightly lowered. The rising
diagonal line [ / ] represents rising tone and [\] represents falling tone:
(23) ací ‘corn’ [ .... — ]
[ǝʤɪ]
háci ‘its tail’ (<iháci) [hǝʤɪ] [ — __ ]
yanása ‘buffalo’ [jǝnǝs̬ǝ] [ .... — __ ]
’yanawá ‘his/her cheek’ (<iyanawá) [jǝnǝwǝ] [ — — — ]
Stress in Creek is largely predictable, but surface contrasts arise in
forms like ’yanawá when an initial vowel has been deleted. Because of
complexities in this area, stress is recorded in phonemic transcriptions
even when predictable.
56 §4
Figures 4.2 and 4.3 show acoustic measurements of the above pitch
contrasts.
Figure 4.2. Pitch patterns in two-syllable nouns. Fundamental frequency (F0)

of ací ‘corn’ (in white) and háci ‘its tail’ (in black), based on averages from
four men and four women. Each dot represents a different place in the vowel:
midpoint (50 percent of the vowel duration), 20 percent, and 80 percent.
(After Martin and Johnson 2002. © 2002 The University of Chicago.)
Phonemes 57
Figure 4.3. Pitch patterns in three-syllable nouns. Fundamental frequency

(F0) of yanása ‘buffalo’ (in white) and ’yanawá ‘his/her cheek’ (in black),
based on averages from four men and four women. Each dot represents a
different place in the vowel: midpoint (50 percent of the vowel duration), 20
percent, and 80 percent. (After Martin and Johnson 2002. © 2002 The
University of Chicago.)
4.4.2 Tone contrasts

A few nouns have falling tone (written in phonemic transcriptions with
ˆ over a vowel). Examples of contrasts include those in (24).10
(24) a. ânɬawá ‘wilderness’ [ǝnɬǝwǝ] [ \ — —]
an-cokó ‘my house’ [ǝnʤʊgo] [———]
b. hî:spákwa ‘robin’ [hiːspɑkwǝ] [ \ — __ ]
hoktálwa ‘old woman’ [hoktǝlwǝ] [ — — __ ]
10
The mid tones that appear in some of these examples result from a process of
downstep that applies to high tones when there is more than one accent within a word;
see §8.7.
58 §4
c. nâ:ki ‘what, thing’ [nɑːgɪ] [ \ __ ]

wá:ka ‘cow’ [wɑːgǝ] [ / __ ]
In verbs, stress, falling tone, and rising tone all contrast:
(25) léyhk-ey-s ‘I sat down (today/last night)’ [lejk̻ ɛːs] [ — __ ]
lêyk-ey-s ‘I am sitting’ [lejgɛːs] [ \ __ ]
lěyⁿk-ey-s ‘I keep sitting down’ [lẽjgɛːs] [ / __ ]
These contrasts are shown in figure 4.4.
Figure 4.4. Pitch patterns in verbs. Fundamental frequency of léyhk-ey-s ‘I sat

down (today/tonight)’ in white; lêyk-ey-s ‘I’m sitting down/have sat down’ in
gray; lěyⁿk-ey-s ‘I keep sitting down’ in black. Each dot represents a different
place in the diphthong: midpoint (50 percent of the vowel duration), 20
percent, and 80 percent. Based on averages from four men and four women.
(After Martin and Johnson 2002. © 2002 The University of Chicago.)
Rising tone is only found in the nasalizing grade and is accompanied

by nasalization (§8.5).
Phonemes 59
4.4.3 Intonation contrasts

Four contrasting intonation patterns are distinguished. These include
the neutral pattern (used for a normal statement, as in (26a)), the falling
pattern -:^ (used for emphasis, as when shouting), the high pattern -′
(used for yes/no questions, as in (26b)), and the rising pattern -:˅ (used
for information questions, as in (26c)).
(26) a. nâ:ki-n hi:c-éy-s
thing-N see.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I am looking at something.’
b. nâ:ki-n hi:c-íck-a′
thing-N see.LGR-2S.AG-Q
‘Are you looking at something?’
c. nâ:ki-n hi:c-íck-a:˅
thing-N see.LGR-2S.AG-Q
‘What are you looking at?’
Following Haas’s conventions, intonation patterns are marked after the
affected syllable. Figures 4.5–4.7 show the above contrasts.
n â : k i-n h i: c- éy- s
Figure 4.5. The neutral intonation pattern. Fundamental frequency of nâ:ki-n

hi:c-éy-s ‘I am looking at something’, based on Margaret Mauldin’s speech.
60 §4
n â : k i-n h i: c- í c k- a′
Figure 4.6. The high intonation pattern. Fundamental frequency of nâ:ki-n

hi:c-íck-a′ ‘Are you looking at something?’, based on Margaret Mauldin’s
speech.
n â : k i-n h i: c- í c k- a:˅
Figure 4.7. The rising intonation pattern. Fundamental frequency of nâ:ki-n

hi:c-íck-a:˅ ‘What are you looking at?’, based on Margaret Mauldin’s speech.
Phonemes 61
Additional information on the uses of these patterns can be found in

§31.2.
5 General phonological processes
Chapters 5–8 discuss regular phonological processes that apply
generally to Creek words. (Alternations associated with particular
morphemes, however, are treated in later chapters where those
morphemes are discussed.)
5.1 Voicing of plosives

The plosives p, t, c, k are voiced between voiced sounds. In (1), voicing
occurs between vowels.
(1) apí ‘stalk’ [ǝbɪ]
itó ‘tree’ [ɪdo]
icó ‘deer’ [ɪʤo]
iká ‘his/her head’ [ɪgǝ]
Voicing also applies between a sonorant and a vowel:
(2) sólk-i: ‘many’ [sʊlgiː]
hámk-in ‘one’ [hǝmgɪn]
opán-ka ‘dance’ [obǝŋgǝ] ~ [obǝngǝ]
aháwki ‘door’ [ǝhǝwgɪ]
apóyka ‘tame animal’ [ǝbʊjgǝ]
halpatá ‘alligator’ [hǝlbǝdǝ]
sámpa ‘basket’ [sǝmbǝ]
in-tá:la ‘his or her rib’ [ɪndɑːlǝ]
kancap-í: ‘low’ [kǝnʤǝbiː]

Plosives are not voiced at the ends of syllables, however:
(3) sók.l-i: ‘weevily’ [sokliː]
ti.lík.m-i: ‘fine (like cornmeal)’ [tɪlɪkmiː]
ca.fík.n-i: ‘well, healthy’ [ʧǝfɪkniː]
sâ:.sák.wa ‘goose’ [sɑːs̬ɑkwǝ]
hát.w-i: ‘pale’ [hǝtwiː]
The division of words into syllables is indicated above with periods (.)
and is discussed in §6.
Voicing normally applies between elements separated in this work
by a hyphen (-) (but see §6.1). Depending on phrasing (§6.4), voicing
may also occur between major constituents of a sentence.
General phonological processes 63
5.2 Nasal assimilation

When Mary Haas was conducting fieldwork in the 1930s and 1940s,
she observed a limited contrast between [n] and [ŋ] before k:
(4) ‘dance’ [obǝngǝ]
‘his/her hand’ [ɪŋgɪ]
To record this contrast, Haas transcribed ‘dance’ as opánka and
‘his/her hand’ as íŋki, calling ŋ a “defective phoneme” because it only
occurred before k. Close inspection of her data reveals that the phonetic
sequence [ng] arises when a verb root ending in n is followed by either
the gerundive suffix -ka or middle -k- (as in opán-ka ‘dance’ and
ahopán-k-i: ‘spoiled’); [ŋg] is found within roots (as in íŋki ‘his/her
hand’) and across other boundaries (as in iŋ-ká:pa ‘his/her coat’).
The limited distinction between [n] and [ŋ] has since largely
disappeared: virtually all speakers now pronounce ‘dance’ as [obǝŋgǝ].
Consequently, Haas’s defective phoneme ŋ is not used in this work,
and ‘his/her hand’ is transcribed ínki.1
5.3 Backing of k
For some speakers, the velar stop k has a back (possibly uvular)
articulation when it is between instances of o, or at the end of a syllable
after o:
(5) in-cokó ‘his or her house’ [ɪnʤʊgo] ~ [ɪnʤʊɢo]
tokná:wa ‘money’ [toknɑːwǝ] ~ [toqnɑːwǝ]
5.4 Backing of h
At the end of a syllable and preceded by o, h has a backed velar
(possibly uvular) articulation:
(6) oh-leyk-itá ‘chair’ [oχlejgɪdǝ]
ohɬolopí: ‘year’ [oχɬolobiː]
This articulation is carried over to a following h:
(7) oh-homp-itá ‘table’ [oχχombɪdǝ]
ohh-aɬ-íta ‘to go about on’ [oχχǝɬɪdǝ]
A few speakers have reinterpreted [χχ] as kh, saying [okhombɪdǝ]
‘table’ in careful pronunciation.
1
Comparative data suggest that Vŋk arises from V:ⁿk, so that *i:ⁿki > iŋki ‘his/her
hand’ and *i:ⁿ-ká:pa > iŋ-ká:pa ‘his/her coat’.
64 §5
5.5 Devoicing of sonorants

When a sonorant is followed in the same syllable by h, the sonorant
and h merge as a voiceless sonorant:
(8) camhcá:ka ‘bell’ [ʧǝm̻ ʧɑːgǝ]
peyhkitá ‘to bray’ [pejk̻ ɪdǝ]
akcáwhko ‘a type of water bird’ [ɑkʧǝw̻ ko]
5.6 Deletion of initial vowels

Initial vowels and initial syllables that begin with a vowel
(occasionally other initial syllables) are sometimes deleted in Creek:
(9) ifa-wó:hk-a, ’fa-wó:hk-a ‘hound’ (lit., ‘dog-barker’)
ico-âlki, ’co-âlki ‘Deer clan’
isti-hátk-i, ’sti-hátk-i, ’ti-hátk-i ‘white person’
atakocá:, ’takocá: ‘ant’
Deletion applies most frequently to initial i and to initial unstressed
syllables. Deletion affects the pitch of the following syllable, so that
.... — —
ifa-wó:hka [ __ ], when shortened, is pronounced [ — — __ ]
(with full high pitch on the first syllable after the deletion, rather than
....
the slightly lowered high pitch [ ] that is normal on initial light
syllables). Following Haas’s conventions, an apostrophe (’) is used to
indicate higher-than-expected pitch on an initial syllable.
While deletion is possible in the forms above, the words for ‘dog’,
‘deer’, and ‘person’ in isolation cannot be shortened: ifá ‘dog’ (not
*fá), icó ‘deer’ (not *có), ísti ‘person’ (not *sti). As we will see in
§6.3, words must be a minimum length in Creek; deletion may not
apply to create independent words of the shape (C)CV.
5.7 Vowel shortening

Long vowels are not normally followed in the same syllable by a
sonorant (l, m, n, w, y) in Creek. When syllables of this type
(abbreviated below as (C)V:N) would be expected, the vowel is
normally shortened.
Middle stems, for example, are normally formed from active roots
by suffixing -k-:
(10) in-ɬipa:s-itá ‘to slip (of one’s foot or hand)’
in-ɬipa:s-k-itá ‘to slip (as on ice)’
When suffixing -k- would create the sequence (C)V:N, the vowel is
shortened:
(11) in-ɬa:m-itá ‘to uncover, open’
in-ɬam-k-itá ‘to be uncovered, open’

Vowels are lengthened in some verb grades (§8):
(12) sapakl-itá ‘(three or more) to stand’
sapâ:kl-is ‘they (three or more) are standing’ (fgr.)
When vowel lengthening would be expected to yield (C)V:N, however,
lengthening does not apply:
(13) hoyɬ-itá ‘(one) to stand’
hôyɬ-is ‘he/she is standing’ (fgr.)
Contractions leading to the sequence (C)V:N may also trigger vowel
shortening. This can be seen in pronouns where the final vowel deletes
in emphatic forms: thus, cí:mi-ta:t ‘you (emphatic)’ may contract to
yield cín-ta:t. Similarly, loss of i in forms such as ko:m-ít ‘thinking’
leads to shortening of the preceding vowel (kónt).
5.8 Depalatalization of c
The affricate c is normally palatal, pronounced [ʧ]. For many speakers,
it is pronounced [ts] before k: ícki [ɪʧkɪ] ~ [ɪtskɪ] ‘his/her mother’.
Final [ts] sometimes arises from contraction; e.g., má-tis ‘that’s it’ may
contract to máts. Some speakers pronounce c as [ʧ] everywhere except
in the second person agent suffixes -íck- and -á:ck-, where they have
[ts].
5.9 Processes applying in informal speech

“Formal” speech is defined here as the language used when people are
self-conscious about their speech, as in elicitation, dictation, singing,
and writing. “Informal” speech is found in other contexts. There is
rarely a clear separation between the two: automatic words or phrases
(‘they say’, ‘if you can’, etc.) tend to undergo informal phonological
changes even in formal contexts. Some of the processes associated
with informal speech are presented below.
In a few words, o(:)m- shifts to o(:)ⁿw- or o(:)w- in informal speech:
(14) a. (formal) ko:m-itá ‘to think, want’
(informal) ko:ⁿw-itá, ko:w-itá
b. (formal) hayyô:m-a:t ‘now’
(informal) hayyô:ⁿw-a:t, hayyô:w-a:t
This process is limited to the verbs om- ‘be’, ko:m- ‘think, want’,
nacom- ‘few, how many’, hayyo:m- ‘be like this, now’, and isto:m- ‘do
something’.
66 §5
In informal speech mk is pronounced nk [ŋk].2

(15) a. (formal) somk-itá ‘to get lost’
(informal) sonk-itá
b. (formal) hámk-in ‘one’
(informal) hánk-in
When the m and k are separated by an infix, only m is possible:
somêyk-it ‘he/she got lost . . .’ (aspirating grade).
Except in extremely formal or archaic speech, the final vowels of
the clitics -a:t(i) (referential) and -o:f(a) ‘when’ are deleted. The same-
subject and different-subject forms -a:ti-t and -a:ti-n are shortened to
-a:t and -a:n, respectively (§39).
In informal speech, the second person agentive suffixes -íck-
(singular) and -á:ck- (plural) are pronounced -ícc- and -á:cc-,
respectively. With verbs ending in nasals, the final syllable of the root
and -íck- may further contract:
(16) a. (formal)
ko:m-íck-in o:m-â:t
think.LGR-2S.AG-N be.LGR-REF
‘if you want . . .’
b. (informal)
kón-cc-in o:w-â:t
The shortening of the vowel (from o:m to on) is described in §5.7.
Note that stress shifts to the preceding syllable when a stressed vowel
is deleted.
The switch-reference markers -(i)t and -(i)n are usually syllabified

with the auxiliary om- ‘be’ (§6.4), as is indicated in examples below by
the ligature symbol ( ͡ ). When this happens, the i preceding the
switch-reference marker deletes in informal speech.3
(17) a. (formal)
ma:k-ít ͡ ón-t ͡ ó:-s
say.LGR-T be.LGR-T be.LGR-IND
‘it says’ (1990a:19)
b. (informal)
má:k-t ͡ ón-t ͡ ó:-s
The sequence -î:p-it commonly contracts:
2
This rule is described in Haas (1977a).
3
This rule cannot create impermissible clusters. Thus, as seen above, the form
ko:m-íck-in o:m-â:t ‘if you’re thinking’ can contract to kón-cc-in o:ⁿw-â:t, but the first
word cannot be further reduced to *kón-(c)c-n.
(18) a. (formal)
il-î:p-it o:m-ís
die.SG-SPN.FGR-T be.LGR-IND
‘he/she died’
b. (informal)
il-î:t-t ͡ ó:-s
The same process applies to indicative -(i)s in sentence-final position:
lêyk-is ‘he/she is sitting’ > lêyk-s.
Stems of the shape V:y- may lose the y in this context:
(19) a. (formal)
a:y-ít o:m-ís
go.SG.LGR-T be.LGR-IND
b. (informal)
á:-t ó:-s
(20) a. (formal)
ókho:y-ís
say.IMPL.LGR-IND
‘. . . they say.’
b. (informal)
ókhó:-s
The infinitival suffix -ita is sometimes shortened to -ta in informal
speech:
(21) (formal) ohleykita-ohléyka

(informal) ohleykta-ohléyka
‘chairperson’ (lit., ‘chair-sitter’)
The suffix -ika ‘so, because’ is shortened to -ka in informal speech
after k or a nasal:
(22) a. (formal) ma:k-iká
(informal) ma:k-ká
‘. . . it says, so . . .’
b. (formal) mo:m-iká
(informal) mon-ká
‘so, therefore’
Deletion of initial vowels (§5.6) is common in informal speech, as
when the instrumental prefix is- reduces to s-:
68 §5
(23) (formal) is-hawí:c-ka

(informal) s-hawí:c-ka
‘key’
In informal speech, the auxiliary om- ‘be’ may delete completely in
some contexts:
(24) a. (formal)
keyc-ít ókho:y-ít o:m-ánk-s
say.LGR-T say.IMPL.LGR-T be.LGR-PAST2-IND
‘. . . it was said.’
b. (informal)
kéyc-t ókho:y-it-ánk-s
5.10 Processes applying in rapid speech

Several additional phonological changes are associated with rapid
speech.
When the sequences ct and cn arise in informal speech, they are
sometimes pronounced tt and tn, respectively, in rapid speech:4
(25) a. (formal)
ci-hî:c-in o:m-â:ti-n
2.PAT-see.FGR-N be.LGR-REF-N
‘if he sees you . . .’
b. (informal)
ci-hî:c-n o:ⁿw-â:t
c. (rapid)
ci-hî:t-n o:ⁿw-â:t
In rapid speech, the word hatâm ‘again’ is pronounced hatâ:ⁿ.
The prospective suffix -aha:n- contracts in rapid speech to -a:n-.
The second person singular agent suffix -íck- may undergo further
reduction in rapid speech:
(26) a. (formal)
nâ:ki-n o:k-íck-a:˅
what-N say.LGR-2S.AG-Q
‘What did you say?’
b. (informal)
nâ:ki-n o:k-ícc-a:˅
4
But in Florida, ct > st.
c. (rapid)
nâ:k ó:k-c-a:˅
The diphthong oy is pronounced [ʊj] in formal speech, but may shift to
[wiː] or [iː] in rapid speech.5
(27) (formal) hoyɬitá
(rapid) h[wiː]ɬitá
‘(one) to stand’
5
The pronunciation of óywa ‘water’ as wí:wa (§1.3.2) is related. The shift from oy
to wi: is blocked by certain preceding consonants. Thus, iskoycitá ‘to make drink’ is
not pronounced *iskwi:citá. The sequence poy shifts to pi: for some speakers, giving
alternate forms apoyk-hotí ~ api:k-hotí ‘stable’ and hopoy-tá:ki ~ hopi:-tá:ki
‘children’.
6 The organization of phonemes into
higher units
6.1 Syllable structure
The simplest syllables in Creek are of the shape CV (where C =
consonant and V = vowel).1 In the examples in (1), syllables are
separated by periods.
(1) co.fí ‘rabbit’
no.kó.si ‘bear’
Syllables may begin with a vowel, but only at the beginning of a
morpheme:2
(2) i.fá ‘dog’
a.cí ‘corn’
Syllables frequently end in consonants:
(3) páɬ.ko ‘grape’
sók.ha ‘hog’
ás.si ‘tea’
A syllable may end in a long vowel, or a long vowel followed by a
plosive or fricative:
(4) pó:.si ‘cat’

mí:k.ko ‘chief’
A long vowel is not normally followed in the same syllable by a
sonorant, however.3 When a syllable of this type might be expected,
the vowel is typically shortened (§5.7). Syllables of the shape (C)V:N
(where N is a sonorant) are allowed at the ends of words in
contractions, however. Thus, the auxiliary form o:m-ín is often reduced
to ó:n. Similarly, the sequence -a:ti-n ordinarily contracts to -a:n, so
that ci:pâ:n-a:ti-n ‘the boy’ has the shorter form ci:pâ:n-a:n.
Syllables of the shape (C)VCC are not generally permitted. One
exception is the sequences mh, nh, and yh, which merge at the ends of
syllables to yield voiceless sonorants [m̥ ], [n̥], and [j]̥ (§5.5). While the
1
Haas (1977a, 1977b) first described syllables in Creek.
2
A rare exception is na:.oɬ.k-i.tá ‘to sin’, which may be an old compound.
3
Haas (1977a, 1977b) was the first to notice this important constraint.
The organization of phonemes into higher units 71
diphthong ey can be followed by h in the same syllable, the diphthongs

aw and oy are rarer in this context and sometimes avoided: thus, when
h is added in the aspirating grade (§8.3), syllables of the shape (C)eyh
are routinely created, syllables of the shape (C)oyh are sometimes
avoided, and syllables of the shape (C)awh are actively avoided.4
In contracted speech, a wider variety of syllable shapes is possible.
Syllables of the shape (C)VCC appear internally in contractions, as in
(5).
(5) ca.kéys.si ‘my head hair’ (< ca-ká ‘my head’ + íssi ‘hair’)
méys.ti ‘that person’ (< ma ‘that’ + ísti ‘person’)
a.pilk.há:.ka ‘joke’ (< apil-ka ‘laughter’ + há:k-a ‘making’)
In sentence-final position, contraction can even lead to the sequence
VCCC:
(6) a.pô:.kanks ‘they sat down’ (< apô:k-ank-is)
No syllable begins with a consonant cluster in careful speech,
though deletion of initial vowels (§5.6) commonly leads to clusters in
casual speech:
(7) ’sti.hát.ki ‘white person’ (< isti-hátk-i)
Syllables in contracted speech conform to the following patterns:
word-initially, contracted syllables may be of the shape sCV(:)(C).
Internally (generally between morphemes where contraction takes
place), contracted syllables are of the shape (C)V(N)(C). At the ends of
words, contracted syllables may be of the shape (C)V(:)(C) or
(C)V(N)(C)(s). The phoneme s thus has a special status in contracted
syllables in that it can be added to either end.

When, as a result of deletion, the first member of a compound ends
in a consonant and the second member of the compound begins with a
vowel, there is a syllable break between the members of the compound:
(8) nâ:k.-(ʔ)a.fá:s.t-a ‘caretaker’ [nɑːk(ʔ)ǝfɑːstǝ]
(< nâ:ki ‘thing’ + afá:st-a ‘watcher’)
In this environment, some speakers have a glottal stop [ʔ]. A syllable-
final plosive is not voiced in this environment whether or not a glottal
stop is present (§5.1), though voicing may apply to the first consonant
of the second member of a compound:
(9) isti-cá:ti ‘American Indian’ (lit., ‘red person’) [ɪstɪʤɑːdɪ]
Syllabification is affected by phrasing in a sentence (§6.4).
4
The words ak.cáwh.ko ‘a water bird’ and hoyh.k-i.tá ‘to call out’ are examples of
the rare syllable types (C)awh and (C)oyh.
72 §6
6.2 The organization of syllables into feet

A light syllable in Creek ends in a short vowel. A heavy syllable ends
in a long vowel, a diphthong, or a consonant. Feet are larger units
formed by grouping syllables into stress units. In Creek, feet are
formed from left to right. A foot may be one syllable (if that syllable is
heavy) or two syllables (if the first syllable is light). Thus, CVC, CV:,
CVCV, CVCVC, etc., are possible feet, but CV is not (since it consists
of just a light syllable) and CVCCV is not (since it is not the smallest
group containing a light syllable). In the examples in (10), feet are
enclosed in parentheses. Syllable divisions within these are separated
by periods.
(10) fó: ‘bee’ (fó:)
ifá ‘dog’ (i.fá)
pó:si ‘cat’ (pó:)si
sókha ‘hog’ (sók)ha
mí:kko ‘chief’ (mí:k)ko
nokósi ‘bear’ (no.kó)si
nokos-ocí ‘bear cub’ (no.ko)(so.cí)
The notion of foot in Creek is important for describing the minimal
word (§6.3). It also helps simplify the statement of stress in nouns
(§7.1) and grades in verbs (§8).
6.3 Word shapes by category

Verb roots in Creek end in consonants and are bound. Nouns end in
vowels and are free. Phrases may end in consonants, because
inflectional suffixes and clitics often end in consonants.
6.3.1 Nouns
All nouns other than demonstratives in Creek end in a vowel and are at
least one foot in length.5 The shortest possible nouns are therefore one-
syllable nouns with final long vowels, or two-syllable nouns with final
short vowels:
(11) a. fó: ‘bee’
kí: ‘mulberry’
ɬí: ‘arrow’
b. ifá ‘dog’
5
Nouns that appear to end in consonants invariably include suffixes. Thus,
ci:pâ:n-a:t ‘the boy’ is historically a nominalization, and istêy ‘who’ includes a suffix
-êy. While nouns in isolation always end in vowels, noun phrases often end in
consonants.
The organization of phonemes into higher units 73
icó ‘deer’
ací ‘corn’
The condition against nouns of the shape (C)V operates to constrain
initial vowel deletion (§5.6).
The demonstratives ma ‘that’ and ya ‘this’ differ from all other
nouns in being less that a foot in length.
6.3.2 Verbs
Proto-Muskogean verbs ended in vowels and were at least two
syllables in length. In Creek, verbs became bound and lost their final
vowels in most environments.6 The shortest possible verb roots in
Creek are thus of the shape (C)VC-, as in is- ‘take (one)’.7 As with
nouns, the requirement that verbs be of a certain shape works to block
deletion of initial vowels (§5.6).
6.4 Phrasing
A consonant at the end of a phrase is sometimes syllabified with the
next word when that word begins with a vowel. When a plosive is
resyllabified in this way, it is voiced. This process of liaison is
indicated below with a ligature ( ͡ ), and syllable breaks in phonetic
transcription are marked with a period (.). Liaison applies:
• Between a verb ending with a switch-reference marker -(i)t or -(i)n
and auxiliaries om- ‘be’ and ok- ‘say, mean’:
(12) a. [mɑː.gɪ.dʊn.doːs]
ma:k-ít ͡ ón-t ͡ ó:-s
say.LGR-T be.LGR-T be.LGR-IND

‘. . . it says.’ (1990a)
b. [miː.ʤɪ.bɑːt.ʧə.ɬiː.nok.hoː.jɪn]
mi:c-ip-á:cc-áɬi:-n ͡ ókho:y-ín
do-SPN-2P.AG-FUT-N say.IMPL.LGR-N
‘. . . go ahead and do it, they say . . .’ (1990a)
• Between an object and predicate:
6
There is limited evidence that Creek verb roots still end in vowels. This stem
vowel appears in direct causatives (§24.2) and in a few compound forms (§11.4). An
abstract vowel is also helpful in describing stress (§7).
7
Creek arguably has a root s- ‘exist’ found only in the negative: s-íko-: ‘not
existing, without’.
74 §6
(13) [jə.noː.gɪ.jəŋ.gɪn]
ya-n ͡ o:k-iy-ánk-in
this-OBL say-1P.AG-PAST2-N
‘. . . we spoke about this . . .’ (1990a)
• Occasionally between a subject and predicate:
(14) [ʧɪn.dɑː.də.jəs]
cin-tá:t ͡ ay-ás
you-ATN go.SG-IMP
‘You go!’
• Between a noun phrase marked with -(i)t and the verb om- ‘be’:
(15) twelve-sixty im-ahankátka-t ͡ ôn-t ͡ o:ⁿw-í:-s
twelve sixty DAT-number-NOM be.FGR-T be.LGR-DUR-IND
‘1260 is its number.’ (1990a)
Liaison does not apply to clauses ending in -a:t(i):
(16) nâ:ki iti-lêyc-t o:ⁿw-a:t ô:c-íck-in
thing RCP-place.SG.FGR-T be.LGR-REF have.FGR-2S.AG-N
o:ⁿw-â:t
be.LGR-REF
‘If you have something which is put together . . .’ (1990a)
7 Stress and tone in nouns
Creek has both stress and tone. Stress and tone both affect the pitch of
a word, but the two phenomena have different properties. Stress
(marked with an acute accent over a vowel) is sensitive to the number
of syllables in a word and whether they are heavy or light. Stress is
largely predictable and rarely distinguishes words. Tone in Creek is a
particular accent pattern (falling, rising, etc.) used primarily in verbs to
distinguish different grades: a key syllable in a verb stem may be
marked with falling tone, for example, to indicate resultative stative
aspect. The basic stress system is easiest to describe in nouns and
nominalizations (§7.1). Tone and grades in verbs are described in §8.
7.1 Stress in nouns and nominalizations

The pattern of stress in nouns is easiest to see in words with light
syllables:
(1) a. Two syllables
i.fa [ .... — ] ‘dog’
co.ko [ .... — ] ‘house’
b. Three syllables
no.ko.si [ .... — __ ] ‘bear’
a.yi.ta [ .... — __ ] ‘(one) to go’

c. Four syllables
no.ko.so.ci [ .... — — — ] ‘bear cub’
wa.na.yi.ta [ .... — — — ] ‘to tie’
d. Five syllables
a.wa.na.yi.ta [ .... — — — __ ] ‘to tie to’
The initial light syllable in ....these words may be lowered slightly
(indicated with a dotted line [ ]). High, steady pitch [ — ] begins on
the second syllable and either extends through the last syllable or ends
on the second-to-last syllable. When the word has an even number of
syllables, the last syllable is high; when the word has an odd number of
syllables, the last syllable is low.
76 §7
During the 1930s, Mary Haas recorded these pitch distinctions by

placing an acute accent on the last syllable with high pitch. In her
notation, the words above thus appear as in (2).
(2) ifá ‘dog’
cokó ‘house’
nokósi ‘bear’
ayíta ‘(one) to go’
nokosocí ‘bear cub’
wanayitá ‘to tie’
awanayíta ‘to tie to’
It was then a simple matter to remember that initial light syllables may
be lowered, and that high pitch extends through the accented syllable.
In the 1970s, Haas further observed that the placement of this
accent is usually predictable: in a sequence of light syllables at the end
of a word, the accent falls on the last even-numbered syllable (Haas
1977b). Several researchers soon noted that Haas’s description could
be simplified by analyzing Creek “tonal accent” as a system of iambic
stress.1 Words are first divided into syllables, and then syllables are
grouped into feet (indicated by parentheses below). Feet are formed
from left to right, and consist of the smallest unit containing more than
a light syllable (i.e., two light syllables in these examples). Each of
these feet is stressed on the last syllable, with primary stress (´) on the
last foot:2
(3) (i.fá) [ .... — ] ‘dog’
(co.kó) [ .... — ] ‘house’
[ .... — __ ]
(no.kó)si ‘bear’
(a.yí)ta [ .... — __ ] ‘to go’
(no.kò)(so.cí) [ .... — — — ] ‘bear cub’
(wa.nà)(yi.tá) [ .... — — — ] ‘to tie’
(a.wà)(na.yí)ta [ .... — — — __ ] ‘to tie to’
As the examples in (3) show, high pitch begins on the first stressed
syllable and extends through the last stressed syllable.
We can now turn to pitch patterns in nouns with mixed heavy and
light syllables:
(4) fó: [—] ‘bee’
1
See, for example, Halle and Vergnaud (1978, 1987), Hayes (1994), and Prince
(1983).
2
I am not aware of any phonetic distinction between primary and secondary stress
in Creek. The distinction is helpful in describing downstep, however, since only
primary stress triggers downstep (§8.9).
Stress and tone in nouns 77
ocí: [ .... — ] ‘hickory’

sókha [ — __ ] ‘hog’
mí:kko [ — __ ] ‘chief’
honánwa [ .... — __ ] ‘male’
i:kaná [———] ‘land’
tapassó:la [ .... — — __ ] ‘daddy longlegs’
Here again, we see that an initial light syllable may be lowered, and
that a final light syllable is high if it is the last even-numbered syllable
in a string. We also see that a final syllable is high if it is heavy. All of
these fall out from our previous description if we apply the same basic
rules: syllables are grouped from left to right into feet consisting of the
smallest unit that is larger than a light syllable (§6.2), with stress on the
last syllable of each foot; thus (4) is metrically analyzed as in (5).
(5) (fó:) [—] ‘bee’
(o.cí:) [ .... — ] ‘hickory’
(sók)ha [ — __ ] ‘hog’
(mí:k)ko [ — __ ] ‘chief’
(ho.nán)wa [ .... — __ ] ‘male’
(ì:)(ka.ná) [———] ‘land’
(ta.pàs)(só:)la [ .... — — __ ] ‘daddy longlegs’
Once again high pitch can be described as extending from the first
stressed syllable to the last stressed syllable. Using the conventions of
autosegmental phonology (Goldsmith 1976), this can be represented as
follows, where H represents high pitch and lines indicate associations

of pitch to specific vowels:
(6) H
(ta.pàs)(só:)la tapassó:la [ .... — — __ ] ‘daddy longlegs’

The edges of a word are then lowered: an initial unstressed syllable
approaches the value of the first stressed syllable; final unstressed
syllables are low.3
We can now turn to the surface contrasts noted in §4.4.1:
3
Nouns of the shape (C)V:CV show a slight variation on this pattern:
wá:ka [ ⁄ __ ] ‘cow’
có:ka [ ⁄ __ ] ‘book’
As the pitch patterns above show, many speakers pronounce nouns of this shape with
rising pitch [ ⁄ ] on the first syllable.
78 §7
(7) yanása [ .... — __ ] ‘buffalo’

’yanawá [ — — — ] ‘his/her cheek’
Initial light syllables are generally lowered slightly; yanása ‘buffalo’
thus follows the general pattern. The word ’yanawá ‘his/her cheek’ is
unusual in that it begins with a high light syllable, and in that high
pitch extends through the end of the word, even though there is an odd
number of syllables. As Haas (1977b) observed, both of these features
are explained once we realize that ’yanawá derives from a longer form
i-yanawá (§5.6). The surface contrast between these words results from
different source forms:
(8) (ya.ná)sa [ .... — __ ] ‘buffalo’
(i.yà)(na.wá) [ .... — — — ] ‘his/her cheek’
The placement of an apostrophe at the beginning of a word thus
indicates a high initial light syllable, generally resulting from deletion
of a vowel.4
The patterns described above are those used in all nouns except a
small set having falling tone (§7.6). Nominalizations formed from -ita,
-ka, -a, and -i: (§10) are accented like nouns:
(9) a. opan-itá ‘to dance’ (< opan- ‘dance’)
opán-ka ‘a dance’
opá:n-a ‘dancer’
b. in-hopay-í: ‘its distance’ (< hopay- ‘be distant’)
7.2 Stress clash and stress retraction

Words of the shape (C)VCVCV: have an unexpected pitch pattern:

(10) hitotí: [ — — — ] ‘ice’
capocá: [ — — — ] ‘my grandfather’
We saw above that initial light syllables are normally lowered slightly.
Words of the shape (C)VCVCV: are unusual in having high pitch on an
initial light syllable. The word hitotí: ‘ice’ thus has the same pitch as
’yanawá ‘his/her cheek’, but hitotí: is not missing an initial vowel. We
suggested above that each foot receives stress on the last syllable, and
that high pitch extends from the first stressed syllable in a word
through the last. We would thus expect the following, incorrect forms:
4
A slight complication is that the source form is not always known. Many
speakers are unaware, for example, that the noun ’takocá: ‘ant’ has a longer source
form atakocá:. Another noun of this type is ’hilíswa ‘medicine’, contrasting in pitch
with apíswa ‘meat’.
(11) *(hi.tò)(tí:) [ .... — — ] ‘ice’

*(ca.pò)(cá:) [ .... — — ] ‘my grandfather’
The explanation seems to be that Creek avoids sequences of stressed
syllables (“clash”) in words of this shape. When two light syllables are
followed by a heavy syllable, the result is a sequence of stressed
syllables. In this context, the iambic (unstressed-stressed) pattern is
reversed, and a trochaic pattern with level pitch is used:
(12) (hì.to)(tí:) [ — — — ] ‘ice’
(cà.po)(cá:) [ — — — ] ‘my grandfather’
Only feet with two light syllables can shift stress in this way: stress
clash is permitted between two heavy syllables:
(13) honantá:ki [ .... — — __ ] ‘men’
7.3 Stress and deletion in compounds

A noun compound is normally stressed like a noun. Stress is thus
calculated after the parts of the compound have been put together:
(14) akkopanka-cóko ‘gymnasium’ (akkopán-ka ‘playing’ + cokó ‘house’)
pokko-ɬákko ‘basketball’ (pókko ‘ball’ + -ɬakko ‘big (in compounds)’)
pokko-ɬakko-akkopanka-cóko ‘basketball gymnasium’
When compounds are created for the first time, or when compounds
are taken apart for those who may not know the form, the separate
words may be stressed independently.
Deletion of initial vowels may apply in compounds, but has slightly
different properties depending on position. As noted in §5.6, initial

vowels (especially i and unstressed vowels) often delete in Creek. This
deletion is blocked where it would create a word of the shape (C)CV.
(15) ifá, *fá ‘dog’
icó, *có, ‘deer’
When these same words are the first elements of a compound (N1), the
initial vowel may delete.
(16) ifa-wó:hka, ’fa-wó:hka ‘hound’ (ifá ‘dog’ + wó:hka ‘barker’)
ico-ilí, ’co-ilí ‘forked stick’ (icó ‘deer’ + ilí ‘his/her leg’)
The second element of a compound (N2) behaves like an independent
word: the initial vowel deletes if the second element is long enough.
(17) ifa-hotí ‘doghouse’ (ifá ‘dog’ + i-hóti ‘its container’)
ito-licá ‘area beneath the tree’ (itó ‘tree’ + i-líca ‘beneath it’)
ili-yopá, ’li-yopá ‘hind leg’ (ilí ‘his/her leg’ + i-yópa ‘behind it’)
80 §7
Deletion in N2 is blocked when it would lead to an element of the

shape (C)CV.
(18) (i)co-ilí, *(i)có-li ‘forked stick’ (icó ‘deer’ + ilí ‘his/her leg’)
Another difference between N1 and N2 is that deletion of initial
vowels in N2 causes stress to be recalculated. A form like (i)li-yopá
thus has the same stress whether or not the vowel in N1 is deleted,
while stress in a form like ifa-hotí ‘doghouse’ shows that the initial
underlying vowel in N2 is ignored in determining stress.
7.4 The domain of stress in nouns

Stress in Creek applies within a domain. Consider the forms in (19).
(19) hoktí: ‘woman’
hokt-akí ‘women’
hoktí:-ta:t ‘(now) the woman’
The plural marker -aki is said to be within the domain of stress because
stress is calculated after -aki is added. The discourse marker -ta:t,
however, can be said to be outside the domain of stress since stress is
calculated without reference to this element. The terms “prefix” and
“suffix” will be used for markers that are within the domain of stress,
while the term “clitic” will be used for markers like -ta:t that are
outside the domain of stress:
(20) [prefixes – NOUN ROOT – suffixes] – clitics
___________________________
the domain of stress in nouns
Possessive prefixes, plural suffixes, and diminutive -oci are within the
domain of stress:
(21) a. ifá ‘dog’
am-ífa ‘my dog’
am-if-ocí ‘my puppy’
b. hopóywa ‘child’
hopoy-tá:ki ‘children’
hopoyw-ocí ‘baby, infant’
Case markers -(i)t (subject) and -(i)n (nonsubject) are outside the
domain of stress and so have no effect on stress:
(22) sokha-há:tka ‘opossum’
sokha-há:tka-t ‘opossum (as subject)’
sokha-há:tka-n ‘opossum (as nonsubject)’
Markers having to do with the discourse status of a noun phrase are

also clitics. These markers include -w′ ‘also’, -ta:t (focus of attention),
and -teys(in) ‘even’:
(23) nokósi ‘bear’
nokósi-w′ ‘the bear also’
nokósi-ta:t ‘now the bear’
nokósi-teys(in) ‘even the bear’
All clitics occur after all suffixes, and in fact attach to the noun phrase
rather than to the noun (e.g., after modifying elements).
7.5 Nouns and affixes with unpredictable stress

Stress is normally predictable in nouns and nominalizations. We have
seen that stress on initial light syllables arises predictably as a result of
deletion (§5.6) or stress clash (§7.2). Only a few other nouns have
unexpected stress on an initial light syllable:
(24) ’apataká5 ‘a type of pancake’
’ciɬákko6 ‘horse’
’cowá:ta ‘goat’
’hanacofíla ‘whirlwind’
’hanacofil-ocí ‘dirtdevil’
’hilíswa ‘medicine’
’talimí, ’talamí ‘public area’
The unusual stress pattern seen in nouns of this type may in turn trigger
stress clash:
(25) ’coko-talimí ‘hotel’ (< cokó ‘house’ + ’talimí ‘public’)

Several affixes in verbs are also marked for stress. Among these are
second person singular agent -íck-, second person plural agent -á:ck-,
and future -áɬi:-.
7.6 Nouns and affixes with unpredictable tone

The vast majority of Creek nouns are stressed as described above, but a
few nouns have unexpected falling tone in addition to stress:7
(26) ânɬawá ‘wilderness’
5
This word may be shortened from *a-patá:-ka ‘what is spread flat against’.
Stress retraction in this form would yield *àpatá:ka. If the long vowel were shortened
while retaining initial stress, we would derive ’apataká.
6
Thought to be from icó ‘deer’ + -ɬakko ‘big’.
7
When a word contains multiple accents, each accent triggers downstep in the
next accent domain (§8.7).
82 §7
câ:fákna ‘a type of plant’

câ:scákwa ‘red-headed woodpecker’
cokpilâ:pilá ‘whippoorwill’
hî:spákwa ‘robin’
ist-êy ‘who’
ɬânɬacókwa ‘hummingbird’
nâ:ki ‘what, thing, something’
nâ:nakí ‘things’
sâ:sákwa ‘goose’
si:kôlko, ci:kôlko ‘purple martin’
tînɬawá ‘between’
(tot)tolô:si ‘chicken’
A few affixes deriving from verbs are also marked for tone:
(27) -âlki (group plural)
-tâlki ‘only’
8 Stress, tone, and grades in verbs
Creek verb stems may appear in one of several grades.1 Grades are
internal changes in verb stems often associated with aspect and marked
formally by stress, tone, vowel length, nasalization, or aspiration. A
verb stem like wanay- ‘tie’ may occur in the zero grade (marked only
by iambic stress), the lengthened grade (lgr.), the aspirating grade
(hgr.), the falling tone grade (fgr.), or the nasalizing grade (ngr.), as
seen in table 8.1. Pitch traces for the aspirating grade, falling tone
grade, and nasalizing grade are shown in figure 4.4.
TABLE 8.1. GRADES OF AN UNSUFFIXED STEM

EXAMPLE
STEM wanay- ‘tie’
ZERO GRADE wanáy- wanáy-as ‘tie it!’
LENGTHENED GRADE wana:y- wana:y-ís ‘he/she is tying it’
ASPIRATING GRADE wanáhy- wanáhy-is ‘he/she tied it
(today/last night)’
FALLING TONE GRADE wanâ:y- wanâ:y-is ‘he/she has tied it’
NASALIZING GRADE wanǎ:ⁿy- wanǎ:ⁿy-is ‘he/she keeps tying it’
Grades apply within a specific morphological domain known as the

stem. When the plural suffix -akis added to a root, it becomes part of
the stem and so is affected by grades, as seen in table 8.2. In contrast,
the second person singular agent suffix -íck- is outside the stem and so
is not affected by grades, as seen in table 8.3. The interaction of grades
with suffixes is complex (§8.6). For specific uses of grades, see §28.
1
Haas (1940) was the first accurate description of this complex area of Creek
grammar.
84 §8
TABLE 8.2. GRADES OF A STEM INCLUDING AN INNER SUFFIX

EXAMPLE
STEM wanay-ak- ‘tie (pl.)’
ZERO GRADE wanay-ak´- wanay-ak-íko-s ‘they aren’t tying
it’
LENGTHENED GRADE wanáy-a:k- wanáy-a:k-ís ‘they are tying it’
ASPIRATING GRADE wanay-áhk- wanay-áhk-is ‘they tied it (today/
last night)’
FALLING TONE GRADE wanay-â:k- wanay-â:k-is ‘they have tied it’
NASALIZING GRADE wanay-ǎ:ⁿk- wanay-ǎ:ⁿk-is ‘they keep tying it’
TABLE 8.3. GRADES OF A STEM FOLLOWED BY AN OUTER SUFFIX

EXAMPLE
STEM wanay- ‘tie’
ZERO GRADE wanáy- wanáy-íck-íko-s ‘you are not tying it’
LENGTHENED GRADE wana:y- wana:y-íck-is ‘you are tying it’
ASPIRATING GRADE wanáhy- wanáhy-íck-is ‘you tied it (today/last
night)’
FALLING TONE GRADE wanâ:y- wanâ:y-íck-is ‘you have tied it’
NASALIZING GRADE wanǎ:ⁿy- wanǎ:ⁿy-íck-is ‘you keep tying it’
8.1 The zero grade

In some contexts a verb stem may have a stress pattern that is similar in
form to the iambic stress pattern seen in nouns (§7.1). This pattern is
referred to here as the zero grade.2
Stative participles (formed by suffixing durative -i:) often make use
of the zero grade in Creek. Words translating as adjectives in English
take this form (table 8.4). The examples in this table are formed by
adding durative -i: to the verb stems in the left column. The only
difference between the bare verb stems and the zero grade stems is
stress: in the zero grade, stress is placed either on the last syllable of
the stem or on whatever vowel follows the stem. This choice depends
on the shape of the stem; stated simply, verb stems pattern as though
they ended in a short vowel.
2
The zero grade differs from the other grades in not having a fixed aspectual
interpretation. I thus treat it as a default and do not gloss it in analyzed examples.
Stress, tone, and grades in verbs 85
TABLE 8.4. ZERO-GRADE STATIVE PARTICIPLES

STEM ZERO GRADE EXAMPLE
il- ‘(one) die’ il´- il-í: [ .... — ] ‘dead (one)’
ca:t- ‘be red’ cá:t- cá:t-i: [ — __ ] ‘red’
fack- ‘be full’ fáck- fáck-i: [ — __ ] ‘full’
apiss- ‘be fat’ apíss- apíss-i: [ .... — __ ] ‘fat’
itkol- ‘feel cold’ itkol´- itkol-í: [ — — — ] ‘(feeling) cold’
aholoc- ‘be cloudy’ aholoc´- aholoc-í: [ .... — — — ] ‘cloudy’
If we imagine that verb stems end in an abstract vowel (represented

here by underlined i), as in (1) below, stress placement in the zero
grade is seen to be identical to stress in nouns.
(1) (i.lí)-i: > il-í: ‘dead’
(fác.ki)-i: > fáck-i: ‘full’
(a.pís)si-i: > apíss-i: ‘fat’
(ìt)(ko.lí)-i: > itkol-í: ‘(feeling) cold’
(a.hò)(lo.cí)-i: > aholoc-í: ‘cloudy’
In each of these forms, iambic feet are formed from left to right. Stress
is placed on the last syllable of each foot, with primary stress on the
last foot. The final stem vowel deletes, and accent shifts to the vowel
that replaces it. High pitch then extends from the first stressed syllable
to the last:3
(2) a. H
|
(a.pís)si-i: > apíss-i: [ .... — __ ] ‘fat’

b. H
(a.hò)(lo.cí)-i: > aholoc-í: [ .... — — — ] ‘cloudy’

Imperatives in -as or -is are another common context for use of the
zero grade (table 8.5). These forms also show an iambic stress pattern,
as seen in (3).
3
I appeal to an abstract stem vowel here merely to simplify the description of
stress placement. The account is also historically motivated, in that Proto-Muskogean
verbs ended in vowels. These vowels were generally lost in Creek, but are sometimes
retained in direct causatives (§24).
86 §8
TABLE 8.5. ZERO GRADE IN IMPERATIVES

at- ‘(one) come’ at´- at-ís [ .... — ] ‘come!’
homp- ‘eat’ hómp- hómp-as [ — __ ] ‘eat!’
hompip- ‘please eat’ hompip´- hompip-ás [ — — — ] ‘please eat!’
wanay- ‘tie’ wanáy- wanáy-as [ .... — __ ] ‘tie it!’
awanay- ‘tie to’ awanay´- awanay-ás [ .... — — — ] ‘tie it to
it!’
(3) (a.tí)-is > at-ís ‘come!’

(hóm.pi)-as > hómp-as ‘eat!’
(hòm)(pi.pí)-as > hompip-ás ‘please eat!’
(wa.ná)yi-as > wanáy-as ‘tie it!’
(a.wà)(na.yí)-as > awanay-ás ‘tie it to it!’
Another suffix commonly requiring the zero grade is future -áɬi:-
‘will’. This suffix always has stress on the first vowel and so allows us
to examine forms with multiple accents. When a word has more than
one syllable with primary stress, each stress triggers a drop in pitch
relative to the preceding one (table 8.6). A form like hómp-áɬi:-s, with
two accents, thus has a terraced pitch pattern resulting from downstep
(§8.7).
TABLE 8.6. ZERO GRADE WITH A STRESSED SUFFIX

nis-áɬi:-s [ .... — __ ] ‘he/she will buy it’
nis- ‘buy’ nis´-

homp- ‘eat’ hómp- hómp-áɬi:-s [ — — __ ] ‘he/she will eat’
wanay- ‘tie’ wanáy- wanáy-áɬi:-s [ .... — — __ ] ‘he/she will
tie it’
awanay- ‘tie to’ awanay´- awanay-áɬi:-s [ .... — — — __ ] ‘he/she
will tie it to it’
The forms in table 8.6 can be analyzed as in (4).

(4) (ni.sí)-áɬi:-s > nis-áɬi:-s ‘he/she will buy it’
(hóm.pi)-áɬi:-s > hómp-áɬi:-s ‘he/she will eat’
(wa.ná)yi-áɬi:-s > wanáy-áɬi:-s ‘he/she will tie it’
(a.wà)(na.yí)-áɬi:-s > awanay-áɬi:-s ‘he/she will tie it to it’
As the forms in (4) show, stress from the zero grade merges with the
stress of -áɬi:- when they fall on the same vowel. When stress falls on
different syllables, downstep applies and a terraced pattern emerges.
The second person singular agentive suffix -íck- also has inherent
stress. This leads to future forms with three stressed syllables (table
8.7).
TABLE 8.7. ZERO GRADE WITH TWO STRESSED SUFFIXES

nis- ‘buy’ nis´- nis-íck-áɬi:-s [ .... — — __ ] ‘you will
buy it’
homp- ‘eat’ hómp- hómp-íck-áɬi:-s [ — — — __ ] ‘you will
eat’
wanay- ‘tie’ wanáy- wanáy-íck-áɬi:-s [ .... — — — __ ] ‘you
will tie it’
awanay- ‘tie to’ awanay´- awanay-íck-áɬi:-s [ .... — — — — __ ]
‘you will tie it to it’
The forms in table 8.7 can be analyzed as in (5).

(5) (ni.sí)-íck-áɬi:-s > nis-íck-áɬi:-s ‘you will buy it’
(hóm.pi)-íck-áɬi:-s > hómp-íck-áɬi:-s ‘you will eat’
(wa.ná)yi-íck-áɬi:-s > wanáy-íck-áɬi:-s ‘you will tie it’
(a.wà)(na.yí)-íck-áɬi:-s > awanay-íck-áɬi:-s ‘you will tie it to it’
Some suffixes added to a verb root become part of the stem. The
plural suffix -ak-, for example, is included in feet and thus affects the
placement of stress in the zero grade:
(6) (ni.sá)ki-áɬi:-s > nis-ák-áɬi:-s ‘they will buy it’
(hòm)(pa.kí)-áɬi:-s > homp-ak-áɬi:-s ‘they will eat it’
(wa.nà)(ya.kí)-áɬi:-s > wanay-ak-áɬi:-s ‘they will tie it’

(a.wà)(na.yá)ki-áɬi:-s > awanay-ák-áɬi:-s ‘they will tie it to it’
Other suffixes are outside the stem. The first person plural agentive
suffix -iy-, like all agentive suffixes, is outside the domain of foot
formation in stems:
(7) (ni.sí)-iy-áɬi:-s > nis-íy-áɬi:-s ‘we will buy it’
(hóm.pi)-iy-áɬi:-s > hómp-iy-áɬi:-s ‘we will eat’
(wa.ná)yi-iy-áɬi:-s > wanáy-iy-áɬi:-s ‘we will tie it’
(a.wà)(na.yí)-iy-áɬi:-s > awanay-íy-áɬi:-s ‘we will tie it to it’
The fact that a suffix can be counted within the stem or outside the
stem leads to contrasts between words in stress. As we have seen, the
plural suffix -akis a stem-forming suffix. The impersonal agent suffix
has the same shape (-ak-), but like all agentive suffixes, is outside the
domain of stress. The two suffixes are contrasted in (8a) (plural -ak-)
and (8b) (impersonal agent -ak-).
88 §8
(8) a. wanay-ak-áɬi:-s [ .... — — — __ ] ‘they will tie it’

b. wanáy-ak-áɬi:-s [ .... — — — __ ] ‘one should tie it’
The derivation of (8a) is shown in (9a); the derivation of (8b) is shown
in (9b).
(9) a. (wa.nà)(ya.kí)-áɬi:-s > wanay-ak-áɬi:-s ‘they will tie it’
b. (wa.ná)yi-ak-áɬi:-s > wanáy-ak-áɬi:-s ‘one should tie it’
Stress in Creek can thus be important in determining the structure of a
word.
8.2 The lengthened grade (lgr.)

The lengthened grade (lgr.) is the most common grade form. As its
name suggests, the lengthened grade is often characterized by
lengthening the last vowel of the verb stem (table 8.8). When the last
vowel of the verb stem is already long or followed in the same syllable
by a sonorant (l, m, n, w, or y), the vowel is not lengthened (table 8.9).
TABLE 8.8. LENGTHENED GRADE (BASIC FORM)

STEM LGR. EXAMPLE
ay- ‘(one) go’ a:y- a:y-ís [ — — ] ‘he/she is going’
tac- ‘cut’ ta:c- ta:c-ís [ — — ] ‘he/she is cutting’
litk- ‘(one) run’ li:tk- li:tk-ís [ — — ] ‘he/she is running’
apil- ‘laugh’ api:l- api:l-ís [ .... — — ] ‘he/she is laughing’
TABLE 8.9. LENGTHENED GRADE OF STEMS WITH A LONG VOWEL OR VN IN THE

LAST SYLLABLE
STEM LGR. EXAMPLE

apo:k- ‘(three or more) apo:k- apo:k-ís [ .... — — ] ‘they are sitting’
sit’
halk- ‘(one) crawl’ halk- halk-ís [ — — ] ‘he/she is crawling’
homp- ‘eat’ homp- homp-ís [ — — ] ‘he/she is eating’
afank- ‘kiss’ afank- afank-ís [ .... — — ] ‘he/she is kissing’
hawk- ‘open’ hawk- hawk-ís [ — — ] ‘it is opening’
hoyɬ- ‘(one) stand’ hoyɬ- hoyɬ-ís [ — — ] ‘he/she is standing
up’
hakeyhk- ‘(one) cry’ hakeyhk- hakeyhk-ís [ .... — — ] ‘he/she is
crying’
Lack of lengthening in these forms is consistent with a tendency in

Creek to avoid syllables of the shape (C)V:N, except in word-final
position (§5.7, §6.1).
As the transcriptions above show, the lengthened grade also has a
characteristic pitch pattern. An initial light syllable has slightly lower
pitch. In verb stems that are less than two feet in length, initial heavy
syllables and medial syllables have level high pitch that spreads
rightward. High pitch generally spreads to the end of the word:
(10) apil- ‘laugh’ (lgr. api:l-) api:l-atí:-s [ .... — — — ] ‘he/she
laughed (Past 5)’
When an inherently stressed suffix intervenes, high pitch stops at the
stressed syllable, as in (11).
(11) apil- ‘laugh’ (lgr. api:l-) api:l-íck-is [ .... — — __ ] ‘you (sg.)
are laughing’
Verb stems that are two or more feet in length have a terraced
pattern in the lengthened grade: an initial plateau of high pitch is
followed by downstep and another plateau of lowered high pitch:
(12) awanay- ‘tie to’ awána:y-ís [ .... — — — ] ‘he/she is
tying it to it’
ac-awanay- ‘tie me to’ ac-áwana:y-ís [ .... — — — — ] ‘he/
she is tying me to it’
akk-aɬ- ‘(one) wade’ ákk-a:ɬ-ís [ — — — ] ‘he/she is
wading’
folothok- ‘(two) turn around’ folótho:k-ís [ .... — — — ] ‘they (two)
are turning around’

in-lopeyc- ‘make better for’ ín-lopeyc-ís [ — — — — ] ‘he/she’s
making it better for him/her’
is-iti-pakoc- ‘fold with’ is-iti-páko:c-ís [ .... — — — — — ]
‘he/she’s folding it with it’
hakanciɬopo:tk- ‘do a hakanciɬópo:tk-ís [ .... — — — — — ]
somersault’ ‘he/she is doing a somersault’
The initial plateau of high pitch in these longer forms stops after the
second-to-last foot of the stem. With the three-syllable stem awanay-
‘tie to’, the plateau stops on the penult:
(13) (a.wá)(na:)yi-ís > awána:y-ís ‘he/she it tying it to it’
The three-syllable stem in-lopeyc- ‘make better for’ has a heavy initial
syllable, however, so accent falls on the antepenultimate syllable of the
stem:
90 §8
(14) (ín)(lo.pey)ci-ís > ín-lopeyc-ís ‘he/she is making it better for

him/her’
The second plateau extends to the end of the word, as in the above
forms, or to a syllable with inherent stress:
(15) awanay- ‘tie to’ awána:y-atí:-s [ .... — — — — ] ‘he/she tied it to
it (Past 5)’
awána:y-íck-is [ .... — — —__ ] ‘you are tying it
to it’
We can now turn to contrasts between the zero grade and the
lengthened grade. Both words in (16) are based on the verb stem
apo:k- ‘(three or more) sit’, with first person plural agentive -i:-.
(16) apo:k- ‘(three or more) sit’ apó:k-i:-s [ .... — __ ] ‘we are here’
(zero grade)
apo:k-í:-s [ .... — — ] ‘we are sitting
down’ (lgr.)
The verb stem apo:k- already has a long vowel in the last syllable, so
lengthening is blocked in the lengthened grade. There is still a contrast
in pitch between the zero grade and lengthened grade, however. In the
zero grade, the last stressed syllable in the stem receives high pitch,
and this pitch does not spread. In the lengthened grade, high pitch
spreads from the last syllable rightward.
I assume that both of these words have similar foot structures. The
zero grade has fixed high tone (H) assigned to the last stressed syllable:
(17) H
|
(a.pó:)ki-i:-s > apó:k-i:-s [ .... — __ ] ‘we are here’ (zero grade)
The lengthened grade differs in having spreading high tone (H*). This
is also assigned to the last stressed syllable and spreads rightward:
(18) H* H
|
(a.pó:)ki-i:-s > apó:k-i:-s > apo:k-í:-s [ .... — — ] ‘we are sitting
down’ (lgr.)
The examples in (19) show my assumptions about foot structure in
short verbs. The key syllable of the verb is first lengthened if possible,
so that apil- ‘laugh’ is lengthened to api:l-.4 Iambic feet are formed
from left to right. Spreading high pitch is assigned to the last foot and
4
It is tempting to link lengthening to stress or a particular tonal accent, but I have
not done so here.
spreads rightward to the end of the word or the first syllable with
stress. Initial unstressed syllables have slightly lowered pitch, and any
syllables following a stressed syllable have low pitch:
(19) a. H* H
|
(a.pí:)li-is > (a.pí:)lis > api:l-ís [ .... — — ] ‘he/she is laughing’
b. H* H
|
(a.pí:)li-íck-is > (a.pí:)líckis > api:l-íck-is [ .... — — __ ] ‘you
are laughing’
Longer forms are similar. A stem like awanay- ‘tie to’ is lengthened
to awana:y-. Iambic feet are formed from left to right, and spreading
high tone is assigned to the last foot. Primary stress is assigned to the
second-to-last foot (the foot immediately preceding the lengthened
syllable). As in nouns, high tone spreads from the first stressed syllable
in a word to the syllable with primary stress. The sequence of high
tones leads to downstep, giving two distinctive plateaus with a drop
after the second-to-last foot of the stem:
(20) a. H H* H H
| | |
(a.wá)(nà:)yi-is > (a.wá)(nà:)yis > awána:y-ís [ .... — — — ]
‘he/she is tying it to it’
b. H H* H H
| | |
(a.cá)(wa.nà:)yi-is > (a.cá)(wa.nà:)yis
> acáwana:y-ís [ .... — — — — ]

‘he/she is tying me to it’
c. H H* H H
| | |
(ák)(kà:)ɬi-is > (ák)(kà:)ɬis > ákka:ɬ-ís [ — — — ] ‘he/she is
wading’
d. H H* H H
(i.sà)(ca.wá)(nà:)yi-is > (i.sà)(ca.wá)(nà:)yis

> isacawána:y-ís [ .... — — — — — ]
‘he/she is tying me to it with it’
92 §8
There are different ways to analyze the phonology of accent placement

in the lengthened grade, but the basic facts should be clear from this
description.5
Deletion of initial vowels in grade forms is much the same as in
nouns.6 Thus, the initial vowel in oponay- ‘speak’ often deletes, but
stress in the shorter form is not recalculated in the lengthened grade:
(21) opóna:y-ís ‘he/she is speaking’
póna:y-ís (shorter form showing loss of initial vowel)
When the same vowel deletes in medial position, however, stress is
recalculated based on the surface form:
(22) im-ópona:y-ís ‘he/she is speaking for him/her’
ím-pona:y-ís (shorter form)
oponay-áha:n-éy-s ‘I’m going to speak’
im-ponáy-aha:n-éy-s ‘I’m going to speak for him/her’
8.3 The aspirating grade (hgr.)

The aspirating grade (hgr.) usually indicates a relative perfective event
in a chained clause or a recently completed event (Past 1, i.e., last night
or today) in a main verb. Two competing methods are used to form the
hgr. One way is to shorten, stress, and aspirate (insert an h after) the
last vowel of the verb stem (table 8.10).
TABLE 8.10. ASPIRATING GRADE (BASIC FORM)

STEM HGR. EXAMPLE
ay- ‘(one) go’ áhy- áhy-is ‘he/she went (Past 1)’

wanay- ‘tie’ wanáhy- wanáhy-is ‘he/she tied it (Past 1)’
awanay- ‘tie to’ awanáhy- awanáhy-is ‘he/she tied it to it
(Past 1)’
ha:y- ‘make’ háhy- háhy-is ‘he/she made it (Past 1)’
apo:k- ‘(three or more) sit’ apóhk- apóhk-is ‘they sat (Past 1)’
fi:k- ‘pay’ fíhk fíhk-is ‘they paid (Past 1)’
5
Further research might consider whether the two acute accents Haas uses in the
lengthened grade conflate two different phenomena. The first, nonspreading, accent in
awána:y-ís ‘he/she is tying it to it’ behaves like stress in that its placement is
determined by grouping syllables into iambic feet. The second acute accent merely
indicates the last syllable with (downstepped) high pitch, and need not be part of the
stem.
6
Deletion of initial vowels is particularly common with the prefix (i)ti-
(reciprocal) and with the prefixes (i)s- (instrumental) and (i)m- (dative) when these are
followed by vowels.
When the verb stem ends in a consonant cluster or kk, however,

aspiration is blocked and another method must be used; -êy- is infixed
before the last consonant of the stem (table 8.11).
TABLE 8.11. ASPIRATING GRADE WITH INFIXATION OF -êy-

STEM HGR. EXAMPLE
isk- ‘drink’ isêyk- isêyk-is ‘he/she drank (Past 1)’
litk- ‘(one) run’ litêyk- litêyk-is ‘he/she ran (Past 1)’
homp- ‘eat’ homêyp- homêyp-is ‘he/she ate (Past 1)’
afank- ‘kiss’ afanêyk- afanêyk-is ‘he/she kissed (Past 1)’
tamk- ‘(one) fly’ tamêyk- tamêyk-is ‘he/she flew (Past 1)’
’yifolk- ‘(one) go back’ ’yifolêyk- ’yifolêyk-is ‘he/she went back (Past 1)’
hakeyhk- ‘(one) cry’ hakeyhêyk- hakeyhêyk-is ‘he/she cried (Past 1)’
akk- ‘bite’ akêyk- akêyk-is ‘he/she bit it (Past 1)’
wakk- ‘(one) lie’ wakêyk- wakêyk-is ‘he/she lay down (Past 1)’
I still refer to such forms as aspirating grade forms even though no

aspiration is present.
When the verb stem ends in a geminate consonant other than kk, a
different change is made: the geminate consonant is simplified and
-êyy- is suffixed (table 8.12).7
TABLE 8.12. ASPIRATING GRADE WITH SUFFIXATION OF -êyy-

STEM HGR. EXAMPLE
akhott- ‘shut’ akhotêyy- akhotêyy-is ‘he/she shut it (Past 1)’

fikhonn- ‘stop’ fikhonêyy- fikhonêyy-is ‘he/she stopped (Past 1)’
kiɬɬ- ‘know’ kiɬêyy- kiɬêyy-is ‘he/she learned (Past 1)’
linta:pp- ‘stumble’ linta:pêyy- linta:pêyy-is ‘he/she stumbled (Past 1)’
Stems with diphthongs in the last syllable form a mixed class (table
8.13). When the stem ends in eyC, aspiration is used, as for leyk- ‘sit’
in the table. When the stem ends in awC, -êy- is generally infixed, as
for lawk- ‘rise’ in the table. When the last syllable of the stem includes
oyC, some verbs (such as capkoyc- in the table) favor aspiration and
others (such as hoyɬ- ‘(one) stand’ in the table) favor infixation of -êy-.
7
Historically, these geminate consonants derive from Cl clusters; -êy- was infixed
before the l, and the l assimilated to the preceding consonant. Thus, the stem *akhotl-
‘shut’ yields modern akhott-, and the aspirating grade *akhotêyl- yields modern
akhotêyy-.
94 §8
TABLE 8.13. ASPIRATING GRADE OF STEMS WITH DIPHTHONGS

STEM HGR. EXAMPLE
leyk- ‘(one) sit’ léyhk- léyhk-is ‘he/she sat down (Past 1)’
lawk- ‘rise (of water)’ lawêyk- lawêyk-is ‘it rose (Past 1)’
capkoyc- ‘lengthen’ capkóyhc- capkóyhc-is ‘he/she lengthened it
(Past 1)’
hoyɬ- ‘(one) stand’ hoyêyɬ- hoyêyɬ-is ‘he/she stood (Past 1)’
In the aspirated forms of the aspirating grade, high pitch extends

from the first stressed syllable through the accented syllable:
(23) awanay- ‘tie to’ awanáhy-is [ .... — — __ ] ‘he/she tied it (Past 1)’
Using the notation already developed, this can be represented as in
(24).
(24) H
(a.wà)(náh)yi-is > a-wanáhy-is [ .... — — __ ] ‘he/she tied it (Past 1)’

In forms with -êy(y)-, high pitch extends from the first stressed syllable
to the syllable with falling tone, followed by low to the end of the
word:
(25) afank- ‘kiss’ afanêyk-is [ .... — \ __ ] ‘he/she kissed (last night/
today)’
8.4 The falling tone grade (fgr.)

The falling tone grade (fgr.) is used for what I call resultative stative
aspect: states resulting from events of a short duration. The falling tone
grade is generally formed by lengthening and assigning falling tone to
the last syllable of the verb stem (table 8.14). As with the lengthened
grade, lengthening is blocked if the last vowel of the stem is already
long or if it is followed in the same syllable by a sonorant (table 8.15).
TABLE 8.14. FALLING TONE GRADE (BASIC FORM)

STEM FGR. EXAMPLE
wanay- ‘tie’ wanâ:y- wanâ:y-is ‘he/she has tied it’
awanay- ‘tie to’ awanâ:y- awanâ:y-is ‘he/she has tied it
to it’
sapakl- ‘(three or more) stand’ sapâ:kl- sapâ:kl-is ‘they are standing’
TABLE 8.15. FALLING TONE GRADE OF STEMS WITH LONG VOWEL OR VN IN THE
LAST SYLLABLE
STEM FGR. EXAMPLE

apo:k- ‘(three or more) sit’ apô:k- apô:k-is ‘they are sitting’
leyk- ‘(one) sit’ lêyk- lêyk-is ‘he/she is sitting’
hoyɬ- ‘(one) stand’ hôyɬ- hôyɬ-is ‘he/she is standing’
High pitch extends from the first stressed syllable to the accented
syllable, with a fall in the accented syllable:
(26) awanay- ‘tie to’ awanâ:y-is [ .... — \ __ ] ‘he/she has tied it to it’
8.5 The nasalizing grade (ngr.)

The nasalizing grade (ngr.) typically indicates greater degree or a
sustained event or state. It is formed by nasalizing, lengthening, and
assigning rising tone to the final syllable of the verb stem (table 8.16).
TABLE 8.16. NASALIZING GRADE (BASIC FORM)

STEM NGR. EXAMPLE
cotk- ‘(one) small’ cǒ:ⁿtk- cǒ:ⁿtk-os-i: ‘(one) very small’
likoth- ‘warm’ likǒ:ⁿth- likǒ:ⁿth-os-i: ‘nice and warm’
Vowels that are lengthened in the nasalizing grade are longer than most
long vowels: the nasalizing grade is used for expressive purposes
(meaning ‘very’, ‘really’, ‘for a long time’), and lengthening is used to
match degree.
As with the lengthened grade and falling tone grade, lengthening is
blocked when the vowel of the final syllable is already long or
followed in the same syllable by a sonorant (table 8.17).
TABLE 8.17. NASALIZING GRADE OF STEMS WITH LONG VOWEL OR VN IN THE

LAST SYLLABLE
STEM NGR. EXAMPLE

omalk- ‘all’ omǎⁿlk- omǎⁿlk-os-it ‘with all one’s might’
The sonorant in such cases is itself nasalized and lengthened.8
8
A variant of the nasalizing grade is formed by nasalizing the penultimate syllable
of the stem and assigning falling tone to the last syllable (what might be called the
96 §8
High pitch in the nasalizing grade extends from the first stressed
syllable to the accented syllable, with a slow, steady rise to a higher
pitch in the accented syllable:
(27) awanay- ‘tie to’ awanǎ:ⁿy-is [ .... — ⁄ __ ] ‘he/she has tied it to it’
8.6 The domain of grade formation

Just as stress applies within a domain in nouns (§7.4), grades apply
within a domain in verbs.
(28) [prefixes – VERB ROOT – inner suffixes] – outer suffixes – clitics
_______________________________
the stem (domain of grade formation)
All prefixes are within the domain of grade formation: note how the
placement of the first accent shifts in the following lengthened grade
forms of wanay- ‘tie’:
(29) wana:y-ís ‘he/she is tying it’
a-wána:y-ís ‘he/she is tying it to it’
ac-á-wana:y-ís ‘he/she is tying me to it’
(i)s-ac-a-wána:y-ís ‘he/she is tying me to it with (something)’
Some suffixes are within the domain of grade formation and some are
outside it. When inner suffixes are added to a verb root, they change
the syllable affected by grades. All the inner, stem-forming suffixes are
listed in table 8.18. Some examples of outer suffixes are shown in table
8.19.
A further distinction between outer suffixes and clitics emerges in
the lengthened grade, as seen in table 8.20. In the lengthened grade,

level high pitch spreads rightward from the last foot in the stem. When
level pitch spreads to clitics (-eys(in) ‘though . . .’, -o:f(a) ‘when . . .’,
-a:t(i) ‘as . . .’), it results in a fall on the first syllable of the clitic. The
clitics do not themselves have inherent falling tone: it is only when
pitch spreads to a clitic that it has falling pitch. Thus, when a stressed
suffix intervenes between the verb stem and the clitic, the clitic has no
falling pitch:
(30) wana:y-íck-o:f ‘when you tie it’
wana:y-íck-a:t ‘as you tie it’
nasalizing-falling grade). The word ina:talk-ak-í: ‘(two or more) naked’ thus has the
following form:
ina:tǎⁿlk-â:k-os-it
naked-PL.NFGR-DIM-T
‘completely naked’ (c. 1940b)
TABLE 8.18. INNER (STEM-FORMING) SUFFIXES OF VERBS

REDUPLICATION last- ‘black’, hgr. lasêyt-
laslat- (pl.), hgr. lasláht-
MIDDLE -k- tac- ‘cut’, hgr. táhc-
tack- ‘be cut’, hgr. tacêyk-
DUAL -ho- feyk- ‘(one) turn’, hgr. féyhk-
feyhok- ‘(two) turn’, hgr. feyhóhk-
DIRECT CAUSATIVE -ic-, -iceyc- ay- ‘(one) go’, hgr. áhy-
ayiceyc- ‘send (one)’, hgr. ayicéyhc-
INDIRECT CAUSATIVE -ipeyc- homp-ipeyc- ‘make eat’, hgr. homp-
ipéyhc-
SPONTANEOUS -ip- ay- ‘(one) go’, hgr. áhy-
ay-ip- ‘go away’, hgr. ay-íhp-
PLURAL -ak- nafk- ‘hit’, hgr. nafêyk-
nafk-ak- (pl.), hgr. nafk-áhk-
TABLE 8.19. OUTER SUFFIXES OF VERBS (EXAMPLES)

INDICATIVE -(i)s nafk- ‘hit’, hgr. nafêyk-is ‘he/she hit it’
(hgr.)
AGENT PERSON MARKERS nafk- ‘hit’, hgr. nafêyk-ey-s ‘I hit it’ (hgr.)
TABLE 8.20. LENGTHENED GRADE WITH OUTER SUFFIXES AND CLITICS

LGR. WITH OUTER SUFFIXES wana:y-éy-s ‘I am tying it’
wana:y-í:-s ‘we are tying it’
LGR. WITH CLITICS wana:y-êys ‘though he/she ties it’
wana:y-ô:f ‘when he/she ties it’
wana:y-â:t ‘as he/she ties it’
8.7 Downstep and accent deletion

As noted by Haas (1977b), Creek has a process of downstep whereby
each accented syllable in a word triggers lowering of the following
accent domain:
98 §8
(31) a. ay-áɬi:-s [ .... — __ ]

go.SG-FUT-IND
‘He/she will go.’
b. ay-íck-áɬi:-s [ .... — — __ ]
go.SG-2S.AG-FUT-IND
‘You will go.’
c. náfk-íck-áɬi:-s [ — — — __ ]
hit-2S.AG-FUT-IND
‘You will hit him/her.’
A more precise characterization of the phenomenon would be to say
that accented syllables are spaced in pitch relative to the number of
accents in the word.
Falling tone and rising tone also trigger downstep:
(32) lêyk-íck-is [ \ — __ ]
sit.SG.FGR-2S.AG-IND
‘You are sitting.’
Liaison usually applies between a main verb and the auxiliary om-
‘be’ (§6.4). In this context, a main verb in the lengthened grade loses
the last accent:
(33) a. ma:k-ít ͡ o:m-ís (pronounced ma:kito:mís [ — — — — ])
say.LGR-T be.LGR-IND
‘. . . it says.’
b. má:k-a:k-ít ͡ o:m-ís (pronounced má:ka:kito:mís
say-PL.LGR-T be.LGR-IND [ — — — — ])
‘. . . they say.’
Sometimes two forms of om- are used, and in this case as well, only the
main verb loses its final accent in the lengthened grade:
(34) ma:k-ít ͡ ón-t ͡ o:m-ís (pronounced ma:kitónto:mís
say.LGR-T be.LGR-T be.LGR-IND [ — — — — — ])
‘. . . it says.’
Downstep is otherwise restricted to occurring within words.
8.8 Stress and grades in sentences

A few additional examples will show how the various principles
governing stress in nouns and grade forms interact in sentences. In
(35), the nominative -(i)t at the ends of the first two noun phrases is a
clitic, and thus has no effect on stress. The demonstrative ma is not
normally stressed. The word if-óci ‘puppy’ is a noun and so has iambic
stress. The verb ô:-s is contracted from ô:m-is, the falling tone grade of
om- ‘be’.
(35) ma-t if-óci-t ô:-s
that-T dog-DIM-T be.FGR-IND
‘That is a puppy.’
A similar pattern is seen in (36a) below, contrasting minimally with
the pattern in (36b).
(36) a. ma-t hitot-í:-t ô:-s
that-T freeze-NZR-T be.FGR-IND
‘That is ice.’
b. ma-t hitót-i:-t ô:-s
that-T freeze-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘That is frozen.’
In (36a), hitot-í: is a noun and so shows the iambic stress pattern.
Example (36b) shows the pattern seen in most stative participles: the
stem of hitót-i: is in the zero grade, and durative -i: is outside the
domain of iambic stress.
The examples in (37) are parallel to (36):
(37) a. ma-t aholoc-í:-t ô:-s
that-T cloudy-NZR-T be.FGR-IND
‘That is a cloud.’
b. ma-t aholoc-í:-t ô:-s
that-T cloudy-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘That is cloudy.’
In (37a), aholoc-í: ‘cloud’ contains the nominalizer -i: and is stressed
as a single word. Example (37b) includes durative -i:, which is outside
the domain of stress. The durative form in (37b) is homophonous with
the nominalization in (37a), however, because stress falls on the stem
vowel in (37b), as is shown in (38).
(38) (a.hò)(lo.cí)-i:-t > aholoc-í:-t ‘cloudy’
In (39a), ahólo:c-ít is in the lengthened grade.
(39) a. ahólo:c-ít ó:-s
cloudy.LGR-T be.LGR-IND
‘It is getting cloudy.’
100 §8
b. ahólo:c-í:-t ô:-s
cloudy.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘It gets cloudy (routinely).’
The stem-final syllable has been lengthened in (39a, b) and the
characteristic terraced pattern associated with longer verbs in the
lengthened grade is used. Example (39b) is the durative form of (39a).
The auxiliary is contracted from ô:m-is, falling tone grade of om-. In
general, the verb om- ‘be’ is in the falling tone grade after noun phrases
and participles, and otherwise generally in the lengthened grade.
As the above discussion has shown, pitch in Creek is a complex
phenomenon resulting from the interaction of stress and tonal accent,
determined in part by the shape of words, by verbal aspect, and by the
structure of words.
8.9 Summary of differences between stress and tone

Both stress and tone in Creek are realized through differences in pitch
and so are easily confused. The two phenomena have different
properties, however.
• Stress in Creek is determined by weight: sequences of light syllables
are stressed differently from mixed sequences of heavy syllables and
light syllables. Tone, in contrast, often determines weight in Creek:
syllables with falling tone or rising tone are lengthened whenever
possible.
• Stress operates rhythmically and in a specific direction; tone rarely
appears more than once in a word and gives no indication of
directionality.
• Every word has stress, though not every word has tone.
• Stress affects vowel deletion (since unstressed syllables tend to
delete); tone does not.
• Stress may shift when a sequence of two stresses clash (§7.2); tone
does not.
It thus seems that stress and tone (and intonation) are all signaled by
pitch in Creek, but the three phenomena have different phonological
properties.
9 Orthography
As described in §1.4, Creek has had several writing systems over the
last 270 years. Table 9.1 gives correspondences between the early
spelling systems of Fleming (1835b), Davis and Lykins (1835),
Buckner (1860a), the “traditional” spelling of Loughridge and the
Robertsons, and the phonemic system of Mary R. Haas (1940, 1977a,
1977b). I have made a few modifications of Haas’s system in this work
to conform to current practices.
TABLE 9.1. COMPARISON OF NINETEENTH-CENTURY SPELLINGS WITH

PHONEMIC TRANSCRIPTION
FLEMING DAVIS/ BUCKNER TRAD. HAAS THIS WORK

LYKINS
VOWELS
υ a v, o v a a
ā* a a a a· a:
i e i e i i
i e e ē† i· i:
u o u, ɵ u o o
o o ω o o· o:
NASAL VOWELS
ā, i, o a, i, o‡ a·ⁿ, i·ⁿ, o·ⁿ a:ⁿ, i:ⁿ, o:ⁿ
DIPHTHONGS
au ow au aw aw
ai y ii i ay, ey ay, ey
ui oe ωe, ɵe ue, oe oy oy
ae ey ey
CONSONANTS
ts c ch c c c
f f f f f f
h h h h h h
102 §9
FLEMING DAVIS/ BUCKNER TRAD. HAAS THIS WORK

LYKINS
k k k k k k
l l l l l l
hl r r r ł ɬ
m m m m m m
n n n n n n
n g ñ n ŋ n
p p p p p p
s s s s s s
t t t t t t
w w w w w w
y e y y y y
NOTE: Trad. = traditional.
* The symbol represented as <ā> here actually appears as a variant of <a>
with a thickened curl in Fleming (1835b).
† The symbols <e> and <ē> are rarely distinguished in the traditional
orthography.
‡ Nasalization is rarely marked in nineteenth-century sources.
There are many individual variations in the use of the traditional

spelling, which was developed most fully and consistently by Ann
Eliza Worcester Robertson in the Creek New Testament. (When older
or conventional spelling is discussed in the present work, it is usually
enclosed in angle brackets < > and not italicized.)
• The vowel <ē> is often spelled <e> unless confusion might result.
• There is variation in how the vowel pairs <v ~ a, e ~ ē, u ~ o> are
used. Some speakers use <v, e, u> for phonemically short vowels and
<a, ē, o> for phonemically long vowels. Others, such as Margaret
Mauldin, use <v, e, u> for phonetically lax vowels and <a, ē, o> for
phonetically tense vowels. The difference is apparent in words like
ɬákko [ɬɑkko] ‘horse’, where short vowels have tense allophones:
some speakers will spell this word as <rvkku> (using <v, u> for short
vowels); others spell it <rakko> (using <a, o> for tense vowels).
• In A. E. W. Robertson’s version of the traditional spelling, prefixes
and some suffixes and clitics are written as separate words. Thus, am-
ífa ‘my dog’ may be spelled <vm efv>. When a root is not
pronounceable without the prefix, an apostrophe (’) may be used, so
that cá-ɬki ‘my father’ is spelled <cv’rke>.
Orthography 103
• The sequence cc is often spelled <tc> in the traditional spelling.

When c is at the end of a syllable, it may be spelled <ts> instead of
<c>. The second person singular and plural agent suffixes -íck- and
-á:ck- are usually spelled <-etsk-> and <-atsk->.
• Nasalization, stress, and tone are not usually indicated in the
traditional spelling.
• Martin and Mauldin (2000) introduce a few changes to the traditional
spelling: they use a hook below vowels to indicate nasalization; they
spell cc as <cc> rather than as <tc>; they use <ē> consistently for i:;
they use <vo> in place of <au>.
An extended example of the traditional orthography appears in the
texts at the end of this volume. Very few Creek speakers were able to
use the traditional spelling in 2006, but virtually everyone was
accustomed to seeing words spelled in this alphabet.
Nouns and their modifiers
10 Nominalization
Verb stems are nominalized by means of suffixes; some examples are
shown in (1).
(1) opan- ‘dance’ opá:n-a ‘dancer’
aholoc- ‘cloud up’ aholoc-í: ‘cloud’
yaheyk- ‘sing’ yaheyk-itá ‘song’
apil- ‘laugh’ apíl-ka ‘laughter’
Nominalizations generally share features with nouns: they may be used
as possessors (2b), they may be compounded (2c), and they may form
diminutives (2d).
(2) a. (i)s-isk-itá ‘cup, glass, tumbler’ (isk- ‘drink’, (i)s-isk- ‘drink with’)
b. (i)s-isk-itá im-patá:-ka ‘saucer’ (‘cup’ + ‘its foundation’)
c. (i)s-isk-ita-ɬákko ‘a large bowl’
d. (i)s-isk-it-óci ‘small drinking vessel’
Nominalizations also share features with verbs, however. Thus, the
instrumental prefix (i)s- in (2) only attaches to verb stems and so is
found with nominalizations, but not nouns.
Phrases like ma lást-a:t(i) ‘that black one’ are sometimes treated as
nominalizations, but are analyzed here as headless relative clauses
(§42.2.2).
10.1 Agent nominalizations in -a

Agent nominalizations are used to form nouns describing individuals
known for a particular action. They are formed by suffixing -a to a
verb stem in the lengthened grade (§8.2).1 The last vowel in the verb
stem is generally lengthened:
(3) laks- ‘lie’ lá:ks-a ‘liar’
litk- ‘(one) run’ lí:tk-a ‘runner’
oponay- ‘speak’ oponá:y-a ‘speaker’
inokk- ‘(be/get) sick’ inó:kk-a ‘sick person, patient’
When the last vowel of the verb stem is already long or followed in the
same syllable by a sonorant (l, m, n, w, or y), the vowel is not
lengthened:
1
A similar suffix -a commonly appears on verbs in compounds (§11.4) and on
numerals in expressions meaning ‘twice’, ‘five times’, etc. (§33.3).
108 §10
(4) ili:c- ‘kill (one’) ilí:c-a ‘killer’

fa:y- ‘hunt’ fá:y-a ‘hunter’
ho:cceyc- ‘write’ ho:ccéyc-a ‘writer’
yaheyk- ‘sing’ yahéyk-a ‘singer’
Agent nominalizations are accented like nouns. “Long” verbs in the
lengthened grade generally have two accents (opóna:y-ís ‘he/she is
speaking’), but agent nominalizations do not (oponá:y-a ‘speaker’).
As the examples above show, agent nominalizations usually refer to
a person who is known for an activity or who has entered into a state.
Nominalizations in -a need not refer to people, however:
(5) a-hoyɬ- ‘(one) stand against’ a-hóyɬ-a ‘debt; bill; credit’
famic- ‘scented’ famí:c-a ‘muskmelon, canteloupe’
is-call- ‘roll with’ is-cáll-a ‘car’
ɬimheyc- ‘clear, deodorize’ tak-ɬimhéyc-a ‘room deodorizer’
wakk- ‘(one) lie’ in-wá:kk-a ‘its foundation’
10.2 Nominalizations in -i:

Stems describing properties can be changed to nouns referring to
degree by adding the dative prefix im- (in- before nonlabial
consonants) and a suffix -i: (6).
(6) cámp-i: ‘sweet’ in-camp-í: ‘its sweetness, nectar’
cápk-i: ‘long’ in-capk-í: ‘its length’
cíkf-i: ‘thick’ in-cikf-í: ‘its thickness’
ɬákk-i: ‘big’ in-ɬakk-í: ‘its size’

táph-i: ‘wide’ in-taph-í: ‘its width’
hónn-i: ‘heavy’ in-honn-í: ‘its weight’
hopáy-i: ‘distant’ in-hopay-í: ‘its distance’
sófk-i: ‘deep’ in-sofk-í: ‘its depth’
This nominalizing suffix -i: may be related to the durative suffix -i:,
but as the above forms show, the two have different accent patterns.
The nominalizing suffix -i: is generally within the domain of stress,
and so is stressed. The durative suffix -i: is outside the domain of
stress, and so may or may not be stressed, depending on the type and
number of preceding syllables (§8.1).
A second use of -i: is seen in examples like those in (7).
(7) acól-i: ‘old (of an animate)’ acol-í: ‘old person’
ci:pan-í: ‘young (of a boy)’ ci:pan-í: ‘boy’
Nominalization 109
hoktal-í: ‘old (of a woman)’ hoktal-í: ‘old woman, elderly woman’

In the above forms, -i: seems to form a noun meaning ‘one that is
[property]’. The same suffix is also used with a few verbs having
inanimate subjects, however:
(8) aholoc- ‘cloudy’ aholoc-í: ‘cloud’
a-hoyɬ- ‘stand against’ a-hoyɬ-í: ‘debt’
aklowah- ‘muddy’ aklowah-í: ‘mud’
feyhn- ‘flow’ in-feyhn-í: ‘its flow, current’
osk- ‘rain’ osk-í: ‘rain, shower’
tack- ‘be cut’ in-tack-í: ‘remnant, piece’
taka:n- ‘blister’ taka:n-í: ‘blister’
ta:sahc- ‘become spring’ ta:sahc-í: ‘spring’
tini:tk- ‘thunder’ tini:tk-í: ‘thunder’
wa:ɬk- ‘sliced’ in-wa:ɬk-í: ‘pieces’
Additional examples of -i:, sometimes with unexpected meanings, are
seen in (9).
(9) famic- ‘scented’ in-famic-í: ‘its smell’
fask- ‘sharp’ in-fask-í: ‘its point, thorn’
lowa:k- ‘limber’ in-lowa:k-í: ‘bud (on a plant)’
lokc- ‘ripe’ in-lokc-í: ‘fruit, nut’
a:-yoposk- ‘reply, answer’ a:-yoposk-í: ‘a reply, answer’
a-hopan- ‘destroy’ a-hopan-í: ‘ruins’
10.3 Verbal nouns: -ka and -ita

The two suffixes -ka and -ita have nearly identical meanings.2 One
form sometimes substitutes for the other, and the two have parallel
uses, as in (10).
(10) asi:k-itá anokíc-ka (i)ti-pâ:k-in
shake.hands-INF love.GER RCP-join.FGR-N
2
It is sometimes difficult to distinguish -a from -ka in forms such as atí:h-ka
‘container’ or atí:hk-a ‘members’. The form meaning ‘container’ is derived by
suffixing the nominalizer -ka to the active verb stem atih- ‘put (two or more) in (a
container)’. The meaning is therefore ‘what you put (two or more) in’. The second
form is derived by suffixing -a to the middle verb stem atihk- ‘(two or more) get or be
inside (a container’, giving the meaning ‘two or more who are inside’. A few forms can
be viewed either way: thus, accá:ka ‘ladder’ could be analyzed as accá:-ka (‘thing
that one leans’) or as accá:k-a (‘thing that leans’).
110 §10
cín-to:t-éy-s
2.DAT-send.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I send you a handshake and love.’ (1899b)
For convenience, forms in -ka will be referred to as gerunds and forms
in -ita will be referred to as infinitives, though both are verbal nouns.
The complements of a few verbs like iya:c- ‘want’ must typically
be in -ita or -ka:
(11) homp-itá-n ci-yâ:c-a′
eat-INF-N 2.PAT-want.FGR-Q
‘Do you want to eat?’ / ‘Do you want food?’
It is perhaps this usage that leads speakers to translate forms in -ita as
infinitives in English.3 While all forms in -ita can have these infinitival
readings, a number have more concrete readings. Thus, homp-itá in
(11) can mean either ‘to eat’ or ‘food’.
Virtually any verb stem can occur with -ita; it is partly for this
reason that Creek dictionaries list verbs in -ita. Rules for combining
stems with -ka are more restricted.4
Most verb stems ending in a single consonant can be nominalized
by adding -ka, as in (12).
(12) noc- ‘sleep’ nóc-ka ‘sleep’
apil- ‘laugh’ apíl-ka ‘laughter’
Most verb stems ending in consonant clusters or k cannot take -ka; in
this case, a form in -ita must be used:
(13) ayoposk- ‘pay back’ ayoposk-itá ‘revenge’; *ayoposk-ka
yikc- ‘strong’ yikc-itá ‘strength’; *yíkc-ka

oho:k- ‘cough’ oho:k-itá ‘a cough’; *oho:k-ka
The suffix -ka is sometimes added to verb stems ending in clusters,
provided the cluster can be simplified:
(14) inhonɬ- ‘believe’ inhóⁿɬ-ka ‘trust’
im-miɬɬ- ‘forgive’ míɬ-ka ‘blessing’
3
Some speakers dislike -ita with nonagentive verbs. It may be that they have
specific frames in mind, such as in (11), that require an agentive verb. All speakers use
-ita with nonagentive verbs, however, in expressions like kasapp-itá-t(i)s ‘it’s too cold’
(§26.5).
4
D. Hardy (1988) discusses some of the restrictions on combining verb stems with
-ka.
Nominalization 111
In the first example in (14), the cluster nɬ is simplified by realizing n as

nasalization; in the second example, the geminate consonant ɬɬ is
simplified to ɬ.
When -ka is added to a verb stem ending in y, the y is dropped.5
(15) (i)tipoy- ‘fight’ (i)tipo-ká ‘battle, fight’

atilo:y- ‘gather’ atiló:-ka ‘the collection (as at church)’
(i)takhay- ‘put (a loincloth) on’ takha-ká ‘diaper, loincloth’
loyy- ‘hoe’ is-lóy-ka ‘hoe’
Forms in -ka and -ita have a wide range of senses. With verbs
describing properties, -ka and -ita often refer to conditions:
(16) a. hiɬ- ‘good’ híɬ-ka ‘peace, goodness’
holwayi:c- ‘bad, disobedient’ holwayí:c-ka ‘sin, wickedness’
hottop- ‘itchy’ hottóp-ka ‘itchiness, itching, itch’
iwanh- ‘thirsty’ iwánh-ka ‘thirst’
b. inokk- ‘sick’ inokk-itá ‘to be sick; sickness, disease’
facc- ‘true’ facc-itá ‘to be true; truth, honesty’
hasafk- ‘swell’ hasafk-itá ‘to swell; mumps’
yoksi:hn- ‘catch a cold’ yoksi:hn-itá ‘to catch a cold;
influenza’
With active verbs, -ka and -ita refer to the act of doing something:
(17) a. anokic- ‘love’ anokíc-ka ‘love, affection’
ca:ti:c- ‘let blood from’ ca:tí:c-ka ‘bloodletting’
i:y-ohh-akasam- ‘praise oneself’ i:y-ohh-akasám-ka ‘bragging’

b. in-kaf- ‘milk (a cow)’ in-kaf-íta ‘to milk; milking’
ayoposk- ‘pay back’ ayoposk-itá ‘to pay back; revenge’
When the activity refers to a punctual activity (something done once),
-ka and -ita refer to a single instance of that activity:
(18) a. aklop- ‘bathe oneself’ aklóp-ka ‘bath’
hopoy- ‘look for’ hopó-ka ‘search, hunt’
il- ‘(one) die’ íl-ka ‘death’
(i)ti-halat- ‘marry’ (i)ti-halát-ka ‘wedding’
5
Such alternations are sometimes taken to show that y is inserted in Creek
between vowels in forms such as (i)tipoy-íta ‘to fight’. It is difficult to make this rule
work. Historically, y in such alternations derives from an auxiliary suffix *-li. The
reconstructed alternation is *atilo:-li ‘gather’ (> atilo:y-) and *atilo:-ka ‘collection’.
112 §10
b. iti-weyk- ‘get divorced’ iti-weyk-itá ‘to get divorced; divorce’

laff- ‘cut (with a knife)’ laff-itá ‘to cut (using a knife); surgery’
oho:k- ‘cough’ oho:k-itá ‘to cough; a cough’
yaheyk- ‘sing’ yaheyk-itá ‘to sing; song’
With transitive verbs, the nominalization often refers to the object of
the verb stem (‘what one [verb]s’):
(19) a. ak-wanay- ‘tie in water’ ak-waná-ka ‘raft’
onay- ‘say’ oná-ka ‘saying, word, information’
b. acimk- ‘(one) climb’ acimk-itá ‘(one) to climb; stairs’
homp- ‘eat’ homp-itá ‘to eat; food’
isk- ‘drink’ isk-itá ‘to drink; a drink’
With a verb taking more than one object, the nominalization usually
refers to what might be considered the direct object (in some sense, the
most affected object):6
(20) acca:y- ‘lean (one) against’ accá:-ka ‘ladder’
hocif- ‘name’ hocíf-ka ‘name’
When oh- ‘on top of’ and certain other locative prefixes add an object
to a verb, the nominalization usually refers to the added location (‘what
one does something on’):
(21) a. fo:y- ‘saw’ oh-fo:y- ‘saw on’ oh-fó:-ka ‘sawhorse’
poɬo:y- ‘scrub’ oh-poɬo:y- ‘scrub on’ oh-poɬó:-ka ‘washboard’
b. leyk- ‘(one) sit’ oh-leyk- ‘sit on’ oh-leyk-itá ‘to sit on; chair’
pacc- ‘beat’ oh-pacc- ‘beat on’ oh-pacc-itá ‘to beat on;

anvil’
tofk- ‘spit’ a-tofk- ‘spit at’ a-tofk-itá ‘to spit at;
spittoon’
A similar effect is seen with instrumental is-, where the nominalization
refers to the added instrument:
(22) a. ahkopan- ‘play’ (i)s-ahkopan- ‘play with’ (i)s-ahkopán-ka ‘toy’7
fo:y- ‘saw’ is-fo:y- ‘saw with’ is-fó:-ka ‘a saw’
6
Sometimes nâ:k(i) ‘something’ is used to clarify that reference is to an inanimate
object:
im- ‘give’ nâ:k-ʔím-ka ‘gift; prize’ (lit., ‘thing given’)
kiɬɬ- ‘know’ nâ:k-kiɬɬ-itá ‘knowledge’ (lit., ‘thing known’)
7
In older sources, the sequence nk here and elsewhere resulting from suffixing -ka
is phonetically [nk] rather than [ŋk] (§5.2).
Nominalization 113
hawi:c- ‘open’ is-hawi:c- ‘open with’ is-hawí:c-ka ‘key,

opener’
b. isk- ‘drink’ (i)s-isk- ‘drink with’ (i)s-isk-itá ‘cup, glass,
tumbler’
litk- ‘(one) run’ is-litk- ‘run with’ is-litk-itá ‘bicycle’
nafk- ‘hit’ is-nafk- ‘hit with’ is-nafk-itá ‘drumstick’
As the data above show, the pattern is-VERB-ka/ita ‘what one verbs
with’ is often used for naming tools.
Occasionally ‘what one [verb]s’ is taken to mean ‘the amount one
[verb]s’:
(23) a. ahopa:y- ‘measure’ ahopá:-ka ‘a unit of measure’
ataɬ- ‘hang (one) up’ atá:ɬ-ka ‘a pound (in weight), a
weight’8
b. sayakl- ‘spread the legs’ sayakl-itá ‘a large step’
A reading ‘where one [verb]s’ is also found:
(24) a. fi:kap- ‘rest’ in-fi:káp-ka ‘his/her resting
place’
iti-hoyan- ‘(one) pass (someone)’ iti-hoyán-ka ‘country road’
na:nop- ‘graze’ na:nóp-ka ‘pasture’
b. leyk- ‘(one) sit’ in-leyk-itá ‘its base’
apo:k- ‘(three or more) sit, live’ apo:k-itá ‘meeting, village’
This locative use can be seen in the following:
(25) homá-n a-pifa:têyk-it ihk-itá hǐ:nɬ-a:n in-hopóy-aks

front-N at-run.TPL.HGR-T hide-INF good.NGR-REF.N D-search-PL.IMP
‘Run ahead and look for a good hiding place.’ (1915.4)
In general, then, nominalizations in -ka or -ita refer either to the state
or condition described by the verb, or to a prominent nonsubject (an
object for a transitive verb or a place for an intransitive verb).
8
These forms are sometimes in the lengthened grade: kot- ‘snip’, is-kó:t-ka
‘scissors’; laff- ‘carve’, is-lá:f-ka ‘knife’.
11 Compounding
Compounding is defined here as the joining of two roots to form a
single word. A word like citto-pánka ‘Snake dance’, for example, is
formed from cítto ‘snake’ and (o)pánka ‘dance’ and pronounced as a
single word (see §11.1 below).
Noun compounds are nouns that result from combining two roots.
There are several subtypes in Creek: noun + noun (§11.2); noun +
verbal noun (§11.3); noun + reduced participle (§11.4); and lexicalized
possessives (§11.6). Verb compounds (§11.7) are verbs resulting from
combining a noun and a verb.
Compounding is employed extensively in Creek. A compound
usually has fixed reference to a type: a compound like cofon-fásk-i
‘pitchfork’ means literally ‘sharp fork’ (cofónwa ‘fork’ + fásk-i
‘sharp’), but refers to a type of fork and so is used even for pitchforks
that are dull. Compounding is easily confused with simple adjunction
of a reduced participle to a noun: words describing color, shape, age, or
size commonly combine with the nouns they modify in Creek, as in ma
ifa-lást-i ‘that black dog’, but these are distinct grammatically from
compounds (§11.8).
11.1 Phonology of compounds and adjoined expressions

Several criteria show that words have been combined into a
phonological word, either as a result of compounding or adjunction.

Pitch is generally the best test for establishing whether two words
have been joined. Pronounced on their own, the word ísti ‘person’ has
low pitch on the last syllable, and honánwa ‘male’ has slightly lowered
pitch on the first syllable, as in (1a). When these words are combined,
they are pronounced as one word, with high pitch from the first
stressed syllable in the word to the last, as in (1b).
(1) a. ísti [ — __ ] ‘person’
honánwa [ .... — __ ] ‘male’
b. isti-honánwa [ — — — __ ]
— ‘man’
Combining words can sometimes lead to accent shift in the second
member of a compound. The nouns ifá ‘dog’ and (i-)hóti ‘its home’
can be combined in two ways:
Compounding 115
(2) a. ma ifá (i-)hóti ‘that dog’s home’

b. ma ifa-hotí ‘that doghouse’
Example (2a) is a possessive phrase, while (2b) is a compound. The
compound is stressed as a single word: (i.fà)(ho.tí).
Several specific phonological processes apply when words are
joined. Final a and i are sometimes deleted in the first element (N1):
(3) i:kan-hálw-i ‘hill’ (i:kaná ‘land’ + -halw-i ‘high’)
iccost-ahá:k-i ‘his daughter in law’ (iccósti ‘his daughter’ + -aha:k-i
‘resembling’)
Sometimes the initial vowel of the second element (N2) deletes instead
of the final vowel of N1:
(4) co:ka-wá:la ‘calendar’ (có:ka ‘paper’ + owá:la ‘prophet’)
When N1 ends in wa, several changes may occur (Martin 1989).
When final wa is preceded by a consonant, wa is deleted:
(5) cofon-fásk-i ‘pitchfork’ (cofónwa ‘fork’ + -fask-i ‘sharp’)
cok-háɬpi ‘lip’ (-cókwa ‘mouth’ + -háɬpi ‘skin’)
toɬ-opóswa ‘tear, teardrop’ (-tóɬwa ‘eye’ + opóswa ‘juice’)
When final wa is preceded by a vowel, wa shifts to p, sometimes with
lengthening of the preceding vowel:
(6) tokna:p-hotí ‘purse; wallet; bank’ (tokná:wa ‘money’ + -hóti
‘container’)
toɬa:p-lást-i ‘charcoal paint’ (toɬáwa ‘charcoal’ + lást-i ‘black’)
to:ɬkop-(ʔ)ohléyka ‘kneecap’ (to:ɬkowá ‘knee’ + ohléyka ‘one that sits
on top’)
As noted in §6.1, voicing may apply to the first consonant in N2:
(7) citto-pánka ‘Snake Dance’ (cítto ‘snake’ + (o)pánka ‘dance’)
[ʧɪttobǝŋgǝ]
casi-takléyki ‘pumpkin bread’ (casí ‘pumpkin’ + takléyki ‘bread’)
[ʧǝsɪdɑklejgɪ]
Voicing does not apply to the final member of N1, however. When N1
ends in a plosive and N2 begins with a vowel, voicing is blocked:
(8) na:k-(ʔ)afá:sta ‘caretaker’ (nâ:ki ‘thing’ + afá:sta ‘caretaker’)
[nɑːk(ʔ)ǝfɑːstǝ]
to:ɬkop-(ʔ)ohléyka ‘kneecap’ [tʊɬkop(ʔ)ohlejgǝ]
Instead, a glottal stop is sometimes inserted.
116 §11
11.2 Noun + noun compounds

The usual pattern in noun + noun compounds is for the first noun (N1)
to modify the second noun (N2). Common readings are for N1 to
indicate
• a material: e.g, paɬko-opóswa ‘wine’ (‘grape’ + ‘juice’)
• a time: e.g., ɬafo-taháya ‘winter squash’ (‘winter’ + ‘squash’)
• a place: e.g., oy-cítto ‘water snake’ (‘water’ + ‘snake’)
• an inalienable possessor: e.g., co:ka-háɬpi ‘book cover’ (‘book’ +
‘skin’)
In each case the head of the noun compound is second. Apparent
exceptions to this pattern are discussed in §11.2.1 immediately below.
11.2.1 Noun + title/sex/location

In noun + noun compounds, N1 usually modifies N2, but there are
examples where N2 seems to modify N1.
Nouns referring to title (e.g., mí:kko ‘chief’) or sex (e.g., hoktí:
‘female’) are placed after the nouns they modify:
(9) tasi-mí:kko ‘King Jaybird’ (‘jaybird’ + ‘chief, king’)
wa:ka-hoktí: ‘cow’ (‘bovine’ + ‘female’)
isti-honánwa ‘man’ (‘person’ + ‘male’)
wa:ka-hoktálwa ‘old cow’ (‘bovine’ + ‘old female’)
In such cases N2 is still arguably the head of the compound: tasi-
mí:kko could be translated as ‘king of the jaybirds’, and wa:ka-hoktí:
could be translated as ‘female of the bovines’.

Postpositions (a type of noun) can in principle occur before a noun
or after it:
(10) o:fa-hatikpéyka ‘underpants, briefs’ (‘inside’ + ‘pants’)
ink-ó:fa ‘palm of the hand’ (‘hand’ + ‘inside’)
Placement in this case is determined by the function of the
postposition. In o:fa-hatikpéyka, N1 restricts the location of N2
(‘inside pants’ as opposed to ‘outside pants’); in ink-ó:fa, N2 refers to a
part of N1 (‘the inside (N2) of the hand (N1)’). The second reading—
where a postposition indicates a part of N1—is more common:
(11) coko-onápa ‘roof’ (‘house’ + ‘top’)
ika-homá ‘his/her forehead’ (‘his/her head’ + ‘front’)
ika-yopá ‘back of his/her head’ (‘his/her head’ + ‘back’)
ili-císka ‘his/her heel’ (‘his/her foot’ + ‘edge’)
ili-ó:fa ‘sole of the foot’ (‘his/her foot’ + ‘inside’)
Compounding 117
honna-líca ‘skirt; lower part of a dress’ (‘dress’ + ‘bottom’)

Here again N2 is arguably the head of the compound, consistent with
other patterns.
11.3 Noun + verbal noun compounds

In §10.3, we saw that verbal nouns in -ka and -ita had several readings
referring to a prominent nonsubject, including:
• what could be called the direct object of a transitive verb: ak-wanay-
‘tie in water’, ak-waná-ka ‘raft’; and
• the location of an intransitive verb: na:nop- ‘graze’, na:nóp-ka
‘pasture’.
These readings are also found in compounds. A common pattern is for
N1 to be interpreted as the object of the verbal noun N2.
In the activity reading, N1 may simply modify N2:
(12) yanasa-pán-ka ‘Buffalo dance’ (yanása ‘buffalo’ + (o)pán-ka ‘dance’)
A more common pattern, however, is for N1 to be interpreted as the
object of N2, and for the compound as a whole to refer to that more
specific activity:
(13) co:ka-kiɬɬ-itá ‘learning’ (có:ka ‘book’ + kiɬɬ-itá ‘knowing’)
’hilis-há:-ka ‘medicine making’ (’hilíswa ‘medicine’ + há:-ka
‘making’)
In the object reading, N1 is interpreted as an object of a verbal noun
(‘what one verbs’). This pattern is commonly used for naming

instruments. The verb yaheyk- ‘sing’, for example, has an instrumental
form is-yaheyk- ‘sing with’. This can be nominalized as is-yaheyk-itá
‘what one sings with’. The noun có:ka ‘book’ can then be added as N1:
co:ka-is-yaheyk-itá ‘songbook’, literally ‘book one sings with’. The
following are similar:
(14) cato-is-fasí:c-ka ‘whetstone’ (cató ‘stone’ + is-fasí:c-ka ‘what one
sharpens with’)
pahi-is-tá:c-ka ‘grass cutter, scythe, lawn mower’ (pahí ‘grass’ + is-
tá:c-ka ‘what one cuts with’)
Note the difference in meaning between the examples in (14): in the
first, N1 functions as the object of the instrumental, while in the
second, N1 functions as the object of the verb.
The locative reading (‘where one verbs’) is also found. In this use,
N1 is interpreted as an object of N2, and the compound as a whole
refers to the location where the event takes place:
118 §11
(15) isti-hiɬéyc-ka ‘cemetery’ (ísti ‘person’ + hiɬéyc-ka‘where one puts

away’)
isti-hopíl-ka ‘cemetery’ (ísti ‘person’ + hopíl-ka ‘where one buries’)
Verbal nouns do not always appear on the right in compounds. In
the examples above, N1 functions as an object of N2. When the verbal
noun itself is a modifier, it is placed first:
(16) nis-ka-cóko ‘store, shop’ (nís-ka ‘buying’ + cokó ‘house’)
inokk-ita-cokó ‘hospital’ (inokk-itá ‘sickness’ + cokó ‘house’)
nakaft-ita-i:kaná ‘meeting ground’ (nakaft-itá ‘meeting’ + i:kaná
‘ground’)
il-ka-nítta ‘the day one dies’ (íl-ka ‘death’ + nítta ‘day’)
in-hick-ita-nítta ‘his/her birthday’ (in-hick-itá ‘his/her birth’ + nítta
‘day’)
11.4 Noun + reduced participle compounds

When a noun is modified by reduced participle in a compound, the
noun appears first. As shown in (17), the reduced participle may end in
i, o, or a.
(17) wa:ka-hotópk-i ‘barbecued beef’ (wá:ka ‘bovine’ + -hotopk-i
‘barbecued’)
wa:ka-tí:ho ‘steer’ (wá:ka ‘bovine’ + ti:ho ‘castrated’)
wa:ka-ató:tk-a ‘ox’ (wá:ka ‘bovine’ + -ato:tk-a ‘worker’)
Most reduced participles appear in the zero grade with final -i. Only a
few reduced participles in compounds end in o; the o in these relic verb
forms preserves the final Proto-Muskogean vowel. Final -a is mostly
used for verbs describing events, generally in the lengthened grade.

Because -i and -a are regular, I treat them as suffixes. Forms like -ti:ho
‘castrated’ are treated as bound forms, and o is treated as part of the
root.1
As noted, final -i is the general suffix used for reduced participles:
(18) ca:na-lá:n-i ‘blowfly’ (cá:na ‘fly’ + -la:n-i ‘green’)
inki-tapíks-i ‘palm of the hand’ (ínki ‘his/her hand’ + -tapiks-i ‘flat’)
issi-tilíkm-i ‘fur’ (íssi ‘his/her hair’ + -tilikm-i ‘fine’)
isti-cá:t-i ‘Indian’ (ísti ‘person’ + -ca:t-i ‘red’)
There are hundreds of examples of this type. Stems with final -i are
always in the zero grade.
All the reduced participles that normally end in o in compounds are
listed in (19).
1
When used as predicates, they end in -i:—ɬákk-i: ‘big’; cápk-i: ‘long’; tí:h-i:
‘castrated’, etc.
Compounding 119
(19) akhasi:-ɬákko ‘lake’ (akhasí: ‘pond’ + -ɬakko ‘great’)

is-la:f-ka-cápko ‘sword; bayonet’ (is-lá:f-ka ‘knife’ + -capko ‘long’)
wa:ka-tí:ho ‘steer’ (wá:ka ‘bovine’ + -ti:ho ‘castrated’)
nitt-acá:ko ‘Sunday’ (nítta ‘day’ + -aca:ko ‘holy’)
(is)si-tá:pho ‘cabbage’ (íssi ‘leaf, hair’ + -ta:pho ‘wide’)
takleyk-pá:kko ‘white bread’ (takléyki ‘bread’ + -pa:kko ‘puffed up’)
Of these, -ɬakko is the most common and can arguably be analyzed as
an augmentative suffix (§13.2). I tend to view all the boldface forms in
(19) as bound roots, however. These bound roots are all in the zero
grade except -ta:pho, which is in the lengthened grade.
Final -a is used for events (an activity, habit, etc.) and the verb is
placed in the eventive (lengthened grade) aspect:
(20) wa:ka-ató:tk-a ‘ox’ (wá:ka ‘bovine’ + atotk- ‘work’)
As noted in §10.1, final -a is also an agent nominalizer (often
equivalent to English -er). When the modifying event is a transitive
verb, it is possible to view N2 as an agent nominalization, with N1
functioning as an object:
(21) apis-wéyy-a ‘butcher’ (apíswa ‘meat’ + wéyy-a ‘seller’)
cofi-hopó:y-a ‘rabbit dog’ (cofí ‘rabbit’ + hopó:y-a ‘searcher’)
co:ka-há:y-a ‘secretary’ (có:ka ‘book’ + há:y-a ‘maker’)
cato-pá:cc-a ‘blacksmith’ (cató ‘metal’ + pá:cc-a ‘pounder’)
ifa-cá:w-a ‘dog catcher’ (ífá ‘dog’ + cá:w-a ‘catcher’)
i:kan-kó:ɬɬ-a ‘grave digger’ (i:kaná ‘earth’ + kó:ɬɬ-a ‘digger’)
(i)nokk-i:-ilí:c-a ‘anesthetic’ ((i)nokk-í: ‘pain’ + ilí:c-a ‘killer’)
ist-á:kk-a ‘bedbug’ (ísti ‘person’ + á:kk-a ‘biter’)
isti-ilí:c-a ‘murderer’ (ísti ‘person’ + ilí:c-a ‘killer’)
isti-pá:p-a ‘lion’ (‘person’ + pá:p-a ‘eater’)

’hilis-há:y-a ‘medicine maker’ (’hilíswa ‘medicine’ + há:y-a ‘maker’)
tokna:p-pá:l-a ‘money lender’ (tokná:wa ‘money’ + pá:l-a ‘lender’)
The event can also be an intransitive verb, however:
(22) cofi-comó:tt-a ‘cottontail rabbit’ (cofí ‘rabbit’ + comó:tt-a ‘hopper’)
cofi-lá:ks-a ‘Liar Rabbit’ (cofí ‘rabbit’ + lá:ks-a ‘liar’)
fo:-tiní:tk-a ‘bumblebee’ (fó: ‘bee’ + tiní:tk-a ‘thunderer’)
ifa-nó:ks-a ‘food-stealing dog’ (ífá ‘dog’ + nó:ks-a ‘stealer’)
ifa-sómk-a ‘stray dog’ (ífá ‘dog’ + sómk-a ‘strayer’)
ifa-wó:hk-a ‘hound’ (ífá ‘dog’ + wó:hk-a ‘barker’)
ito-í:tk-a ‘firewood’ (itó ‘wood’ + í:tk-a ‘burner’)
kaco:-hálk-a ‘dewberry’ (kacó: ‘berry’ + hálk-a ‘crawler’)
kaco:-hóyɬ-a ‘blackberry’ (kacó: ‘berry’ + hóyɬ-a ‘stander’)
piɬɬo-támk-a ‘airplane’ (píɬɬo ‘boat’ + támk-a ‘flyer’)
ɬakko-péyhk-a ‘mule’ (ɬákko ‘horse’ + péyhk-a ‘brayer’)
120 §11
In these intransitive examples, N2 appears to modify N1. The most

natural literal translation in English for this use is as a present
participle (‘crawling berry’ rather than ‘berry crawler’).
The reduced participles in -a in (20)–(21) all seem to include stems
in the lengthened grade. A handful of compounds include zero-grade
stems with -a:
(23) ’folowa-tapíks-a ‘shoulder blade’ (’folowá ‘shoulder’ + -tapiks-a ‘flat’)
(i)to-wákk-a ‘bench’ (itó ‘wood’ + -wakk-a ‘lies’)
oy-hátk-a ‘ocean’ (óywa ‘water’ + -hatk-a ‘white’)
pahi-táck-a ‘hay’ (pahí ‘grass’ + -tack-a ‘cut’)
An adjective stem like hatk- ‘white’ can thus be found in the zero
grade with -i, in the lengthened grade with -a, or in the zero grade with
-a, as seen in (24).
(24) hitot-i:-hátk-i ‘snow’ (hitot-í: ‘ice’ + -hatk-i ‘white’)
sokha-há:tk-a ‘opossum’ (sókha ‘hog’ + -ha:tk-a ‘white’)
fos-hátk-a ‘white crane’ (fóswa ‘bird’ + -hatk-a ‘white’)
The first seems to be the productive pattern. It is not clear what
determines the choice between the other two.
Compounds of noun + reduced participle are treated morpho-
logically and syntactically as nouns. They may thus occur with the
diminutive suffix -oci (an affix restricted to nouns):
(25) cato-lá:n-i ‘brass; copper; bronze’ (cató ‘metal’ + -la:n-i ‘yellow’)
cato-la:n-ocí ‘percussion cap’
11.5 Complex compounds

Compounds may themselves be compounded:

(26) coko-ɬakko-mí:kko ‘chief of a ceremonial ground’ ([cokó ‘house’ +
-ɬakko ‘big’] + mí:kko ‘chief’)
i:kan-táck-a-faccí:c-a ‘district court judge’ ([i:kaná ‘ground’ + -tack-a
‘cut’] + faccí:c-a ‘judge’)
cokpi-ɬakko-acól-i ‘million’ ([cókpi ‘hundred’ + -ɬakko ‘big’] + -acol-i
‘old’)
i:kan-hawk-i-ɬákko ‘cave’ ([i:kaná ‘ground’ + -hawk-i ‘open’] + -ɬakko
‘big’)
aha-ciɬi:h-i-citákk-i ‘mashed potatoes’ ([ahá ‘potato’ + -ciɬi:h-i
‘round’] + -citakk-i ‘mashed’)
cato-to-hó:pk-i ‘stone fence’ (cató ‘stone’ + [itó ‘wood’ + -ho:pk-i
‘lined up’])
cato-faka-fásk-i ‘barbed-wire’ ([cató ‘stone, metal’ + (i-)fáka ‘vine’] +
-fask-i ‘sharp’)
Compounding 121
As the last two examples above show, compounds of the shape noun +
noun + reduced participle can be interpreted as [[noun + noun] +
reduced participle] or as [noun + [noun + reduced participle]].
More complex examples also occur:
(27) i:kan-tack-a-facci:c-ka-cóko ‘district courthouse’ ([[i:kaná ‘ground’ +
-tack-a ‘cut’] + faccí:c-ka ‘judgment’] + cokó ‘house’)
pokko-ɬakko-ahkopan-ka-cóko ‘basketball gym’ ([pókko ‘ball’ + -ɬakko
‘big’] + [ahkopán-ka ‘playing’ + cokó ‘house’])
ist-ika-tó:n-a ‘barber’ ([ísti ‘person’ + iká ‘head’] + tó:n-a ‘trimmer’)
ist-ika-ton-ka-cóko ‘barber shop’ ([[ísti ‘person’ + iká ‘head’] + tón-ka
‘trimming’] + cokó ‘house’)
The following pattern is rare in Creek, although it is common in
related languages:
(28) halpata-yopo:-fásk-i2 ‘crocodile’ (halpatá ‘alligator’ + [(i-)yopó: ‘its
nose’ + -fask-i ‘sharp’])
Here, (i-)yopo:-fásk-i presumably comes second because N1 is
interpreted as possessing N2.
11.6 Lexicalized possessives

A possessive structure can sometimes develop fixed reference. In
English, bull’s-eye contains a possessor and a possessed item
etymologically, but the expression has a set meaning. Lexicalized
possessives of this kind are more common in Creek than in English.
Because they contain two roots, I treat them as a subclass of
compounds. Lexicalized possessives also show some of the same
phonological reductions seen in other compounds, such as loss of final

wa; for instance, fós im-poknaká ‘bird nest’ (from fóswa ‘bird’ + ‘its
nest’).
In §11.2, we saw that noun + noun compounding is used when N2
is inalienably possessed by N1:
(29) a:tami-homá ‘car hood’ (a:tamí ‘car’ + -homa ‘front’)
costa:ki-háɬpi ‘eggshell’ (costá:ki ‘egg’ + -haɬpi ‘skin’)
costa:k-hotí ‘womb’ (costá:ki ‘egg’ + -hoti ‘container’)
When N1 is a possessor of N2 and N2 is an alienable noun, a
possessive structure with dative im- (in- before a nonlabial consonant)
may be used:3
2
This word is Florida Seminole Creek.
3
A few forms vary between compounds and lexicalized possessives: foco-costá:ki
~ focó in-costá:ki ‘duck egg’; (focó ‘duck’ + costá:ki ‘egg’); has-ni:ɬka in-sókca ~ has-
122 §11
(30) cikas-âlki im-itálwa ‘the Chickasaw Nation’ (‘the Chickasaws’ nation’)

cítto in-topá ‘dodder’ (‘snake’s bed’)
có:ka in-hocíf-ka ‘book title’ (‘book’s name’)
cofí (i)m-ássi ‘a type of grass’ (‘rabbit’s tea’)
cokó in-tá:la ‘rafter’ (‘house’s rib’)
ist-ocí in-topá ‘crib’ (‘baby’s bed’)
sakco-m-íto ‘button-bush’ (‘crawdad’s tree’)
wá:ka (i)n-hicí ‘mullein’ (‘cow’s tobacco’)
The expressions in (30) have the form of normal possessive structures
(§14): dative im- (in- before consonants other than m and p) is prefixed
to the possessed item to signal the possessive relation.
The possessive pattern is also favored where N2 is construed as
being ‘for’ N1 (since dative im- often has a benefactive meaning):
(31) á:fk-i s-in-foló:t-ka ‘hominy mill’ (á:fk-i ‘hominy’ + (i)s-in-foló:t-ka
‘its mill’)
icca-kotáks-i in-ɬí: ‘arrow’ (icca-kotáks-i ‘bow’ + in-ɬí: ‘its arrow’)4
ist-ocí im-oh-wakk-itá ‘hammock for a baby’ (ist-ocí ‘baby’ + im-oh-
wakk-itá ‘its hammock’)
ɬákko (i)s-im-itimáɬ-ka ‘horse race’ (ɬákko ‘horse’ + (i)s-im-itimáɬ-ka
‘its race’)5
As described in §10.2, nominalizations in -i: are often preceded by
dative im-. The lexicalized possessive pattern is used when N2 is a
nominalization of this type (32).6
(32) colí in-lokc-í: ‘pine cone’ (colí ‘pine’ + in-lokc-í: ‘its ripeness’)
fó: in-camp-í: ‘honey’ (fó: ‘bee’ + in-camp-í: ‘its sweetness’)
itó im-i:tt-í: ‘fruit’ (itó ‘tree’ + im-i:tt-í: ‘its bearing’)
ɬí: in-fask-í: ‘arrowhead’ (ɬí: ‘arrow’ + in-fask-í: ‘its sharpness’)

(i)ti-lómh-a in-wa:ɬk-í: ‘quilt pieces’ ((i)ti-lómh-a ‘quilt’ + in-wa:ɬk-í:
‘its slices’)
wa:ka-pisí: in-cafk-í: ‘whey; cottage cheese’ (wa:ka-pisí: ‘milk’ + in-
cafk-í: ‘its dripping’)
ni:ɬka-sókca ‘scrotum’ (has-ní:ɬka ‘testicle’ + sókca ‘sack’); tasikaya-hocíf-ka ~

tasikayá in-hocíf-ka ‘war name’ (tasikayá ‘citizen’ + hocíf-ka ‘name’). The noun apí
‘stalk’ refers to a tree or stick in compounds, but to a branch or a handle in possessive
structures: sat-ápi ‘apple tree’ (satá ‘apple’ + apí ‘stalk’); itó im-ápi ‘tree limb’ (itó
‘tree’ + apí ‘stalk’).
4
Cf. icca-kotaks-i-fáka ‘bowstring’: -faka ‘vine, ligament’ is an inalienable, so
compounding is used.
5
This contrasts minimally with ɬakko-s-itimáɬ-ka ‘racehorse’ (lákko ‘horse’ + (i)s-
itimáɬ-ka ‘what one races with’).
6
One exception is oy-feyhn-í: ‘current’ (óywa ‘water’ + feyhn-í: ‘flow’).
Compounding 123
The possessive pattern is also favored over compounding when N2

is a nominalization of a verb that normally takes dative im-, such as im-
a-hiɬeyc- ‘fix’, im-a-kiɬɬ- ‘trick’, or in-homaht- ‘lead’:
(33) ícca ’m-a-hiɬéyc-a ‘gunsmith’ (‘gun’ + ‘fixer’)
ísti (i)m-a-kí:ɬɬ-a ‘trickster’ (‘person’ + ‘tricker’)
hokt-akí in-homá:ht-a ‘women’s leader’ (‘women’ + ‘leader’)
homp-itá in-campí:c-ka ‘use of medicine to increase appetite’ (‘food’ +
‘sweetener’)
ɬaɬó im-ak-wéyy-a ‘fisherman’ (‘fish’ + ‘fisher’)
11.7 Verb compounds

Verbs are sometimes formed by compounding a noun and a verb or
adjective:
(34) awot-ita-yá:c-i: ‘queasy’ (awot-itá ‘vomit’ + (i)yá:c-i: ‘wanting’)
’foni-tálk-i: ‘bony, nothing but bones’ (-foni ‘bone’ + tálk-i: ‘only’)
ihí-siko-: ‘without a husband’ (ihí ‘his/her husband’ + -siko-:
‘without’)
ihéy-siko-: ‘without a wife’ (ihéywa ‘his/her wife’ + -siko-: ‘without’)
(i)k-oh-cákh-i: ‘(one, e.g., a feather) sticking in in an upright position
on the head’ (iká ‘his/her head’ + oh-cákh-i:‘sticking on top’)
ika-yíkc-i: ‘obstinate’ (iká ‘head’ + yíkc-i: ‘strong’)
ili-t-oh-kaníks-i: ‘pigeon-toed’ (ilí ‘foot’ + (i)t-oh-kaníks-i:‘cocked’)
i:po:sk-aná:h-i: ‘nonmenstruating’ (i:po:sk- ‘menstruate’ + aná:h-i:
‘lacking’)
isti-na:oɬéyc-i: ‘persistent’ (ísti ‘person’ + na:oɬéyc-i: ‘bothering’)
isti-pinkalí:c-i: ‘scary’ (ísti ‘person’ + pinkalí:c-i: ‘scaring’)
ist-anokǐ:ⁿc-os-i: ‘affectionate’ (ísti ‘person’ + anokǐ:ⁿc-os-i: ‘loving’)
ist-asoksó:k-i: ‘jammed with people’ (ísti ‘person’ + asoksó:k-i:

‘jammed’)
’ka-takpílk-i: ‘turned up (as of a bill on a cap), wrong-side out’ (iká
‘head’ + takpílk-i: ‘buried’)
nock-il-í: ‘sleepy’ (nóc-ka ‘sleep’ + il-í: ‘dead’)
nok-sómk-i: ‘hoarse’ (nókwa ‘throat’ + sómk-i: ‘lost’)
sopak-hátk-i: ‘gray’ (sopá:kta ‘toad’ + -hatk-i ‘white’)
toɬwa-t-oh-hic-ák-i: ‘cross-eyed’ (-toɬwa ‘eye’ + (i)t-oh-hic-ák-i:
‘looking toward each other’)
While compounding is most often associated with stative verbs, active
verbs are occasionally formed in the same way:
(35) ihey-s-itá ‘to take a wife’ (ihéywa ‘his/her wife’ + is-íta ‘to take (one)’)
ihi-s-itá ‘to take a husband’ (ihí ‘his/her husband’ + is-íta ‘to take
(one)’)
ili-t-oh-taɬ-íta ‘to cross the legs’ (ilí ‘leg’ + (i)t-oh-taɬ-íta ‘to hang over
each other’)
124 §11
(i)nokk-i:-ili:c-itá ‘to anesthetize’ ((i)nokk-í: ‘pain’ + ili:c-itá ‘to kill’)

pokk-icc-itá ‘to play ball’ (pókko ‘ball’ + icc-itá ‘to shoot’)
nini-hic-íta ‘to look for’ (niní ‘path’ + hic-íta ‘to look’)
naɬk-is-íta ‘to become pregnant, conceive’ (náɬki ‘stomach’ + is-íta ‘to
take (one)’)
Nouns with adverbial function may also enter into verb compounds:
(36) hati-hopók-i: ‘just picked, fresh’ (hatí ‘just’ + hopók-i: ‘selected’)
yop-ak-latk-itá ‘to fall behind’ (-yopa ‘back’ + ak-latk-itá ‘(one) to
fall’)
Compounding of verbs with other verbs is rare, but occasionally
occurs, as in (37).
(37) nafk-iti-ka:y-itá ‘to knock down’ (nafk- ‘hit’ + iti-ka:y-itá ‘to throw
each other away’)
Complex verb compounds are also rare:
(38) toɬ-hic-ik-ha:k-itá ‘to become blind’ (-toɬwa ‘eye’ + hic- ‘see’ + -íko
‘not’ + ha:k-itá ‘to become’)
Demonstratives may sometimes be compounded with the verb ó:m-
i: ‘like that’.7
(39) mó:m-i: ‘like that, so’ (ma ‘that’ + ó:m-i: ‘like’)
y-ô:m-os-a:t ‘one like this’ (ya ‘this’ + ô:m-os-a:t(i) ‘one like’)
11.8 Compounding vs. adjunction of nouns and participles

Participles can combine with nouns in Creek in three different ways:
(a) noun + participle

(b) noun + reduced participle
i. adjoined
ii. compounded
In the first way (a), a noun is combined with a full participle ending in
durative -i:. Neither the noun nor the participle is phonologically
reduced, and each is stressed independently. Semantically, the
participle restricts the set of entities picked out by the noun. The
participle may be an event, and is then in the lengthened grade:
(40) ma ifá wo:hk-í: a:ɬ-â:t
that dog bark.SG.LGR-DUR go.about.SG.LGR-REF
‘that dog going around barking’
7
hamma:k-itá ‘to say this’ may derive from hayyô:m- ‘like this’ + ma:k-itá ‘to
say’.
Compounding 125
The participle may also be a state, and is then in the zero grade:
(41) ma ifá lást-i: a:ɬ-â:t
that dog black-DUR go.about.SG.LGR-REF
‘that black dog going around’
A participle may also combine with a noun and be pronounced as a
single word. This is only possible with states; the participle is in the
zero grade and ends in the reduced durative suffix -i. In one subtype,
the reduced participle is simply adjoined to the noun:
(42) ifa-lást-i
dog-black-I
‘black dog’
(43) isti-acól-i
person-old-I
‘old man’
In the second subtype, the reduced participle is compounded with the
noun and the resulting expression has a “type” reading, referring to a
variety:
(44) fos-cá:t-i
bird-red-I
‘cardinal’
(45) isti-hátk-i
person-white-I
‘white person’
These three types of expressions have distinct properties. Adjoined and

full participles are fine with the referential clitic -a:t(i), for example:
(46) ifa-lást-a:t(i) ‘the black dog’
isti-acól-a:t(i) ‘the old man’
In contrast, it is Margaret Mauldin’s judgment that compounds lose
their “type” reading with -a:t(i):
(47) fos-cá:t-a:t(i) ‘the red bird’ (not ‘the cardinal’)
isti-hátk-a:t(i) ‘the person who is white in color’ (not ‘the white
person’)
Several criteria can also be found that distinguish forms containing
reduced participles (adjoined or compounded) from combinations of
noun + participle. First, the noun itself may be reduced; the noun fóswa
‘bird’ is thus shortened to fos- when it is followed in the same word by
a reduced participle. Second, the diminutive suffix -oci may be used
126 §11
with a reduced participle whether the participle is adjoined or

compounded; Margaret Mauldin explains that ifa-last-ocí could either
mean a type of little black dog or any little black dog.
As noted above, full participles may be eventive (in the lengthened
grade). More than one is possible, and the resulting expression never
has a “type” reading.
12 Plural nouns
Most nouns in Creek lack plural forms. Depending on the context, a
noun like ifá can mean ‘dog’ or ‘dogs’:
(1) a. ifá hámk-it a:ɬ-atí:-s
dog one-T be.about.SG.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘A dog was about.’
b. ifá hokkô:l-it wila:k-atí:-s
dog two.FGR-T be.about.DU.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘Two dogs were about.’
A few nouns referring to humans form plurals with a suffix -aki or
-ta:ki, however. These forms are required in all plural contexts,
including with numerals:
(2) a. isti-honánwa hámk-it a:ɬ-atí:-s
person-male one-T be.about.SG.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘A man was about.’
b. isti-honan-tá:ki hokkô:l-it wila:k-atí:-s
person-male-PL two.FGR-T be.about.DU.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘Two men were about.’
It is difficult to predict whether a human noun has a special plural form
and if so, whether it is formed with -aki or -ta:ki. Another suffix -âlki
is used for groups.
12.1 Plural -ta:ki

All nouns that take -ta:ki refer to humans, and most end in wa. The
final syllable is deleted when -ta:ki is added:
(3) iccóswa ‘her child (of a woman)’ iccos-tá:ki ‘her children’
ihéywa ‘his wife’ ihey-tá:ki ‘their/his wives’
im-osóswa ‘his/her grandchild’ im-osos-tá:ki ‘his/her grandchildren’
i:wánwa ‘his sister (of a man)’ i:wan-tá:ki ‘his sisters’
honánwa ‘male, man’ honan-tá:ki ‘males’
hopóywa ‘child’ hopoy-tá:ki ‘children’
apálwa ‘the rest’ apal-tá:ki ‘the others (two or more)’
128 §12
Only a few words not ending in wa take -ta:ki; those in (4) may be an
exhaustive list.
(4) ippocí ‘his son (of a man)’ ippoci-tá:ki ‘his sons’
cí:mi ‘you’ cí:mi-tá:ki, cín-tá:ki ‘you (plural), you all’
The suffix -ta:ki can also be used to indicate a plural possessor.
Singular and plural possessors are usually not distinguished, but -ta:ki
is sometimes used this way:
(5) cí-ɬki ‘your father’ cí-ɬki-tá:ki ‘your (plural) Father’ (Matt. 5:16)
In this use, -ta:ki is often spelled as a separate word (e.g., in Buckner
1860a). Final wa is not deleted before -ta:ki when it indicates a plural
possessor.
12.2 Plural -aki

A few other nouns form plurals by deleting the final vowel of the
singular and adding -aki:
(6) hoktí: ‘female, woman’ hokt-akí ‘women’
mí:kko ‘chief’ mi:kk-akí ‘chiefs’
wacína ‘white American’ wacin-akí ‘white Americans’
Most nouns ending in wa use -ta:ki to form the plural, but a few use
-aki. In this case, the final syllable deletes:
(7) hoktálwa ‘old woman’ hoktal-áki ‘old women, elderly women’
A few nouns derived from verbs form plurals with -aki:
(8) ci:pan-í: ‘boy’ ci:pan-áki ‘boys’

acol-í: ‘old person, elder’ (a)col-akí ‘old people’
hoktá:ɬ-a ‘prostitute’ hokta:ɬ-akí ‘prostitutes’
These may be instances of the plural verb suffix -ak- (§23.5). The
suffix -aki may also be used in compounds when a reduced participle
modifies a noun:
(9) sokha-tí:ho ‘barrow’ sokha-ti:h-akí ‘barrows’ (lit., ‘hog-castrated’)
12.3 Group plural -âlki

Creek has a suffix -âlki added to nouns to indicate a group. This suffix
is commonly used with names of clans:
(10) cítto ‘snake’ citt-âlki ‘Snake clan’
fóswa ‘bird’ fosw-âlki ‘Bird clan’
Plural nouns 129
halpatá ‘alligator’ halpat-âlki ‘Alligator clan’

ká:cca ‘tiger’ ka:cc-âlki ‘Tiger clan’
osána ‘otter’ osan-âlki ‘Otter clan’
wó:tko ‘raccoon’ wo:tk-âlki ‘Raccoon clan’
As the above forms show, the final vowel of the noun is usually
deleted. When the final vowel is stressed, however, it is retained:
(11) icó ‘deer’ (i)co-âlki ‘Deer clan’
ɬaɬó ‘fish’ ɬaɬo-âlki ‘Fish clan (archaic)’
In addition to clans, -âlki is used for tribes, nations, religions, and
denominations:
(12) cá:hta ‘Choctaw’ ca:ht-âlki ‘the Choctaw’
calá:kki ‘Cherokee’ cala:kk-âlki ‘the Cherokee’
cikása ‘Chickasaw’ cikas-âlki ‘the Chickasaw’
falánci ‘Frenchman’ falanc-âlki ‘the French’
simanó:li ‘Seminole’ simano:l-âlki ‘the Seminole’
yó:cci ‘Yuchi/Euchee’ yo:cc-âlki ‘the Yuchi/Euchee’
oy-ʔak-sómk-a ‘Baptist’ oy-ʔak-somk-âlki ‘Baptists’1
It is also used for other established groups of individuals:
(13) tastanáki ‘warrior’ tastanak-âlki in-cokó ‘House of Warriors’
pokk-í:cca ‘ball player’ pokk-i:cc-âlki ‘ball team’
mí:kko ‘chief’ mi:kk-âlki ‘chiefs as a group’
nâ:ki ‘thing’ in-nâ:k-âlki ‘his/her blood relatives’
ícki ‘his/her mother’ ick-âlki ‘his/her parents’

(i)tálwa ‘tribal town’ (i)talwa-âlki ‘nation’ (i.e., a grouping of
tribal towns)
Use of the group plural to refer to nonhuman groups is rare:
(14) itó ‘tree, wood’ ito-âlki ‘forest’
In a few instances, the base needed for the group plural differs from the
singular form (15); these may reflect archaic forms of nouns.2
(15) kohá ‘cane’ kohas-âlki ‘Cane clan’
konó ‘skunk’ konip-âlki ‘Skunk clan’
1
Here, some say oy-ʔak-somk-âlki and some say oy-ʔak-somi:c-âlki. These are
based on the roots somk- ‘(one) sink’ and somic- ‘(three or more) sink’.
2
Cf. Choctaw konih ‘skunk’ as against Creek konó, konip-; all these possibly
reflect earlier *koniho.
130 §12
hotal-í: ‘wind’ hotalk-âlki ‘Wind clan’

Group plurals can be used in singular contexts:
(16) halpat-âlki-t ô:w-ey-s
alligator-GPL-T be.FGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m Alligator clan.’
The group plural -âlki is probably derived from the quantifier alk-
‘every, each’ (§33.4.4).
12.4 Other noun plurals

A noun is sometimes interpreted as plural because the word modifying
it is plural. A noun like isti-lopóck-i ‘little people’ has plural reference
because lopóck-i ‘(two or more) small’ is specifically plural. The
following contrast is similar:
(17) apoyka-sómk-a ‘stray animal’ (‘livestock’ + ‘(one) lost’)
apoyka-somí:c-a ‘stray livestock (three or more)’ (‘livestock’ + ‘(three
or more) lost’)
Nominalizations may be interpreted as singular or plural because
the verbs they are based on are singular or plural:
(18) aɬ-íta ‘(one) to go about’ im-aɬ-itá ‘his/her way’
foll-itá ‘(three or more) to go about’ in-foll-itá ‘their ways,
customs’
Nominalizations of reduplicated verbs may also be interpreted as
plural:
(19) hocíf-ka ‘name’ hocifho-ká ‘names’

yafk-í: ‘evening’ yafyak-í: ‘evenings’
Reduplication is normally restricted to verbs, but the noun nâ:ki ‘what,
something’ has a special plural nâ:nakí ‘things’.
13 Size
13.1 Diminutive -oci
The diminutive suffix -oci is added to nouns and concrete
nominalizations. The last vowel of the stem is deleted:
(1) císsi ‘rat, mouse’ ciss-ocí ‘mouse’
ifá ‘dog’ if-óci ‘puppy’
icó ‘deer’ ic-óci ‘fawn’
One use of the diminutive is to indicate a human or animal in its
childhood:
(2) wá:ka ‘cow’ wa:k-ocí ‘calf’
’cowá:ta ‘goat’ ’cowa:t-ocí ‘kid’
ísti ‘person’ ist-ocí ‘baby’
A second use is to indicate a smaller variety of something (often a
plant or animal):
(3) císsi ‘rat, mouse’ ciss-ocí ‘mouse’
cokó ‘house’ cok-óci ‘outhouse, bathroom’
ta:fámpi ‘onion’ ta:famp-ocí ‘wild onions’
With a few kinship terms, -oci indicates a relative bearing a similar
relationship to an individual:
(4) ícki ‘his/her mother’ ick-ocí ‘his/her maternal aunt’
íɬki ‘his/her father’ iɬk-ocí ‘his/her paternal uncle’
With compounds, -oci is normally added last:
(5) takleyk-cámp-a ‘cake’ (lit., ‘bread-sweet’) takleyk-camp-ocí ‘cookie’
13.2 Augmentative -ɬakko

Some reduced stative participles have special bound forms appearing
in compounds (§11.4). The bound form -ɬakko ‘big, great’ is one of
these, but has developed so many uses that I follow Nathan (1977) in
treating it as an augmentative suffix.
One use of -ɬakko is to indicate a type disinguished by greater size:
(6) niní ‘path, road’ nini-ɬákko ‘highway’
132 §13
yalá:ha ‘orange’ yala:ha-ɬákko ‘grapefruit’

Closely related is the notion of adding greater intensity, amount, or
importance:
(7) hotal-í: ‘wind’ hotal-i:-ɬákko ‘hurricane,
tornado, storm’
cókpi ‘hundred’ cokpi-ɬákko ‘thousand’
homp-itá ‘food’ homp-ita-ɬákko ‘feast, big meal’
(nit)ta-cá:ko ‘Sunday’ (lit., ‘day- (nit)ta-ca:ko-ɬákko ‘Christmas’
holy’)
In the names of months, -ɬakko is used to indicate the core month
associated with an event. In this and other uses, there is often a contrast
with a diminutive:
(8) ot-awo:sk-ocí ‘September’ ot-awo:ska-ɬákko ‘October’
ta:sahc-ocí ‘March’ ta:sahci-ɬákko ‘April’
The term for ‘October’ is said to mean literally ‘big chestnut
thrashing’, and the term for ‘April’ is literally ‘big spring’.
14 Possession
When a noun is possessed, the possessor precedes the possessed item.
The possessive relation is shown by prefixes on the possessed item:
(1) cá:ni im-ífa
John DAT-dog
‘John’s dog’
(2) [cá:ni im-mahá:ya] im-ífa
John DAT-teacher DAT-dog
‘John’s teacher’s dog’
As (1)–(2) show, the possessor itself is not marked. It may be omitted,
with person and number specified by the prefix:
(3) im-ífa
DAT-dog
‘his/her dog’
(4) am-ífa
1S.DAT-dog
‘my dog’
Two types of possessive relation are distinguished: relational
(including most body parts, kinship terms, and postpositions) and
nonrelational (including most alienable nouns).
14.1 Relational and nonrelational possession

The relational and nonrelational prefixes are shown in table 14.1.
TABLE 14.1. POSSESSIVE PREFIXES

RELATIONAL NONRELATIONAL (DATIVE)
FIRST PERSON SINGULAR ca- am-
SECOND PERSON ci- cim-
THIRD PERSON/BASE i- im-
FIRST PERSON PLURAL po- pom-
The relational prefixes are similar in form to the patient prefixes on

verbs (§20). The nonrelational prefixes are identical to the dative
134 §14
prefixes on verbs (§22.1) and have the same variants (an-, cin-, in-,
pon- before nonlabial consonants).1
Most body parts, kinship terms, and postpositions take relational
prefixes:
(5) Nouns taking relational prefixes:
a. Body parts
ca-cokháɬpi ‘my lip’
ca-cókwa ‘my mouth’
ca-cokhíssi ‘my beard’
ca-copó: ‘my rectum’
ca-fí:ki ‘my heart’
ca-focowá ‘my navel’
ca-folowá ‘my shoulder’
ca-fóni ‘my bone’
ca-háci ‘my tail’
ca-hácko ‘my ear’
ca-háfi ‘my thigh’
ca-háɬpi ‘my skin’
ca-háswa ‘my penis’
ca-haswa-ní:ɬka ‘my testicles’
ca-hókpi ‘my chest’
ca-ká ‘my head’
ca-ka-homá ‘my forehead’
ca-kéyssi ‘my head hair’
ca-lí ‘my foot’
ca-lópi ‘my liver’
ca-ná: ‘my body’
ca-na:-apíswa ‘my flesh’
ca-nkapíɬa ‘my right hand’

cá-nki ‘my hand’
ca-nki-wisá:ka ‘my finger’
ca-nkososowá ‘my fingernail’
ca-ɬá: ‘my back’
ca-tóci ‘my kidney’
ca-lácci ‘my limb’
ca-náci ‘my side’
ca-náɬki ‘my stomach’
ca-nokciɬí:kna ‘my Adam’s apple’
ca-nókwa ‘my neck’
ca-nóti ‘my tooth’
1
The forms an-, cin-, in-, and pon- are used before c, h, k, l, ɬ, n, s, t, and y. The
forms am-, cim-, im-, and pom- are used before vowels and m. Many speakers use the
m-final variants before p, though some prefer an-, cin-, etc., in this context. Most
speakers use the n-final variants before f and w, though some use am-, cim-, etc.
Possession 135
ca-pisí: ‘my breast’

ca-sákpa ‘my arm’
ca-táɬpa ‘my wing’
ca-titá:cka ‘my waist’
ca-to:ɬkowá ‘my knee’
ca-toɬó:fa ‘my face’
ca-tóɬwa ‘my eye’
ca-yanawá ‘my cheek’
ca-yápi ‘my horn’
ca-yopó: ‘my nose’
b. Kinship terms
ca-cíɬwa ‘my brother (of a woman)’
ca-cósi ‘my younger same-sex sibling’
ca-ccósti ‘my daughter’
cá-cki ‘my mother’
ca-cki-ahá:ka ‘my step-mother’
ca-ck-ocí ‘my aunt’
ca-héywa ‘my wife’
ca-hí ‘my husband’
ca-na:-hámki ‘my cousin, relative’
ca-páwa ‘my mother’s brother’
ca-pocá: ‘my grandfather’
ca-pósi ‘my grandmother’
ca-ppocí ‘my son’
ca-ɬáha ‘my elder same-sex sibling’
cá-ɬki ‘my father’
ca-ɬk-ocí ‘my father’s brother, stepfather’
ca-:wánwa ‘my sister’
c. Postpositions
ca-hóma ‘in front of me’
ca-líca ‘beneath me’
ac-ó:fa ‘inside of me’2
ca-yópa ‘behind me’
d. Other
ca-hóti ‘my container, my home’
i-fáka ‘its vine’
po-hapó: ‘our camp’
ca-hocífka ‘my name’
ca-li-hapó: ‘my footprints’
ca-nâ:ki ‘my thing, mine’
ca-pocá:s-i ‘my lord, master’
2
See §14.3 for this form.
136 §14
Most other nouns take the nonrelational prefixes:

(6) Nouns taking nonrelational prefixes
am-a:tamí ‘my car’
am-acól-ka ‘my age’
am-api:ttí: ‘my shadow’
an-cokó ‘my house’
an-có:ka ‘my book’
an-hatikpéyka ‘my pants’
an-hisa:kitamisí: ‘my God’
an-híssi ‘my friend’
an-homá:hta ‘my leader’
an-hónna ‘my dress’
am-ífa ‘my dog’
am-istilipéyka ‘my shoes’
am-ist-âlki ‘my people’
am-ist-ocí ‘my baby’
am-itálwa ‘my nation’
am-itileykitá ‘my clan’
an-kapitaní ‘my boss’
am-mahá:ya ‘my teacher’
am-mí:kko ‘my chief’
am-poyafíkca ‘my spirit’
There are a few exceptions in which body parts or kinship terms take
the nonrelational prefixes:
(7) Exceptional body part and kinship terms taking nonrelational prefixes
a. Body parts
in-cakáspa ‘its gizzard (of a chicken)’

in-cohákco ‘its spur (on a rooster)’
im-pá:ssa ‘its maw, stomach (of a hog)’
an-tá:la ‘my rib’
b. Kinship terms
an-hokósi ‘my baby’
an-hatísi ‘my daughter-in-law, my son-in-law’
an-hoktálwa ‘my mother-in-law’
an-hoktí: ‘my daughter, girlfriend’
an-hopóywa ‘my nephew (of a man)’
am-má:h-i: ‘my father-in-law’
am-má:ma3 ‘my mom’
an-nâ:ki ‘my kin, my blood relative’
am-osóswa ‘my grandchild’
am-pálsi ‘my partner, spouse’
3
This form is Oklahoma Seminole Creek.
Possession 137
an-tá:ta4 ‘my dad’

Some of the exceptions in (7) like hoktálwa ‘old lady’, hoktí: ‘woman’,
and hopóywa ‘boy’ are nonrelational nouns being used for kinship.
Others (an-tá:ta ‘my dad’, am-má:ma ‘my mom’) are possibly
borrowings or children’s words.
Some body products take relational prefixes (8) and others take
nonrelational prefixes (9):
(8) Body products taking relational prefixes
ca-cá:ta ‘my blood’
ca-ka-tó:ska ‘my dandruff’
ca-no:ɬkowá ‘my nasal mucous’
ca-toɬ-opóswa ‘my tears’
ca-toɬ-sopákci ‘my eye matter’
(9) Body products taking nonrelational prefixes
am-misk-í: ‘my sweat’
an-holánwa ‘my excrement’
an-hosíl-ka ‘my urine’
an-tofk-itá ‘my saliva’
When the first member of a compound normally takes relational
prefixes, there is a tendency to use relational prefixes for the
compound:
(10) ca-fi:k-cámpa ‘my sweetheart’ (‘my heart’+ ‘sweet’)
ca-ka-nókk-i ‘my headache’ (‘my head-ache’)
There are examples of the opposite type, however: an-yapi-féyka ‘my
sheep’ contains the relational noun -yapi ‘horn’ and -feyka ‘turned’;
an-kapotóka ‘my hat’ is originally from -ka ‘head’ and -potó:ka ‘put
down on’. For these, the scope of possession is the compound as a
whole rather than the first element.
A few noun roots occur with relational or nonrelational prefixes:
ca-hóma ‘in front of me (i.e., in space)’, in-homá ‘beforehand (i.e., in
time)’; ca-nâ:ki ‘my thing, mine’, an-nâ:ki ‘my kin’; ca-yópa ‘behind
me’, in-yopá ‘afterwards’.
14.2 Obligatory and periphrastic possession

Connected to the relational-nonrelational distinction is a distinction
according to whether a noun may, must, or must not be possessed. In
general, relational nouns must be possessed. To say ‘father!’, for
example, the possessed form ca-ɬki-:^ ‘my father!’ is used. When
4
This form is Oklahoma Seminole Creek.
138 §14
speaking of a body part that has been separated from the body, an
indefinite possessor (ísti ‘someone; person’) is used: ilí ‘his/her foot’,
ist-ilí ‘a foot, someone’s foot, a human foot’.5 The one place where
relational nouns need not be possessed is in compounds like ca-ka-
homá ‘my forehead’, where they are the second element. The following
nouns take dative prefixes and so are grammatically in the
nonrelational class, but are obligatorily possessed:
(11) Nonrelational nouns that are obligatorily possessed
an-híssi ‘my friend’
an-homá:hta ‘my leader’
am-má:h-i: ‘my father-in-law’
am-osóswa ‘my grandchild’
am-pálsi ‘my partner’
im-pá:ssa ‘its maw’
an-tá:la ‘my rib’
Some nouns change their meaning when possessed. With several
nouns, the use of a nonrelational prefix indicates that the noun is an
integral part of something else:
(12) aháwki ‘door’ im-aháwki ‘gate’
apí ‘stalk (of corn, etc.)’ im-ápi ‘handle’
hónna ‘dress’ in-hónna ‘dressing (for a turkey)’
iká ‘his/her head’ im-íka ‘engine (of a car)’
(i)nó:c-ka ‘scarf’ im-inó:c-ka ‘collar (on a dog, etc.)’
patá:ka ‘pallet, bed’ im-patá:ka ‘quilt lining’
sókca ‘bag, sack’ in-sókca ‘pocket’

For this reason, im- is probably best considered a derivational prefix.
While many nouns like ifá ‘dog’ are optionally possessed, some
nouns—especially compounds, nominalizations, and nouns that are not
normally possessed—sound awkward with a possessive prefix. To
possess a noun like toɬ-sakká:ka ‘glasses’ or ika-ha:k-ocí ‘pin’, for
example, some speakers favor a periphrastic pattern:
(13) toɬ-sakká:ka ca-nâ:ki
eye-sitting.in.it 1S.PAT-thing
‘my glasses’6
5
Some speakers use nâ:ki ‘thing’ the same way in nâ:k-costá:ki ‘an egg’ (lit.,
‘something’s egg’).
6
Juanita McGirt says it would not be wrong to say an-toɬ-sakká:ka ‘my glasses’,
but she would not say it.
Possession 139
The pattern in (13) consists of a noun phrase followed by a possessive

pronoun (ca-nâ:ki ‘mine’). The periphrastic pattern is also possible
with nouns that can be possessed, however:
(14) ifá ca-nâ:ki-n î:s-t o:w-éy-s
dog 1S.PAT-thing-N take.SG.FGR-T be.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m holding my dog.’
14.3 Variants of the relational prefixes and the treatment of i-

Patient prefixes on verbs sometimes have special vowel-initial variants
used when a stem begins with a vowel (§20.1). Relational prefixes
sometimes also have variants, though very few relational nouns begin
with vowels. The words ó:fa ‘in, inside’ and i:wánwa ‘his sister’ are
two nouns that do:
(15) ac-ó:fa ‘in me’
ic-ó:fa ‘in you’
ó:fa ‘in him/her’
ip-ó:fa ‘in us’
(16) ca-:wánwa ‘my sister’
ci-:wánwa ‘your sister’
i:wánwa ‘his sister’
po-:wánwa ‘our sister’
As (15) and (16) show, ó:fa takes vowel-initial variants of the
relational prefixes parallel to variants of the patient prefixes on verbs.
The noun i:wánwa ‘his sister’ does not use the vowel-initial variants,
however, and in this way differs from verbs with similar shapes.
Another place where relational prefixes differ from patient prefixes

is in the third person. With verbs, there is no prefix in the third person:
(17) hocif- ‘name’ (verb)
ca-hóci:f-ís ‘he/she is naming me’
ci-hóci:f-ís ‘he/she is naming you’
hoci:f-ís ‘he/she is naming him/her’
With relational nouns, the third person prefix is i-:
(18) hocíf-ka ‘name’ (noun)
ca-hocíf-ka ‘my name’
ci-hocíf-ka ‘your name’
(i-)hocíf-ka ‘his/her name’
This initial i- is sometimes deleted (§5.6) and, as (15)–(16) show, never
appears with vowel-initial stems. When it is deleted, the pitch of the
140 §14
noun may still be affected: thus, i-yanawá ‘his/her cheek’ is commonly

shortened to ’yanawá, with accent reflecting the base form (§4.4.1).
For some speakers, shortened forms like ’yanawá are offered in
paradigms as though they were unpossessed:
(19) ’yanawá ‘cheek’
ca-yanawá ‘my cheek’
ci-yanawá ‘your cheek’
i-yanawá ‘his/her cheek’
po-yanawá ‘our cheeks’
Other speakers reject forms like ’yanawá in more formal contexts:
when labeling body parts for classroom materials, these speakers
consistently give i-yanawá ‘his/her cheek’, i-sákpa ‘his/her arm’, etc.
There are several factors involved in deleting i-. In ‘long’ nouns,
third person i- is generally omissible: (i-)tóɬwa ‘his/her eye’, (i-)hácko
‘his/her ear’. In certain ‘short’ nouns, however, i- cannot delete: iká
‘his/her head’ (*ká), ilí ‘his/her leg’ (*lí), ínki ‘his/her hand’ (*nki).
Deletion is also blocked if it would create in impermissible cluster:
iccósti ‘his daughter’ (*ccosti). When short words like iká or ilí are a
part of longer words, however, the i- sometimes deletes: ’li-há:y-a
‘three-legged pot’ (lit., ‘leg-maker’). The generalization is evidently
that initial i is blocked from deleting when it would create an ill-
formed word (e.g., a noun with only one vowel).
What is unexpected, however, is that short nouns keep initial i even
when a dative prefix is used to mark possession rather than a relational
prefix. Thus, iká means ‘his/her head’, but im-íka means ‘engine (of a
car)’. “Long” words differ: i-hóma ‘in front of him/her (i.e., in space)’
loses the initial i in in-homá ‘beforehand (i.e., in time)’. These data,

while complex, suggest that short words like iká ‘his/her head’, ilí
‘his/her leg’, ínki ‘his/her hand’ happen to begin with i, so they retain i
even when using a dative prefix.
14.4 Uses of the possessive prefixes

As we have seen, the relational prefixes are used for relational notions:
the part-whole relation involved in body parts, relations within a
family, and locative relationships involving postpositions. I believe that
“relational nouns” constitute a grammatical category rather than a
semantic one, however: when new words are added to the set of
kinship terms, for example, the nonrelational prefixes are used. For this
reason, I follow Nichols (1988) in viewing relational possession as an
older form of possession that has been retained in a set of inherently
possessed nouns.
Possession 141
The dative (nonrelational) prefixes can be viewed as the default

possessive prefixes. One use, of course, is for possession: ma ísti in-
cokó ‘that person’s house’. The prefixes are also used for things and
people that are in the sphere of individuals rather than possessed: am-
i:kaná ‘my country (place of birth)’, an-híssi ‘my friend’. They can
also be used for relations in time: ɬ-im-páksi-n ‘the day after (that)’.
There are a few instances where they cannot be used, however. In
English, for example, an expression like my picture can have a
possessive reading (‘a picture of mine’, i.e., a picture I own) or an
object reading (‘a picture of me’, i.e., I’m in the picture). In Creek, ist-
ahá:k-i ‘picture’ is a compound of ísti ‘person’ and ahá:k-i ‘image’,
i.e., an image of a person or portrait. This noun consequently only has
the possessive reading:
(20) am-ist-ahá:k-i-n ô:c-íck-is
1S.DAT-person-resembling-N have.FGR-2S.AG-IND
‘You have a picture of mine.’
For the object reading, a nominalization (ac-ahâ:k-a:t ‘the one
resembling me’) must be used.
15 Pronouns
Pronouns in Creek include personal pronouns (aní ‘I’, etc.),
interrogative pronouns (istêy ‘who’), indefinite pronouns (ísti
‘someone’), independent possessive pronouns (ca-nâ:ki ‘mine’), and
demonstrative pronouns (ma ‘that one’). Each of these subtypes is
described below.
15.1 Personal pronouns

Personal pronouns are not often used in Creek, perhaps because person
and number are indicated on verbs. The basic forms of the personal
pronouns are given in (1).
(1) aní ‘I’
cí:mi ‘you’
í:mi ‘he/she, they’
pó:mi ‘we’1
cí:mi-tá:ki, cín-tá:ki ‘you (plural)’
In addition to í:mi, the demonstrative ma ‘that one’ is often used for
third person reference (animate or inanimate, singular or plural).
When personal pronouns do occur, it is often because the pronoun
itself is modified by an element like -w′ ‘also’, -ta:t (focus of
attention), or -tâlki ‘only’. Forms with -w′ ‘also’ are listed in (2).
(2) ani-w′ ‘I, too’2

cí:mi-w′ ‘you, too’
í:mi-w′ ‘he/she, too’
pó:mi-w′ ‘we, too’
cín-tá:ki-w′ ‘you (plural), too’
The following is an example of this use:
(3) ani-w′ ma:tapô:m-in cin-fí:k-á:ɬi:-s
I-also be.same.FGR-N 2.DAT-pay-1S.AG.FUT-IND
‘Well then, I will pay you the same, too.’ (1915.1)
When the focus-of-attention marker -ta:t is added to a pronoun, the
pronoun is shortened:
1
The form pó:mi ‘we’ is often pronounced pí:mi in Florida.
2
The form ani-w′ is pronounced an-o′ by some in Florida.
Pronouns 143
(4) án-ta:t ‘I’

cín-ta:t ‘you’
ín-ta:t ‘he/she, they’
pón-ta:t ‘we’
Their use is described in §38.
Personal pronouns also contract with -tâlki ‘only’:
(5) an-tâlki ‘I only, I alone’
cin-tâlki ‘you only, you alone’
The modifier -tâlki is sometimes intensified with the nasalizing grade
and verbal diminutive: an-tǎⁿlk-os-i ‘I alone’.
15.2 Interrogative and indefinite pronouns

Most interrogative expressions (nâ:ki ‘what’, etc.) are pronouns in
Creek, though a few are verbs. The interrogative pronouns are closely
related to indefinite pronouns (‘someone’, ‘anyone’, ‘no one’). This
can be seen in examples like the following:3
(6) nâ:ki-n hi:c-á:˅ ‘What is he/she looking at?’
nâ:ki-n hi:c-á′ ‘Is he/she looking at something?’
nâ:ki-n hic-íko′ ‘He/she doesn’t see anything, does
he/she?’
(7) istéyma-n hi:c-á:˅ ‘Who is he/she looking at?’
istéyma-n hi:c-á′ ‘Is he/she looking at someone?’
istéyma-n hic-íko′ ‘He/she isn’t looking at anyone, is he/she?’
(8) ísta-n a:y-á:˅ ‘Where is he/she going?’

ísta-n a:y-á′ ‘Is he/she going somewhere?’
ísta-n ay-íko′ ‘He/she isn’t going anywhere, is he/she?’
(9) istamêy-n a:y-á:˅ ‘Where is he/she going?’4
istamêy-n a:y-á′ ‘Is he/she going somewhere?’
istamêy-n ay-íko′ ‘He/she isn’t going anywhere, is he/she?’
3
Some of the forms in (6)–(11) have an acute accent on the last syllable in
addition to a mark of rising or high intonation on the last syllable. The acute accent is
needed to show the last syllable in a span of syllables with high level pitch. The last
syllable may then receive falling tone, high tone, etc., in questions.
4
Both ísta and istamêy are used for ‘where’. I assume that the latter includes mêy
‘instead’ (§40.1).
144 §15
(10) istêy-n hi:c-á:˅ ‘Who is he/she looking at?’

istêy-n hi:c-á′ ‘Is he/she looking at someone?’
istêy-n hic-íko′ ‘He/she doesn’t see anyone, does he/she?’5
(11) istô:fa-n ay-áha:n-á:˅ ‘When is he/she going?’
istô:f-eys ay-áɬi:-s ‘He/she’ll go any time.’
istô:f-eys áhy-iko-:-s ‘He/she won’t ever go.’
Interrogative verbs do not seem to pattern this way, as seen in (12).
(12) nacô:w-in hi:c-á:˅ ‘How many is he/she looking at?’
istów-i:-n ay-áha:n-á:˅ ‘How is he/she going?’
ísto:w-ín a:y-á:˅ ‘Why is he/she going?’
The forms nâ:ki ‘thing’ and ísti ‘person’ often lose their final
vowels and contract with a following verb:
(13) nâ:k-hi:c-éy-s
something-see.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I see something.’
The same forms appear in compounds:
(14) nâ:k-oná-ka ‘story’ (‘something’ + ‘telling’)
isti-pá:p-a ‘lion’ (‘person’ + ‘eater’)
15.3 Independent possessive pronouns

The independent possessive pronouns are listed in (15).
(15) ca-nâ:ki ‘mine’

ci-nâ:ki ‘yours (singular or plural addressee)’
i-nâ:ki ‘his/hers/theirs’
po-nâ:ki ‘ours’
These can be used as noun phrases:6
(16) ca-nâ:ki-t ô:-s
1S.PAT-thing-T be.FGR-IND
‘It’s mine.’
The independent possessive pronouns can also be used for periphrastic
possession (§14.2).
5
In nineteenth-century sources, a word napá (or possibly nápa < onápa ‘above’)
was used for ‘anyone’ (Buckner 1860a:66).
6
Example (16) has an emphatic variant an-ca-nâ:ki-t ô:-s ‘It’s mine.’ The element
an- here is apparently the pronoun aní ‘I, me’, and ca-nâ:ki agrees with that possessor.
Pronouns 145
15.4 Demonstratives
The demonstratives are hiyá ‘this (close to speaker)’, ma ‘that (distant
from speaker)’, and asêy (or asî:, asêyma) ‘that (very distant from
speaker), yonder’. Demonstratives may be used independently as
pronouns:
(17) ma-t cá:t-i:-t ô:-s
that-T red-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘That one is red.’
They may also be used to modify a following noun:
(18) ma ifá-t cá:t-i:-t ô:-s
that dog-T red-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘That dog is red.’
I use the term demonstrative pronoun for the independent use, and
demonstrative for use in modifying a noun.
In their independent use, they may function as third person
pronouns:
(19) hatâm wo:tk-oc-âlki-t apô:k-in
again raccoon-DIM-GPL-T sit.TPL.FGR-N
iɬ-ím-o:ɬ-atí:-s
DIR-DAT-reach.LGR-PAST5-IND
món-t ma-w′ ím-po:h-atí:-s
be.so.LGR-T that-also DAT-ask.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘Again [Turtle] came upon some little raccoons. And he asked them,
too.’ (1915.7)
Independent demonstratives often refer to locations (hiyá ‘here’, ma
‘there’):
(20) mo:m-ín ma-n iɬ-o:ɬ-â:n atǐ:ⁿk-os-in
be.so.LGR-N that-N DIR-reach.LGR-REF.N up.to.NGR-DIM-N
‘And as soon as he got there . . .’ (1915.1)
In narratives, demonstratives are used to refer back to established
participants:
(21) isti-acól-i hámk-it ippoci-tá:ki toccî:n-in ó:c-i:-t
person-old-I one-T 3.PAT.son-PL three.FGR-N exist-DUR-T
leyk-atí:-s
sit.SG.LGR-PAST5-IND
mo:m-ín ma ci:pan-áki toccî:n-a:t akiɬɬéyc-ka
be.so.LGR-N that youth-PL three.FGR-REF think.about-GER
146 §15
há:y-a:k-atí:-s
do-PL.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘An old man lived with his three sons. Now the three boys made some
plans.’ (1915.1)
In this use, ma ‘that’ is so common that it could be called a marker of
definiteness or identifiability.
The word mocá ‘this (time)’ is used to refer to time. In modifying a
noun, it means ‘this current (day, month, etc.)’: mocá hathayátki ‘this
morning’, moca-niɬí: ‘tonight’, moca-nítta ‘today’. Used independent-
ly, mocá means ‘this time’:
(22) mocá-ta:t ísta-n aɬ-íko-t tak-lêyk-it
this.time-ATN anywhere-N go.about.SG-not-T LOC-sit.SG.FGR-T
om-áɬi:-s
be-FUT-IND
‘This time he is not to go anywhere . . .’ (1915.1)
There are several variants of the demonstratives. The demonstrative
hiyá ‘this’ has a shorter form ya, and asêy is pronounced asî: by some.
The forms yamá and asêyma are also used: yamá i:kaná ‘this land’.
The element -ma occurring in these forms occasionally appears
elsewhere (cf. istêy ~ istêyma ‘who’).
The demonstratives sometimes merge with following words. In
Oklahoma, the sequence ma ísti ‘that person’ is pronounced méysti, for
example. In all dialects, the demonstratives ma ‘that’ and (hi)yá ‘this’
contract with ó:m-i: ‘be like’: m-ó:m-i: ‘like that, so’ (§11.7).
16 Postpositions
Several different patterns are used for expressing location in Creek.
General direction or location is often indicated with a simple noun
phrase, as in (1)–(2).
In (1)–(2), -(i)n indicates a nonsubject. The meaning of the verb in (1)
makes it clear that ’taló:fa-n ‘(to) town’ is a destination. In (2), we
know that the same word is a general location because ato:tk-acók-s
does not imply a destination or an object.
Creek has a small set of nouns that have developed grammatical
uses for further specifying location and other concepts. In (3a), general
location is indicated by using hácci-n ‘(in) the creek’; to specify the
middle of the creek, the word naɬkapá ‘middle’ is added (3b).
(3) a. hácci-n ak-hôyɬ-is
river-N LOC-stand.SG.FGR-IND
‘He/she is standing in the river.’

b. hácci naɬkapá-n ak-hôyɬ-is
river middle-N LOC-stand.SG.FGR-IND
‘He/she is standing in the middle of the river.’
Note that the phrase hácci naɬkapá ‘middle of the river’ is itself case-
marked. The word hácci ‘river’ functions as an object to naɬkapá and
is never case-marked. In this respect, hácci behaves like a possessor,
and naɬkapá patterns with relational (inalienable) nouns.
The term “postposition” is used here for nouns like naɬkapá that
have developed grammatical uses corresponding roughly to English
prepositions. Other members of this class are given in (4):
(4) aɬáhka ‘for (someone) alone’
aná:ka ‘near’
fácca ‘toward’
hóma ‘in front of, the front’
148 §16
líca ‘below, bottom’

itînɬawá ‘between’
naɬkapá ‘center, middle’
ó:fa ‘inside’
ohfácca ‘toward, against; about, with regard to’
onápa ‘above, top’
yópa ‘behind, back’
tapá:la ‘the other side’
topáɬa ‘on the back side of’
Postpositions can sometimes take human objects. When they do, the
postposition patterns with other relational nouns in agreeing with the
object/possessor in person and number:
(5) -homa ‘front’
ca-hóma ‘in front of me’
ci-hóma ‘in front of you’
i-hóma ‘in front of him/her’
po-hóma ‘in front of us’
mí:li i-hóma ‘in front of Mary’
A few postpositions may be used to refer to time. In this use, they
may take dative prefixes instead:
(6) in-homá ‘a prior time; the first time, first’
in-yopá ‘later, afterwards’
im-ó:fa ‘within, during’
Several postpositions (including onápa, hóma, líca, yópa, and ó:fa)
have dual uses according to whether an object of reference is implied:
(7) onápa-n ís-seyy-ís

top-N INST-paint.LGR-IND
‘He/she is painting above it.’ / ‘He/she is painting the top.’
Like other nouns, postpositions may appear in compounds:
(8) ika-onápa ‘top of the head’ (lit., ‘head-top’)
o:fa-hatikpéyka ‘underpants, briefs’ (lit., ‘inside-pants’)
sakpa-líca ‘underarm, armpit’ (lit., ‘arm-underside’)
One difference between postpositions and other nouns is that
postpositions may be modified for degree. Degree may be shown by
using diminutive -os- (§26.3) or -ma:h- ‘very’ (§26.1).
17 Noun forms with adverbial function
Manner in Creek is normally expressed with durative stative
participles: páfn-i: ‘quick’, for example, has the derived form páfn-i:-n
‘quickly’ (§27). Degree is shown by suffixes or independent words
(§26). Demonstrative pronouns can be used to express location (§15.4).
As we saw in §16, a subclass of nouns (“postpositions”) is used to
express location, direction, etc. A number of other noun forms are used
in sentences to describe time and related notions.
Noun phrases can be used for concepts like ma nítta ‘that day’:
(1) ma nítta hómp-iko-: nakáft-á:ck-áɬi:-s
that day eat-not-DUR meet-2P.AG-FUT-IND
‘You must meet without eating that day.’ (1937b)
At other times bare nouns can be used, in some cases contrasting
minimally with manner adverbs:
(2) a. kancapá-n a:ɬ-ís
low-N go.around.SG.LGR-IND
‘[The plane] is going low.’
b. kancap-í:-n a:ɬ-ís
low-DUR-N go.around.SG.LGR-IND
‘[The plane] is going low.’
The word kancapá ‘low’ in (2a) is similar in form to the set of nouns
called postpositions, except that no object is implied. Another word
like this is fítta ‘outside’.
A small set of nouns is used for time-related notions.1 The noun
mocanítta ‘today’ has the same distribution as the noun phrase in (1).
The word ayakhámka means ‘suddenly’, and in-haticíska means ‘the
beginning’:
(3) ayakhámka-n a:-ta:sêyk-it lî:tk-ánk-s
suddenly-N DIR-jump.SG.HGR-T run.SG.FGR-PAST2-IND
‘He/she suddenly jumped up and ran.’
(4) in-haticíska mi:kk-âlki nittá: milêyy-it
DAT-first.thing chief-GPL day set.HGR-T
‘At the very beginning the town kings set a day . . .’ (1937b)
1
These could be called “adverbial nouns,” but the class of such words is small.
150 §17
Other examples of words in this class include hamkocá ‘once, one

time’, hokkolá ‘twice’, ’ɬ-im-i:homá ‘before’, ayakhámka ‘suddenly’,
and hatá:wa ‘again’.
The words hatâm ‘again’, hatí ‘yet, still’, and í: ‘just’ should
perhaps be considered members of this class, though they are never
case-marked:
(5) mo:m-ín hatâm ca-lí apalhámk-a:n
be.so.LGR-N again 1S.PAT-foot other-REF.N
is-ci-tá:kk-á:ɬi:-s keyc-atí:-s
INST-2.PAT-kick-1S.AG.FUT-IND say.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘And again he said, “I’ll kick you with my other foot.”’ (1936a)
(6) hatí cótk-os-o:f
still small-DIM-when
‘When he was still small . . .’ (1936b)
(7) í: o:k-éy-s
just say.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m just saying that.’ / ‘I’m teasing.’
18 Adjectival nouns (quantifiers)
Adjectival nouns are a small class of nouns that may be used
independently or as noun modifiers. An example of this type is omálka.
As a noun modifier, it means ‘every, all’:
(1) nitta-cá:ko omálka-n cokopiɬá-n a:ɬ-éy-s
day-holy every-N visiting-N go.about.SG.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I go around visiting every Sunday.’ (1899a)
As an independent noun, it means ‘everything, everyone’:
(2) omálka-t mó:kkeycí:t apô:k-it
all-T smoke.LGR-DUR-T sit.TPL.FGR-T
‘. . . everyone sat and smoked . . .’ (1937a)
Another example of this type is cahmiléyka ‘different, various’:
(3) fóswa cahmiléyka omálka-t ací-n lok-ák-i:p-atí:-s
bird various all-T corn-N devour-PL-SPN.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘All the various kinds of birds devoured the corn.’ (1885)
Adjectival nouns generally refer to quantity (although not all
quantifiers are adjectival nouns). They are often nominalizations of
verbs (cf. omalk- ‘be all’, cahmileyk- ‘be different’).1 They differ from
other nouns in position, appearing as the last element in a noun phrase
(just before case marking) (§41.1):

(4) nâ:ki i:kaná óh-foll-â:t omálka-t
thing earth LOC-go.about.TPL.LGR-REF all-T
pasátk-áɬi:-s
die.TPL-FUT-IND
‘Everything that goes about on the earth shall die.’ (ca. 1940e)
A literal translation of (4) is ‘things going about on the earth all shall
die’.
1
An adjectival noun cannot normally show person. When indicating person, a
verbal form is used:
omálk-iy-a:t apíhy-i:-s
all-1P.AG-REF go.TPL.HGR-1P.AG-IND
‘All of us went.’
152 §18
Other adjectival nouns include í:ta and the longer forms i:têy or
i:têyma, which mean ‘different, another, other’ as modifiers and
‘another one, a different one’ as independent nouns:2
(5) i:têyma-n ca-yá:c-i:-s
another-N 1S.PAT-want-DUR-IND
‘I want another.’
The word í:ta often occurs with the directional prefix iɬ- and the dative
prefix im-, possibly for a sense of comparison: ifá í:ta / ifá iɬ-im-í:ta
‘the other dogs’. It has a plural form i:taká ‘others’.
The word í:ta ‘another’ is easily confused with i:tá: ‘same, same
one, [back to] the same place’, another adjectival noun. The latter has a
variant i:tawá in older sources:
(6) ma nítta i:tawá-n píɬɬo ala:k-atí:-s
that day same boat arrive.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘That same day a boat arrived.’ (1871)
It fuses with the demonstrative ma ‘that’ to yield ma:tá: ‘that same
one’:
(7) hatâm ma:tá:-t ’ɬ-alak-î:p-it leyk-î:p-it
again that.same-T DIR-arrive-SPN.FGR-T sit-SPN.FGR-T
om-íhp-at-in
be-SPN.HGR-happen-N
‘And the same one had returned and was sitting there . . .’ (1915.27)
Other adjectival nouns include im-aɬáhka ‘different (one)’, alhí:ka
‘each’, hokkó:la ‘both’, hámka ‘whole’, and apálwa ‘some, the rest’.
2
The word í:ta, at least, can be modified for degree:
môn-ka í:t-os-i:-n ay-íhp-ey-t . . .
be.so.FGR-so another-DIM-DUR-N go.SG-SPN.HGR-1S.AG-IND
‘So I’ll go a little distance . . .’ (1915.8)
Verbs and their modifiers
19 Locative prefixes
Locations and destinations are commonly specified in Creek by adding
prefixes to verbs. The four productive locative prefixes are a- ‘side’,
ak- ‘water or low place’, oh- ‘top’, and tak- ‘ground or enclosed
space’:
a-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit on (a wall, ceiling, etc.); (one) to sit at (a table)’
ak-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit in water or a low place’
oh-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit on top of (a chair, table, roof, pillow, etc.)’
tak-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit on the ground or floor, or in an enclosed
space’
These prefixes have slightly different forms before vowels (table 19.1).
TABLE 19.1. LOCATIVE PREFIX FORMS

Before consonants: a- ak- oh- tak-
Before vowels: ah- akk- ohh- takk-
In addition to these four prefixes, there are three less productive

prefixes that derive from nouns: cok- ‘mouth’ (cf. -cokwa ‘mouth’);
nok- ‘neck, throat’ (cf. -nokwa ‘neck’); fik- ‘heart’ (cf. -fi:ki ‘heart’).
These are treated here as locative prefixes, though they can also be
analyzed as noun+verb compounds (Haas 1941).

The uses of locative prefixes are explained in part by their
interaction with the meanings of verbs. Seven major senses can be
distinguished, for convenience separated into intransitive and transitive
uses (table 19.2). As the table shows, the location specified by a
locative prefix applies to the absolutive argument (subject of an
intransitive verb or direct object of a transitive verb). Each use in the
table is described below.
(a) With many verbs, the prefixes indicate location. With
intransitive verbs, they indicate the location of the subject:
(2) ah-aɬ-itá ‘(one) to be around on, go around on (a wall, ceiling, shirt,
etc.)’
akk-ahkopan-itá ‘to play in water or mud’
oh-solo:tk-itá ‘(one) to slide on top of (ice, for example), move over
toward’
tak-foká:k-i: ‘scattered on the ground or floor (of flour, etc.)’
156 §19
TABLE 19.2. INTRANSITIVE AND TRANSITIVE USES OF LOCATIVE PREFIXES

INTRANSITIVE
a. Locative use: Subject is in a location: akk-ahkopan-itá ‘to play
(in water)’
b. Ingressive use: Subject enters a location: ak-ci:y-itá ‘to enter
(water)’
c. Egressive use: Subject leaves a location: ak-oss-itá ‘to get out (of
water)’
d. Partitive use: Location is part of the subject: im-ak-ɬó:fk-i:
‘chafed (of the groin)’
e. Directed use: Subject directs action toward a location: ak-po:fk-
itá ‘to blow (into water)’
f. Classificatory use: Subject is a location: ak-sófk-i: ‘deep (of a hole)’
g. Idiomatic uses
TRANSITIVE
a. Locative use: Object is in a location: ak-nafk-itá ‘to hit
(something in water)’
b. Ingressive use: Object is made to enter a location: ak-leyc-itá ‘to
put in (water)’
c. Egressive use: Object is made to leave a location: akk-is-íta ‘to
take out (of water)’
d. Partitive use: Location is part of the object: im-ak-nafk-itá ‘to hit
(in the eye)’
e. Directed use: Object is directed toward a location: ak-palat-itá
‘to spill (into water)’

f. Classificatory use: Object is a location: tak-pi:y-itá ‘to scrub (the
floor)’
g. Idiomatic uses
With transitive verbs, the prefixes indicate the location of the object:
(3) ak-nafk-itá ‘to hit (something in water or a low place)’
oh-nikɬeyc-itá ‘to burn (something on something, as a lamb on an
altar)’
tak-cakh-itá ‘to strike (something on the ground, of lightning)’
(b) With intransitive ingressive verbs (positional verbs, ‘enter’,
‘step down’, etc.), the prefixes indicate the final location of the subject:
(4) a-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit on (a wall, ceiling, etc.)’
ak-ci:y-itá ‘(one) to enter water’
oh-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit on top of (something)’
Locative prefixes 157
tak-hatapk-itá ‘(one) to step down onto the ground or floor’

With verbs of placement, throwing, and other transitive equivalents,
they indicate the final location of the object:
(5) a-leyc-itá ‘to put (one) on (a wall, etc.)’
ak-can-íta ‘to pour (one liquid, such as bath oil) into a bath, a lake,
etc.’
oh-hatapiceyc-itá ‘to lower (one) onto’
tak-palat-itá ‘to spill (a liquid), throw (three or more) on the ground or
floor’
(c) With intransitive egressive verbs (‘get out’, etc.), locative
prefixes indicate the initial location of the subject (‘out of’, ‘from’):
(6) akk-oss-itá ‘(one) to get out of water, a low place, jail’
With transitive equivalents (‘take’, ‘gather’, etc.), they indicate the
initial location of the object:
(7) akk-is-íta ‘to take (one) from the eye, water, or a low place’
oh-caw-íta ‘to take (a liquid or two or more) off the top’
takk-atilo:y-itá ‘to gather (a number of things) from the ground, the
floor, a fire’
(d) In the partitive use, locative prefixes indicate a location on the
absolutive argument (e.g., ‘hit (another in the eyes)’). In speaking of
the human body, a- is used for flat surfaces (the cheeks, mouth, chest),
akis used for deep areas (the eyes, groin), and oh- is used for
horizontal planes (the shoulder, top of the head, chest, brow):
(8) im-a-ɬoka:f-itá ‘to slap (another) in the face’
im-ak-nafk-itá ‘to hit (another) in the buttocks, groin, the eye’

im-oh-cila:y-itá ‘to touch (another) on the shoulder, the top of the
head’
im-oh-nafk-itá ‘to hit (another) on the shoulder, the top of the head, the
chest, the brow’
(e) In the directed use, the locative prefix adds a target to the stem.
With intransitives, the subject directs the action toward a location:
(9) a-ɬi:sk-itá ‘to blow one’s nose into’
ak-po:fk-itá ‘to blow into (a liquid)’
oh-tofk-itá ‘to spit on’
tak-hic-íta ‘to look into the fire’
With transitive verbs, the object is directed toward a location:
(10) oh-palat-itá ‘to spill (something) on (a table, for example), pour on top
of’
158 §19
(f) Some verbs have a classificatory use in which the absolutive

argument is itself a location. With intransitives, the subject is the
location:
(11) a-nókɬ-i: ‘burnt (of the side of something)’
ak-sófk-i: ‘deep (of a hole, etc.)’
oh-cikíhl-i: ‘rough (of a tabletop, etc.)’
tak-cikíhl-i: ‘rough (of the ground or floor)’
With transitive verbs, the object is the location:
(12) ak-mo:ɬic-íta ‘to boil (tea, etc.)’
tak-pi:y-itá ‘to scrub (the floor)’
(g) There are some irregularities with locative prefixes, including
idiomatic uses:
(13) mill-itá ‘to point’ oh-mill-itá ‘to appoint’
Prefixes are also sometimes obligatory: the verbs aklop-íta ‘to bathe’
and ohɬa:n-itá ‘to cover’ appear to include ak- and oh-, respectively,
but the roots are bound.
Locative prefixes may have originated as nouns that were
compounded with verbs. As Haas (1941) noted, this is most obvious in
Creek with the body part prefixes (cok- < -cokwa ‘mouth’, nok- <
-nokwa ‘neck’, and fik- < -fi:ki ‘heart’).
The prefixes ak-, oh-, tak-, and the body part prefixes do not
cooccur. It is occasionally possible for ak- or oh- to occur with a-,
however:
(14) a. leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit’
a-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit at, sit on (a wall, etc.), stick (of food to a
pan)’
akk-a-leyk-itá ‘to stick to (of food to a deep pan)’
b. palat-itá ‘to spill (three or more)’
a-palat-íta ‘to throw (three or more) out’
ohh-a-palat-íta ‘to throw (three or more) onto (a table, porch, etc.)’
When used in sentences, locative prefixes may assign a specific
locative reading to a noun phrase:
(15) wíski-n ák-po:fk-ít iskóyc-a:k-â:n
whisky-N water-blow.LGR-T make.drink-PL.LGR-REF
‘They would blow into the whisky and make him drink it . . .’ (1939b)
In (15), ak- indicates that the directed action of blowing is aimed at a
liquid. In many cases the locative noun phrase is understood from
context, however:
(16) ɬoláhk-it háci-n ak-péyhk-in

make.hole.HGR-T 3.PAT.tail-N water-put.in.SG.HGR-N
‘[The bear] made a hole [in the ice] and stuck his tail in . . .’ (1992d)
The location may also be a person; in this case, the patient series of
prefixes is used for the location:
(17) ya toccî:n-a:t ínki ac-oh-wakî:c-it
this three.FGR-REF hand 1S.PAT-LOC-lay.SG.FGR-T
‘These three [preachers] laid hands on me . . .’ (ca. 1940b)
19.1 Location pertaining to a side: a-

The prefix a- (ah- before vowels) generally indicates location
pertaining to a side. The same prefix is also used to form ordinals, to
indicate a completed change of state, or to add an object to a verb.
With verbs lacking any sense of direction, a- usually specifies a
location on, at, or against a side. Typical uses include location on a
wall, the face, the chest, the side of a tree or post, the side of a hill, the
inside or outside of a shallow pan, the underside of a ceiling, plate, etc.
Reference to the inside of deep vessels favors ak-, and reference to a
topside favors oh-. In (18), a- indicates location on the side of
something else:
(18) aɬ-íta ‘(one) to be ah-aɬ-itá ‘(one) to be around on, go around
around, go around’ on (a wall, ceiling, shirt, etc.)’
ho:cceyc-itá ‘to write’ a-ho:cceyc-itá ‘to write (something) on (a
blackboard, etc.)’
The same prefix is used when an activity simply comes into contact
with a side (‘against’, ‘along’):
(19) kac-íta ‘to snap (one), break a-kac-itá ‘to snap (one) against, break
(a stick)’ (a long item) against’
latk-itá ‘(one) to fall’ a-latk-itá ‘(one) to fall against’
sini:pic-íta ‘to stretch (a a-sini:pic-íta ‘to stretch (wire, etc.)
rubberband, etc.)’ along (a fencepost, etc.)’
wanay-itá ‘to tie’ a-wanay-íta ‘to tie (someone) to
(something)’
With positional verbs, a- may indicate location at the side of something
(‘at’, ‘next to’, ‘up against’):
(20) leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit’ a-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit on (a wall, ceiling,
etc.), sit at (a table)’
160 §19
wakk-itá ‘(one) to lie’ a-wakk-itá ‘(one) to lie on (a wall, ceiling,

etc.), lie next to, against’
With verbs that can be aimed, a- adds a target (‘at’, ‘into’, ‘toward’,
‘on’):
(21) haya:yeyc-itá ‘to shine (a a-haya:yeyc-itá ‘to shine (a flashlight,
light)’ etc.) at (something)’
litk-itá ‘(one) to run’ a-litk-itá ‘(one) to run to’
mill-itá ‘to point’ a-mill-itá ‘to point at’
tasinn-itá ‘to swoop (of a a-tasinn-itá ‘to swoop at (as of a bird),
bird), ricochet’ ricochet off (something)’
tofk-itá ‘to spit’ a-tofk-itá ‘to spit at’
wo:hk-itá ‘(one) to bark’ a-wo:hk-itá ‘(one) to bark at’
A related use is seen in ordinals, generally with instrumental is-:
(22) hokkô:l-in ‘two’ (i)s-a-hókko:l-í: ‘the second’
toccî:n-in ‘three’ (i)s-a-toccî:n-a:t ‘the third’
The image here is perhaps a line of items standing side to side or back
to back.
With a few verbs, a- indicates entrance into the last stage of a
change of state (‘up’, ‘off’, ‘out’):
(23) itk-itá ‘to burn’ ah-itk-itá ‘to be lit, catch (of a fire)’
kaɬp-itá ‘to dry’ a-kaɬp-itá ‘to dry up (of a creek, etc.), dry out
(as of food in a pan)’
kasápp-i: ‘cold’ a-kasápp-i: ‘cooled off’
tac-íta ‘to cut (one)’ a-tac-itá ‘to cut off, cut short’
In a few instances, a- adds an object to a verb of thinking or
expression; the list in (24) may be exhaustive.
(24) hopoɬɬin-í: ‘sensible’ a-hopoɬɬin-íta ‘to give a thought to, think
through’
hakeyhk-itá ‘(one) to cry’ a-hakeyhk-itá ‘(one) to cry about’
yaheyk-itá ‘to sing’ a-yaheyk-itá ‘to sing about’
The prefix oh- has this use with a few other verbs.
Many uses of a- are idiomatic:
(25) hocif-itá ‘to name (one)’ a-hocif-íta ‘to name after’
holwak-í: ‘ugly, bad, naughty, a-holwak-í: ‘dirty’
wicked’
kiɬɬ-itá ‘to know’ a-kiɬɬ-itá ‘to cheat’
ɬakkoyc-itá ‘to make bigger’ a-ɬakkoyc-itá ‘to honor, worship’

weyk-itá ‘to quit’ a-weyk-itá ‘to discard (one)’
19.2 Location in water or a low place: ak-

The prefix ak- (akk- before vowels) refers to location in water or a
liquid, a low place, a deep place, the eyes or groin, or location behind
another.
The most salient use of akis to indicate location in a liquid (water,
coffee, grease, mud, excrement) or a lower or deeper place:
(26) cakhi:c-itá ‘to stick (one) in’ ak-cakhi:c-itá ‘to stick (one) in water or
a low place’
caw-íta ‘to pick up (two or ak-caw-íta ‘to dip up (fish, etc.)’
more)’
ili:c-itá ‘to kill (one)’ akk-ili:c-itá ‘to kill in water, drown
(one)’
il-íta ‘(one) to die’ akk-il-íta ‘(one) to die in water’
likheyc-itá ‘to warm’ ak-likheyc-itá ‘to warm (coffee, etc.)’
líkh-i: ‘warm’ ak-líkh-i: ‘warm (of a liquid)’
ta:sk-itá ‘(one) to jump’ ak-ta:sk-itá ‘(one) to jump in water or a
low place’
wakic-itá ‘to lay (one) down’ ak-wakic-itá ‘to lay (one) down in water
or a low place’
wakk-itá ‘(one) to lie’ ak-wakk-itá ‘(one) to lie in water or a
low place’
yakap-itá ‘(one) to walk’ ak-yakap-itá ‘(one) to walk in water,

wade’
The notion of a low place may be extended to places like jail:
(27) oss-itá ‘(one) to get out’ akk-oss-itá ‘(one) to get out of water, a
low place, jail’
Deep pans, woods, ravines, etc., that are better described as deep
than as low also trigger use of ak-:
(28) itiya:m-itá ‘to stir’ akk-itiya:m-itá ‘to stir in a deep container’
ay-íta ‘(one) to go’ akk-ay-íta ‘(one) to go in the woods, water, a
ravine, etc.’
Deep or recessed places on the body trigger use of ak-. The eyes are
one deep area:
(29) cá:t-i: ‘red’ ak-cá:t-i: ‘bloodshot’
162 §19
is-íta ‘to take (one)’ akk-is-íta ‘to take (one) from the eye, water, or
a low place’
lást-i: ‘black’ ak-lást-i: ‘black (of an eye)’
Another deep or low place is the area surrounding the groin or
buttocks:
(30) hasatic-íta ‘to clean’ i:y-ak-hasatic-íta ‘to clean oneself (after
defecating)’
nafk-itá ‘to hit’ im-ak-nafk-itá ‘to hit (another) in the buttocks,
groin, eye’
In a few instances, akhas the meaning of ‘behind’:
(31) halat-itá ‘to hold (one)’ ak-halat-itá ‘to tow (one), pull behind’
a-cákh-i: ‘(one) sticking in (a akk-a-cákh-i: ‘(one) sticking out
wall, etc.)’ behind’
ataɬk-itá ‘to hang’ a:-akk-atáɬk-i: ‘hanging down behind
(as of a tail)’
19.3 Location on top or over: oh-
The prefix oh- (ohh- before vowels) generally specifies location on top
of or over something or up to a destination. It sometimes adds an object
to a verb and has many idiomatic uses.
The most general use of oh- is to indicate location on top of
something (a table, chair, roof, horse, bicycle, head, pillow, road,
raised earth, etc.):
(32) aɬ-íta ‘(one) to go ohh-aɬ-íta ‘(one) to go around on top of’
about’
ahkopan-itá ‘to play’ ohh-ahkopan-itá ‘to play on (a road, etc.)’
cimk-itá ‘(one) to oh-cimk-itá ‘(one) to climb onto (a wagon,
climb’ etc.)’
faláhl-i: ‘split’ oh-faláhl-i: ‘cracked on top (as of a road)’
fisk-itá ‘to splash’ oh-fisk-itá ‘to sprinkle on top of’
ha:y-itá ‘to make’ oh-ha:y-itá ‘to build (something) on top of’
hatapk-itá ‘(one) to oh-hatapk-itá ‘(one) to step down onto’
step down’
hoyɬeyc-itá ‘to stand oh-hoyɬeyc-itá ‘to stand (one) on’
(one)’
hoyɬ-itá ‘(one) to stand’ oh-hoyɬ-itá ‘(one) to stand on (a road, porch,
etc.)’
latk-itá ‘(one) to fall’ oh-latk-itá ‘(one) to fall onto (a bed, etc.)’
ɬolákk-i: ‘having a hole oh-ɬolákk-i: ‘having a hole on top (of a roof,

in it’ etc.)’
nafk-itá ‘to hit’ im-oh-nafk-itá ‘to hit (another) on (the head,
shoulder, breast)’
The prefix oh- is not used for location on a side or underside (where
a- would be used) or for location on the ground or floor (where tak- is
used). Both ak- and oh- can be used with liquids, but oh- refers to the
surface:
(33) caw-íta ‘to pick up (two ak-caw-íta ‘to dip up (two or more, such as
or more)’ fish)’
oh-caw-íta ‘to take (a liquid or two or more)
off the top, skim’
Sometimes oh- is used to indicate location over and for abstract
uses and loan translations:
(34) hic-íta ‘to see’ oh-hic-íta ‘to oversee’
hoyan-itá ‘(one) to oh-hoyan-itá ‘(one) to pass over, skip (an
pass’ appointment, etc.)’
ma:k-itá ‘to say’ oh-ma:k-itá ‘to say the blessing’
mi:kk-itá ‘to rule’ oh-mi:kk-itá ‘to reign over’
mi:kosap-itá ‘to oh-mi:kosap-itá ‘to pray over (an altar, etc.), say
pray’ grace’
With motion verbs and verbs that can be directed, oh- commonly adds
a target (‘to’, ‘toward’, ‘facing’, ‘at’).1
(35) at-íta ‘(one) to come’ ohh-at-íta ‘(one) to come toward’

ay-íta ‘(one) to go’ ohh-ay-íta ‘(one) to go up to (something
or someone)’
halk-itá ‘(one) to crawl’ oh-halk-itá ‘(one) to crawl to’
litk-itá ‘(one) to run’ oh-litk-itá ‘(one) to run toward’
tamk-itá ‘(one) to fly’ oh-tamk-itá ‘(one) to fly toward’
folot-itá ‘to turn (something) oh-folot-itá ‘to turn (one) to face’
around’
a-ɬakkoyc-itá ‘to honor, ohh-a-ɬakkoyc-itá ‘to show respect
worship’ toward, appreciate’
lapa:tti:c-itá ‘to dart out the oh-lapa:tti:c-itá ‘to dart the tongue at’
tongue’
1
Sometimes both directional and locative readings are available, as in oh-calli:c-
itá ‘to roll (something) on top of, roll (something) toward’ (from calli:c-itá ‘to roll
(something)’).
164 §19
misi:tteyc-itá ‘to blink, oh-misi:tteyc-itá ‘to blink, wink at’

wink’
peyhk-itá ‘(one) to whoop’ oh-peyhk-itá ‘(one) to whoop at
(someone)’
With a few verbs of speech or thought, oh- adds the topic of
consideration:
(36) ataheyk-itá ‘to complain’ oh-taheyk-itá ‘to complain about’2
kiɬɬ-itá ‘to know’ oh-kiɬɬ-itá ‘to know about’
laks-itá ‘to tell a lie’ oh-laks-itá ‘to lie about (someone)’
yatik-itá ‘to interpret’ oh-yatik-itá ‘to elaborate on’
This use is reminiscent of English expressions like reflect upon (a
matter).
A minor pattern is found with verbs referring to daylight, where oh-
means to do something ‘until’ that time:
(37) hayatk-itá ‘to get to be dawn’ oh-hayatk-itá ‘to spend the night at’
yafk-itá ‘to get to be evening’ oh-yáfk-i: ‘up until evening’
yomociceyc-itá ‘to darken’ oh-yomociceyc-itá ‘to keep until
dark’
Forms containing oh- sometimes have unexpected meanings:
(38) matticeyc-itá ‘to miss (a ball, etc.)’ oh-matticeyc-itá ‘to miss (an
appointment)’
mill-itá ‘to point’ oh-mill-itá ‘to appoint’
onay-itá ‘to tell (a story) ohh-onay-itá ‘to read’
19.4 Location on the ground or floor: tak-

The prefix tak- (takk- before vowels) indicates location on the ground
or floor, in a fire, or in an enclosed space. The first use is seen in the
verbs in (39).
(39) cikíhl-i: ‘rough’ tak-cikíhl-i: ‘rough (of the ground or floor)’
foka:y-itá ‘to spill (a tak-foka:y-itá ‘to spill (a powder) on the
powder)’ ground or floor’
hoyɬeyc-itá ‘to stand tak-hoyɬeyc-itá ‘to stand (one) on the ground
(one)’ or floor’
hoyɬ-itá ‘(one) to stand’ tak-hoyɬ-itá ‘(one) to stand on the ground or
floor’
2
Initial a- is sometimes deleted after oh-: atot-itá ‘to send’; ohh-atot-itá,
oh-tot-íta ‘to send toward’.
latk-itá ‘(one) to fall’ tak-latk-itá ‘(one) to fall down on the

ground or floor’
leyc-itá ‘to set (one)’ tak-leyc-itá ‘to set (one) on the ground or
floor, in the coals of a fire, keep (one
grandchild, etc.) in the home, park (a car)’
okkos-íta ‘to wash’ takk-okkos-íta ‘to wash (the floor)’
pa:s-itá ‘to sweep’ tak-pa:s-itá ‘to sweep the ground or floor’
The verbs in (40) show the use of tak- for actions pertaining to,
directed at, or affecting a fire:
(40) a-weyk-itá ‘to throw tak-weyk-itá ‘to throw (one) into the fire’
(one) out’
ca:s-itá ‘to rake’ in-tak-ca:s-itá ‘to rake (the fire)’
hic-íta ‘to look’ tak-hic-íta ‘to look in the fire’
is-íta ‘to take (one)’ takk-is-íta ‘to take (one) out of the fire’
itic-itá ‘to light’ takk-itic-itá ‘to light (a campfire, a wood
fireplace or stove, etc.)’
nikɬ-itá ‘to burn’ tak-nikɬ-itá ‘to burn in a campfire’
o:c-itá ‘to exist (of an takk-o:c-itá ‘to exist (of an inanimate) in
inanimate)’ the coals of a fire’
Examples like those in (41) show the use of tak- for an enclosed
space like a room, a stove, a building, a fireplace, a home, a city, or a
yard:
(41) fámp-i: ‘stinky’ tak-fámp-i: ‘smelly (of a house, room, or
yard)’
hayákp-i: ‘barren’ tak-hayákp-i: ‘cleared (of an area)’

héyy-i: ‘hot’ tak-héyy-i: ‘warm (of a room, etc.)’
heyyi:c-itá ‘to heat’ tak-heyyi:c-itá ‘to heat up, warm up (a
room)’
hoyan-itá ‘(one) to pass tak-hoyan-itá ‘(one) to go by (in a parade,
by’ a house, or yard)’
iti-wilapk-itá ‘(one) to takk-iti-wilapk-itá ‘(one) to cross (a room,
cross (a road)’ a yard, etc.)’
nafk-itá ‘to hit’ tak-nafk-itá ‘to beat up (someone) in a
yard, house, or building’
In (42), a writer uses tak- because he is referring to his life indoors:
(42) istô:m-os-íko-n tak-lêyk-it o:m-éy-s ci:^
all.right.FGR-DIM-not-N LOC-sit.SG.FGR-T be.LGR-1S.AG-IND DCL
‘I am doing pretty well here.’ (1890)
166 §19
19.5 Body-part prefixes: cok- ‘mouth’, fik- ‘heart’, nok- ‘neck’

The prefix cok- (from -cokwa ‘mouth’) occasionally indicates location
in the mouth:
(43) apeyk-itá ‘to put (one) inside’ cok-peyk-itá ‘to put (one) in the mouth’
kofo:y-itá ‘to swish’ cok-kofo:y-itá ‘to swish in the mouth’
The prefix fik- (from -fi:ki ‘heart’) appears in a few forms involving the
heart:
(44) cákh-i: ‘sticking in’ fik-cákh-i: ‘jealous’
hiɬ-íko-: ‘bad’ fik-hiɬ-íko-: ‘having a troubled heart’
nókk-i: ‘sick’ fik-nókk-i: ‘sad’
The prefix nok- (from -nokwa ‘neck’) occurs in a few forms referring
to the neck or throat:
(45) feyy-itá ‘to wring out’ nok-feyy-itá ‘to wring by the neck’
sómk-i: ‘lost’ nok-sómk-i: ‘hoarse’
19.6 Use of locative prefixes with nouns

Locative prefixes are sometimes used with nouns. The noun topá ‘bed’
(originally a raised platform) appears with several of these prefixes:
(46) a-tópa ‘ceiling’
ak-topá ‘bridge’
oh-topá ‘lower portion of a porch’
tak-topá ‘floor’
Other examples of locative prefixes with nouns include:

(47) niní ‘road’ oh-niní ‘road to, path to, way to’
cok-óci ‘small house, oh-cok-óci ‘burial house’
outhouse’
-haci ‘tail’ tak-hací ‘one of four logs sticking from a
ceremonial fire’
fítta ‘outside’ tak-fítta ‘yard (around a building)’
Postpositions (§16) also occur with locative prefixes:
(48) naɬkapá ‘middle’ ak-naɬkapá ‘down in the middle of a stream,
river, etc.’
onápa ‘above, the top’ ohh-onápa ‘the top, upstairs, on top (of a
house, etc.)’
19.7 (a)cak- ‘after, with (someone)’

The four locative prefixes and three body part prefixes examined so far
appear to form a group, appearing with a range of verbs and a few
nouns. Another prefix (a)cak- could be considered a member of this
class, but is limited to motion verbs (never nouns). It has the shape
(a)cakk- before a vowel.
(49) aɬ-íta ‘(one) to go about’ (a)cakk-aɬ-íta ‘(one) to go around after’
ay-íta ‘(one) to go’ (a)cakk-ay-íta ‘(one) to follow, go with’
foll-itá ‘(three or more) to (a)cak-foll-itá ‘(three or more) to go
go about’ around after’
ici:y-itá ‘(one) to enter’ (a)cakk-ici:y-itá ‘(one) to enter with
(someone)’
Body-part prefixes, at least, appear to derive from nouns. The prefix
(a)cak- may well derive from the verb cakk-itá ‘to catch up to’.
The prefix (a)cak- adds an object to the verb, using the patient set
of prefixes for the added object: aca-cakk- ‘with me’, ici-cakk- ‘with
you’, etc.
20 Agreement
Person and number in clauses are indicated by affixes on verbs.1
(1) na:fk-éy-s ‘I am hitting’
na:fk-íck-is ‘you (singular) are hitting’
na:fk-ís ‘he/she is hitting’ (no mark in third person)
na:fk-í:-s ‘we are hitting’
na:fk-á:ck-is ‘you (plural) are hitting’
The suffixes in (1) belong to the agent (or type I) set of agreement
markers and are listed in table 20.1.2 A fifth, impersonal agent suffix is
discussed in §25.2.
TABLE 20.1. AGENT AGREEMENT SUFFIXES

first person singular -ay-
second person singular -íck-
third person (no mark)
first person plural -iy-
second person plural -á:ck-
A second set of prefixes is seen in (2):

(2) nafk- ‘hit’
ca-na:fk-ís ‘he/she is hitting me’

ci-na:fk-ís ‘he/she is hitting you’
na:fk-ís ‘he/she is hitting him/her’ (no mark)
po-na:fk-ís ‘he/she is hitting us’
The prefixes in (2) belong to the patient (or type II) set of agreement
markers in table 20.2.
1
This section is a revised version of chapter 5 in Martin (1991a).
2
The labels “I” and “II” are from Munro and Gordon (1982). Martin and Mauldin
(2000) referred to the agent and patient markers as “deliberate” and “nondeliberate,”
respectively.
Agreement 169
TABLE 20.2. PATIENT AGREEMENT PREFIXES

first person singular ca-
second person (singular/plural) ci-
first person plural po-
No mark for third person occurs in the agent or patient sets.

Agent and patient sets may be used simultaneously on the same
verb:
(3) a. ca-na:fk-íck-a′
1S.PAT-hit.LGR-2S.AG-Q
‘are you hitting me?’
b. ci-na:fk-éy-s
2.PAT-hit.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I am hitting you.’
Variants of the patient prefixes occurring with dative im- are
sometimes treated as a third series: these are described in §22. Other
variants are used with relational possession (§14).
The agent and patient affixes are described here as agreement rather
than as pronominal affixes because they may be used in conjunction
with pronouns:
(4) cí:mi-n cin-wéyhk-ey-n, cín-t lok-íck-i:-s
you-N 2.DAT-leave.HGR-1S.AG-N you-T devour-2S.AG-DUR-IND
‘But I could leave it to you, and you could eat them.’ (1915.3)
As (4) shows, the doubling of pronoun and person marker in this way
indicates greater emphasis or contrast.
20.1 The shape of the agreement markers

The agent agreement markers have different forms in different
contexts:
• First person singular agent -ay- appears as -ey- before a consonant:
na:fk-ay-á′3 ‘am I hitting?’, na:fk-éy-s ‘I am hitting’.4 It has a reduced
3
In na:fk-ay-á′ ‘am I hitting?’ I place an accent over the last vowel to indicate
level pitch through the last syllable. The accent after the word indicates slightly higher
pitch on the last syllable (a characteristic of yes/no question intonation).
4
The accent in these forms is part of the lengthened grade (§8.2).
170 §20
form -a- when preceding the negative (-ako- 1S.AG.not) and future
(-á:ɬi:- 1S.AG.FUT).
• Second person singular agent -íck- and second person plural agent
-á:ck- are contracted in informal speech to -ícc- (or -cc-) and -á:cc-,
respectively.
• First person plural agent -iy- is realized as -i:- before a consonant:
na:fk-iy-á′ ‘are we hitting?’, na:fk-í:-s ‘we are hitting’.5
Patient markers also have variants. The prefixes in table 20.2 above are
used before verbs beginning with consonants, as in (2), or short i, as in
(5).
(5) Patient prefixes before i
inokk- ‘be/get sick’
ca-nókk-i:-s ‘I am sick’
ci-nókk-i:-s ‘you are sick’
(i)nókk-i:-s ‘he/she is sick’
po-nókk-i:-s ‘we are sick’
Slightly different forms are used before verbs beginning with other
vowels (table 20.3).6
TABLE 20.3. PATIENT AGREEMENT PREFIXES, PREVOCALIC FORMS

first person singular aca-
second person (singular/plural) ici-
first person plural ipo-
The final vowels of the prevocalic forms delete before o or o:, as in (6).
(6) Patient prefixes before o or o:
otak- ‘hug’
ac-óta:k-ís ‘he/she is hugging me’
ic-óta:k-ís ‘he/she is hugging you’
ota:k-ís ‘he/she is hugging him/her’
ip-óta:k-ís ‘he/she is hugging us’
A verb that begins with a deletes that vowel after the patient prefixes
(7).
5
The first person plural agent suffix -i:- ‘we’ is often difficult to distinguish from
durative -i:.
6
The variants of the patient prefixes in table 20.3 are also used after the
directional prefixes a:- and (i)ɬa:- (§34.4), and so may reflect archaic forms.
Agreement 171
(7) Patient prefixes before a

anokic- ‘love’
aca-nokíc-i:-s ‘he/she loves me’
ici-nokíc-i:-s ‘he/she loves you’
anokic-í:-s ‘he/she loves him/her’
ipo-nokíc-i:-s ‘he/she loves us’
Verbs beginning with a: or i: delete those vowels after the patient
prefix, but lengthen the final vowel of the prefix (8)–(9).
(8) Patient prefixes before a:
a:fack- ‘be/get happy’
aca-:fáck-i:-s ‘I am happy’
ici-:fáck-i:-s ‘you are happy’
a:fáck-i:-s ‘he/she is happy’
ipo-:fáck-i:-s ‘we are happy’
(9) Patient prefixes before long i:
i:lisk- ‘be/get sulky’
aca-:lísk-i:-s ‘I am sulky’
ici-:lísk-i:-s ‘you are sulky’
i:lísk-i:-s ‘he/she is sulky’
ipo-:-lísk-i:-s ‘we are sulky’
20.2 The choice of agent vs. patient markers

Various factors govern the choice of agent or patient agreement
markers. Intransitive verbs in which the subject acts deliberately use
agent markers for the subject:
(10) a:ɬ-éy-s ‘I’m going about’

afánna:k-éy-s ‘I’m looking around’
áklo:p-éy-s ‘I’m taking a bath’
ala:k-éy-s ‘I’m here, arriving’
ata:ɬk-éy-s ‘I’m hanging’
atílo:k-í:-s ‘we’re gathering (together)’
awóleyc-éy-s ‘I’m getting closer’
cayá:ya:k-éy-s ‘I’m being quiet’
cikonn-éy-s ‘I’m limping’
coni:k-éy-s ‘I’m bending over’
feyk-éy-s ‘I’m turning’
fí:ka:p-éy-s ‘I’m resting’
fíkhonn-éy-s ‘I’m stopping’
folo:tk-éy-s ‘I’m turning around’
halk-éy-s ‘I’m crawling’
hata:pk-éy-s ‘I’m stepping down’
homp-éy-s ‘I’m eating’
172 §20
i:sk-éy-s ‘I’m drinking’

ici:y-éy-s ‘I’m going in’
itíha:n-í:-s ‘we’re quarreling’
ití-si:k-í:-s ‘we’re shaking hands’
leyk-éy-s ‘I’m sitting down’
li:tk-éy-s ‘I’m running’
ɬákpalk-éy-s ‘I’m rolling over’
ɬi:sk-éy-s ‘I’m blowing my nose’
misí:tteyc-éy-s ‘I’m winking’
moso:l-éy-s ‘I’m closing my eye(s)’
nata:ks-éy-s ‘I’m looking up’
niki:y-éy-s ‘I’m moving’
no:c-éy-s ‘I’m sleeping’
o:ss-éy-s ‘I’m going out’
óhhaya:tk-éy-s ‘I’m staying the night’
opa:n-éy-s ‘I’m dancing’
paci:ss-éy-s ‘I’m swerving’
po:ck-éy-s ‘I’m squirting, spitting’
po:sk-éy-s ‘I’m fasting’
sayókla:sk-éy-s ‘I’m swinging’
silá:ksi:k-éy-s ‘I’m screaming’
ta:sk-éy-s ‘I’m jumping’
tóhki:k-éy-s ‘I’m kneeling’
wáswa:k-éy-s ‘I’m whispering’
woho:k-éy-s ‘I’m howling (like a dog)’
yaheyk-éy-s ‘I’m singing’
yaka:p-éy-s ‘I’m walking’
yí-folk-éy-s ‘I’m going back’
Intransitive verbs in which the subject lacks control use patient markers
for the subject.7
(11) aca-:fáck-i:-s ‘I’m happy’
aca-col-í:-s ‘I’m old’
aca-holwak-í:-s ‘I’m dirty’
aca-honic-í:-s ‘I’m awake’
acá-k-somk-ís ‘I’m sinking (in water)’
acá-ls-i:-s ‘I’m bashful’
aca-píss-i:-s ‘I’m fat’
acá-poyc-ís ‘I’m dreaming’
ca-cafíkn-i:-s ‘I’m healthy’
ca-capákk-i:-s ‘I’m mad’
ca-cókna:h-ís ‘I’m talking in my sleep’
ca-cótk-i:-s ‘I’m small’
7
The term “patient” is usually reserved for affected arguments. Here, I follow
Mithun (1991) in using it broadly for nonagentive subjects and objects.
Agreement 173
ca-cóyh-i:-s ‘I’m petrified, frozen’

ca-fikcákh-i:-s ‘I’m jealous’
ca-fikhámk-i:-s ‘I’m brave’
ca-fíki:k-ís ‘I’m shaking’
ca-fiknókk-i:-s ‘I’m sad’
ca-fiksómk-i:-s ‘I’m scared’
ca-fikwánh-i:-s ‘I’m out of breath’
ca-hasáfk-i:-s ‘I’m swollen (all over)’
ca-híko:kk-ís ‘I’m hiccupping’
ca-hipítk-i:-s ‘I’m feverish’
ca-hólk-i:-s ‘I’m scalded’
ca-honic-í:-s ‘I’m wild’
ca-hotos-í:-s ‘I’m tired, skinny’
ca-tkol-í:-s ‘I’m cold’
ca-lácp-i:-s ‘I’m wet’
ca-láw-i:-s ‘I’m hungry’
ca-líkw-i:-s ‘I have a sore’
ca-lotókk-i:-s ‘I’m numb, petrified’
ca-lowá:k-i:-s ‘I’m weak’
ca-mahyómk-i:-s ‘I’m dizzy’
ca-mahlapátk-i:-s ‘I’m sober’
ca-nóca:y-ís ‘I’m yawning’
ca-nockil-í:-s ‘I’m sleeping’
ca-nókk-i:-s ‘I’m sick’
ca-nókleyk-ís ‘I’m choking’
ca-noksómk-i:-s ‘I’m hoarse’
ca-palalák-i:-s ‘I’m crippled’
ca-pohyak-í:-s ‘I’m lonesome’
ca-pinkal-í:-s ‘I’m afraid’
ca-póls-i:-s ‘I’m sickly, out of sorts’

po-sólk-i:-s ‘we are many (now)’
ca-sómk-i:-s ‘I’m lost’
ca-tahópk-i:-s ‘I’m nimble’
ca-tókɬeyhn-ís ‘I’m slobbering’
ca-wánhk-i:-s ‘I’m thirsty’
ca-yíkc-i:-s ‘I’m strong’
ca-yoksí:hn-i:-s ‘I have a cold’
ca-yopákla:tk-ís ‘I’m falling behind’
Note that all the verbs in (10) can be events (having a progressive
reading in the lengthened grade). The verbs in (11) are often stative,
though many may also be progressive.8
8
Given a choice, I have simply given a natural form. Thus, both ca-pinkal-í:-s
‘I’m afraid’ (zero grade) and ca-pínka:l-ís ‘I’m getting scared’ (lengthened grade) are
natural.
174 §20
Some intransitives can be interpreted as having agent or patient

subjects. Often, agreement reflects this distinction. The verb latk-itá
‘(one) to fall’ is normally inflected with patient agreement:
(12) ca-latêyk-s
1S.PAT-fall.SG.HGR-IND
‘I fell.’
In agentive contexts, however, agent agreement is volunteered:
(13) cá-ɬki-t látk-as ca-keyc-ín, latêyk-ey-s
1S.PAT-father-T fall.SG-IMP 1S.PAT-tell.LGR-N fall.SG.HGR-1S.AG-IND
‘“Fall down!” my father told me, so I fell down.’
Other examples of intransitives allowing agent or patient marking
include the following (with the more usual form listed first):
(14) ca-hákti:sk-ís ‘I’m sneezing’
hákti:sk-éy-s ‘I’m sneezing’
(15) hosi:l-éy-s ‘I’m urinating’
ca-hósi:l-ís ‘I’m urinating (unable to control it)’
A verb like litk- ‘run’ will almost always take the agent set. Speakers
will accept the patient set in the right context, however, as when
running downhill:
(16) li:tk-éy-s ‘I’m running’
ca-li:tk-ís ‘I’m running (out of control down a hill)’
Transitive verbs generally use agent markers for the subject and
patient markers for the object even when the subject is not obviously
agentive:
(17) a. ci-na:fk-éy-s
2.PAT-hit.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I am hitting you’
b. ici-nokíc-ay-i:-t ô:-s
2.PAT-love-1S.AG-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘I love you’
Only a few transitive verbs use the patient set for the subject:
(18) a. ó:wa-n ca-yá:c-i:-s
water-N 1S.PAT-want-DUR-IND
‘I want water.’
Agreement 175
b. ó:wa-n ca-hos-î:t-t ó:-s

water-N 1S.P-forget-SPN.FGR-T be.LGR-IND
‘I forgot water.’
The transitive verbs hic-íta ‘to see’ and poh-íta ‘to hear’ are fluid,
using the patient set to give a sense of ability:
(19) a. ó:wa-n hî:c-ey-s
water-N see.FGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I see water.’
b. ó:wa-n ca-híc-i:-s
water-N 1S.PAT-see-DUR-IND
‘I can see water.’
(20) a. ó:wa-n pô:h-ey-s
water-N hear.FGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I hear water.’
b. ó:wa-n ca-póh-i:-s
water-N 1S.PAT-hear-DUR-IND
‘I can hear water.’
Simultaneous use of the patient set for both the subject and the object
in such verbs is awkward:
(21) ci-ca-yâ:c-t ó:-s
2.PAT-1S.PAT-want.FGR-T be.LGR-IND
‘I want you.’
Speakers agree that the best order, however, is to have the prefix for
the object appear before the prefix for the subject.

There are several apparent exceptions to a link between agency and
agreement selection. Several verbs use agent agreement for the subject
when the corresponding English is nonagentive and seems to be
stative:
(22) lêyk-ey-s ‘I’m sitting’ (lit., ‘I have sat down’)
hôyɬ-ey-s ‘I’m standing’ (lit., ‘I have stood up’)
wâ:kk-ey-s ‘I’m lying’ (lit., ‘I have lain down’)
kî:ɬɬ-ey-s ‘I know’ (lit., ‘I have learned’)
hî:c-ey-s ‘I see it’ (lit., ‘I have looked at it’)
â:cc-ey-s ‘I’m wearing it’ (lit., ‘I have put it on’)
The verbs in (22) are in the falling tone grade; as indicated by the
literal translations to the right, these verbs refer to states resulting from
controlled activity. In the lengthened grade, they have agentive, active
uses:
176 §20
(23) leyk-éy-s ‘I’m sitting down’ (getting into the position)

hi:c-éy-s ‘I’m looking at it’
ki:ɬɬ-éy-s ‘I’m learning’
The use of the agent markers in (22) reflects the fact that these verbs
refer to controlled activities.
Some verbs expressing quantification in Creek take agent
agreement. Numerals, for example, are generally agent verbs:
(24) hokkô:l-iy-a:t ahóhy-i:-s
two.FGR-1P.AG-T go.DU.HGR-1P.AG-IND
‘The two of us went.’ (lit., ‘We who got to be two went.’)
(25) toccî:n-iy-a:t apíhy-i:-s
three.FGR-1P.AG-REF go.TPL.HGR-1P.AG-IND
‘The three of us went.’ (lit., ‘We who got to be three went.’)
Here again, the falling tone grade suggests that these verbs, like
positional verbs, refer to an event that is actively entered into (‘got to
be two’).
Verbs indicating questions and omalk- ‘all’ may also use the agent
set:
(26) istô:ⁿw-á:ck-a:t apíhy-a:˅
which.FGR-2P.AG-REF go.TPL.HGR-Q
‘Which of you went?’
(27) omálk-iy-a:t apíhy-i:-s
all-1P.AG-REF go.HGR-1P.AG-IND
‘All of us went.’
The verb om- ‘be’ is also unusual in using the agent set of agreement
markers.9
(28) yahéyk-a-t ô:m-ey-s
sing-NZR-T be.FGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I am a singer.’
When om- is used as an auxiliary, it takes agent agreement if the main
verb is agentive, but has no agreement if the main verb uses the patient
set:
9
This feature distinguishes Creek and Hitchiti-Mikasuki from related languages,
which generally use the patient set in copular sentences. Creek and Hitchiti-Mikasuki
use cognate verbs, however: perhaps the original meaning of this verb was agentive
(e.g., ‘do’ rather than ‘be’).
Agreement 177
(29) a. homp-éy-s
eat.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m eating.’
b. homp-ít o:m-éy-s
eat.LGR-T be.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m eating.’ (periphrastic)
(30) a. ca-láw-i:-s
1S.PAT-hungry-DUR-IND
‘I’m hungry.’
b. ca-láw-i:-t ô:-s
1S.PAT-hungry-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘I’m hungry.’ (periphrastic)
Verbs normally using the patient set for their subjects shift to the
agent set in comparatives, formed by adding instrumental is- and a
form of dative im-.10
(31) a. ca-má:h-i:-t ô:-s
1S.PAT-tall-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘I’m tall.’
b. is-cim-má:h-ay-i:-t ô:-s
INST-2.DAT-tall-1S.AG-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘I’m taller than you.’
This effect appears to be limited to the comparative; dative prefixes
elsewhere may appear with patient prefixes:
(32) a. ca-capákk-i:-s
1S.PAT-mad-DUR-IND
‘I’m mad.’
b. cin-ca-capákk-i:-s
2.DAT-1S.PAT-mad-DUR-IND
‘I’m mad at you.’
The direct and indirect causative (see §25) have the opposite effect
on agreement.11 When a verb that normally uses the agent set for its
subject is made causative, its original subject becomes an object (the
causee) and is marked with the patient set, while the causer is the
subject and is marked with the agent set.
10
This shift is described by Nathan (1977:95), Sakaguchi (1987), and Martin
(1991a).
11
Cohn (1987) and D. Hardy (1988) also note this effect.
178 §20
(33) a. ta:sêyk-ey-s
jump.SG.HGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I jumped.’
b. ca-ta:sk-ipóyhc-íck-is
1S.PAT-jump.SG-make.HGR-2S.AG-IND
‘You made me jump.’
In (33a), the person doing the jumping is marked with the agent set. In
(33b), the person doing the jumping is marked with the patient set
(while the agent set marks the person who causes the other to jump).
This shift may ultimately reflect that a causee has reduced control over
an event.
21 Reflexives and reciprocals
Reflexives and reciprocals are expressed with verbal prefixes i:- and
iti-.
(1) hic-a:k-ís ‘they are looking at it’
í:-hic-a:k-ís ‘they are looking at themselves’
ití-hic-a:k-ís ‘they are looking at each other’
Neither prefix may be used as a possessive on a noun (*itim-ifá ‘each
other’s dogs’). The reciprocal can be an object of a verb or the object
of dative im-, giving the orders im-iti- and iti-m-. The reflexive
generally cannot be the object of dative im-. Basic uses of the reflexive
and reciprocal are discussed below. Rules for determining antecedents
are discussed in §43.
21.1 Reflexive i:-

Reflexives are formed with the prefix i:- (i:y- before a or o):
(2) tǎ:ⁿy-in i:y-ahopan-íck-iko-:^
much.NGR-N RFL-damage-2S.AG-NOT-DUR
‘Have you not damaged yourself?’ (1915.21)
(3) i:kaná ’yi-wos-íhp-it má-n i:y-ák-peyk-atí:-s
ground DIR-dig-SPN.HGR-T that-N RFL-LOC-put.in-PAST5-IND
‘He dug a hole and got in it.’ (1915.27)

(4) cofí-ta:t má-n lakêys-it i:-hisa:yi:c-íhp-it
rabbit-ATN that-N lie.HGR-T RFL-save-SPN.HGR-T
‘Rabbit lied and saved himself . . .’ (1915.8)
The reflexive prefix does not vary according to person: í:-hi:c-ís ‘he’s
looking at himself’; í:-hi:c-éy-s ‘I’m looking at myself’.
The reflexive sometimes has idiomatic uses. The verb apay-itá ‘to
put with’ has two reflexive forms: i:y-apay-itá ‘to take (someone)’ and
i:-pay-íta ‘to marry (of a man)’. The verb a:poheyc-itá means ‘to mind,
obey’, but i:y-a:poheyc-itá could be translated as ‘to be disciplined’.
Similarly, the verb ka:y-itá means ‘to set (two) down’, but i:-ka:y-itá
unexpectedly means ‘to take off one’s clothes’:
180 §21
(5) a:ccakí:-ta:t omǎⁿlka-n i:-ka:y-íhp-it

clothes-ATN all.NGR-N RFL-set.DU-SPN.HGR-T
‘He took off all his clothes . . .’ (1915.12)
21.2 iti- ‘each other, together, pairwise’

The prefix iti- is used to indicate that an activity applies pairwise.
Often it translates in English as a reciprocal (‘each other, one another’):
(6) a. icó-n hic-a:k-ís
deer-N see-PL.LGR-IND
‘They’re looking at a deer.’
b. ití-hic-a:k-ís
RCP-see-PL.LGR-IND
‘They’re looking at each other.’
(7) a. afánk-a:k-ís
kiss-PL.LGR-IND
‘They’re kissing it.’
b. iti-fánk-a:k-ís
RCP-kiss-PL.LGR-IND
‘They’re kissing each other.’
The prefix iti- is commonly shortened to ’ti- at the beginning of a
word. As (7) shows, when iti- is followed by a, that vowel deletes.
Like i:-, the prefix does not vary according to person.
In (6) and (7), iti- fills the role of object. As seen in (8), iti- can also
serve as the object of a prefix like dative im-.
(8) a. opán-a:k-ís
dance-PL.LGR-IND
‘They’re dancing.’
b. iti-m-opán-a:k-ís
RCP-DAT-dance-PL.LGR-IND
‘They’re dancing with each other.’
A verb with iti- does not always have a plural subject. Sometimes
iti- is used to indicate a reciprocal relationship between objects:
(9) wa:ka-píswa, sitá:pho (i)s-íti-homp-éy-s
cow-meat cabbage INST-RCP-eat.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m eating beef and cabbage with each other.’
Another example is (i)ti-kiɬɬ-ipeyc-itá ‘to introduce (two or more
people)’ (lit., ‘get (two or more) to know each other’).
Reflexives and reciprocals 181
Depending on a verb’s meaning, iti- can mean either ‘together’ (10)

or ‘apart’ (11).
(10) ca:s-itá ‘to rake’ iti-ca:s-itá ‘to rake (leaves) together’
pakoc-itá ‘to fold’ iti-pakoc-itá ‘to fold together’
apallay-íta ‘to wrap iti-pallay-íta ‘to twist (wires, etc.) together’
around’
apay-itá ‘to add’ iti-pay-íta ‘to put together; to get married’
a-leyc-itá ‘to put (one) iti-leyc-itá ‘to put (two rocks) next to each
next to’ other, put (one) together’
(11) ti:f-itá ‘to take off (shoes, iti-ti:f-itá ‘to take (a pen and its cap, an
socks)’ engine, etc.) apart’
ɬok-íta ‘to take off (a piece iti-ɬok-íta ‘to take apart’
of clothing)’
yákp-i: ‘forked’ iti-yákp-i: ‘forked’
The explanation seems to be that iti- indicates a pairlike result: with
verbs implying separation (‘take off’, etc.), the reading ‘apart’ results
(i.e., ‘from each other’). Verbs referring to breaking, cutting, or tearing
are similar in that iti- indicates that the action results ‘in two’ or ‘in
parts’:
(12) falápk-i: ‘split (of wood, a iti-falapk-itá ‘(one) to burst in two (as
rock)’ of a watermelon)’
kal-íta ‘to break a piece off’ iti-kal-íta ‘to break (a dish, etc.) in two’
si:t-itá ‘to tear, rip’ iti-si:t-itá ‘to tear (cloth, etc.) in two’
tac-íta ‘to cut (one)’ iti-tac-íta ‘to cut in two, break (a rope)’
The reciprocal prefix iti- is a derivational prefix and sometimes has

unexpected uses. With some verbs, the notion of pairlike activity is
extended to one actor’s movements in relation to another object:
(13) Dale Hall Tower iti-hoyán-íck-áɬi:-s
Dale Hall Tower RCP-pass.SG-2S.AG-FUT-IND
‘You will pass by Dale Hall Tower.’
Other examples of this type appear in (14):
(14) teyk-itá ‘(one) to cross water’ iti-teyk-itá ‘(one) to cross water’
oh-ta:sk-itá ‘to jump toward, onto’ (i)t-oh-ta:sk-itá ‘to jump over,
across’
ohh-aɬ-íta ‘(one) to go around on’ (i)t-ohh-aɬ-íta ‘(one) to go back
and forth’
182 §21
To indicate action performed with another person, iti- combines

with a form of dative im- (15).
(15) ha:y-itá ‘to make (one)’ iti-n-ha:y-itá ‘to make (something) together’
atotk-itá ‘to work’ iti-m-atotk-itá ‘to work together’
The sequence itik- sometimes indicates ‘through’:1
(16) híck-i: ‘visible’ itik-híck-i: ‘see-through (of a veil, etc.)’
hoyan-itá ‘to pass’ itik-hoyan-itá ‘to have diarrhea’
ɬolákk-i: ‘having a itik-ɬolákk-i: ‘having a hole all the way through
hole in it’ (as of a hollow log)’
Some examples are idiomatic, too, as in (17).
(17) wakic-itá ‘to lay (one) down’ iti-wakic-itá ‘to wrestle’
The reciprocal prefix iti- only appears with verbs, in
nominalizations like (i)s-iti-cá:s-ka ‘rake’ (lit., ‘what one rakes
together with’), or with postpositions (iti-n-naɬkapá ‘between’). It is
not generally used as a possessor on nouns: *iti-m-ifá ‘each other’s
dog’.2
Apart from iti-, another way to express reciprocity is with í:mi-álki,
as in (18).
(18) móhm-it í:mi-álki-n má paɬko-fáka iti-n-halâ:t-it
be.so.HGR-T he/she-each-N that grape-vine RCP-DAT-pull.LGR-T
o:m-â:t iɬ-kíɬɬ-a:k-atí:-s
be.LGR-REF DIR-know-PL.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘Then they each realized that the other one had been pulling the
grapevine.’ (1915.3)
1
In Creek, itik- ‘through’ looks as though it consists of reciprocal iti- + locative
ak-. Perhaps it should be compared instead to Mikasuki ihtak- ‘middle’.
2
Exceptions are words like iti-n-híssi ‘friends’ and iti-m-pálsi ‘partners’. These
have corresponding verb forms (iti-n-hiss-itá ‘to become friends’, iti-m-palsi:c-itá ‘to
pair up’) and so may be verbal in origin.
22 Adding objects: dative and
instrumental
Objects can be added to verbs in Creek by prefixing dative im- or
instrumental is- to the verb. Dative im- is used for objects translating as
indirect objects in English (‘to/for (another)’). Instrumental is- is used
for tools (‘with (a hammer, etc.)’) and related concepts.
22.1 Dative im-

A prefix im- is used to add to a verb an object that is interpreted as
benefitting from the action:
(1) a. Bill opóna:y-ís
Bill talk.LGR-IND
‘Bill is talking.’
b. Bill im-ópona:y-ís
Bill DAT-talk.LGR-IND
‘Bill is talking for him/her.’
c. Bill inhíssi-n im-ópona:y-ís
Bill DAT.friend-N DAT-talk.LGR-IND
‘Bill is talking for his friend.’
The person benefitting from the action may be implied, as in (1b), or

explicitly mentioned, as in (1c). When it is explicitly mentioned, it is
treated grammatically like an object and so may be marked with -(i)n.
The dative prefix im- agrees in person and number with the object it
adds:
(2) am-ópona:y-ís ‘he/she is talking for me’
cim-ópona:y-ís ‘he/she is talking for you’
im-ópona:y-ís ‘he/she is talking for another’
pom-ópona:y-ís ‘he/she is talking for us’
The different persons resemble the patient prefixes, except in the first
person singular.
184 §22
Forms ending in m (am-, cim-, im-, pom-) are used before vowels
and the labial consonants m and p. Forms ending in n are used before
other consonants:1
(3) án-yaheyk-ís ‘he/she is singing for me’
cín-yaheyk-ís ‘he/she is singing for you’
ín-yaheyk-ís ‘he/she is singing for another’
pón-yaheyk-ís ‘he/she is singing for us’
The same set of prefixes is also used on nouns to mark nonrelational
possession (§14).
With active verbs, the dative prefix adds an object that is interpreted
broadly as a new endpoint to the situation (i.e., as an entity affected by
the activity). One specific example of this is seen in (1), where the
endpoint is interpreted as benefitting from the activity. Another
example is seen in (4b), this time with a transitive verb.
(4) a. cá:ni-t istaha:kocí-n ha:y-ís
John-T doll-N make.LGR-IND
‘John is making a doll.’
b. cá:ni-t cími-n istaha:kocí-n ín-ha:y-ís
John-T Jim-N doll-N DAT-make.LGR-IND
‘John is making a doll for Jim.’
Sometimes the dative prefix indicates harm, however:
(5) acani:y-itá ‘to peek’ im-acani:y-itá ‘to peek at (someone)’
akiɬɬ-itá ‘to cheat’ im-akiɬɬ-itá ‘to cheat on, deceive’
This reading is particularly common where the activity affects another

through action on a part:
(6) ca-sákpa-n an-káhc-is
1S.PAT-arm-N 1S.DAT-break.HGR-IND
‘He/she broke my arm.’
This part-whole or possessive use is discussed in more detail below
(§22.1.2). A related use is for actions affecting a part of something:
(7) acan-itá ‘to fill (something)’ im-acan-íta ‘to fill (a gas tank, etc.)’
With active verbs describing transmission, im- adds a recipient:
1
Sometimes speakers prefer an-, cin-, etc. before p. In older sources, am-, cim-,
etc. also occur before f and w. In Florida, the first person plural is often pim- or pin-.
Florida Seminoles also commonly use a:ⁿ-, ci:ⁿ-, i:ⁿ-, and po:ⁿ- or pi:ⁿ- before
fricatives.
Adding objects: dative and instrumental 185
(8) laks-itá ‘to tell a lie’ in-laks-itá ‘to tell a lie to’
onay-itá ‘to tell (a story)’ im-onay-íta ‘to tell to’
atot-itá ‘to send’ im-atot-íta ‘to send to’
With verbs describing manner of motion, im- adds a source:
(9) litk-itá ‘(one) to run’ in-litk-itá ‘(one) to run from (someone)’
kapak-itá ‘to separate’ in-kapak-itá ‘to leave (a person or place)’
akoyk-itá ‘to move’ im-akoyk-itá ‘to move out of the way of’
A few stative verbs use dative prefixes to add objects:
(10) a. ca-capákk-i:-s
1S.PAT-mad-DUR-IND
‘I am mad.’
b. cin-ca-capákk-i:-s
2.DAT-1S.PAT-mad-DUR-IND
‘I am mad at you.’
It is difficult to predict whether a verb will agree with an object
using a patient prefix or a dative prefix. Verbs with similar meanings
use different sets:
(11) keyc-ís ‘he/she is telling ca-keyc-ís ‘he/she is telling me’
him/her’
ona:y-ís ‘he/she is telling it’ am-óna:y-ís ‘he/she is telling it to me’
Generally, the dative set is used when the verb is already transitive or
when the verb focuses on manner. Patient prefixes are used when the
patient is a natural endpoint of the activity.

There is also some overlap in function between dative im- and the
direct causative -ic-. This can be seen with verbs referring to clothing:
(12) a. hackatá:ɬka-n ata:ɬ-ís
earring-N hang.LGR-IND
‘He/she is putting on an earring.’
b. hackatá:ɬka-n im-áta:ɬ-ís
earring-N DAT-hang.LGR-IND
‘He/she is putting an earring on another.’
(13) a. hónna-n a:cc-ís
dress-N put.on.LGR-IND
‘He/she is putting on a dress.’
186 §22
b. hónna-n ácci:c-ís
dress-N put.on.LGR-IND
‘He/she is putting a dress on another.’
In (12b), im- indicates that the earring was hung for the benefit of
another. In (13b), direct causative -:c- (from -ic-) indicates that the
action is forced on another. Whether im- or the direct causative will be
used is difficult to predict.2
Dative prefixes usually add objects, but a few verbs use dative
prefixes to agree with their subjects:
(14) an-tá:k-i:-s ‘I am better now’
cin-tá:k-i:-s ‘you are better now’
in-tá:k-i:-s ‘he/she is better now’
pon-tá:k-i:-s ‘we are better now’
One might speculate that in-tá:k-i:-s is literally ‘it is better for him/her
now’, but case marking shows that the subject of this verb is the same
as the English:
(15) an-híssi-t in-tá:k-i:-s
1S.DAT-friend-T DAT-be.better-DUR-IND
‘My friend is better now.’3
The use of an-híssi-t, with subject marker -(i)t, differs from examples
like (1c) where the dative adds an object. Other verbs in which the
dative prefix agrees with the subject are listed below:
(16) a. am-ahlapátk-i:-s
1S.DAT-sober-DUR-IND
‘I am sober.’
b. an-híssi-t im-ahlapátk-i:-t ô:-s
1S.DAT-friend-T DAT-sober-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘My friend is sober.’
(17) a. an-hǐ:ⁿɬ-í:-s
1S.DAT-good.NGR-DUR-IND
‘I feel good.’
b. an-híssi-t in-hǐ:ⁿɬ-í:-s
1S.DAT-friend-T DAT-good.NGR-DUR-IND
‘My friend feels good.’
2
Clothing verbs are treated more fully in Mauldin and Martin (1996).
3
Here and below the subject marker -(i)t is optional. When it appears, it implies
mild contrast (my friend out of a group of people).
(18) a. am-mátt-i:-s
1S.DAT-wrong-DUR-IND
‘I am wrong.’
b. an-híssi-t im-mátt-i:-s
1S.DAT-friend-T DAT-wrong-DUR-IND
‘My friend is wrong.’
(19) a. ám-mi:sk-ís
1S.DAT-sweat.LGR-IND
‘I am sweating.’
b. an-híssi-t ím-mi:sk-ís
1S.DAT-friend-T DAT-sweat.LGR-IND
‘My friend is sweating.’
(20) a. an-kaɬáhpo:l-ís
1S.DAT-burp.LGR-IND
‘I’m burping.’
b. an-híssi-t in-kaɬáhpo:l-ís
1S.DAT-friend-T DAT-burp.LGR-IND
‘My friend is burping.’
In (16)–(20), the shift from first person am- or an- to third person im-
or in- corresponds to the person of the subject. The dative prefix is thus
agreeing with the subject rather than with an object.
The following verbs appear at first to belong to the same class, but
the third person forms show that they differ:
(21) a. an-nókk-i:-s
1S.DAT-hurt-DUR-IND
‘I hurt.’
b. ca-ká-t an-nókk-i:-s
1S.PAT-head-T 1S.DAT-hurt-DUR-IND
‘My head hurts.’
(22) a. an-téyy-i:-s
1S.DAT-sore-DUR-IND
‘I am sore.’
b. ca-sákpa-t an-téyy-i:-s
1S.PAT-arm-T 1S.DAT-sore-DUR-IND
‘My arm is sore.’
188 §22
The dative prefix in (21)–(22) agrees with the possessor of the subject
rather than with the subject, and so belongs to a different construction
(§22.1.2).
I view the dative prefix im- as a derivational prefix (meaning ‘to,
for’) that agrees with its object in the first and second persons. Some
linguists have instead treated im- as a third person dative agreement
marker (‘to/for him/her’). The distinction between these two analyses
is subtle, but the fact that im- can be used in non–third person contexts
suggests that im- is the bare form (i.e., a derivational prefix) rather than
an agreement marker. Thus, verbs that use im- for their subjects use im-
in commands, where subject agreement is normally dropped: in-tá:k-as
‘get ready!’.4
The dative prefix im- has several special uses. The sequence a:-im-
‘with (another)’ is discussed in the following subsection. The use of the
dative with the instrumental (is-im- ‘than (another)’) is discussed in
§41.6.
22.1.1 a:-im- ‘with (another)’

Dative im- combines with a:- (§34.4) to indicate ‘with (another)’:
(23) a. Bill a:-ín-yaheyk-éy-s
Bill DIR-DAT-sing.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m singing with Bill.’
b. cá-cki-n costá:ki-n a:-ín-hopo:y-éy-s
1S.PAT-mother-N egg-N DIR-DAT-look.for.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m helping my mother hunt eggs.’
Special forms of the dative prefixes are used after a:- and undergo
contraction (§34.4).
22.1.2 im- for possession on verbs

Possession in Creek is normally indicated with a prefix on the
possessed noun: am-ífa ‘my dog’ (§14). In some situations, however, a
dative prefix on a verb is used to indicate possession, so that both (24a)
and (24b) are possible:
(24) a. am-ífa-t î:l-is
1S.DAT-dog-T die.SG.FGR-IND
‘My dog died.’
4
This argument was first made for Chickasaw by Munro (1993).
b. ifá-t am-î:l-is
dog-T 1S.DAT-die.SG.FGR-IND
‘My dog died.’ (lit., ‘dog died for/to me’)
I will refer to the construction in (24a), with possessive marking inside
the possessed noun phrase, as internal possession; the structure in
(24b), with marking outside the possessed noun phrase, is referred to
here as external possession.5
The example in (24b) shows external possession with a
nonrelational (alienable) noun. External possession is also found with
relational nouns like cá-nki ‘my hand’, however:
(25) cá-nki-t án-ca:t-ís
1S.PAT-hand-T 1S.DAT-bleed.LGR-IND
‘My hand is bleeding.’
The difference is that relational nouns are obligatorily possessed: in
(24b), internal possession can be omitted because the possessive
relation is shown on the verb; in (25), however, possessive marking
must be retained on the possessed item even though it is indicated on
the verb.
In (24)–(25), the possessed item is in subject position. With
transitive verbs, the possessed item is usually an object and marked
with nonsubject -(i)n (26).
(26) ca-sákpa-n an-káhc-is
1S.PAT-arm-N 1S.DAT-break.HGR-IND
‘He/she broke my arm.’
The possessor is also treated as an object of the verb and marked with
nonsubject -(i)n (27).
(27) méysti(-n) a:tamí-n im-áhopa:n-ís
that.person(-N) car-N DAT-wreck.LGR-IND
‘He/she is wrecking that person’s car.’ (lit., ‘wrecking the car to/for
that person’)
The intransitive pattern differs slightly; the external possessor is not
marked for case and must occur before the subject:
5
This section is a revised and simplified version of Martin (1999). The terms
internal and external possession are from König and Haspelmath (1997). Several
studies have examined external possession in Choctaw and Chickasaw, including
Nicklas (1974), Davies (1986), Munro and Gordon (1982), Munro (1984), Baker
(1988), Broadwell (1990), and Munro (1999). Some authors have used the terms
“possessor ascension,” “possessor raising,” and more specifically “object possessor
raising” for this phenomenon in Choctaw and Chickasaw.
190 §22
(28) méysti(*-t/*-n) ifá-t im-î:l-is

that.person(*-T/*-N) dog-T DAT-die.SG.FGR-IND
‘That person’s dog died.’ (lit., ‘that person, dog died to/for him’)
Sentence pairs like those in (24) are felt to be close in meaning, but
a study of texts shows that external possession is favored in specific
contexts. One common transitive use is where one individual affects
another individual by acting on a body part:
(29) iká-n in-náfk-i: ha:y-ít o:m-êys
3.PAT.head-N D-hit-DUR do.LGR-T be.LGR-even
‘Though [Rabbit] tried to hit [Alligator’s] head . . .’ (1991)
(30) mo:m-ín ca-háɬpi-w′ an-litáf-áɬi:-to:k
be.so.LGR-N 1S.PAT-skin-too 1S.DAT-tear.up-FUT-for
‘And it will tear my skin, too . . .’ (1936a)
(31) itokackocí-n î:s-it hasní:ɬka-n s-ín-ho:sk-ín
twig-N take.SG.FGR-T testicle-N INST-DAT-scratch.LGR-N
‘. . . having taken a twig, [Rabbit] scratches [Wolf’s] testicles . . .’
(1939b)
(32) opá i-tóɬwa-n a:-im-ak-tíhh-in
owl 3.PAT-eye-N LOC-DAT-LOC-put.in.PL-N
‘. . . he put [crumbled wood bits] in Horned Owl’s eyes . . .’ (1939b)
If the action is reflexive (an individual acting on his/her own body
part), external possession is not used, however:
(33) i-hókpi-n óh-na:fk-ít
3.PAT-chest-N LOC-hit.LGR-T
‘[The publican] smote upon his [own] breast ...’ (Luke 18:13)
As a result, internal possession may be reflexive or nonreflexive, while
external possession always implies action on another:
(34) a. ínki-n kawâ:p-is
3.PAT.hand-N raise.FGR-IND
‘He/she raised his/her hand.’ (his/her own hand or someone else’s)
b. ínki-n in-kawâ:p-is
3.PAT.hand-N DAT-raise.FGR-IND
‘He/she raised his/her hand.’ (someone else’s)
The intransitive use is similar, routinely offered when an individual
is affected by a state or change of state in a body part:
(35) cá-nki-t an-táck-i:-t ô:-s

1S.PAT-hand-T 1S.DAT-cut-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘My hand is cut.’
(36) ilí-t in-hasáfk-i:-s
3.PAT.foot-T DAT-swell-DUR-IND
‘His/her foot is swollen.’
(37) ca-kéyssi-t am-itiyókc-i:-s
1S.PAT-head.hair-T 1S.DAT-tangled-DUR-IND
‘My hair is tangled up.’
While less automatic, both the transitive and intransitive uses may
be extended to nonrelational nouns, where an individual is affected by
a state or change of state through a possession:
(38) alipatá-ta:t óywa ín-ka:ɬp-ín ák-leyk-atí:-s
alligator-ATN water DAT-dry.LGR-N LOC-sit.SG.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘. . . the alligator’s water began to dry up as he sat there.’ (ca. 1940c)
External possession is also sometimes used for parts of individuals
where the possessor is not affected by the action:
(39) iká-n in-kawáhp-it
3.PAT.head-N DAT-raise.HGR-T
‘. . . he lifted [the dead deer’s] head . . .’ (1992c)
In (39), the deer is dead and so cannot be affected, but external
possession is still used to indicate action on a part.
The notion of affectedness associated with possessors in the
external possessive pattern can be physical, as in (30)–(33) and (36)–

(38), or emotional, as in (25), (39) and (40):
(40) nâ:kitilómha nâ:k an-hic-iphoy-áɬi:-s
quilt thing 1S.DAT-see-SPN.IMPL-FUT-IND
‘. . . they’ll see my quilts and things.’ (1990a)
Frequently, as in (40), external possession implies negative
consequences such as pain or embarrassment. It is sometimes also used
for positive effects, however:
(41) am-pakpak-í:-s^
1S.DAT-bloom-DUR-IND
‘Mine [my flowers] have bloomed!’
In (41), both the possessed item and the noun phrase possessor are
implied. It is also possible to have an overt noun phrase possessor with
a possessed item implied:
192 §22
(42) Bill in-káhc-ey-s

Bill DAT-break.HGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I broke Bill’s.’
In the examples examined so far, the possessed item has either been
a subject of an intransitive verb or an object of a transitive verb. The
relationship is more indirect in (43), where the possessed item is a
location:
(43) locá-t hokt-akí-n honna-ó:fa-n in-hic-íta-n iyâ:c-it
turtle-T woman-PL-N dress-inside-N DAT-see-INF-N want.FGR-T
a:ɬ-atí:-s
go.about.SG.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘There once was a turtle who wanted to look up women’s dresses.’
(1915.27)
Possessed locations are also implied in (44)–(45):
(44) cim-o:sk-á˅
2.DAT-rain.LGR-Q
‘Is it raining at yours [your place]?’
(45) ’ɬ-am-oɬ-ás
DIR-1S.DAT-reach-IMP
‘Come over to mine [my place].’
22.2 Instrumental is-

Creek has an instrumental prefix is- (often s- before vowels) with many
closely related uses on verbs.6
One use of is- is to imply or add an instrument to a clause:

(46) a. Bill sókha-n hi:c-ís
Bill hog-N see.LGR-IND
‘Bill is looking at a hog.’
b. Bill sókha-n ís-hi:c-ís
Bill hog-N INST-see.LGR-IND
‘Bill is looking at a hog (with something).’
6
Booker (1980) suggested that the instrumental prefix is- derives from the verb is-
‘take, hold (one)’, which may explain some of its uses. The prefix is not restricted to
singular objects, however. It is commonly shortened to s- before h. When a word like
is-ho:ccéyc-ka ‘pen, pencil’ is shortened to s-ho:ccéyc-ka, the sh cluster sounds like an
aspirated s.
c. Bill is-hic-íta sókha-n ís-hi:c-ís

Bill INST-see-INF hog-N INST-see.LGR-IND
‘Bill is looking at a hog with binoculars.’
In (46b), the presence of is- on the verb implies that the action was
performed with an instrument. This instrument may be mentioned
explicitly, as in (46c). The added noun phrase is-hic-íta ‘binoculars’ in
(46c) is treated grammatically as an object and may be marked with
-(i)n.
Further examples of the instrumental use are seen in (47).
(47) homp-itá ‘to eat’ is-homp-itá ‘to eat with (a spoon, etc.)’
ahkopan-itá ‘to play’ (i)s-ahkopan-itá ‘to play with (a toy)’
(i)tiya:m-itá ‘to stir’ (i)s-itiya:m-itá ‘to stir with (a spoon, etc.)’
(i)maha:y-itá ‘to teach’ (i)s-imaha:y-itá ‘to teach with (a book)’
The notion of instrument is easily extended to more abstract uses,
however:
(48) in-fi:k-itá ‘to pay (someone)’ (i)s-in-fi:k-itá ‘to pay (someone)
with (money)’
in-fayat-itá ‘to guide (someone)’ (i)s-in-fayat-itá ‘to guide by (a set
of rules)’
Often, particularly with verbs of motion, is- indicates that the subject is
accompanied by another or carrying something:
(49) ay-íta ‘(one) to go’ (i)s-ay-itá ‘(one) to take’
at-íta ‘(one) to come’ (i)s-at-itá ‘(one) to bring’
ak-ci:y-itá ‘(one) to enter water’ (i)s-ak-ci:y-itá ‘(one) to take

underwater’
aɬ-íta ‘(one) to go around’ (i)s-aɬ-itá ‘(one) to take around,
date’
In each of the above examples, is- changes the number of objects a
verb may take. In (46a), the verb is a transitive verb with one object. In
(46c), the verb has two objects. With verbs of motion, as in (49), is-
can add an animate object to a verb; in this case, patient person
markers are used for the added object:
(50) a. a:y-ís
go.SG.LGR-IND
b. (i)s-ác-a:y-ís
INST-1S.PAT-go.SG.LGR-IND
‘He/she is taking me.’ (lit., ‘going me with’)
194 §22
Note that the added object in (50b) is marked on the verb (after is-).7
There are other uses of is- where the added object is implied in the
discourse.8 Another use of is- with verbs of motion, for example, is
when the subject is in control of an animal or vehicle.9
(51) (i)ci:y-itá ‘(one) to enter’ (i)s-ici:y-itá ‘(one) to enter (driving a
car), take in’
a:ssi:c-itá ‘to chase’ (i)s-a:ssi:c-itá ‘to chase (driving a car),
chase with (a stick, etc.)’
hoyan-itá ‘(one) to pass by’ is-hoyan-itá ‘(one) to ride by, pass with
(a child, etc.)’
A different reading is found when speaking of pots, buckets, or other
containers:
(52) a. siskitá-n î:s-ey-s
cup-N hold.SG.FGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m holding a cup (one that’s empty).’
b. siskitá-n (i)s-î:s-ey-s
cup-N INST-hold.SG.FGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m holding a cup (one that contains something).’
c. ássi-n (i)s-î:s-ey-s
tea-N INST-hold.SG.FGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m holding the tea (in a container).’
The implication in (52b) is that the cup is being held with something
else (in this case inside it). Similarly, is- is used in (52c) because the
tea is in something. Similar examples appear in (53).10
(53) ak-can-íta ‘to pour (one) (i)s-ak-can-íta ‘to pour (one) into (a pot
into’ of soup, a bucket of water)’
leyc-itá ‘to set (one) down’ is-leyc-itá ‘to set down (a basket of
eggs, a sack of groceries, etc.)’
7
The reciprocal may also be used this way:
(i)s-íti-homp-éy-s
INST-RCP-eat.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m eating (one food with another).’
8
There are also many fixed uses involving the instrumental where it is not
possible to recover the object. The word fáck-i: ‘full’ has a contrasting form is-fáck-i:
‘full (of the moon)’, but it is not clear what the is- refers to. While is- often adds
objects, many uses thus seem classificatory.
9
These are not the only readings available to these verbs.
10
With cooking verbs, the sequence (i)s-ak- conventionally implies grease: ak-
mo:ɬic-íta ‘to boil (an egg, etc.)’ vs. (i)s-ak-mo:ɬic-íta ‘to fry’.
a:-in-weyy-itá ‘to hold out a:-is-in-weyy-itá ‘to hold (a bowl of

toward’ food) out toward’
afall-itá ‘to throw at’ (i)s-afall-itá ‘to throw out (dishwater in
a pan)’
Books and pictures often trigger use of the instrumental because they
contain things:
(54) a. cató-n î:s-ey-s
rock-N hold.SG.FGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m holding a rock.’
b. có:ka-n (i)s-î:s-ey-s
book-N INST-hold.SG.FGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m holding a book.’
Similarly, items with salient parts (dentures, eyeglasses, a headdress, a
watch, a harness, a tree with fruit) often trigger use of the instrumental:
(55) i:-peyk-itá ‘to pocket’ (i)s-i:-peyk-itá ‘to pocket (eyeglasses, a
watch, etc.)’
ɬok-íta ‘to take off is-ɬok-íta ‘to take off (a watch, etc.)’
(clothing)’
a-wakk-itá ‘(one) to lie (i)s-a-wakk-itá ‘to lie on the side of (as of a
up against’ patch of berries on a hill)’
Use of the instrumental seems to depend on the degree to which the
“parts” are in the mind of the speaker. Margaret Mauldin observes that
a speaker may choose to use the instrumental in speaking of an apron,
for example, if the apron has a large pocket or a salient splotch of
batter on it.
With verbs expressing sickness, emotion, or a condition, is- may
indicate a cause:
(56) (i)nókk-i: ‘sick’ (i)s-inókk-i: ‘sick from (a disease)’
il-íta ‘(one) to die’ (i)s-il-itá ‘(one) to die from (thirst,
etc.), die for (a reason)’
i:lisk-itá ‘to be envious’ (i)s-i:lisk-itá ‘to be envious of
(something)’
in-homíc-i: ‘angry at (i)s-in-homíc-i: ‘angry about
(someone)’ (something)’
a:fáck-i: ‘happy’ (i)s-a:fáck-i: ‘happy about’
capákk-i: ‘angry’ is-capákk-i: ‘angry about
(something)’
istimiɬk-itá ‘to suffer’ (i)s-istimiɬk-itá ‘to suffer from’
196 §22
fikcákh-i: ‘jealous’ is-fikcákh-i: ‘jealous from’

hakeyhk-itá ‘(one) to cry’ is-hakeyhk-itá ‘(one) to cry about’
sapát-i: ‘smelling, permeated’ is-sapát-i: ‘smelling of’
Depending on the verb, is- may trigger more specific changes in
meaning:
(57) hic-íta ‘to see, look at’ is-hic-íta ‘to find’
aha:y-itá ‘to draw’ (i)s-aha:y-itá ‘to mock, imitate’
im-ponay-itá ‘to talk to’ (i)s-im-ponay-itá ‘to talk to about’
halat-itá ‘to hold’ is-halat-itá ‘to hold by (a leash)’
atohk-itá ‘to drive off (animals)’ (i)s-atohk-itá ‘to drive (a car)’
While the instrumental does not appear on nouns, it commonly
appears in nominalizations referring to tools: pa:s- ‘sweep’, is-pá:s-ka
‘broom’ (lit., ‘what one sweeps with’). Other uses of the instrumental
are discussed elsewhere, including comparatives like (i)s-im-má:h-i:
‘taller than’ (§41.6), and ordinals like (i)s-a-hokkô:l-a:t ‘the second’
(§33.2).
23 Plural verbs
Distinctions between singular and plural are rarely made in Creek
nouns (§12), but verbs indicate number in several different ways:
• by full or partial suppletion (replacement): cótk-i: ‘(one) small’,
lopóck-i: ‘(two or more) small’;
• by reduplication: hátk-i: ‘(one) white’, hathak-í: ‘(two or more)
white’;
• by adding -ak-: cá:t-i: ‘(one) red’, ca:t-ak-í: ‘(two or more) red’.
Suppletion is restricted to a fairly small set of common verbs.
Reduplication is generally used for stative verb roots (“adjectives”)
ending in a consonant cluster. Other verbs generally use -ak-.
23.1 Suppletive verbs

Many common verbs in Creek have special forms used when a subject
or object is plural:1
ka:k-itá ‘(two) to sit’
apo:k-itá ‘(three or more) to sit’
These verbs typically indicate that the theme of the verb (the noun
phrase interpreted as being in a location or undergoing movement) is

plural. With intransitive verbs like leyk-itá ‘to sit’, the subject is the
theme; with transitive verbs like leyc-itá ‘to set’, the direct object is the
theme:
(2) leyc-itá ‘to set (one)’
ka:y-itá ‘to set (two)’
apo:y-itá ‘to set (three or more)’
Verbs either make a two- or three-way distinction in number. The
intransitive verbs in table 23.1 make a two-way distinction between
singular or plural subjects.2
1
See Haas (1948) and Nathan (1977) for work in this area.
2
Many reduplicated verbs are in this class, though they are treated separately
below (§23.3.2).
198 §23
TABLE 23.1. INTRANSITIVES SHOWING A SINGULAR-PLURAL DISTINCTION

SG. SUBJECT PL. SUBJECT
apeyk-itá atihk-itá ‘to get inside’
cótk-i: lopóck-i: ‘small’
héyy-i: heyhoy-í: ‘hot’
kasápp-i: kasaphoy-í: ‘cold’
il-íta pasatk-itá ‘to die’
inókk-i: inokhok-í: ‘sick’
káck-i: kací:k-i: ‘snapped, broken’
oponay-íta opona:hoy-íta ‘to talk’
teyy-itá teyhoy-íta ‘to ache’
A few transitive verbs make a two-way distinction between singular or

plural direct objects (table 23.2).
TABLE 23.2. TRANSITIVES SHOWING A SINGULAR-PLURAL DISTINCTION

SG. OBJECT PL. OBJECT
apeyk-itá atih-itá ‘to put inside’
coticeyc-itá lopociceyc-itá ‘to make small’
hatapiceyc-itá hataphoyc-itá ‘to make step down’
ili:c-itá pasat-itá ‘to kill’
is-íta caw-íta ‘to take’
kac-íta kaci:y-itá ‘to snap’
soloticeyc-itá solothoyc-itá ‘to make slide’

somiceyc-itá somhoyc-itá ‘to lose’
tamiceyc-itá tamhoyc-itá ‘to make fly, flush’
yifoliceyc-itá yifolhoyc-itá ‘to make go back’
Verbs referring to position or movement usually make a three-way

distinction between singular (one), dual (two), or triplural (three or
more).3 Table 23.3 lists intransitive verbs selecting for the number of
the subject.4
3
The term “triplural” is from Harrington (1928). Some linguists use the term
“multiple” in this context.
4
Many of these verbs also have derived forms. Thus, ay-íta / ahoy-itá / apiy-itá
‘(one / two / three or more) to go’ has derived forms (a)cakk-ayíta / (a)cakk-ahoy-itá /
(a)cakk-apiy-itá ‘to follow’ and ohh-ay-íta / ohh-ahoy-itá / ohh-apiy-itá ‘to go toward’.
Plural verbs 199
TABLE 23.3. INTRANSITIVES SHOWING A SINGULAR-DUAL-TRIPLURAL

DISTINCTION
SG. SUBJECT DUAL SUBJECT TRIPL. SUBJECT

(a)cimk-itá (a)cimhok-íta (a)cimic-íta ‘to climb’
alak-itá ala:hok-íta yeyc-itá ‘to arrive’
aɬ-íta wilak-itá foll-itá ‘to go about’
at-íta athoy-íta aw-íta ‘to come’
ay-íta ahoy-itá apiy-itá ‘to go’
(i)ci:y-itá (i)ci:hoy-íta isci:y-itá ‘to go in’
feyk-itá feyhok-íta fayic-itá ‘to turn’
folotk-itá folothok-íta folotic-íta ‘to turn around’
hoyan-itá hoyanhoy-íta hoyanic-íta ‘to pass by’
hoyɬ-itá siho:k-itá sapakl-itá ‘to stand’
hakeyhk-itá hakeyhhok-íta haka:hic-íta ‘to cry’
hatapk-itá hataphok-íta hatapic-íta ‘to go down’
litk-itá tokoɬk-itá pifa:tk-itá ‘to run’
leyk-itá ka:k-itá apo:k-itá ‘to sit’
latk-itá yoɬk-itá palatk-itá ‘to fall’
noc-íta nochoy-íta noceyc-itá ‘to sleep’
oss-itá oshoy-íta soss-itá ‘to go out, get out’
peyhk-itá peyhhok-itá pa:hic-íta ‘to whoop’
solotk-itá solothok-íta solotic-íta ‘to slide’
somk-itá somhok-íta somic-itá ‘to be lost’
ta:sk-itá ta:shok-íta ta:sic-íta ‘to jump’

teyk-itá teyhok-íta tayic-itá ‘to go across water’
tamk-itá tamhok-íta tamic-itá ‘to fly’
wakk-itá wakhok-íta lomh-itá ‘to lie’
wo:hk-itá wo:hhok-íta wo:hic-íta ‘to bark’
(no singular) wolk-itá wolic-itá ‘to go outside’
’yifolk-itá ’yifolhok-íta ’yifolic-íta ‘to go back’
A few transitive verbs (usually derived from intransitives) have a three-

way distinction in the number of the direct object (table 23.4).
200 §23
TABLE 23.4. TRANSITIVES SHOWING A SINGULAR-DUAL-TRIPLURAL

DISTINCTION
SG. OBJECT DUAL OBJECT TRIPL. OBJECT

leyc-itá ka:y-itá apo:y-itá ‘to set, seat’
hoyɬeyc-itá siho:y-itá sapakli:c-itá ‘to stand’
liticeyc-itá tokoɬhoyc-itá pifa:ticeyc-itá ‘to run off’
osseyc-itá oshoyc-itá sosseyc-itá ‘to let go out, put
out’
wakic-itá wakhokeyc-itá lomheyc-itá ‘to lay’
The use of plural forms of verbs can be difficult even for native
speakers. A few patterns for forming duals and triplurals are evident in
the above data and are discussed below.
23.1.1 Plural/dual -ho-

As shown above, many dual and plural suppletive verbs include an
element -ho-. The placement of this element is complex, but parallels
the placement of reduplication (§23.3).
If a root ends in k or y, -ho- appears before that consonant.5
(3) ay-íta ‘(one) to go’ ahoy-itá (two)
ta:sk-itá ‘(one) to jump’ ta:shok-íta (two)
If a root ends in any other single consonant, -hoy- appears after that
consonant:
(4) hoyan-itá ‘(one) to pass’ hoyanhoy-íta (two)

at-íta ‘(one) to come’ athoy-íta (two)
If a root ends in a geminate consonant, the geminate is simplified:
(5) oss-itá ‘(one) to go out’ oshoy-íta (two)
If -ho- is preceded by two light syllables, the second light syllable is
lengthened:
(6) alak-itá ‘(one) to arrive’ ala:hok-íta (two)
The basic meaning of -ho- is plural (two or more). When there is a
special triplural form, however, the form with -ho- is limited to dual:
5
Many instances of verb-final k and y in Creek derive historically from the Proto-
Muskogean auxiliary suffixes *ka and *li. The placement of -ho- before final k and y
reflects the Proto-Muskogean order *VERB-ho-(ka/li) (Martin 1994a; Martin and
Munro 2005).
Plural verbs 201
(7) inókk-i: ‘(one) sick’ inokhok-í: (two or more; no triplural form)

wakk-itá ‘(one) to lie’ wakhok-íta (two) lomh-itá (three or more)
23.1.2 Intransitive triplural -ic-

As can be seen in table 23.3, many triplural verbs are formed by
dropping the final k of the singular and adding an element -ic- (or -yc-
after a stem-vowel):
(8) folotk-itá ‘(one) to turn around’ folotic-íta (three or more)
hatapk-itá ‘(one) to go down’ hatapic-íta (three or more)
This triplural suffix -ic- is identical in form to direct causative -ic-
(§24), but distinct in meaning. Note in particular that both suffixes
have the odd property of replacing a final k in the stem.
Triplural -ic- is only found with intransitive verbs. As a result, a
number of verbs have a three-way distinction in the intransitive form,
but only a two-way distinction in the corresponding transitive:
(9) somk-itá somhok-íta somic-itá
‘(one) to be lost’ ‘(two) to be lost’ ‘(three) to be lost’

somiceyc-itá somhoyc-itá
‘to lose (one)’ ‘to lose (two or more)’
In (9), the dual stem somhok- is formed by infixing -ho- to singular
somk-. Triplural somic- is also derived from somk-, this time by
deleting k and adding -ic-. Direct causatives are normally formed the
same way. In the case of somiceyc- ‘lose (one)’, however, a special
long form -iceyc- is used to avoid confusion with the triplural. The
direct causative of somhok- is somhoyc-, again formed by deleting k
and adding -ic-. Because triplural -ic- is not used in transitive forms,
somhoyc- is used broadly for two or more.
23.2 Number selection tied to theme

Prefixes and suffixes in Creek alter the number and arrangement of a
verb’s arguments. In each case, number selection is tied to the theme
(the argument interpreted as being in a location, as undergoing
movement, or as undergoing a change of state). It is also primarily
verbs of location or movement that select for number.
Transitive verbs may be made intransitive by adding middle -k-
(§24). When this happens, the theme shifts from direct object to
subject, and number selection shifts accordingly:
202 §23
(10) atih-itá ‘to put (two or more) atihk-itá ‘(two or more) to get inside’
inside’
Intransitive verbs may be made transitive by adding a form of direct
causative -ic-. In this case, the theme shifts from subject to direct
object:
(11) hoyɬ-itá ‘(one) to stand’ (intr.) hoyɬeyc-itá ‘to stand (one)’ (trans.)
In each of these examples, number selection is tied to the argument
undergoing change: with (middle) intransitive verbs, the subject is
interpreted as undergoing change; with transitive verbs, it is the direct
object that is interpreted as a theme.6
Various prefixes may be used to add objects to verbs. In this case,
number selection never shifts to the added object:
(12) a. leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit’
a-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit at, sit on (a wall, ceiling, etc.)’
in-leyk-itá ‘(one) to live with’
is-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit (with something, as a clump of trees with
fruit, etc.)’
oh-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit on top of’
b. leyc-itá ‘to set, seat (one)’
a-leyc-itá ‘to seat (one) at’
is-leyc-itá ‘to set (something that contains something, as one basket
of eggs)’
oh-leyc-itá ‘to set (one) on top of’
In all the forms in (12) it is the subject (the one who ‘sits’ or ‘lives’ in
(12a)) or the causee object (the one who is made to sit or be
somewhere in (12b)) that is specified as singular; the number selection

does not apply to the object that is added by the prefixes a-, in-, is-,
oh-.
6
Jackendoff’s (1983) approach to verb meaning helps clarify these alternations. I
assume that verbs of motion and position are represented by the abstract verb GO in
Creek. Verb pairs like leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit’ and leyc-itá ‘to set (one)’ that select for a
singular argument would then have representations like the following:
leyk-itá [Event GO ([ONE], [PATH])]
leyc-itá [Event CAUSE ([THING], [Event GO ([ONE], [PATH])])]
In each case, number selection is tied to the entity undergoing movement (the theme or
subject of GO). The English verb sit is usually thought to indicate a state (BE): the
Creek verb is possibly closer to English squat.
Plural verbs 203
23.3 Intransitive reduplication

Creek often forms distributives of verbs by repeating a portion of a
verb root. In the most common pattern, a copy of the first consonant
and following vowel of the verb root (C1V1) is placed before the final
consonant:
(13) hátk-i: ‘white’ hathak-í: (two or more)
likácw-i: ‘dirty’ likacliw-í: (two or more)
lowáck-i: ‘soft’ lowaclok-í: (two or more)
The placement of the copy depends on the shape of the verb, however,
and will be treated in more detail below.
Reduplication signals that the theme of the verb is plural or
distributed in location or time. It is most commonly found in
descriptive verbs (generally translating as adjectives), where the usual
interpretation is that the subject is plural:
(14) a. am-istilipéyka lást-i:-t ô:-s
1S.DAT-shoe black-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘My shoe is black.’
b. am-istilipéyka laslat-í:-t ô:-s
1S.DAT-shoe black.RED-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘My shoes are black.’
With active verbs, the usual interpretation is that the activity is
distributed in time:
(15) sa:kk-itá ‘to yelp’ sa:ksa:k-itá ‘to be yelping repeatedly’ (lgr.)
ta:sk-itá ‘to jump’ ta:sta:k-itá ‘to be jumping repeatedly’ (lgr.)

With verbs indicating position, the usual inference is that the theme is
distributed in place:
(16) apo:k-itá ‘(three or more) to sit, live’ apo:pok-íta (in several places)
apo:y-itá ‘to set (three or more)’ apo:poyc-itá (in several
places)
23.3.1 Placement of C1V1

It is the first sequence of consonant + vowel in the root that is copied.
Initial vowels and prefixes are skipped over:
(17) acá:k-i: ‘precious’ aca:cak-í: (two or more)
ahóɬk-i: ‘sewn’ ahoɬhok-í: (two or more)
atáɬk-i: ‘hanging’ ataɬtak-í: (two or more)
204 §23
The placement of the copy parallels the placement of plural/dual

-ho- (§23.1.1). For roots ending in k (the largest class) or y, the C1V1
copy appears before that final consonant:
(18) a:fánk-i: ‘sticking out’ a:fanfak-í: (two or more)
a-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit at, sit on (a a-leylak-íta (here and there)
wall, etc.)’
a-ló:fk-i: ‘smeared on’ a-lo:flok-í: ‘smeared on (in more
than one place)’
apo:k-itá ‘(three or more) to sit’ apo:pok-íta ‘(three or more) to
live separately’
cafk-itá ‘to drip’ cafcak-íta ‘to drip repeatedly’
cápk-i: ‘long’ capcak-í: (two or more)
citákk-i: ‘torn up’ citakcik-í: (two or more)
fáck-i: ‘full (of a container)’ facfak-í: (two or more)
falápk-i: ‘split’ falapfak-í: (two or more)
fánk-i: ‘sticking out’ fanfak-í: (two or more)
fásk-i: ‘sharp’ fasfak-í: (two or more)
fayátk-i: ‘crooked’ fayatfak-í: (two or more)
hasátk-i: ‘clean’ hasathak-í: (two or more)
hátk-i: ‘white’ hathak-í: (two or more)
háwk-i: ‘open’ hawhak-í: (two or more)
hopánk-i: ‘broken’ hopanhok-í: (two or more)
lísk-i: ‘old (of a thing)’ lislik-í: (two or more)
lowáck-i: ‘soft’ lowaclok-í: (two or more)
láwk-i: ‘deep (of water)’ lawlak-í: (two or more)

lapótk-i: ‘straight (of a stick, etc.)’ lapotlak-í: (two or more)
lowá:k-i: ‘limber, flexible’ lowa:lok-í: (two or more)
ɬákk-i: ‘big’ ɬakɬak-í: (two or more)
pá:kk-i: ‘inflated’ pa:kpak-í: (two or more)
patá:k-i: ‘spread out’ pata:pak-í: (two or more)
sílk-i: ‘sliced’ silsik-í: (of several loaves of
bread)
sófk-i: ‘deep (of a hole, etc.)’ sofsok-í: (two or more)
tánk-i: ‘empty’ tantak-í: (two or more)
tikínk-i: ‘on tiptoe’ tikintik-í: (two or more)
tolk-itá ‘to fall over (as of a tree)’ toltok-íta (two or more)
tónk-i: ‘trimmed (of hair, etc.)’ tontok-í: (two or more)
Plural verbs 205
tó:sk-i: ‘mangy’ to:stok-í: (two or more)

yomóck-i: ‘dark’ yomocyok-í: (as of several
rooms)
Roots that end in a single consonant other than k or y do not normally
permit reduplication. The few that do place C1V1y after the final
consonant.7
(19) má:h-i: ‘tall’ ma:hmay-í: (two or more)
If a root ends in a geminate consonant, the geminate is first simplified:
(20) como:tt-itá ‘to hop’ como:tco:y-itá ‘to be bouncing’8
cami:ss-itá ‘to dodge’ cami:sca:y-itá ‘to be seesawing’
holá:tt-i: ‘blue’ hola:thoy-í: (two or more)9
hónn-i: ‘heavy’ honhoy-í: (two or more)
nika:tt-itá ‘to nod once’ nika:tni:y-itá ‘to be nodding repeatedly’
If the C1V1 copy is preceded by two light syllables, the second light
syllable is lengthened:
(21) wanák-i: ‘tied’ wana:wak-í: (two or more)
If a root ends in a consonant cluster, C1V1 is placed before the final
consonant:
(22) a-cákh-i: ‘(one) sticking in (a wall)’ a-cakcah-í: (two or more)
a-kaɬp-itá ‘to dry up (of a creek, etc.)’ a-kaɬkap-íta (two or more)
alokp-itá ‘to stick to’ aloklop-íta (two or more)
cámp-i: ‘sweet’ camcap-í: (two or more)
cíkf-i: ‘thick (of paper, cloth, etc.)’ cikcif-í: (two or more)

fámp-i: ‘stinky, bad-smelling’ famfap-í: (two or more)
hálw-i: ‘high’ halhaw-í: (two or more)
káɬp-i: ‘dry’ kaɬkap-í: (two or more)
kónh-i: ‘bent’ konkoh-í: (two or more)
lácp-i: ‘wet’ laclap-í: (two or more)
likácw-i: ‘dirty’ likacliw-í: (two or more)
7
The verb poto:k-itá ‘to bow the head’ also shows this pattern even though it ends
in k.
8
What I transcribe as tc here is indistinguishable phonetically from cc. The
reduplicated forms of some verbs are more natural in the lengthened grade (‘to be
bouncing’ instead of ‘to bounce’).
9
Words like hola:thoy-í: ‘(two or more) blue’, holhok-í: ‘(two or more) scalded’,
and honhoy-í: ‘(two or more) heavy’ could be analyzed as instances of plural/dual -ho-
rather than reduplication.
206 §23
likóth-i: ‘warm’ likotlih-í: (two or more)

líkw-i: ‘rotten, rusted’ likliw-í: (two or more)
lomh-itá ‘(three or more) to lie’ lomloh-íta (separately)
lást-i: ‘black’ laslat-í: (two or more, as of
shoes)
páfn-i: ‘fast, quick’ pafpan-í: (two or more)
takácw-i: ‘hard (of dried corn)’ takactaw-í: (two or more)
talásw-i: ‘tough’ talastaw-í: (as of pork chops)
táph-i: ‘wide’ taptah-í: (two or more)
tífn-i: ‘dull’ tiftin-í: (two or more)
wánh-i: ‘hard’ wanwah-í: (two or more)
yákp-i: ‘forked’ yakyap-í: (two or more)
As first noted by Haas (1977a), when the singular verb ends in kl,
km, kn, or ks, the plural form is created by reversing these consonants
and infixing the copy before the k.10
(23) anataks-itá ‘to look up’ anatasnak-íta (two or more)
cafíkn-i: ‘healthy’ cafincak-í: (two or more)
calákn-i: ‘mushy’ calancak-í: (two or more)
caníks-i: ‘sideways’ caniscak-í: (two or more)
cofókn-i: ‘pointed’ cofoncok-í: (two or more)
comokl-itá ‘to stoop over’ comolcok-íta (two or more)
falíkn-i: ‘lopsided’ falinfak-í: (two or more)
kaláks-i: ‘having a piece kalaskak-í: (two or more)
broken off’
kamóks-i: ‘sour’ kamoskak-í: (two or more)
polóks-i: ‘round’ polospok-í: (two or more)
tahókn-i: ‘light in weight’ tahontak-í: (two or more)
talíks-i: ‘flared’ talistak-í: (two or more)
tapíks-i: ‘flat’ tapistak-í: (two or more, e.g., car
tires)
tilíkm-i: ‘fine’ tilimtik-í: (e.g., blankets)
topáks-i: ‘bland’ topastok-í: (two or more)
wapáks-i: ‘bloated’ wapaswak-í: (two or more)
10
Reduplication is most common with stems ending in k. By metathesizing the
consonants in these forms, the plural form comes to resemble the more common class
of k-final stems.
Plural verbs 207
wipíkl-i: ‘furry’ wipilwik-í: (two or more)
23.3.2 Reduplication in derived transitive verbs

Reduplication is limited to intransitive verbs, but intransitive
reduplicated verbs can be made transitive, as in (24).
(24) a. fáck-i: ‘full’ b. facfak-í: ‘(two or more) full’

c. facic-itá ‘to fill’ d. facfeyc-itá ‘to fill (two or more)’
In the above paradigm, (24b) is derived from (24a) by reduplication,
and (24c) is derived from (24a) through use of the direct causative (in
this case, by replacing the final k with direct causative -ic-).11 The
paradigm in (25) is a slight variation on the above pattern:
(25) a. citákk-i: ‘torn up, b. citakcik-í: ‘(two or more) torn up’
mashed’

c. citak-itá ‘to tear up, d. citakci:c-itá ‘to tear up (two or
mash’ more)’
In this paradigm, (25b) is derived from (25a) by reduplication; (25a) is
derived from the transitive in (25c) by adding middle voice -k-; (25d) is
derived from (25b) by replacing final k with direct causative -ic-, as in
(24).
The paradigms in (26) are like fáck-i: ‘full’. The transitive singular
is derived from the intransitive singular by adding a form of direct
causative -ic-. The transitive plural is derived from the intransitive
plural by deleting final k and adding a form of -ic-.

(26) a. cafíkn-i: ‘(one) well, healthy’ cafincak-í: (two or more)
cafikneyc-itá ‘to heal (one), make cafinceyc-itá (two or more)
(one) well’
b. fásk-i: ‘(one) sharp’ fasfak-í: (two or more)
fasic-itá ‘to sharpen (one)’ fasfeyc-itá (two or more)
c. hátk-i: ‘(one) white’ hathak-í: (two or more)
hatic-itá ‘to whiten (one), hatheyc-itá (two or more)
make (one) white’
d. háwk-i: ‘(one) open’ hawhak-í: (two or more)
hawic-itá ‘to open (one)’ hawheyc-itá (two or more)
11
Note that this is direct causative -ic- rather than triplural -ic- (which is restricted
to intransitive verbs).
208 §23
e. patá:k-i: ‘(one) spread out, flattened’ pata:pak-í: (two or more)

pateyc-itá ‘to spread (one) out’ pata:peyc-itá (two or more)
The paradigms in (27) are like citákk-i: ‘torn up’. The intransitive
singular is derived from the transitive singular by adding middle -k-,
and the transitive plural is again derived from the intransitive plural by
deleting final k and adding -ic-.
(27) a. akhótk-i: ‘(one) closed’ akhothok-í: (two or more)
akhott-itá ‘to close (one)’ akhothoyc-itá (two or more)
b. atihk-itá ‘(two or more) to get in’ atihtik-í: (in separate places)
atih-itá ‘to put (two or more) in’ atihti:c-itá (into separate
places)
c. atáɬk-i: ‘(one) hanging’ ataɬtak-í: (as of coats)
ataɬ-itá ‘to hang (one) up’ ataɬteyc-itá (two or more)
d. ɬókk-i: ‘(one) having come off’ ɬokɬok-í: (two or more)
ɬok-íta ‘to take off (a shoe)’ ɬokɬoyc-itá (two or more)
e. tolk-itá ‘to fall over (as of a tree)’ toltok-íta (two or more)
tol-íta ‘to fell (a tree)’ toltoyc-itá (two or more)
f. tónk-i: ‘trimmed (of hair, etc.)’ tontok-í: (two or more)
ton-íta ‘to trim (hair, a hedge)’ tontoyc-itá (two or more)
The verbs in (28) show a variation of the fáck-i: ‘full’ type. In these,
the transitive singulars have -y- instead of -ic-, but the plurals are the
same as the above.
(28) a. apo:k-itá ‘(three or more) to sit’ apo:pok-íta (in separate places)

apo:y-itá ‘to set, seat (three or apo:poyc-itá (in separate places)
more)’
b. ha:k-itá ‘(one) to become’ ha:hak-íta (two or more)
ha:y-itá ‘to make (one), prepare’ ha:heyc-itá (two or more things)
c. wanák-i: ‘(one) tied’ wana:wak-í: (two or more)
wanay-itá to tie (one)’ wana:weyc-itá (two or more)
The verbs in (29) are a second variation of the fáck-i: ‘full’ type. In
these, the intransitives do not end in k; instead, the transitive is formed
by adding -ic-. In this case, a stem vowel appears before the causative
(§24).12
12
A few forms ending in ...k are exceptional in patterning with this group:
Plural verbs 209
(29) a. a-cákh-i: ‘(one) sticking in (a a-cakcah-í: (two or more)

side)’
a-cakhi:c-itá ‘to stick (one) into’ a-cakcahi:c-itá (two or more)
b. alokp-itá ‘(one) to stick to, be aloklop-íta (two or more)
sticking to’
alokpeyc-itá ‘to stick (one) on, aloklopeyc-itá (two or more)
glue to’
c. káɬp-i: ‘(one) dry’ kaɬkap-í: (two or more)
kaɬpi:c-itá ‘to dry’ kaɬkapi:c-itá (two or more)
d. lomh-itá ‘(three or more) to lie lomloh-íta (separately)
down’
lomheyc-itá ‘to lay (three or more)’ lomloheyc-itá (in several
places)
23.3.3 C2V2 pattern

A different pattern of reduplication is seen in (30).
(30) hayákp-i: ‘(one) uninhabited’ hayakyap-í: (two or more)
kocókn-i: ‘(one) short’ koconcok-í: (two or more)
In the forms in (30), the second consonant and vowel (C2V2) are
copied. This pattern is often found in sound-symbolic expressions:
(31) sicó:tt-i: ‘having a tingling sicóco:tt-í:-n ‘tingling (as when a leg
sensation’ regains circulation)’
wica:tt-itá ‘to sparkle’ wicaca:tt-itá ‘to sparkle continously’
C1V1 and C2V2 reduplication are sometimes both possible, with slightly
different senses.13
(32) a. solo:tk-itá ‘to slide’
solo:tso:k-itá ‘to shuffle’
sololo:tk-itá ‘to slither (as of a snake)’
b. tomo:pk-í:-n ‘with a single thump’
tomó:pto:k-í:-n ‘with a thumping or stomping sound’
tomómo:pk-ín ‘rumbling (as of thunder, a stampede)’
cápk-i: ‘(one) long’ capcak-í: (two or more)

capkoyc-itá ‘to make (one) long’ capcakoyc-itá (two or more)
13
A third pattern of reduplication is seen in the following, where C1V1C2 is copied:
a-nafk-itá ‘to hit, knock on’ a-nafnafi:c-itá ‘to tap at, knock at several times’
210 §23
23.4 Plural-distributive -hl-

A few verb roots form plurals or distributives by replacing their final
consonant or consonants with hl (33).
(33) falápk-i: ‘split (of wood, a faláhl-i: ‘(two or more, or one in
rock)’ pieces) split’
falap-itá ‘to split (one)’ falahli:c-itá ‘to split (two or more, or
one in pieces)’
(i)ti-pakock-itá ‘to double over (i)ti-pakóhl-i: ‘folded’
(as from pain)’
(i)ti-pakoc-itá ‘to fold once, (i)ti-pakohleyc-itá ‘to fold several
double’ times’
fisa:kk-itá ‘to splash’ fisahl-itá ‘to sprinkle, splatter’
milo:m-í: ‘jiggling’ milo:hl-itá ‘to swirl, whirl, ripple’
ɬitac-itá ‘to pour (mud, etc.)’ ɬitahli:c-itá ‘to splatter (mud, paint,
etc.)’
ɬolákk-i: ‘(one) having a hole ɬoláhl-i: ‘having holes in it or them’
in it’
tokó:h-i: ‘spotted, speckled’ tokóhl-i: ‘spotted (as from measles)’
tapo:ck-itá ‘to blow out (of a tapohl-itá ‘to pop (as of popcorn)’
tire)’
tapocic-íta ‘to pop (a balloon)’ tapohleyc-itá ‘to pop (popcorn)’
wica:tt-itá ‘to sparkle’ wicahl-itá ‘to sparkle (of a star)’
The above examples suggest that the sequence hl is sound-symbolic,
conveying the notion of a small, distributed event.14
23.5 Plural -ak-

A suffix -ak- appears on verbs to indicate a plural subject or object.
This suffix is part of the stem, so that grades may cause it to lengthen,
nasalize, be aspirated, etc.: hómp-a:k-ís ‘they are eating’, homp-áhk-is
‘they ate (today/last night)’, etc.
There are several factors governing the presence or absence of -ak-
in a plural context. First, -akis used only when number is not
14
The -hl- found in these forms may be related to the subtractive plural found in
other Muskogean languages (Broadwell 1993; Martin 1988, 1994a; H. Hardy and
Montler 1988).
Plural verbs 211
otherwise specified. If plurality is indicated by person marking, -akis

not used:15
(34) homp-á:ck-is
eat.LGR-2P.AG-IND
‘You (pl.) are eating.’
In (34), the second-person agent suffix -á:ck- already implies plurality,
so -akis not needed. Similarly, if plurality is already indicated by use
of a suppletive verb, -akis not generally used:
(35) lopóck-i:-t ô:-s
small.PL-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘They are small.’
Reduplication can also signal plurality (§23.3), making -ak-
unnecessary. Predicting whether an adjective forms a plural with
reduplication or with -ak- can be difficult. In general, when a verb ends
in a single consonant other than k or y, reduplication is normally
blocked and -akis used instead:
(36) cá:t-i: ‘(one) red’ ca:t-ak-í: (two or more)
iláw-i: ‘(one) hungry’ ilaw-ak-í: (two or more)
hopoɬɬin-í: ‘(one) smart’ hopoɬɬin-ák-i: (two or more)
hotós-i: ‘(one) tired’ hotos-ak-í: (two or more)
lá:n-i: ‘(one) green, yellow, brown’ la:n-ak-í: (two or more)
nockil-í: ‘(one) sleepy’ nockil-ák-i: (two or more)
The following adjectives also form plurals with -ak-:
(37) wánhk-i: ‘(one) thirsty’ wanhk-ak-í: (two or more)

yíkc-i: ‘(one) strong’ yikc-ak-í: (two or more)
Plural -akis close in form to impersonal agent -ak- (§25.2), though
the two differ in position.
23.6 Uses of plural verbs

As first noted by Haas (1948), woven objects like rope or objects made
of cloth like coats, handkerchiefs, or blankets are treated as duals in
Creek. With verbs showing a three-way distinction between singular,
dual, and triplural, the dual is used for one or two woven items, and the
triplural is used for three or more:
15
The patient set of prefixes uses ci- for second person singular and plural, so -ak-
is used to distinguish these: ci-híc-á:ɬi:-s ‘I’ll see you’, ci-hic-ak-á:ɬi:-s ‘I’ll see you
(pl.)’.
212 §23
(38) a. ká:pa-t oh-homp-itá-n oh-kâ:k-is

coat-T LOC-eat-INF-N LOC-sit.DU.FGR-IND
‘A coat [or two coats] is [sitting] on the table.’
b. ká:pa-t oh-homp-itá-n ohh-apô:k-is
coat-T LOC-eat-INF-N LOC-sit.TPL.FGR-IND
‘Coats [three or more] are [sitting] on the table.’
Speakers are aware of this odd usage, saying it “sounds like two, but
it’s just one.”
If a verb makes a two-way singular-plural distinction, the plural is
used for one or more:
(39) hatâm ma ká:pa an-câ:w-a:t i:tá:-n
again that coat 1S.DAT-take.PL.FGR-REF same-N
s-áhy-it
INST-go.SG.HGR-T
‘And again the one that took my coat moved away . . .’ (1915.25)
In (39), caw- ‘take’ is normally used for taking two or more, but here it
has singular reference.
Items with many particles or strands (like sand, salt, or hair) and all
liquids are treated as triplurals:
(40) okcánwa-t oh-homp-itá-n oh-lômh-is
salt-T LOC-eat-INF-N LOC-lie.TPL.FGR-IND
‘There’s salt [lying] on the table.’
Another unexpected practice in formal speech is the use of dual
forms for a group of people. This usage was still found in the 1930s, as
in the following speech:

(41) nâ:ki-ta:t itita:kóyhc-it kâ:k-á:ck-in mo:m-ín yomóck-i
thing-ATN prepare.HGR-T sit.DU.FGR-2P.AG-N be.so.LGR-N dark-I
ala:k-â:t omálk-os-it iɬ-a:-s-cíhy-it a:fack-itá
arrive.LGR-REF all-DIM-T DIR-DIR-INST-enter.HGR-T happy-INF
momi:c-ít tak-sihô:k-á:ck-in
do.LGR-T LOC-stand.DU.FGR-2P.AG-N
ic-oh-hayatk-aɬa:n-ak-í:-t ô:m-i:-s
2.PAT-on-dawn-PROSP-PL-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND
iti-hǐ:ⁿɬeyc-it sihô:k-it om-á:ck-áɬi:-s
RCP-be.careful.NGR-T stand.DU.FGR-T be-2P.AG-FUT-IND
‘[So] after you have made everything ready, be seated [dual], and
when darkness comes, all of you come back in and keep [lit., ‘stand
(dual)’] performing your duty, till daylight comes to you. You must
all keep [lit., ‘stand (dual)’] caring for one another.’ (1937a)
Plural verbs 213
In (41), the dual verb stems ka:k- ‘(two) sit’ and siho:k- ‘(two) stand’
are used, even though it is clear from context that a large group is
being addressed.
Gatschet noted this same usage, suggesting that a dual form “under
the symbolic usage of man and wife represents the whole tribe, gens, or
nation” (1888:61). As far as I can tell, though, dual forms were also
used for groups of men.
24 Voice alternations: middle -k-,
causative -ic- and -ipeyc-
Creek verbs often occur in transitive-intransitive pairs. For some verb
pairs, the transitive is basic, and the intransitive is derived by adding
-k-:1
(1) atih-itá ‘to put (two or more) in’ atihk-itá ‘(two or more) to get
inside’
calap-itá ‘to mix’ calápk-i: ‘mixed’
folot-itá ‘to turn (something) folotk-itá ‘(one) to turn around’
around’
i:h-itá ‘to hide (something)’ i:hk-itá ‘to hide oneself’
The suffix -k- in such forms could be called “anticausative,” but I
follow D. Hardy (1994a) in referring to -k- as a marker of middle
voice.
For other verbs, the intransitive is basic. Basic intransitives create
derived transitives by adding direct causative -ic-, as in (2).
(2) cafíkn-i: ‘well, healthy’ cafikneyc-itá ‘to cure’
cá:t-i: ‘red’ ca:ti:c-itá ‘to redden’
hoyɬ-itá ‘(one) to stand’ hoyɬeyc-itá ‘to stand (one)’
Others (“basic middles”) have -k- in the intransitive corresponding to

-ic- or -y- in the transitive:
(3) hátk-i: ‘white’ hatic-itá ‘to whiten’
apo:k-itá ‘(three or more) to sit’ apo:y-itá ‘to set (three or more)’
The three sets of verb pairs in (1)–(3) differ according to whether
the intransitive is marked (1), the transitive is marked (2), or both are
marked (3) (table 24.1).
While these sorts of relationships are common, there are many
irregularities. As a result, middle -k- and direct causative -ic- are not
separated from the root in this work. Because of their close interaction,
the two are grouped together into a category of “voice.”
1
This section is a revised and condensed version of Martin (1991b).
Voice alternations: middle, causative 215
TABLE 24.1. PATTERNS OF TRANSITIVE-INTRANSITIVE RELATIONS

transitive > intransitive pairs (add -k-) = basic transitives
atih- ‘put in (two or more)’ atihk- ‘(two or more) get inside’
intransitive > transitive pairs (add -ic-) = basic intransitives
hoyɬ- ‘(one) stand’ hoyɬeyc- ‘stand (one)’
intransitive < > transitive pairs (replace -k- with -ic- or -y-) = basic middles
hatk- ‘white’ hatic- ‘whiten’
apo:k- ‘sit’ apo:y- ‘set’
Each type of transitive-intransitive pair will be described in separate

subsections below. There are certain properties common to all of these
patterns, however. First, all restrictions holding of the subject of the
intransitive form also hold of the object of the transitive form. Thus,
atih- ‘put in’ is a basic transitive verb requiring that its object be plural.
That restriction pertains to the subject of the derived intransitive verb
atihk- ‘get inside’. Conversely, the basic intransitive verb hoyɬ- ‘stand’
requires that its subject be singular. When this verb is transitivized, the
resulting verb requires that its object be singular.
A second pattern to observe is that the relationship between
transitivity, agency, and aspect is complex. Consider the forms in (4).
(4) hocif-itá ‘to name (one)’ hocífk-i: ‘called, named’
i:h-itá ‘to conceal’ i:hk-itá ‘to hide, hide oneself’
The verb stems hocif- ‘name’ and i:h- ‘conceal’ both refer to agentive
events (i.e., they are deliberate and they are happenings). Their subjects
are consequently marked on the verb with the agent series of
agreement markers, and their objects are marked with patient
agreement (§20.2). The derived middle forms hocifk- ‘named’ and
i:hk- ‘hide (intr.)’ refer to a nonagentive state and an agentive event,
respectively. The stem hocifk- thus uses patient agreement for its
subject, while i:hk- uses agentive agreement.
Derived transitive verbs are similar. As (2) shows, the intransitive
form may be a nonagentive state, like cá:t-i: ‘red’, or it may be an
agentive event, like hoyɬ-itá ‘(one) to stand’. The derived transitive
forms are agentive events, however. More generally, in any
intransitive-transitive pair, the intransitive form may indicate a
nonagentive state or an event, but the transitive form is always eventive
and always agentive.
216 §24
24.1 Transitive > intransitive pairs

Basic transitive verbs form middles by adding -k-, as in (5).
(5) acan-itá ‘to pour into’ acánk-i: ‘having (water, etc.) in it’2
ahopan-íta ‘to ruin’ ahopánk-i: ‘ruined’
calap-itá ‘to mix’ calápk-i: ‘mixed’
cilas-itá ‘to shell (corn, etc.)’ cilásk-i: ‘shelled (of corn, etc.)’
cil-íta ‘to flake off, slough off’ cílk-i: ‘flaking (of skin)’
cisap-itá ‘to crumble’ cisápk-i: ‘crushed (of nuts, ice)’
citak-itá ‘to tear up, grind (meat)’ citákk-i: ‘torn up, worn out’
cokcoɬ-íta ‘to knot, put a knot in’ cokcóɬk-i: ‘knotted’
copak-itá ‘to strip (tree bark)’ copákk-i: ‘stripped’
falap-itá ‘to split (one) in two’ falápk-i: ‘split (of wood, a rock)’
fayat-itá ‘to direct, guide’ fayátk-i: ‘crooked, turned to one
side’
hocif-itá ‘to name (one)’ hocífk-i: ‘called, named’
hoc-íta ‘to pound’ hóck-i: ‘pounded’
hopil-itá ‘to bury’ hopilk-ip-í: ‘already buried’
hotan-itá ‘to braid, plait’ hotánk-i: ‘braided’
imahlapat-itá ‘to comfort, imahlapátk-i: ‘sober, calm,
console’ reasonable’
imontal-íta ‘to beat, defeat, imontálk-i: ‘defeated’
overcome’
iti-ti:f-itá ‘to take apart’ iti-tí:fk-i: ‘taken apart’
iti-ɬok-íta ‘to take apart’ iti-ɬókk-i: ‘separated,

disconnected’
kac-íta ‘to snap (one)’ káck-i: ‘snapped, broken’
kaf-íta ‘to drain (a blister or boil)’ kafk-itá ‘to ooze (of a blister, sap)’
kalaf-itá ‘to whittle, peel, etc.’ kaláfk-i: ‘whittled, carved, peeled’
kal-íta ‘to break a piece off of’ kálk-i: ‘broken off’
ko:f-itá ‘to scoop out’ kó:fk-i: ‘scooped out’
mot-íta ‘to crop, bob’ mótk-i: ‘cropped, bobbed’
taɬ-íta ‘to weave’ táɬk-i: ‘woven, knitted’
wocot-itá ‘to chop (bushes, etc.)’ wocótk-i: ‘chopped (as of wood)’
wokoc-itá ‘to crush (rocks)’ wokóck-i: ‘smashed, shattered’
ɬicap-itá ‘to untie, release’ ɬicápk-i: ‘loose, untied’
2
In older sources, the sequence nk here is phonetically [nk] rather than [ŋk] (§5.2).
ɬo:f-itá ‘to scrape (skin, wood, ɬó:fk-i: ‘scraped, rubbed raw’

etc.)’
ɬolak-itá ‘to make a hole’ ɬolákk-i: ‘(one) having a hole in it’
As shown in (5), basic transitives commonly refer to procedures and
are often agentive. The derived middles are often nonagentive states
referring to the result of that action, but they may also refer to events:
(6) atih-itá ‘to put (two or more) atihk-itá ‘(two or more) to get or be
in’ inside’
ataɬ-itá ‘to hang (something)’ ataɬk-itá ‘to hang, hang on to’
folot-itá ‘to turn (something) folotk-itá ‘(one) to turn around’
around’
hic-íta ‘to see, look at’ hick-itá ‘to become visible, appear,
be born’
i:h-itá ‘to conceal’ i:hk-itá ‘to hide, hide oneself’
iti-pakoc-itá ‘to fold once, iti-pakock-itá ‘to double over (as
double’ from pain)’
kawap-itá ‘to lift, raise’ kawapk-itá ‘(one) to rise, go up’
ɬakpal-íta ‘to turn (one) over’ ɬakpalk-itá ‘to turn over, roll over’
palat-itá ‘to spill (three or palatk-itá ‘(three or more) to spill’
more)’
pasat-itá ‘to kill (two or more)’ pasatk-itá ‘(two or more) to die’
Clauses containing derived middle verbs are identical to clauses with
intransitive verbs in their case marking:
(7) a. hopóywa-t ifá-n i:h-ís
child-T dog-N hide.LGR-IND

‘The child is hiding the dog.’
b. ifá-t i:hk-ís
dog-T hide.LGR-IND
‘The dog is hiding.’
In (7a), the subject is marked with -(i)t, and the object is marked with
nonsubject -(i)n. In (7b), the subject is interpreted as both agent and
patient. There is no implicit argument in the middle, as there is in the
English passive or in Creek impersonals. Sentence (7b) is thus better
translated as ‘the dog is hiding’ than as ‘the dog is being hid’.
In keeping with preferred syllable structure (§6.1), a long vowel in
the sequence ...V:N- is shortened in the middle:
(8) in-ɬa:m-itá ‘to uncover’ in-ɬámk-i: ‘uncovered, open’
218 §24
li:m-itá ‘to pluck, pull up’ límk-i: ‘plucked’

A root ending in a geminate consonant simplifies the geminate
before middle -k-.3
(9) akhott-itá ‘to shut, close (one)’ akhótk-i: ‘shut, closed’
kiɬɬ-itá ‘to know’ kíɬk-i: ‘known (not secret)’
koɬɬ-itá ‘to dig’ kóɬk-i: ‘dug out (of a hole)’
laff-itá ‘to cut open, carve’ láfk-i: ‘cut, gashed’
A transitive root ending in a consonant cluster is blocked from forming
a middle: thus, nafk- ‘hit’ has no corresponding middle *nafk-k-.4
24.2 Intransitive > transitive pairs

Basic intransitives form transitives by adding a form of -ic-.
(10) il-íta ‘(one) to die’ ili:c-itá ‘to kill (one)’
hic-íta ‘to see’ hiceyc-itá ‘to show’
isk-itá ‘to drink’5 iskoyc-itá ‘to give a drink’
As the verbs in (10) show, -ic- takes the form -:c- after i and -yc- after
o or e (from a). The vowel appearing before -ic- is known as the “stem
vowel.” The stem vowels i, e (from a), and o in the above verbs
preserve the Proto-Muskogean final vowels (cf. Proto-Muskogean *illi
‘die’, *hica ‘see’, *isko ‘drink’).
In most instances, the quality of the stem vowel is predictable in
Creek, however. Thus, the verb ‘see’ can be represented abstractly as
hicV-, and the specific value of the stem vowel can be filled in by rule.
One rule observed by Nathan (1977) is that the height of the stem
vowel in Creek is inversely related to the height of the preceding
vowel. When the preceding vowel is i(:), as in (11), or o(:), as in (12),
the stem vowel is a (which becomes e).
(11) api:ttV- ‘get in the shade’ api:tteyc- ‘make a shade’
cafiknV- ‘get well’ cafikneyc- ‘cure’
ciki:hV- ‘piled up (like brush)’ ciki:heyc- ‘pile up (brush)’
3
Perhaps also:
akoyy-itá ‘to move (something)’ akoyk-itá ‘(one) to move out of the way’
foyy-itá ‘to shuck (corn)’ foyk-ip-í: ‘already shucked’
4
In fact, most basic transitives seem to end in a single consonant or geminate
consonant, and verbs ending in consonant clusters are usually intransitive.
5
Like their English counterparts, isk-itá ‘to drink’ and homp-itá ‘to eat’ can be
used intransitively or transitively. The direct causatives can take one or two objects.
hicV- ‘see’ hiceyc- ‘show’

lapicV- ‘hurry’ lapiceyc- ‘hurry, cause to hurry’
naɬkisV- ‘become pregnant’ naɬkiseyc- ‘impregnate’
niki:yV- ‘move, shake (intr.)’ niki:yeyc- ‘move, shake’
ti:hV- ‘castrated’ ti:heyc- ‘castrate’
yikcV- ‘get strong’ yikceyc- ‘make fast, tight’
yiklV- ‘pinch’ yikleyc- ‘make it pinch’
(12) awolV- ‘be close, near’ awoleyc- ‘get close to’
fikhonnV- ‘stop’ fikhonneyc- ‘make stop’
ho:ccV- ‘figured, written’ ho:cceyc- ‘write’
hompV- ‘eat’ hompeyc- ‘feed’
hottopV- ‘have an itch, tingle’ hottopeyc- ‘tickle’
lomhV- ‘(three or more) lie’ lomheyc- ‘put, place (three or
more)’
milo:hlV- ‘(water) ripple’ milo:hleyc- ‘make (water) ripple’
noɬV- ‘(food) get done, cooked’ noɬeyc- ‘cook’
pacoksV- ‘get dented, bashed in’ pacokseyc- ‘dent
poyhV- ‘get ruffled up’ poyheyc- ‘ruffle up’
’tiyokcV- ‘get tangled’ ’tiyokceyc- ‘tangle’
yilo:hV- ‘get loose’ yilo:heyc- ‘loosen’
Conversely, when the preceding vowel is a(:), the stem vowel is i or o.
The stem vowel is usually i in this context:
(13) a:ssV- ‘chase’ a:ssi:c- ‘chase’
faccV- ‘get faithful, true’ facci:c- ‘judge, decide’

laka:hV- ‘get mottled’ laka:hi:c- ‘make mottled’
cala:hV- ‘become striped’ cala:hi:c- ‘stripe’
ma:hV- ‘become tall, grow tall’ ma:hi:c- ‘make tall’
cakhV- ‘become sticking in’ cakhi:c- ‘stick in’
pinkalV- ‘get afraid’ pinkali:c- ‘frighten, to scare’
wicahlV- ‘sparkle’ wicahli:c- ‘make it spark’
takahlV- ‘spotted’ takahli:c- ‘make spotted’
falahlV- ‘split (in several places)’ falahli:c- ‘split (in several places)’
camahlV- ‘jingle’ camahli:c- ‘jingle’
casahlV- ‘rattle’ casahli:c- ‘rattle, to rustle’
callV- ‘roll’ calli:c- ‘roll’
aslV- ‘go out (of a fire)’ asli:c- ‘put out (a fire)’
220 §24
la:nV- ‘get yellow’ la:ni:c- ‘make yellow’

feyhnV- ‘run (of liquid), flow’ feyhni:c- ‘drain (a pond)’
lacpV- ‘get wet’ lacpi:c- ‘wet’
impalsV- ‘mate’ impalsi:c- ‘mate (animals)’
ca:tV- ‘get red’ ca:ti:c- ‘redden’
lastV- ‘get black’ lasti:c- ‘blacken’
anattV- ‘become crippled’ anatti:c- ‘wound’
takacwV- ‘get hard, stiff’ takacwi:c- ‘starch’
talaswV- ‘tough, hard’ talaswi:c- ‘make tough, hard’
hopayV- ‘distant’ hopayi:c- ‘get to be distant’
heyyV- ‘hot’ heyyi:c- ‘heat’
The sequence ...a(:)(C)(C)kV leads to a stem vowel o, however:
(14) capkV- ‘be long’ capkoyc- ‘lengthen’
fisa:kkV- ‘splash’ fisa:kkoyc- ‘to splash’
ɬakkV- ‘be big’ ɬakkoyc- ‘raise’
pakpakV- ‘foam’ pakpakoyc- ‘make foam, lather, bubbles’
There is also a tendency for p to trigger o. Some speakers have o in the
sequence ...a(:)(C)(C)pV, as in (15).
(15) kasappV- ‘cold’ kasappoyc- ~ kasappi:c- ‘chill’
linta:ppV- ‘stumble’ linta:ppoyc- ~ linta:ppi:c- ‘trip (someone)’
A few stems have unpredictable stem vowels. In most instances
these preserve the Proto-Muskogean (PM) final vowel:
(16) il- ‘(one) die’ (< PM *illi) ili:c- ‘kill (one)’

isk- ‘drink’ (< PM *isko) iskoyc- ‘make drink’
aklop- ‘take a bath’ (< PM *lopi) aklopi:c- ‘give a bath’
Affixes occurring between a root and the direct causative introduce
their own stem vowels:
(17) hic-akV- ‘(two or more) see’ hic-akoyc- ‘show (two or more)’
homp-akV- ‘(two or more) eat’ homp-akoyc- ‘feed (two or more)’
Stem vowels are also added through reduplication or with plural/dual
-ho-, as in (18).
(18) ɬoka:f- ‘whip’ ɬoka:fɬoyc- ‘whip (two or more)’
halat- ‘catch hold of’ halatheyc- ‘catch hold of (two or more)’
wolk- ‘(two) go out’ wolhoyc- ‘put (two) out’
Case-marking in derived transitives is the same as in basic

transitives. The causee is case-marked with nonsubject -(i)n, like other
objects, and the causer is case-marked with -(i)t, like other subjects.
(19) honánwa-t istocí-n hómpeyc-ís
male-T baby-N eat.LGR-IND
‘The man is feeding the baby.’
The causer, as an agent, takes agent agreement on the verb, and the
causee takes patient agreement.
24.3 Intransitive < > transitive pairs

There is no simple way to determine based on meaning whether an
intransitive verb will be a basic intransitive (e.g., il- ‘(one) die’, la:n-
‘green’), a basic middle (e.g., hatk- ‘white’), or a derived middle (e.g.,
pasatk- ‘(two or more) die’). A few generalizations can be made,
however.
First, verbs describing simple movement without implying special
effort tend be basic intransitives, with no mark of voice:
(20) at-íta ‘(one) to come’
aɬ-íta ‘(one) to go about’
ay-íta ‘(one) to go’
hoyan-itá ‘(one) to go by’
(i)ci:y-itá ‘(one) to go in’
oss-itá ‘(one) to go out’
yakap-itá ‘to walk’
Verbs that focus on manner of motion tend to be basic middles, with
-k- in the intransitive:

(21) acimk-itá ‘(one) to climb’ cf. acimic-íta ‘(three or more) to climb’
halk-itá ‘(one) to crawl’ cf. halic-itá ‘(three or more) to crawl’
litk-itá ‘(one) to run’ cf. liticeyc-itá ‘to run off, make (one)
run’
sofo:tk-itá ‘to drag oneself’ cf. sofo:tic-íta ‘to drag’
solo:tk-itá ‘(one) to slide, cf. solo:ticeyc-itá ‘to make (one) slide’
slip’
tamk-itá ‘(one) to fly’ cf. tamiceyc-itá ‘to flush (one bird)’
ta:sk-itá ‘(one) to jump’ cf. ta:sic-íta ‘(three or more) to jump’
The triplural or direct causative forms are given in (21) to show that
the -k- is a suffix.
222 §24
Verbs describing movement into a specific posture or the adoption

of a position also tend to be basic middles, often using -y- rather than
-ic- in the transitive.6
(22) a:-coko:k-itá ‘to get on piggyback’ a:-coko:y-itá ‘to carry piggyback’
apo:k-itá ‘(three or more) to sit’ apo:y-itá ‘to set (three or more)’
ka:k-itá ‘(two) to sit’ ka:y-itá ‘to set (two)’
leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit’ leyc-itá ‘to set (one)’
siho:k-itá ‘(two) to stand’ siho:y-itá ‘to stand (two)’
wakk-itá ‘(one) to lie’ wakic-itá ‘to lay (one) down’
Basic middles often have agentive subjects, often refer to events, and
are not formed productively. Derived middles like those in (5) usually
have nonagentive subjects, are typically used for states resulting from
activities (especially procedures), and are formed fairly freely.
To form transitives, basic middles ending in ...C-k- replace -k- with
-ic-.
(23) ayoposk-itá ‘to change places ayoposic-itá ‘to change (clothes,
with’ etc.)’
conick-itá ‘to move one’s home’ conic-itá ‘to haul away, transport’
fáck-i: ‘full (of a container)’ facic-itá ‘to fill (one)’
fásk-i: ‘sharp’ fasic-itá ‘to sharpen’
fink-itá ‘to blaze; to ignite’ finic-itá ‘to turn on (a lamp); to
light’
fálk-i: ‘woven’ falli:c-itá ‘to spin (cloth)’
hasátk-i: ‘clean’ hasatic-íta ‘to clean (one)’
hátk-i: ‘white’ hatic-itá ‘to whiten’

háwk-i: ‘open’ hawic-itá ‘to open’
hi:fk-itá ‘to steam up’ hi:fic-íta ‘to steam (food, clothes)’
hopotk-itá ‘to burn (of a prairie)’ hopotic-íta ‘to light (a prairie fire)’
im-itiktánk-i: ‘having free time’ im-itiktanic-itá ‘to grant time to’
itk-itá ‘to burn’ itic-itá ‘to light (a fire)’
kolk-í: ‘light, lamp’ kolic-itá ‘to light (a lamp)’
lowáck-i: ‘soft’ lowacic-íta ‘to soften’
lapótk-i: ‘straight’ lapotic-íta ‘to straighten’
mo:ɬk-itá ‘to boil (of a liquid)’ mo:ɬic-íta ‘to boil (a liquid)’
6
Verbs in this class may refer to the act of assuming a position or to the
state resulting from that act depending on aspect (grade).
sití:fk-i: ‘thawed’ siti:fic-íta ‘to thaw, melt’

sófk-i: ‘deep (of a hole, etc.)’ sofic-itá ‘to deepen’
sofo:tk-itá ‘to drag oneself’ sofo:tic-íta ‘to drag (something)’
wakk-itá ‘(one) to lie down’ wakic-itá ‘to lay (one) down’
Note that there is no stem vowel in such forms. In each case, the
subject of the intransitive verb corresponds to the object of the
transitive verb. The subject of the intransitive verb may be agentive
(as in wakk-itá ‘(one) to lie down’) or nonagentive (as lowáck-i: ‘soft’),
but the corresponding object of the transitive verb is always
nonagentive (and so is marked with patient agreement).
Some basic middles replace final -k- with -iceyc-, a double or
longer variant of the direct causative:
(24) a:fack-itá ‘to be happy’ a:faciceyc-itá ‘to make happy’
cótk-i: ‘(one) small’ coticeyc-itá ‘to make (one) small’
fánk-i: ‘sticking out, projecting’faniceyc-itá ‘to stick (one) out’
fato:sk-itá ‘to buck’ fato:siceyc-itá ‘to buck (a horse)’
fik-hámk-i: ‘brave, willing’ fik-hamiceyc-itá ‘to embolden’
fik-sómk-i: ‘startled’ fik-somiceyc-itá ‘to startle’
hámk-in ‘one’ hamiceyc-itá ‘to reach one year in
age’
hilapk-itá ‘to be quick’ hilapiceyc-itá ‘to hurry, make
hurry’
litk-itá ‘(one) to run’ liticeyc-itá ‘to run off, make (one)
run’
lopóck-i: ‘(two or more) small’ lopociceyc-itá ‘to make (two or

more) small’
mahyómk-i: ‘tipsy, dizzy’ mahyomiceyc-itá ‘to intoxicate,
make tipsy’
peyhk-itá ‘(one) to shout, whoop’ pa:hiceyc-itá ‘to honk (a horn)’7
tánk-i: ‘empty’ taniceyc-itá ‘to empty (one box,
etc.)’
The long causative is particularly common with verbs of position and
movement having a three-way distinction in number (§23.1). As noted
in §23.1.2, the typical paradigm is as follows:
7
The change from ...eyhk- to ...a:hic- is seen in a few other forms like hakeyhk-
‘cry’, haka:hiceyc- ‘make cry’.
224 §24
(25) ROOT-k- ROOT-ho-k- ROOT-ic- ‘(one/two/three or more) do’

↓ ↓
ROOT-iceyc- ROOT-hoyc- ‘make (one/two or more) do’
The verb somk- ‘disappear’ is one verb like this:
(26) somk- somhok- somic- ‘(one / two/ three or more) disappear’
↓ ↓
somiceyc- somhoyc- ‘lose (one / two or more)’
Other verbs like this are hakeyhk- ‘cry’, hatapk- ‘step down’, and
tamk- ‘fly’. In these paradigms, -ic- indicates the triplural and -iceyc-
indicates the direct causative.8
Basic middles that end in ...V(:)k- fall into three groups. Some form
transitives by replacing -k- with -y-.
(27) acca:k-itá ‘to lean against’ acca:y-itá ‘to lean (one) against’
a:-coko:k-itá ‘to get on the a:-coko:y-itá ‘to carry piggyback’
back’
apak-itá ‘to be with, associate apay-itá ‘to put (something) with’
with’
apo:k-itá ‘(three or more) to sit’ apo:y-itá ‘to seat (three or more)’
cilá:k-i: ‘touching’ cila:y-itá ‘to touch, feel’
có:k-i: ‘written’ (old word) co:y-itá ‘to write’ (old word)
fiki:k-itá ‘to shake, tremble’ fiki:y-itá ‘to shake (a cloth, etc.)’
há:k-i: ‘made (of wood, etc.)’ ha:y-itá ‘to make (one)’
hati-hopók-i: ‘just picked’ hopoy-itá ‘to search for’
haɬakpoto:k-itá ‘to lie face haɬakpoto:y-itá ‘to turn over (face
down’ down)’
ka:k-itá ‘(two) to sit’ ka:y-itá ‘to set (two)’
kaci:k-itá ‘(two or more) to kaci:y-itá ‘to snap (two or more)’
snap’
poto:k-itá ‘to bow the head’ poto:y-itá ‘to put down (the head)’
siho:k-itá ‘(two) to stand’ siho:y-itá ‘to stand (two)’
wanák-i: ‘tied’ wanay-itá ‘to tie (one)’
A few replace -k- with -yV-ic-:
(28) aholwak-í: ‘dirty’ aholwayi:c-itá ‘to make (one) dirty’
8
Forms with long causatives are normally derived from basic middles. Only one
basic intransitive has a long causative: noc-íta ‘(one) to sleep’, noceyci:c-itá ‘to put to
sleep’ (cf. the triplural noceyc-itá ‘(three or more) to sleep’). The form noceyci:c-itá
should probably be analyzed as nocV-icV-ic-ita. Such a form, while rare, is important
in showing that one stem vowel can influence a second stem vowel.
co:k-itá ‘to suck, suckle, co:yeyc-itá ‘to nurse, suckle (a baby)’

nurse’
fi:k-itá ‘to pay’ fi:yeyc-itá ‘to bill, make pay’
ha:k-itá ‘to ring, sound’ ha:yi:c-itá ‘to play (an instrument)’
hisa:k-itá ‘to breathe, live’ hisa:yi:c-itá ‘to save (one)’
holwak-í: ‘ugly, bad, naughty’ holwayí:c-i: ‘bad, disobedient’
lowá:k-i: ‘limber, flexible, lowa:yi:c-itá ‘to make weak, make
supple’ limber’
Others, including those formed by reduplication or plural/dual -ho-,
replace final -k- with -ic- and contract:
(29) apalpak-í: ‘wrapped around’ apalpeyc-itá ‘to curl (hair, etc.)’
cama:kca:k-itá ‘to be jingling’ cama:kceyc-itá ‘to make ring’
caya:yak-íta ‘to hush up, be caya:yeyc-itá ‘to silence (one)’
quiet’
cinapâ:k-in ‘eight’ cinapeyc-itá ‘to do eight times’
haya:yak-í: ‘bright, light’ haya:yeyc-itá ‘to turn on (a light)’
i:pâ:k-in ‘six’ i:peyc-itá ‘to do six times’
iti-kapák-i: ‘separated’ iti-kapeyc-itá ‘to divide (a cake, etc.),
share’
kolapâ:k-in ‘seven’ kolapeyc-itá ‘to do seven times’
kimhki:k-itá ‘to rumble’ kimhki:c-itá ‘to make a stomping
sound’
kololok-íta ‘to coil up, wind’ kololoyc-itá ‘to go around in a circle’
leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit’ leyc-itá ‘to set (one)’
pata:k-itá ‘to be lying flat’ pateyc-itá ‘to spread (one) out’

talalak-í: ‘(three or more) lined talaleyc-itá ‘to line (three or more)
up’ up’
24.4 Other uses of -ic-

We have already seen -ic- used to form triplurals (§23.1.2) and
transitives (§24.2). With a few verbs, -ic- appears to add an object:
(30) apil-itá ‘to laugh’ apileyc-itá ‘to laugh about’
kiɬɬ-itá ‘to know’ a-kiɬɬeyc-itá ‘to think about’
With numerals (§33.1), -ic- indicates that an action is done a certain
number of times: thus, toccin- ‘three’, toccineyc- ‘do three times, be
three years in age’.
226 §24
24.5 Indirect causative -ipeyc- ‘make, have’

In the previous sections we saw that -ic- forms direct causatives from
intransitives. Another suffix -ipeyc- (-ipoyc- for some) is used when an
event is caused to come about. In this function, -ipeyc- is generally
translated as ‘make’, ‘cause’, or ‘have’:
(31) hokt-akí-teys yaheyk-ak-í: hǐ:ⁿɬ-a:t ín-hopo:y-ít
female-PL-even sing-PL-DUR good.NGR-REF DAT-seek.LGR-T
o:m-ít ’m-a-yahéyk-ipeyc-ít o:m-atí:-t ô:m-i:-s
be.LGR-T D-LOC-sing-make.LGR-T be.LGR-PAST5-T be.FGR-DUR-IND
‘They would select women who sing well and make them dance.’
(1937c)
(32) ma-n is-óhh-api:y-ít ito-capcak-í:-n
that-N INST-LOC-go.TPL.LGR-T wood-long.RED-DUR-N
wocót-ipeyc-ít
crop-make.LGR-T
‘They take them to that and have them cut long timbers . . .’ (1937c)
There are subtle differences between transitive verbs, direct causatives,
and indirect causatives:
(33) a. istocí-t osá:fki-n homp-ís
baby-T sofkee-N eat.LGR-IND
‘The baby is eating sofkee.’ (transitive)
b. honánwa-t istocí-n hómpeyc-ís
male-T baby-N feed.LGR-IND
‘The man is feeding the baby.’ (direct causative)

c. honánwa-t istocí-n hómp-ipeyc-ís
male-T baby-N eat-make.LGR-IND
‘The man is making the baby eat.’ (indirect causative)
One difference to note is how the person doing the eating is treated
grammatically. In (33a), the person doing the eating is a subject and
marked with -(i)t. The same person is coded as a nonsubject (marked
with -(i)n) in both direct and indirect causatives.
The three sentences in (33) also differ semantically. Sentence (33a)
contains a single event of eating controlled by the baby. Sentence (33b)
contains a single event of making and eating (i.e., feeding) over which
the baby has no control. Sentence (33c) depicts two events: a primary
event of making and a secondary event of eating partly controlled by
the baby.
The two events in indirect causatives can sometimes be teased
apart. When the instrumental prefix is- is added, for example, one
reading is that the causee (the one made to do the action) is in control
of the instrument:
(34) istocí ínki-n is-hómp-ipeyc-éy-s
baby 3.PAT.hand-N INST-eat-make.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I am making the baby eat with his/her hand.’
This reading is not available in direct causatives:
(35) *istocí ínki-n is-hómpeyc-éy-s
baby 3.PAT.hand-N INST-feed.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I am feeding the baby with his/her hand.’
The sentence in (35) is odd because the causee lacks control, and so
cannot be construed as controlling the hand.
Direct and indirect causatives also differ with regard to
benefactives. An indirect causative allows a benefactive to be
construed with the secondary event:
(36) hopóywa-n am-opan-ípeyc-éy-s
child-N 1S.DAT-dance-make.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m making the child dance for me.’
This reading is not available in direct causatives:
(37) *hopóywa-n am-opáni:c-éy-s
child-N 1S.DAT-dance.CAUS-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m dancing the child for me.’
A final distinction between direct and indirect causatives involves
anaphora (§43), where direct causatives pattern with transitive verbs.
In each of the above examples, the causee is interpreted as partially

agentive in the indirect causative (although it is always marked with
patient agreement). Indirect causatives need not have an agentive
causee, however:
(38) hotali:-ɬákko-n náfk-ipeyc-atí:-s
wind-big-N hit-make.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘[God] caused a cyclone to hit [the ladder].’ (ca. 1938)
It is thus more accurate to say that indirect causatives are used to depict
two causally related events.
25 Impersonals
The term “impersonal” is used here for a construction indicating that
the subject of a clause is less important, or is generic or indefinite. The
impersonal passive -ho- in Creek (§25.1) tends to deemphasize the role
of the subject. Impersonal agent -ak- (§25.2) is used for someone in
general (‘one’ as opposed to ‘you’).
25.1 Impersonal passive -ho-

Creek has an impersonal passive affix -ho- that is similar in form to
plural/dual -ho- (§23.1.1). The affix functions to background the role
of the subject in a clause, so that the actor is acknowledged by the
speaker without being activated in the hearer’s mind.
One common use of -ho- is to make statements about people in
general:
(1) hǐ:ⁿc-itá tó:ko-:-t ô:ⁿw-i:-s
see.NGR-INF be.not-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND
má:ho:k-atí:-t ôn-ka
say.IMPL.LGR-PAST5-T be.FGR-so
‘“You’re not supposed to stare at it,” they/people used to say, so . . .’
(1992a)
(2) hayyô:ⁿwa:t-ta:t i:kaná kíɬɬ-i-siko-: fá:ka
now-ATN land know-I-without-DUR hunting

apiy-ípho:y-â:t
go.TPL-SPN.IMPL.LGR-REF
‘But now, they/people go hunting on unfamiliar lands . . .’ (1992c)
As (2) shows, impersonal -ho- may be used with intransitive verbs, so
its function is to background the subject rather than to foreground the
object.
In (1)–(2), -ho- refers to people in general rather than to characters
in the narrative. Impersonal passive -ho- may also refer to established
characters, however, when the speaker is not concerned with the
identity of the individual:
(3) hompeyc-ak-í:-s máhk-it, ifá-ta:t hompeyhóhc-in
feed-IMPL.AG-DUR-IND say.HGR-T dog-ATN feed.IMPL.HGR-N
‘Saying “Let’s feed him,” they [two minor characters in the story] fed
the dog...’ (1992c)
Impersonals 229
The use of -ho- is not just for generic subjects, then, but for subjects
that the speaker chooses to deemphasize.
Impersonal passive -ho- is always grammatically plural. If a verb
has distinct forms for singular, dual, and triplural (§23), the triplural
form is used:
(4) cofí-n akál-aɬa:n-ít s-ohh-apího:y-â:n
rabbit-N pour-PROSP.LGR-T INST-LOC-go.TPL.IMPL.LGR-REF
‘When he/they [a minor character] went up to pour it on Rabbit . . .’
(1939b)
(5) pa:n-ít fólho:y-atí:-s
dance.LGR-T go.about.TPL.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘. . . they/people danced about.’ (1939b)
The sense, however, may be singular, as in (4), or triplural, as in (5).
Because -ho- functions to deemphasize a subject, it is the preferred
translation of the English passive:
(6) mô:meys ísti sosséyho:c-ô:f
but people cast.out.TPL.IMPL.LGR-when
‘But when the people were put forth . . .’ (Matthew 9:25)
The Creek impersonal passive differs from a passive, however, in that
objects continue to be marked as objects, taking nonsubject -(i)n:
‘. . . they pour boiling water on Wolf . . .’ / ‘. . . water was poured on
Wolf . . .’ (1939b)
The backgrounded subject also continues to be treated as a subject for

switch-reference:
(8) akiti:c-âlki ísti nacóm-os-i:-n apiyiceyhô:c-in
guard-GPL person several-DIM-DUR-N send.TPL.IMPL.FGR-N
foll-ô:f
be.about.TPL.LGR-when
‘When several guards had been sent and were about . . .’ (ca. 1940b)
In (8), ‘several guards’ is foregrounded, but marked as a nonsubject.
The use of -(i)n at the end of the first clause shows that it is also treated
as a nonsubject for switch-reference.
Overt subjects are generally not accepted in impersonal clauses:
(9) a. sókca-n óywa-n acánho:y-ís
bag-N water-N pour.in.IMPL.LGR-IND
‘They/people are pouring water into bags.’
230 §25
b. *ísti sókca-n óywa-n acánho:y-ís

person bag-N water-N pour.in.IMPL.LGR-IND
(‘People are pouring water into bags.’)
This is different from plural/dual -ho-, which permits overt subjects.
The placement of impersonal passive -ho- is nearly identical to
plural/dual -ho- (§23.1.1):
(10) a. Add -ho- before final k or y:
ma:k- ‘say’ má:ho:k-ís ‘they/people say’ (lgr.)
b. Add -hoy- after any other single consonant:
acan- ‘pour’ acánho:y-ís ‘they/people pour’ (lgr.)
c. Add -hoy- after any geminate consonant (simplifying the
geminate):
foll- ‘(three or more) go fólho:y-ís ‘they/people go about’ (lgr.)
about’
d. Add -ho- before any other final consonant in a cluster:
sosseyc- ‘cast out’ sosséyho:c-ís ‘they/people cast out’
(lgr.)
The impersonal passive is found with a wider variety of stems than the
plural/dual -ho-, though it seems to favor agentive predicates. Another
difference between the impersonal passive and plural/dual -ho- is that
the latter attaches to the verb root, while impersonal passive -ho-
attaches to the stem (to spontaneous -ip- in apiy-ípho:y-â:t ‘they go’ in
(2). The impersonal passive may also appear on an auxiliary, while
plural/dual -ho- never does:
(11) a:-am-î:s-t ó:ⁿhó:-s

DIR-1S.DAT-take.SG.FGR-T be.IMPL.LGR-IND
‘They/people took it out of me.’
25.2 Impersonal agent -ak-

A suffix -ak- signals an impersonal agent ‘one’ or ‘you (indefinite)’.
Margaret Mauldin offers the following examples:
(12) óywa ɬímh-os-i:-t acánk-in o:m-â:t cá:fk-os-i:-t
water clear-DIM-DUR-T filled-N be.LGR-REF shallow-DIM-DUR-T
ô:-s ko:m-í: wêyt-ak-i:-s
be.FGR-IND think.LGR-DUR might.FGR-IMPL.AG-DUR-IND
‘When water [in a creek bed] is very clear, one might think that it’s
very shallow.’
Impersonals 231
(13) fo:-tiní:tka ó:m-i: a:ɬ-ín hi:c-ak-í:-s

bumblebee like-DUR be.about.SG.LGR-N see.LGR-IMPL.AG-DUR-IND
‘You’ll see something that looks like a bumblebee.’
The following examples contrast plural -ak- (14a), impersonal passive
-ho- (14b), and impersonal agent -ak- (14c), using the verb ma:k- ‘say’.
(14) a. awǒ:ⁿl-os-i:-t ô:-s má:k-a:k-í:-s
close.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-IND say-PL.LGR-DUR-IND
‘They [the men in the room, someone specific] say it’s very close.’
b. awǒ:ⁿl-os-i:-t ô:-s má:ho:k-í:-s
close.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-IND say.IMPL.LGR-DUR-IND
‘It could be said it’s very close.’
c. awǒ:ⁿl-os-i:-t ô:-s ma:k-ak-í:-s
close.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-IND say.LGR-IMPL.AG-DUR-IND
‘One could say it’s very close.’ / ‘You might say it’s very close.’
Note that plural -ak- and -ho- are part of the stem: the lengthened grade
forms in (14a, b) derive from the stems ma:k-ak- and ma:hok-.
Impersonal agent -akis outside the stem, so the stem in (14c) is ma:k-.
Depending on use, the impersonal agent (15a) can be close in
meaning to a first person plural (15b). It is conventionally used in
‘let’s’ expressions (§31.3.6), as in (15c):
(15) a. i:sk-ak-í:-s
drink.LGR-IMPL.AG-DUR-IND
‘One can drink.’ / ‘We (anyone, indefinite) can drink.’
b. i:sk-iy-í:-s
drink.LGR-1P.AG-DUR-IND
‘We can drink.’
c. ísk-ak-í:-(t)s
drink-IMPL.AG-DUR-IND
‘Let’s drink.’
As the contrast between (15a) and (15c) shows, the ‘let’s’ pattern uses
a zero grade stem.
At other times impersonal agents are used for second person
reference:
(16) cofí-t im-alâ:k-it,
rabbit-T DAT-arrive.FGR-T
232 §25
satá á:-la:tk-ín pa:p-ak-á:^ keyc-ín

persimmon DIR-fall.SG.LGR-N eat.LGR-IMPL.AG-Q tell.LGR-N
‘Rabbit came along [to where Opossum was], “A persimmon fell and
you’re eating it?” [Rabbit] asked him . . .’ (1939b)
In older texts, use of the impersonal agent this way instead of second
person agreement appears to add indirectness and politeness.
Whereas impersonal passive -ho- requires plural or triplural verbs,
impersonal agent -ak- can occur with singular or plural verbs. Margaret
Mauldin remembers Eugene Sunny saying the following, with singular
stems:
(17) a:y-ak-â:t-ta:t locá-t ô:w-i:-s mô:w-eys
go.SG.LGR-IMPL.AG-REF-ATN turtle-T be.FGR-DUR-IND be.so-even
ɬá:-a:t-ak-â:t-ta:t cofí-t ô:w-i:-s
back-come.SG.LGR-IMPL.AG-REF-ATN rabbit-T be.FGR-DUR-IND
‘When one goes [to Arbeka from Okmulgee], it’s a turtle. But when
one returns, it’s a rabbit.’
Impersonal agent -akis only used with agentive verbs. It is thus
possible to analyze it as one of the agent agreement markers (§20), a
kind of third person indefinite.1
1
Nathan (1977:94) treats -akas first person plural inclusive. It can have that
meaning, as in (15), but -akis used with singular verbs.
26 Degree
Degree in Creek can be expressed with suffixes or with independent
words.
26.1 má:h-i: ‘very, about, exactly’

The stem ma:h- ‘grow, be tall’ has a number of grammatical uses, one
of which is to show greater degree:
(1) a. páfn-i: pafn-i-má:h-i:
quick-DUR quick-I-very-DUR
‘quick’ ‘very quick’
b. páfn-i:-n pafn-i-má:h-i:-n
quick-DUR-N quick-I-very-DUR-N
‘quickly’ ‘very quickly’
Such forms can then be negated: pafn-i-má:h-iko-: ‘not very quick’. In
(1), ma:h- is used with a verb stem, but it can also be used with a
postposition:
(2) ’homa ‘front’ ’homa-má:h-i ‘the very front’
’yopa ‘back’ ’yopa-mǎ:ⁿh-in ‘the very back (of a room)’
The nasalizing grade is used in the second example in (2) to express
greater degree.
With noun phrases, má:h-in is used to express ‘about (a time or
place)’ or ‘near’:
(3) ma óywa ak-naɬkapá má:h-in óywa oksi:tkí: ɬákko-t
that water LOC-middle about-N water wake big-T
osêyy-it
go.out.SG.HGR-T
‘Near the middle of the water, a great trough appeared . . .’ (1915.10)
After a clause, má:h-os-a:t is used for ‘exactly’:
(4) ma haticíska ák-somk-atí: má:h-os-a:t
that first LOC-sink.SG-PAST5 very-DIM-REF
234 §26
’y-afánk-ánt-o-t y-o:ss-ít
DIR-stick.out-PAST4-FOC-T DIR-go.out.SG.LGR-T
‘He’d return to exactly where he had gone under and come out . . .’
(1915.3)
(5) ma nâ:k keyc-ay-â:t má:h-os-a:n
that thing tell.LGR-1S.AG-REF very-DIM-REF.N
foll-ít ó:-s
go.about.TPL.LGR-T be.LGR-IND
‘They are doing exactly what I said.’ (1915.2)
The same stem has uses with adverbial clauses (§42.3.7), as an
auxiliary (§32.9), and possibly in the word mâ:haká-ts ‘especially’
(§40.2).
26.2 hǐ:ⁿɬ-i: ‘very, really’

The stem hiɬ- ‘good’ can be used to show degree, and is often in the
expressive (nasalizing grade):
(6) hopáy-i: hǐ:ⁿɬ-it om-î:p-ika ón-t ó:-n
far-DUR good.NGR-T be-SPN.FGR-so be.LGR-T be.LGR-N
ó:-s
be.LGR-IND
‘It’s that it’s very far.’ (1915.1)
(7) cafincak-í: hǐ:ⁿɬ-it ták-wila:k-ít o:m-ín
lively.RED-DUR very.NGR-T LOC-go.about.DU.LGR-T be.LGR-N
‘[The cooks] were really actively going back and forth . . .’ (1915.4)
It also has the sense ‘actually’:

(8) mocá-ta:t a:y-í: hǐ:ⁿɬ-eys ó:-s
this.time-ATN go.SG.LGR-DUR good.NGR-even be.LGR-IND
kéyc-a:k-acók-in
tell-PL.LGR-DED-N
‘Now he’s really gone, [I heard] them say . . .’ (1915.4)
26.3 Diminutive -os-

A diminutive suffix -os- has several uses with verb stems. One use
with participles is to specify that a modified noun is small in size:
(9) a:y-ít iɬ-o:ɬ-â:n ’ciɬákko calá:h-os-i:-t
go.SG.LGR-T DIR-reach.LGR-REF.N horse spotted-DIM-DUR-T
Degree 235
óhm-at-it hôyɬ-in iɬ-o:ɬ-atí:-s

be.HGR-happen-T stand.SG.FGR-N DIR-reach.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘And when he got there, he saw it was a little spotted horse standing
there as he approached.’ (1915.1)
This use is close in meaning to the diminutive suffix -oci (§13.1) used
on nouns and noun compounds:
(10) ma oykéywa onápa ma ’ciɬakko-cala:h-ocí
that spring above that horse-spotted-DIM
i:y-oh-hoyêyɬ-it
RFL-LOC-stand.SG.HGR-T
‘The little spotted horse stood at the top of the well . . .’ (1915.1)
It may be that -oci has more of a “type” reading (‘a spotted pony’
instead of ‘a little spotted horse’).
A second use in verbs is to indicate that a subject or object is small
in size (Munro 1988):
(11) loca-lopóck-i lapátki foll-os-â:n hopo:y-ít
turtle-small.PL-I woods go.about.TPL.LGR-DIM-REF.N search.LGR-T
‘. . . they hunted for small turtles going about in the woods . . .’ (ca.
1940b)
(12) ’taló:fa há:y-os-i:-t ísti apo:k-ak-í:-t ô:m-in
town make-DIM-DUR-T person live.TPL-IMPL.AG-DUR-T be.FGR-N
‘. . . they made a little town and settled . . .’ (ca. 1940b)
A third use of -os- is to indicate ‘a little bit, to a small degree’:
(13) ma ísti inókk-i: ís-foll-atí: má-teys

that person sick-DUR INST-go.about.TPL.LGR-PAST5 that-even
aɬ-i:p-os-í: iɬ-in-ha:k-î:p-in
go.about.SG-SPN.LGR-DIM-DUR DIR-DAT-become.LGR-SPN.FGR-N
‘The sick man they’d brought had begun to get around a little . . .’
(1915.2)
1
Sometimes -os- seems to indicate closeness in time (‘just now’).
(14) satá á:-la:tk-ín pa:p-ak-á:^ keyc-ín,
1
This may explain the use of -os- in the connecting word mô:m-os-in ‘and right
away’.
236 §26
á:-la:tk-os-ít o:m-ín pa:p-éy-t o:m-éy-s

DIR-fall.SG.LGR-DIM-T be.LGR-N eat.LGR-1S.AG-T be.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘“You’re eating a persimmon that fell?” [Rabbit] asked, “It’s just
fallen and I’m eating it” [Opossum said].’ (1939b)
When -os- occurs with a nasalizing-grade stem, it shows greater
degree (‘very’):
(15) mó:-n hácci awǒ:ⁿl-os-i:-t ô:m-ati:-s
be.so.LGR-N stream near.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-PAST5-IND
‘And the river was very close.’ (1915.2)
Diminutive -os- is not limited to verbs: rather, it seems to indicate
degree. Most common nouns are incompatible with -os-, but
postpositions are a type of noun that can be modified for degree. With
postpositions, -os- means ‘just (below, etc.)’:
(16) a. ilíc-os-a:n
below-DIM-REF.N
‘just below’
b. onáp-os-a:n
above-DIM-REF.N
‘just above’
26.4 oɬ-í:-n ‘really, very’

The verb oɬ- ‘reach’ has an adverbial form oɬ-í:-n ‘really, very’:
(17) oɬ-í:-n kasápp-i:-t ô:-s
reach-DUR-N cold-DUR-T be.FGR-IND

‘It’s really cold.’
(18) oɬ-í:-n o:sk-ís
reach-DUR-N rain.LGR-IND
‘It’s really raining.’
26.5 -ita ‘too . . .’

The suffix -ita is used to form verbal nouns (§10.3), but it can also be
used to express excessive degree:
(19) kasapp-itá-ts
cold-INF-be.IND
‘It’s too cold.’
Degree 237
(20) aca:k-itá-t ô:-s

precious.INF-T be.FGR-IND
‘It’s too expensive.’
The ending -ts in (19) is the reduced copula (§32.2). A literal
translation of (19) might be ‘it’s coldness’.
27 Verb forms with adverbial function
27.1 Expressing manner: -i:-n and -i:-t
Manner adverbs are generally formed from durative stative participles
(‘adjectives’) by adding the different-subject marker -(i)n:
(1) caya:yak-í: ‘quiet’ caya:yak-í:-n ‘quietly’
lápk-i: ‘quick’ lápk-i:-n ‘quickly’
This pattern is also used for negative manner adverbs:
(2) hiɬ-íko-: ‘bad’ (< hiɬ- ‘good’) hiɬ-íko-:-n ‘poorly’
The manner adverb may occur between a verb and its objects, as in
(3), or before the objects, as in (4):
(3) ma-w′ pánka yíkc-i:-n páhn-it wéyk-a:k-ô:f
that-also dance strong-DUR-N dance.HGR-T quit-PL.LGR-when
‘After they dance hard and stop . . .’ (ca. 1940b)
(4) yíkc-i:-n yóksa álk-i:-n nâ:ki istô:m-eys
strong-DUR-N end each-DUR-N thing do.anything.FGR-even
acokcoɬcôyc-ak-in
knot.FGR-IMPL.AG-N
‘[Then] one ties each end firmly to whatever there is . . .’ (ca. 1940c)
Manner adverbs may express quality (caya:yak-í:-n ‘quietly’), speed

(lápk-i:-n ‘quickly’), distance (hopáy-i:-n ‘far away’), or position
(coní:k-i:-n ‘in a leaning position’). They can also express amount:
(5) ma aɬkasw-ocí-n óywa-n nacóm-os-i:-n acáhn-it
that pot-DIM-N water-N few-DIM-DUR-N pour.HGR-T
‘A little water was poured in a small pot . . .’ (ca. 1940c)
The same pattern is used for adverbs expressing a result:
(6) tapǐ:ⁿks-os-i:-n ha:y-ít
flat.NGR-DIM-DUR-N make.LGR-T
‘. . . making it really flat . . .’
In (6), the nasalizing grade combines with diminutive -os- to mean
‘really’.
While manner adverbs generally end in -(i)n, examples are also
found ending in -(i)t:
Verb forms with adverbial function 239
(7) halalǎ:ⁿtk-it ma oy-hasi:-ɬákko ak-ci:y-íhp-in

slow.NGR-T that lake-big LOC-enter-SPN.HGR-N
‘. . . slowly he entered the big lake . . .’ (1915.1)
(8) ahiɬéyc-i:-t a:-léyhk-it ay-ás
careful-DUR-T DIR-sit.SG.HGR-T go.SG-IMP
‘Get up carefully and go.’ (1915.4)
(9) yó:pk-os-i:-t ci-nâ:ki tó:ko-:-n nâ:ki
creep-DIM-DUR-T 2.PAT-thing be.not-DUR-N thing
íhs-at-it hôyɬ-íck-a:t
take.SG.HGR-happen-T stand.FGR-2S.AG-REF
‘When you stealthily take something that doesn’t belong to you . . .’
(ca. 1940c)
It may be that the examples in (7)–(9) are adverbial clauses whose
subjects can be construed as being the same as the subject of the higher
clause. The adverb halalǎ:ⁿtk-it ‘slowly’ in (7) seems to be an idiom
meaning ‘dragging oneself’ (cf. halat- ‘pull’). The adverb in (8) could
be paraphrased as ‘taking care’, and yó:pk-os-i:-t in (9) could be
translated ‘by creeping’. If this interpretation is correct, then the -(i)t
on these forms is the same-subject marker -(i)t (§37.2). In the same
way, the more common pattern using different-subject -(i)n is found
when the subject of the adverb is construed as being different from the
higher verb. In resultatives like (6), for example, it is the object that
becomes flat rather than the subject. Similarly, in (5), it is water that
comes to be in a small amount rather than the subject acting in a small
amount. The following example reinforces this conclusion:
(10) ’to-poló:k-in coní:k-i:-n cakhî:c-it

wood-round-N lean-DUR-N stick.FGR-T
‘A small pole was stuck in the ground in a leaning position . . .’ (ca.
1940c)
In (10), the pole is stuck so that the pole (different-subject) is in a
leaning position.
Examples like (11) raise potential problems for this approach,
however:
(11) isti-hapo:-ɬákko in-kapáhk-it hopáy-i:-n apî:y-it
person-camp-big DAT-leave.HGR-T far-DUR-N go.TPL.FGR-T
foll-atí:-s
go.about.TPL.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘. . . leaving the big camp they went far off . . .’ (ca. 1940b)
240 §27
The sense in (11) seems to be that the travelers are far off, yet
different-subject -(i)n is used.
Adverbial expressions in -i:-n and -i:-t are phrases and so may
contain noun phrases:
(12) cóssi sókca ó:m-i:-n ahóhɬ-it
buckskin sack like-DUR-N sew.HGR-T
‘. . . sew the buckskin like a sack . . .’ (ca. 1940c)
(13) ísti sólk-i:-n apák-i:-t lêyk-it
person many-DUR-N join-DUR-T sit.SG.FGR-T
wó:tko ísto:m-í: a:ɬ-atí:-n óhh-ona:y-ín
raccoon do.how.LGR-DUR go.about.SG-PAST5-N LOC-tell.LGR-N
‘In front of many people [lit., ‘joining many people he sat and’] he
talked about how the raccoon went about . . .’ (ca. 1940c)
Different-subject -(i)n is used in (12) because the subject of the
adverbial clause (construed here as ‘buckskin’) is different from the
main clause. Same-subject -(i)t is used in (13) because the subject of
the two clauses is the same.
28 Aspect
The term aspect is used here for grammatical devices that indicate
whether the situation denoted by a verb stem is beginning, continuing,
or ending within a certain time frame or tense. Verb stems seem not to
have a fixed aspectual interpretation in Creek: instead, aspect is
determined by means of grades, suffixes, and auxiliaries.
Grades are used to indicate several basic aspectual distinctions in
Creek (table 28.1).
TABLE 28.1. BASIC (NONDURATIVE) GRADE FORMS OF THE VERB STEM hic-
‘SEE, LOOK’
Eventive (lgr.) hi:c-ís ‘he/she is looking at it’
Resultative stative (fgr.) hî:c-is ‘he/she sees it’
Perfective (hgr.) híhc-is ‘he/she saw it (today/last night)’
Expressive (ngr.) hǐ:ⁿc-is ‘he/she keeps looking at it’
As table 28.1 shows, the verb hic- ‘see, look’ has a lengthened grade
form used for the eventive aspect. The falling tone grade (fgr.) is used
for the resultative stative, and the aspirating grade (hgr.) and nasalizing
grade (ngr.) are used for perfective and expressive aspects,
respectively.
I distinguish here between aspectual categories like the perfective

and form-based categories like aspirating grade. The aspirating grade,
in particular, has many uses in addition to marking perfective. For this
reason, the formation of the different grades is treated separately (§8).
The grades in table 28.1 can be combined with different suffixes to
make further distinctions in aspect. Thus, durative -i:- can be used with
different grades to give the forms in table 28.2.
TABLE 28.2. DURATIVE GRADE FORMS OF THE VERB STEM hic- ‘SEE, LOOK’
Stative (zero grade) hic-í:-s ‘he/she sees’
Eventive (lgr.) hi:c-í:-s ‘he/she can/could/would look at it’
Resultative stative (fgr.) hî:c-i:-s ‘he/she did see him/her’
Perfective (hgr.) híhc-i:-s ‘he/she might see him/her’
Expressive (ngr.) hǐ:ⁿc-i:-s ‘he/she sees him/her regularly’
242 §28
Other patterns have an effect on aspect: a suffix -ip- indicates

spontaneous aspect, the auxiliary po:y- is used to mean ‘finish, do all
of’ (§32.8), and the suffix -ati:- is used for ‘have never’ and other
experientials (§35.4).
28.1 The eventive (lgr.)

As noted in §8.2, the lengthened grade is formed by lengthening the
final syllable of the stem. Verbs in the lengthened grade also have a
characteristic pitch pattern. Verb stems that consist of less than two
feet have level pitch (1a), and verb stems that consist of more than two
feet have a terraced pattern with an accent on the last foot before the
lengthened syllable (1b).
(1) a. aɬ- ‘go about’ a:ɬ-ís ‘he/she is going about’
apil- ‘laugh’ api:l-ís ‘he/she is laughing’
b. aklop- ‘take a bath’ áklo:p-ís ‘he/she is taking a bath’
awanay- ‘tie to’ awána:y-ís ‘he/she is tying it to it’
Stated simply, the penultimate syllable of the stem is accented if it is
heavy or if it is the last even-numbered light syllable.
When a verb in the lengthened grade is used with om- ‘be’, the
latter must be in the lengthened grade as well:
(2) a:ɬ-ís ‘he/she is going about’ a:ɬ-ít ó:-s1 ‘he/she is going about’
lo:kc-ís ‘it’s getting ripe’ lo:kc-ít ó:-s2 ‘it’s getting ripe’
The periphrastic forms on the right of (2) might be used for informing
someone (making a mild assertion about the truth of the statement)

(§32.1).
The lengthened grade is used broadly for any kind of successful
change or process—an actual happening as opposed to a state.3 In the
absence of a tense marker, it is often interpreted as an ongoing action:
(3) hic- ‘look’ hi:c-ís ‘he/she is looking at it’
yakap- ‘walk’ yaka:p-ís ‘he/she is walking’
afannak- ‘look around’ afánna:k-ís ‘he/she is looking around’
It can also refer to a punctual event occurring just a moment ago,
however: ca-la:tk-ís ‘I fell (a second ago)’.
1
Shortened from a:ɬ-ít o:m-ís.
2
Shortened from lo:kc-ít o:m-ís.
3
The Creek lengthened grade (eventive) appears to correspond to the zero grade in
Choctaw. I follow Haag and Willis (2001:135) in using the term ‘eventive’ for this
aspect.
Aspect 243
Stems that are interpreted as states in the durative stative aspect are
interpreted as progressive inceptive states in the eventive:
(4) lókc-i:-s ‘it’s ripe’ lo:kc-ís ‘it’s getting ripe’
aholoc-í:-s ‘it’s cloudy’ ahólo:c-ís ‘it’s getting cloudy’
pinkal-í:-s ‘he/she is scared’ pínka:l-ís ‘he/she is getting scared’
ca-yopaklátk-i:-s ‘I’m behind’ ca-yopákla:tk-ís ‘I’m falling behind’
In Past 4 and Past 5, both progressive and punctual readings are
possible. In (5), the lengthened grade refers to an event that occurred
once briefly:
(5) ma is-wana:-k-ocí in-polokséyhc-it
that INST-tie-GER-DIM DAT-make.circle.HGR-T
im-áta:ɬ-atí:-s
DAT-hang.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘He made a loop with the rope and hung it for him.’ (1915.1)
The eventive thus seems to be the neutral aspect for nonstates. The
underlined stems in (6), from the beginning of a story, show how
pervasive the lengthened grade is:
(6) cofí-t a:ɬ-atí:-s má:ho:k-ánt-s
rabbit-T be.about.SG.LGR-PAST5-IND say.IMPL.LGR-PAST4-IND
món-t a:ɬ-ít o:m-ít hopoɬɬínka-n
be.so.LGR-T go.about.SG.LGR-T be.LGR-T wisdom-N
ó:c-i:-t om-íta-n iyâ:c-it a:ɬ-ít o:m-ít
have-DUR-T be-INF-N want.FGR-T go.about.SG.LGR-T be.LGR-T
hisa:kitamisí:-n ím-po:h-atí:-s
god-N DAT-ask.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘It was said there was once a rabbit. And going about, he wanted to
have wisdom and asked God.’ (1915.14)
It is easier to state where the lengthened grade is not used: (a) where
the zero grade is used (imperatives; states; negatives; futures in -áɬi:-);
(b) where one of the other aspects is more appropriate. The lengthened
grade is also used in agent nominalizations (§10.1).
I have identified the eventive with the lengthened grade in much of
the above discussion, but one might want to distinguish the two in
negative sentences. Negative verbs are always in the zero grade,
though distinctions like the following are still possible:
(7) a. ino:kk-ít ó:-s
sick.LGR-T be.LGR-IND
‘He/she is getting sick.’
244 §28
b. inókk-íko-t ó:-s
sick-not-T be.LGR-IND
‘He/she isn’t getting sick.’
(8) a. inókk-i:-t ô:-s
sick-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘He/she is sick.’
b. inókk-íko-:-t ô:-s
sick-not-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘He/she isn’t sick.’
Examples (7a, b) are eventive and (8a, b) are durative stative. The
negative in either case is in the zero grade.
28.2 The resultative stative (fgr.)

Resultative stative aspect is expressed with the falling tone grade
(§8.4). In the periphrastic construction, the main verb is in the falling
tone grade, and the auxiliary om- ‘be’ is in the eventive (lengthened
grade):
(9) â:cc-is ‘he/she is wearing it’ â:cc-it ó:-s4 ‘he/she is wearing it’
The resultative stative is used for states resulting from events portrayed
as short in duration.5 It is commonly used with verbs referring to
position; with this class, the eventive (lengthened grade) refers to
progressive movement into a position, as in the first column of (10),
while the resultative stative (falling tone grade) refers to the state
resulting from that movement, as in the second column of (10).
(10) leyk-ís ‘he/she is sitting down lêyk-is ‘he/she is sitting (already

(getting into that position)’ in that position)’
hoyɬ-ís ‘he/she is standing up hôyɬ-is ‘he/she is standing
(getting into that position)’ (already in that position)’
wa:kk-ís ‘he/she is lying down wâ:kk-is ‘he/she is lying (already
(getting into that position)’ in that position)’
apeyk-ís ‘he/she is getting in (a box, apêyk-is ‘he/she is in (a box,
etc.)’ etc.)’
Verbs referring to dressing, knowledge, perception, and holding are
similar, and commonly occur in the resultative stative aspect:
4
Shortened from â:cc-it o:m-ís.
5
The Creek falling tone grade corresponds closely to the nasalizing grade in
Choctaw (Haag and Willis 2001:136-137) and to the falling tone grade in Mikasuki.
Aspect 245
(11) a:cc-ís ‘he/she is putting on (a â:cc-is ‘he/she is wearing (a dress,

dress, etc.)’ etc.)’
ki:ɬɬ-ís ‘he/she is learning’ kî:ɬɬ-is ‘he/she knows’
hi:c-ís ‘he/she is looking at it’ hî:c-is ‘he/she sees it’
i:s-ís ‘he/she is catching it’ î:s-is ‘he/she is holding it’
Numerals other than ‘one’, ‘ten’, ‘one hundred’ (a noun), ‘one
thousand’ (a noun), etc., appear in the resultative stative: hokkô:l-in
‘two’, toccî:n-in ‘three’, etc. The verb iya:c- ‘want’ is often in the
falling tone grade (iyâ:c-is ‘he/she wants it’). Most common of all is
the verb om- ‘be’, which occurs in the falling tone grade after nouns or
durative participles (pókko-t ô:-s ‘it is a ball’).
Resultative stative aspect (falling tone grade) is often close in
translation to durative stative aspect (zero grade + -i:-):
(12) a. hónna-n â:cc-ey-s
dress-N put.on.clothing.FGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m wearing a dress.’
b. hónna-n acc-ay-í:-s
dress-N put.on.clothing-1S.AG-DUR-IND
‘I have a dress on.’
The resultative stative is used with events that are portrayed as being of
shorter duration, while the durative is open ended or neutral in this
regard. Margaret Mauldin’s translations suggest that the durative also
affects modality:
(13) a. isho:ccéycka má-n oh-wâ:kk-is
pen there-N LOC-lie.SG.FGR-IND

‘There’s a pen lying there.’
b. isho:ccéycka má-n oh-wákk-i:-s
pen there-N LOC-lie.SG-DUR-IND
‘There’s usually [or ‘there should be’] a pen lying there [I haven’t
seen it].’
The resultative stative is sometimes close to the English present
perfect. The state in (13a) is not the result of a pen assuming a position
or a position that the pen is maintaining, however; it is simply a
position the pen is in.
28.3 The perfective (hgr.)

The perfective (aspirating grade, sometimes called h-grade) is marked
by aspirating the last syllable of a stem or by infixing -êy- (§8.3). In the
246 §28
periphrastic pattern, the auxiliary verb om- ‘be’ appears in the

lengthened grade:
(14) léyhk-is ‘he/she sat down’ léyhk-it ó:-s6 ‘he/she sat down’
One major use of the perfective is in chained clauses to show that
an event is successfully completed prior to another (‘and then’):7
(15) má ifa-acól-i-t má ísti inókk-a:n a:-ohh-áht-it
that dog-old-I-T that person sick-REF.N DIR-LOC-come.SG.HGR-T
ím-pona:y-atí:-s
DAT-talk.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘The old dog came up to the sick man and spoke to him.’ (1915.2)
Verb stems that have stative interpretations in the durative stative refer
to punctual, completed changes of state in the perfective. Thus,
corresponding to the durative lá:n-i: ‘green/yellow/brown’ is a
perfective láhn-it ‘turned green/yellow/brown’:
(16) láhn-it, ca:t-atí:-s
yellow.HGR-T red.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘It turned yellow, and then it turned red (very long ago).’
To indicate that a state existed prior to another event, the verb om- ‘be’
must be added:
(17) lá:n-i:-t óhw-it, hatâm ca:t-atí:-s
yellow-DUR-T be.HGR-T again red.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘It was yellow, and then it turned red (very long ago).’
Any amount of time can separate the two events:
(18) oywó:hka-n ca-hicêyk-it, móhw-in

Wewoka-N 1S.PAT-be.born.HGR-T be.so.HGR-N
pá:l-in cinapohkêyc-ay-o:f,
ten-N do.eight.FGR-1S.AG-when
tálsi-n óh-coni:ck-ay-áti:-t ô:-s
Tulsa LOC-move.LGR-1S.AG-PAST5-T be.FGR-IND
‘I was born in Wewoka, and then, when I turned eighteen, I moved to
Tulsa.’
There is no requirement that chained clauses be in the perfective,
however:
6
Shortened from léyhk-it o:m-ís.
7
Koasati has a close analog of the h-grade (Kimball 1991:302-306).
Aspect 247
(19) má-n óh-la:tk-ít, oh-pálpa:k-ít, i:y-ahóniceyc-ít,

that-N LOC-fall.SG.LGR-T LOC-roll.LGR-T RFL-wake.LGR-T
tak-leyk-ǐ:ⁿp-ati:-s
LOC-sit.SG.LGR-SPN.NGR-PAST5-IND
‘He would fall on it, roll on it, wake himself, and continue to sit and
wait.’ (1915.1)
The chained clauses in (19) are in the eventive (lengthened grade)
because the events are portrayed as recurring rather than happening
once.
In chained clauses, the time of the perfective clause is relative to the
time of the following clause. If the following clause is in the remote
past, the perfective indicates completion prior to that:
(20) a:-ta:sêyk-it, li:tk-atí:-s
DIR-jump.SG.HGR-T run.SG.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘He/she jumped up and ran (very long ago).’
In main clauses, the perfective takes the time of utterance as a point of
reference. In this context, the perfective indicates that an event was
completed today or last night (Past 1). Both senses can be seen in (21):
(21) a:-ta:sêyk-it, litêyk-is
DIR-jump.SG.HGR-T run.SG.HGR-IND
‘He/she jumped up and ran (today or last night).’
There are two perfective forms in (21), based on stems a:-ta:sk- ‘jump
up’ and litk- ‘run’. The first perfective is a chained clause, indicating
completion prior to the second clause (the relative perfective use). The
second perfective is a main clause and so indicates recent completion

(Past 1).
While the aspirating grade is sometimes treated as a tense (Nathan
1977), I feel it fits better formally and functionally within the system of
aspect. The main-clause use in (21) in fact seems to be a development
in Creek. Other uses of the aspirating grade are found in imperatives
(§31.3.1) and negative futures (§30).
28.4 The expressive (ngr.)

The expressive in Creek is formed by nasalizing, lengthening, and
assigning rising tone to the last syllable of the stem (§8.5). The
expressive is treated here as a grade, but speakers often find elicited
forms to be humorous: the nasalizing grade (ngr.) is a stylistic feature,
and vowel length, nasalization, and pitch can be exaggerated for
greater expressiveness.
248 §28
The expressive is often used with verb stems describing quantity or

degree to indicate greater degree:
(22) mó:-n nâ:ki-t kô:m-ak-a:t omǎⁿlka-t
be.so.LGR-N thing-T think.FGR-IMPL.AG-REF all.NGR-T
naka:ft-atí:-s
meet.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘So all kinds of creatures had gathered.’ (1915.5)
(23) kós! ca-yíkc-i: hǐ:ⁿɬ-i:-t ô:m-i:-s
no 1S.PAT-strong-DUR very.NGR-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND
‘No! I’m very strong.’ (1915.3)
In narratives, the verb stems omalk- ‘be all’ and hiɬ- ‘good’ in (22)–
(23) account for a large percentage of nasalizing grade forms.
A related use is seen in verb stems describing properties. In this use,
the expressive is combined with the verbal diminutive -os- to indicate
greater degree: awǒ:ⁿl-os-i: ‘very close’ (§26.3).
With more active verbs, the nasalizing grade indicates sustained
action. With punctual verbs like nafk- ‘hit’, the sense is of repetition
over a sustained period:
(24) mô:m-os-in nafêyk-it, nǎ:ⁿfk-it, nǎ:ⁿfk-it, nǎ:ⁿfk-it,
be.so.FGR-DIM-N hit.HGR-T hit.NGR-T hit.NGR-T hit.NGR-T
citǎ:ⁿkk-os-i:-n háhy-it
mashed.NGR-DIM-DUR-N make.HGR-T
‘They beat him and kept beating him and kept beating him and kept
beating him until he was just pulp . . .’ (1915.7)
With verbs like apiy- ‘(three or more) go’ describing actions that take
place over a period of time, the sense is of a prolonged event:
(25) apǐ:ⁿy-i:-t ito-háwk-it ɬákk-i:-t wâ:kk-it o:m-ín
go.TPL.NGR-1PA-T tree-open-T big-DUR-T lie.SG.FGR-T be.LGR-N
‘We kept going to where there was a big hollow log . . .’ (1915.4)
28.5 Durative forms (-i:)

Durative aspect is signaled by use of the durative suffix -i:.8 The
durative stative aspect is formed by combining a verb in the zero grade
with -i:. In the periphrastic pattern, the auxiliary om- ‘be’ occurs in the
falling tone grade, as in the second column of (26).9
8
Durative -i: is sometimes difficult to distinguish from first person plural agentive
-i:- ‘we’.
9
Forms in the second column of (26) are shortened from lókc-i:-t ô:m-is, etc.
Aspect 249
(26) lókc-i:-s ‘it’s ripe’ lókc-i:-t ô:-s ‘it’s ripe’

inókk-i:-s ‘he/she is sick’ inókk-i:-t ô:-s ‘he/she is sick’
ca-láw-i:-s ‘I’m hungry’ ca-láw-i:-t ô:-s ‘I’m hungry’
kíɬɬ-ay-i:-s ‘I know’ kíɬɬ-ay-i:-t ô:-s ‘I know’
Stems that are interpreted as progressives in the eventive aspect receive
a stative, sometimes abilitative, interpretation in the durative stative:
(27) a. hi:c-éy-s
see.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I am looking at it.’
b. ca-híc-i:-s
1S.PAT-see-DUR-IND
‘I [can] see.’
(The use of agent agreement in (27a) and patient agreement in (27b)
reflects agency (§20.2).) The durative can be used for stems function-
ing as predicates, as in (26), or for “participles”—verb stems mod-
ifying nouns in noun phrases, as in (28).
(28) a. paká:na lókc-i:
peach ripe-DUR
‘a ripe peach’
b. ísti inókk-i:
person sick-DUR
‘a sick person’
The durative is also required for certain complements: hómp-íck-i:
tâ:y-a′ ‘can you eat?’ (§32.7).10
10
There is some evidence that duratives are a type of verbal noun. We have seen
that periphrastic duratives occur with an auxiliary in the falling tone grade (ô:-s). The
general pattern is for ô:-s to be used after noun phrases and stems in -i::
(i) pókko-t ô:-s ‘It’s a ball.’
inókk-i:-t ô:-s ‘He/she is sick.’
The fact that stems with -i: pattern with nouns suggests that -i: is a nominalizing
suffix. Further similarities between nouns and stems with -i: can be seen in questions:
(ii) pókko-ti′ ‘Is it a ball?’ (noun phrase)
inókk-i:-ti′ ‘Is he/she sick?’ (durative)
ino:kk-á′ ‘Is he/she getting sick?’ (eventive)
As (ii) shows, the question marker -ti is used with noun phrases and with stems in -i:,
but not with other verb forms. Since stems in -i: pattern with nouns, it seems
appropriate to refer to -i: as a participial suffix: the stative reading may result in part
from changing a verb to a noun.
250 §28
As noted in §28.1, both eventive and durative negatives are

possible:
(29) a. inókk-íko-t ó:-s
sick-not-T be.LGR-IND
‘He/she isn’t getting sick.’
b. inókk-íko-:-t ô:-s
sick-not-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘He/she isn’t sick.’
As (29) shows, -i: is realized as vowel length after negative -íko, so
that -íko+-i: is pronounced -íko-:.
Durative -i: can combine with different grade forms. Habits are
simultaneously durative and eventive, because they consist of activities
performed over a sustained period. This conceptualization of habits is
reflected in Creek by combining a lengthened grade stem with the
durative suffix -i:. In the periphrastic pattern, the auxiliary om- ‘be’ is
in the falling tone grade.
(30) a. opóna:y-í:-s
speak.LGR-DUR-IND
‘He/she speaks.’
b. opóna:y-í:-t ô:-s
speak.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘He/she speaks.’
Example (31) is a simple sentence using the durative eventive
aspect:
(31) locá ɬaɬó-n homp-í:-t ô:-s

turtle fish-N eat.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘The turtle [a particular one] eats fish [as a habit].’
The contrast between the durative eventive and the durative stative is
seen in (32)–(33).
(32) isti-ma:skó:ki im-ponáka opóna:y-ay-í:-t
person-Muskogee DAT-language speak.LGR-1S.AG-DUR-T
ô:-s
be.FGR-IND
‘I speak Muskogee.’
(33) tálsi-n at-áy-i:-t ô:-s
Tulsa-N come.SG-1S.AG-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘I come from Tulsa.’
Aspect 251
Speaking a language is a recurring event, so both the durative and the

eventive are used in (32). Being from a place is a state rather than a
recurring event, so only the durative is used in (33).
The durative sometimes has modal force. This is true in the durative
eventive as well, where it sometimes means ‘could’ or ‘would’:
(34) opóna:y-ay-í:-s ‘I could/would opóna:y-ay-í:-t ô:-s ‘I could/would
talk’ talk’
a:cc-ay-í:-s ‘I could/would wear a:cc-ay-í:-t ô:-s ‘I could/would wear
it’ it’
28.6 -ip- ‘spontaneous’

The suffix -ip- has received several labels ranging from ‘middle voice’
(Nathan 1977:123) to ‘mediopassive’ (D. Hardy 1988). One of the
difficulties in sorting out uses is that -ip- varies in meaning based on
context. It also varies in shape: a form like kaɬp-î:p-it ó:-s ‘it’s dried’ is
normally contracted to kaɬpî:ttó:s, making -ip- hard to identify. Five
uses are distinguished here.11
One of the most common uses of -ip- is to indicate events that occur
casually or that are easy or worry-free:
(35) cofí-ta:t oss-íhp-it mô:m-os-in yahá m-êy-n
rabbit-ATN get.out.SG-SPN.HGR-T be.so.FGR-DIM-N wolf DAT-even-N
ma toha:hawá ’s-im-oh-cakcahíhc-it ay-î:p-in
that box INST-DAT-LOC-stick.in.PL.HGR-T go.SG-SPN.FGR-N
‘. . . Rabbit got out and nailed Wolf in the box instead and left . . .’
(1915.3)
In (35), the use of oss-íhp-it (hgr. of oss-ip-) implies that the action
was performed easily. The verb osêyy-it (hgr. of oss-) could have been
used here instead and would have been more appropriate if Rabbit had
struggled to open the box.
Forms with -ip- in the nasalizing grade usually have a sustained,
casual reading:
(36) món-t hiɬêyc-it leyk-ǐ:ⁿp-ati:-s
be.so.LGR-T store.FGR-T sit.SG.LGR-SPN.NGR-PAST5-IND
‘And he stored it all away and sat back.’ (1915.1)
11
This study of -ip- is based on sixty-seven examples taken from stories familiar
to Margaret Mauldin and myself. For each example, we considered the difference
between using or not using -ip-. We kept a list of the labels for the different readings
we saw. We then tested the labels on additional examples until we felt comfortable
categorizing the various uses.
252 §28
When the verb leyk- ‘sit’ is put in the nasalizing grade, it usually means
to keep sitting, to wait. In (36), lěyⁿk-at-i:-s (ngr. of leyk-) would have
meant that he waited. The use of leyk-ǐ:ⁿp-ati:-s implies a casual, less
serious action, captured by the translation ‘sat back’.
The example in (37) is similar, though in a different grade:
(37) má-n hoktí:-ta:t mô:m-os-in in-hicêyk-in
that-N woman-ATN be.so.FGR-DIM-N DAT-appear.HGR-N
leyk-ip-áɬa:n-ín o:m-í:-s keyhóhc-in

sit.SG-SPN-PROSP.LGR-N be.LGR-DUR-IND say.IMPL.HGR-N
‘This is how they gave him the girl, saying, I guess he can settle down
now . . .’ (1915.2)
The casual reading of -ip- in (37) is captured by the translation ‘settle
down’; the implication is that he will be worry-free and content, that he
has permission to do so.
The casual reading may be found with inanimates as well. In the
story of Tar-Baby, Rabbit mistakes a figure of tar for a person. He
challenges it, saying, “I’m going to drink your water”:
(38) nâ:k má:k-íko-: tâ:y-it hoyɬ-ǐ:ⁿp-in
thing say-not-DUR can.FGR-T stand.SG-SPN.NGR-N
‘[But it had no life and so] it just stood there unable to say anything
. . .’ (1915.3)
In (38), hoyɬ-ǐ:ⁿp-in means ‘it just kept standing there’ (casually,
unconcerned).
The casual reading of -ip- may be related to a ‘let’ or ‘let’s’ reading
seen in expressions like homp-ǐ:ⁿp ‘let’s eat! (said when seeing lots of
food)’ (§31.3.7). Other examples of this reading can be seen in hic-íp-
aha:n-éy-s ‘let me see’ or mi:c-ip-áha:n-éy-s ‘let me do it’.
The spontaneous reading of -ip- is seen in examples like the
following:
(39) kaɬp-î:p-it ó:-s (> kaɬpî:ttó:s)
dry-SPN.FGR-T be.LGR-IND
‘It’s dried.’
(40) il-î:p-it ó:-s (> ilî:ttó:s)
die.SG-SPN.FGR-T be.LGR-IND
‘He’s dead.’
(41) cokó in-nikɬ-î:p-it ó:-s (> innikɬî:ttó:s)
house DAT-burn-SPN.FGR-T be.LGR-IND
‘Her house burnt down.’
Aspect 253
The falling tone grade in (39)–(41) indicates a resultant state. The use
of the falling tone grade with -ip- seems particularly common with
accidental resultant states: casomkî:ttó:s (from ca-somk-î:p-it ó:-s)
‘I’m lost’.
The casual or spontaneous interpretation is often found with motion
verbs. With -ip-, the verb ay- ‘(one) go’ is translated as ‘take off’,
‘depart’, ‘leave’, or ‘go off’:
(42) aca:yî:c-it is-hóyɬ-íck-áɬi:-s kéyhc-it
take.care.FGR-T INST-stand.SG-2S.AG-FUT-IND tell.HGR-T
íhm-it óhm-in, ay-i:p-atí:-s
give.HGR-T be.HGR-N go.SG-SPN-PAST5-IND
‘“You must take care of it,” [the horse] said to [the boy], and after
giving it to him, [the boy] departed.’ (1915.1)
(43) mô:m-os-in óywa-ta:t isêyk-it ay-i:p-atí:-s
be.so.FGR-DIM-N water-ATN drink.HGR-T go.SG-SPN.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘And then he drank the water and went off.’ (1915.3)
Margaret Mauldin feels that this use implies an end to an episode.
A slightly different use is seen in examples like the following:
(44) a. li:tk-éy-s
run.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m running.’ (for no particular reason)
b. lítk-i:p-éy-s
run-SPN.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m running.’ (perhaps because of a sound)
It could be that describing an event as happening spontaneously, as in

(44b), leads a hearer to infer a cause for the spontaneous event.
For reasons that are not clear, -ip- is sometimes used in the clause
that specifies the cause of an event (marked with -ika ‘because’), in
addition to the caused event clause. We refer to this as the ‘because’
reading:
(45) hopáy-i: hǐ:ⁿɬ-it om-î:p-ika ón-t ó:-n
far-DUR good.NGR-T be-SPN.FGR-because be.LGR-T be.LGR-N
ó:-s
be.LGR-IND
‘It’s [because it’s] very far.’ (1915.1)
(46) má-n colo:kcowá-t om-î:p-ika is-hoyɬ-ǐ:ⁿp-in
that-N tar-T be-SPN.FGR-so INST-stand.SG-SPN.NGR-N
‘. . . but it was tar, so it just stood there . . .’ (1915.3)
254 §28
The second instance of -ip- in (46) shows the ‘casual’ use.

When -ip- is used in the zero grade with -i:, the sense is ‘already’
(i.e., ‘I’ve checked and I see that it’s already dry’):
(47) a. káɬp-i:-t ô:-s
dry-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘It’s dry.’
b. kaɬp-ip-í:-t ô:-s
dry-SPN-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘It’s already dry.’
(48) a. noɬéyc-i:-t ô:-s
cook-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘He’s cooked it.’
b. noɬeyc-ip-í:-t ô:-s
cook-SPN-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘He’s already cooked it.’
The ‘already’ reading seen in (47)–(48) is probably a result of the zero
grade, so that the contrast between (39) and (47b) is partly due to
aspect.
In commands (§31.3) and a few other uses, -ip- adds politeness by
giving more freedom to the addressee:
(49) mó:m-a:n a:ɬ-ít ɬa:-folotk-ip-ás
be.so-REF.N go.about.SG.LGR-T DIR-turn.around.SG-SPN-IMP
kéyhc-in
tell.HGR-N
‘“Well, you may go and come back,” [the house owner] said . . .’
(1915.1)
In this use, -ip- is often translated as ‘please’ or ‘may’.
28.7 Summary
Visual devices can be helpful in explaining the use of aspects. An
event like sitting down consists of: a) a beginning (beginning to squat);
b) a middle (perhaps half-way down); and, c) an end (a seated
position). The eventive (lengthened grade) is used for actions of this
type, and in the present tense, emphasizes the mid-point:
abc Eventive (lgr.)
Examples of this aspect are leyk-ís ‘he/she is sitting down (getting
seated)’ or ino:kk-ís ‘he/she is getting sick’.
Aspect 255
States are not portrayed as having beginnings, middles, or ends.

They are presented as consisting of a single open-ended condition:
(a) ... b ... (c) Durative stative (zero grade + -i:)
A condition like inókk-i:-s ‘he/she is sick’ is portrayed this way: there
may be a beginning or end to the condition, but the use of durative
aspect implies nothing about the beginning or end.
Habits are open-ended properties consisting of repeated events:
... a b c a b c a b c ... Durative eventive (lgr. + -i:)
This is reflected in Creek by combining the durative and eventive:
ino:kk-í:-s ‘he/she gets sick’.
The resultative stative emphasizes the state resulting from an event:
a b c ... Resultative stative (fgr.)
Examples of this use are lêyk-is ‘he/she is sitting’, î:s-is ‘he/she is
holding it’, or spontaneous forms like inokk-î:p-it ó:-s (> inokkî:ttó:s)
‘he/she got sick’.
The perfective (hgr.) indicates the one-time successful completion
of an event prior to a reference point (x):
a b c __ x Perfective (hgr.)
In chained clauses, x is the next clause. This use can be seen in
capakêyk-it ‘he/she got angry and then’ (stem capakk- ‘be/get angry’).
In main clauses, x is the time of speaking, with the event
conventionally interpreted as taking place today or last night:
capakêyk-is ‘he/she got angry (today/last night)’.
The expressive (ngr.) may show greater degree in states, as in

awǒ:ⁿl-os-i: ‘very close’:
... B ... Expressive (ngr.)
With events, it describes prolongation of the mid-point, the end-point,
or repetition:
abbbbbbc
abcccccc
abc abc abc
Examples of these uses are apǐ:ⁿy-it ‘they kept going’ (a continuous,
one-time journey), lěyⁿk-is ‘he/she is waiting’ (sitting for an extended
period rather than sitting down repeatedly), and awanǎ:ⁿy-it ‘he/she
keeps tying it (a horse that gets away)’.
256 §28
Grades differ in frequency: in narratives, the eventive (lgr.) and

resultative stative are the most common grade forms (table 28.3).
TABLE 28.3. RELATIVE FREQUENCY OF GRADE FORMS IN SEVEN STORIES BY

EARNEST GOUGE
GRADE FORMS INSTANCES PERCENT
Eventive (lgr.) 1,646 61
Resultative stative (fgr.) 687 26
Perfective (hgr.) 225 8
Expressive (ngr.) 129 5
Total instances of grade forms 2,681 100%
In addition to these grades, -ip- is used for spontaneous events or

states.
29 Expressing time: tense and related
notions
Creek has a rich set of verb forms describing when a situation occurs
or exists relative to the time of speaking. The basic distinctions are
shown in table 29.1 using the verb stem nis- ‘buy’.
TABLE 29.1. TIME-RELATED FORMS OF THE VERB STEM nis- ‘BUY’

Future nis-áɬi:-s ‘he/she will buy it’
Prospective nis-áha:n-ís ‘he/she is going to buy it’
Present ni:s-ís ‘he/she is buying it, bought it (up to a few
seconds ago)’
Past 1 perfective níhs-is ‘he/she bought it (today up to last night)’
imperfective ni:s-êy-s ‘he/she was buying it (today up to last
night)’
Past 2 nî:s-ánk-s ‘he/she bought it (yesterday to several
weeks ago)’
Past 3 nî:s-imát-s ‘he/she bought it (several weeks to
about a year ago)’
Past 4 ni:s-ánt(a)-s ‘he/she bought it (long ago, at least
several years)’
Past 5 ni:s-atí:-s ‘he/she bought it (very long ago)’
As table 29.1 shows, there are two forms for expressing future time,
referred to here as “Future” and “Prospective.”1 Within the Past 1 time
frame (‘today up to last night’), there is a distinction between
perfective aspect (marked by the aspirating grade alone) and
imperfective aspect (marked by the lengthened grade and a suffix -êys-
or -êy-). Past 2, 3, 4, and 5 indicate different degrees of remoteness
ranging from yesterday to the remote past.2
As described in §8, Creek verb stems occur in different grades. The
verb stem nis- ‘buy’ thus occurs in the zero grade (nis-), the lengthened
1
I use the term “Prospective” rather than “Intentive” (Nathan 1977; D. Hardy
2005). There is no intention in a sentence like ósk-aha:n-ís ‘it is going to rain’.
2
Few speakers born after about 1940 make use of the Past 4. The numbering
system for Creek tenses was first established by Buckner (1860a). See also Haas
(1940).
258 §29
grade (ni:s-), the aspirating grade (níhs-), the falling tone grade (nî:s-),
and the nasalizing grade (nǐ:ⁿs-). There is no specific affix for present
tense in Creek. In the absence of a tense marker, a verb in a main
clause is usually interpreted as having present time reference. In the
right context, however, it can also be interpreted as having happened a
few seconds ago (1).
(1) la:tk-ís
fall.SG.LGR-IND
‘It’s falling (right now).’ / ‘It fell (up to a few seconds ago).’
Different grades can be used for different aspects within the present
tense. Thus, the lengthened grade generally refers to an event (2), while
the falling tone grade may be used for a present state resulting from an
event (3):
(2) leyk-ís
sit.SG.LGR-IND
‘He/she is sitting down (in the process of doing it).’
(3) lêyk-is
sit.SG.FGR-IND
‘He/she is sitting (has sat down).’
Different tenses strongly favor specific grade forms. The future
typically occurs with the zero grade, for example, Past 2 and Past 3
typically occur with the falling tone grade, and the Past 1 imperfective,
Past 4, and Past 5 usually occur with the lengthened grade:
(4) nis-áɬi:-s
buy-FUT-IND
‘He/she will buy it.’
(5) ni:s-êy-s
buy.LGR-PAST1.IMPF-IND
‘He/she was buying it (today up to last night).’
(6) nî:s-ánk-s
buy.FGR-PAST2-IND
‘He/she bought it (yesterday to several weeks ago).’
(7) nî:s-imát-s
buy.FGR-PAST3-IND
‘He/she bought it (several weeks to a year or so ago).’
(8) ni:s-ánt(a)-s
buy.LGR-PAST4-IND
‘He/she bought it (long ago, at least several years).’
Expressing time: tense and related notions 259
(9) ni:s-atí:-s
buy.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘He/she bought it (very long ago).’
Tense is an obligatory category of main clauses in Creek. That is,
an unmarked form like mi:c-ís ‘he/she is doing it’ is only acceptable
for a present situation (or up to a few seconds ago). When noun phrases
or clauses with adverbial function are added, they must be compatible
with the tense of the verb. Margaret Mauldin accepts the noun phrase
niɬíyeysí: ‘last night’ with Past 1, for example:
(10) niɬíyeysí: míhc-ey-s
last.night do.HGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I did it last night [Past 1].’
She also accepts páksankí: ‘yesterday’ with Past 2:
(11) páksankí: mî:c-ay-ánk-s
yesterday do.FGR-1S.AG-PAST2-IND
‘I did it yesterday [Past 2].’
She rejects the use of niɬíyeysí: ‘last night’ with Past 2, however:
(12) *niɬíyeysí: mî:c-ay-ánk-s
last.night do.FGR-1S.AG-PAST2-IND
‘I did it last night [Past 2].’
A subordinate clause with adverbial function like hofón-o:f ‘long ago’
(literally, ‘when it was long ago’) is acceptable with Past 3:
(13) hofón-o:f mî:c-ey-mát-s
long.ago-when do.FGR-1S.AG-PAST3-IND
‘I did it long ago [Past 3].’
With Past 5, however, Margaret Mauldin feels the adverbial expression
is more natural if it is nasalized and made expressive:
(14) hofǒ:ⁿn-o:f mi:c-ay-áti:-s
long.ago.NGR-when do.LGR-1S.AG-PAST5-IND
‘I did it very long ago [Past 5].’
The fact that the verb suffixes are obligatory and that judgments are
relatively sharp suggests that these are grammatical tenses rather than
adverbial elements.
While tense in Creek is an obligatory category in main clauses,
chained clauses and adverbial clauses are usually not tensed. The
passage in (15), in which an old dog is talking to some wolves,
provides an example.
260 §29
(15) môn-ka ’s-am-ohseyc-á:ck-iko-n o:m-â:t

be.so.FGR-so INST-1S.DAT-release-2P.AG-not-N be.LGR-REF
hóɬɬi-n cin-há:y-ak-á:ɬi:-s
war-N 2.DAT-make-PL-1S.AG.FUT-IND
ci-pifá:thoyc-iy-â:t
2.PAT-make.run.TPL-1P.AG-REF
cin-hisa:k-itá-ta:t cim-ís-i:k-ánk-s
2.DAT-breathe.INF-ATN 2.DAT-take-1P.AG.not-PAST2-IND
mo:m-êys hayyô:m-a:t ci:pan-áki-n
be.so.LGR-even like.this.FGR-REF boy-PL-N
s-ohséyc-á:ck-iko-n o:m-â:t
INST-release-2P.AG-not-N be.LGR-REF
omálk-á:ck-a:ti-n ci-pasat-íy-áɬi:-s
all-2P.AG-REF-N 2.PAT-kill.PL-1P.AG-FUT-IND
môn-ka yahá-ta:t pinkal-ak-íhp-it
be.so.FGR-so wolf-ATN scared-PL-SPN.HGR-T
is-óhseyc-atí:-s
INST-release.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘“If you do not release my [boys], I will make war on you [Future].
When we made you run, we did not take your lives [Past 2]. But this
time, if you do not free the boys, we will kill all of you [Future].” So
the wolves got scared and released them [Past 5].’ (ca. 1940d)
In the first sentence in (15), the sense of the conditional clause is a
future event, but future tense is only marked on the main verb. The
second sentence is similar: the initial adverbial clause (ci-pifá:thoyc-iy-
â:t ‘when we made you run’) is not marked for tense, but Past 2 on the
main verb establishes the time frame. The third sentence again
switches to future time, as is made clear by marking on the main verb.
The last sentence is typical of chained clauses: the first clause (yahá-
ta:t pinkal-ak-íhp-it ‘the wolves got scared’) is in the aspirating grade,
and the main clause is in Past 5. This is the most common use of the
aspirating grade: to indicate completion of an event prior to whatever
happens next.
When we examine their grammatical behavior carefully, some of
the time-related affixes in table 29.1 pattern together, and others
pattern differently. The Future, Past 1 imperfective, Past 2, 3, 4, and 5
are all disjunctive (i.e., only one of these suffixes may appear with a
given stem). These same suffixes also all have the same order relative
to the stem and other suffixes such as second person singular agent
-íck- (table 29.2).
TABLE 29.2. TRUE TENSE SUFFIXES AND THEIR ORDER RELATIVE TO AGENT
AGREEMENT
Future nis-íck-áɬi:-s ‘you will buy it’

Past 1 imperfective ni:s-íck-ey-s ‘you were buying it (today up to last
night)’
Past 2 ni:s-íck-ank-s ‘you bought it (yesterday to several
weeks ago)’
Past 3 nî:s-íck-imát-s ‘you bought it (several weeks to about
a year ago)’
Past 4 ni:s-íck-ant(a)-s ‘you bought it (long ago, at least
several years)’
Past 5 ni:s-íck-ati:-s ‘you bought it (very long ago)’
In contrast, what I would call the Prospective modal suffix -aha:n-

precedes the agent agreement suffixes:
(16) nis-áha:n-íck-is
buy-PROSP.LGR-2S.AG-IND
‘You are going to buy it.’
The Present and Past 1 perfective differ yet again in that they are
marked with grades rather than with suffixes:
(17) a. ni:s-íck-is
buy.LGR-2S.AG-IND
‘You are buying it, bought it (up to a few seconds ago).’ (lgr.)
b. níhs-íck-is
buy.HGR-2S.AG-IND
‘You bought it (today up to last night).’ (hgr.)
The formal behavior of these affixes thus suggests that there are three
grammatical categories of time-related affixes: true tense suffixes
(Future, Past 1 imperfective, Past 2, 3, 4, 5), the Prospective modal
-aha:n-, and aspect (indicated by grades).
There is another reason internal to the language for distinguishing
true tenses from other time-related phenomena. Creek has a referential
clitic -a:t(i) ‘the one that’ used after certain verb forms (§39).
Referential -a:t(i) only occurs after what I would call present tense
participles. It thus occurs with Prospective, Present, and Past 1
perfective participles:
(18) Prospective nâ:ki nis-áha:n-â:t(i) ‘the thing he/she is going to
buy’
262 §29
Present nâ:ki ni:s-â:t(i) ‘the thing he/she is buying’

Past 1 perfective nâ:ki níhs-a:t(i) ‘the thing he/she bought’
Referential -a:t(i) is not used with tensed verb forms, however: thus,
one can say nâ:ki nis-áɬi: ‘the thing he/she will buy’, but not *nâ:ki
nis-áɬ-a:t(i).
It is important to note that there is variation among speakers in the
use of tenses, particularly with regard to Past 4 -ánta-. Haas worked
with speakers born about 1860. These speakers used all five past tenses
in their speech (figure 29.1).
ancient 60 yrs. 20 yrs. 2 yrs. 1 yr. 2 wks. yest. today or last night
• • • • • • • •
Past 5... Past 4......................... Past 3... Past 2............. Past 1
Figure 29.1. Older tense system (for speakers born about 1860).
Speakers born after about 1940 have largely lost the Past 4, shifting
Past 3 and 5 to cover the same area (figure 29.2).
ancient 60 yrs. 20 yrs. 2 yrs. 1 yr. 2 wks. yest. today or last night
• • • • • • • •
Past 5.................. Past 3............... Past 2....................... Past 1
Figure 29.2. Newer tense system (for speakers born after about 1940).
The following subsections examine the time-related affixes in table

29.1 in more detail, arranged in broad functional categories of present
or recent past time, past time, and future time.
29.1 Present or recent past time

In describing present and recent past time in Creek, it is useful to
distinguish two different time frames. The Present time frame is
signaled by the lack of any tense marking. Events in this time frame are
in the lengthened grade:
(19) ni:s-ís
buy.LGR-IND
‘He/she is buying it (now), bought it (up to a few seconds ago).’
A state like hátk-i: ‘white’ uses the durative stative (zero grade +
durative -i:) in the Present time frame, with a form of om- ‘be’ in the
falling tone grade:
(20) ma cokó hátk-i:-t ô:-s

that house white-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘That house is white.’
Both the durative and the lengthened grade can be used in other tenses,
however, so it is only the lack of tense that signals present tense.
The second category of present or recent past time is Past 1 and
refers to states or events holding from today (from a few seconds ago)
to about last night. In main clauses where the action is perfective (i.e.,
successfully completed once), Past 1 is signaled by the aspirating grade
(§8.3):
(21) níhs-is
buy.HGR-IND
‘He/she bought it (today up to last night).’
In chained clauses, the aspirating grade indicates that an event was
successfully concluded prior to another state or event (§28.3). In main
clauses where the action took place more than once, the imperfective
suffix -eys- is used, generally with a stem in the lengthened grade:3
(22) ni:s-êy-s
As (22) shows, -eys- appears as -ey- before the indicative. This ending
is a clitic and so may have falling tone in the lengthened grade when
the accent falls on it (§8.6). The clitic -eys- is also used for negative
Past 1 events:
(23) a. níhs-is
buy.HGR-IND
‘He/she bought it (today up to last night).’
b. nis-ík-ey-s
buy-not-PAST1.IMPF-IND
‘He/she didn’t buy it (today up to last night).’
(24) a. ni:s-êy-s
3
The Past 1 imperfective suffix -eys- is easily confused with the concessive clitic
-eys ‘even, though’.
264 §29
b. nis-ík-ey-s
buy-not-PAST1.IMPF-IND
‘He/she didn’t buy it (today up to last night).’
Note that -eys- is used for the negative of both the aspirating grade in
(23) and the lengthened grade in (24). This is because the aspirating
grade is only used for Past 1 when the event is completed successfully
once. When the event repeats or is not successfully completed, the Past
1 imperfective form -eys- is used.
States are not completed, so they also use imperfective -eys- or
-teys- (a special form of -eys-) for Past 1:4
(25) a. héyy-i:-s
hot-DUR-IND
‘It is hot (now), was hot (very recently; probably still).’
b. héyy-i:-t ô:-s
hot-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘It is hot (now), was hot (very recently; probably still).’
(periphrastic)
(26) a. héyy-i:-teys
hot-DUR-be.PAST1.IMPF.IND
‘It was hot (today up to last night).’
b. héyy-i:-t ô:w-ey-s
hot-DUR-T be.FGR-PAST1.IMPF
‘It was hot (today up to last night).’ (periphrastic)
One might expect copular expressions with nominal predicates to use
the same form, but the verb om- ‘be’ uses the aspirating grade for Past
1:
(27) a. cofí-t ô:-s
rabbit-T be.FGR-IND
‘It is a rabbit.’
b. cofí-t óhw-is
rabbit-T be.HGR-IND
‘It was a rabbit (today up to last night).’
The contrast in the Past 1 form of stative participles (26) and nominals
(27) is, to my knowledge, the only area of grammar where participles
differ from nouns. For all other phenomena, participles seem to behave
like nominalized forms of verbs.
4
The ending -teys is perhaps the reduced copula -ti (§32.2) followed by -eys.
29.2 Past time

Four suffixes (true tenses) are used for more distant past time.
29.2.1 Past 2 -ánk-

Past tense -ánk- is used when a state or event is located in a recent past
(yesterday to several weeks ago):
(28) ci-ppocí po-cósi-ta:t il-íhp-in
2.PAT-son 1P.PAT-brother-ATN die.SG-SPN.HGR-N
hǐ:ⁿɬ-in aca:yî:c-iy-ánk-s ci:^
good.NGR-N take.care.of.FGR-1P.AG-PAST2-IND DCL
‘Your son, our brother, died and we buried him with respect [Past 2].’
(1915.1)
The aspirating grade in the first clause of (28) indicates a relative
perfective event occurring prior to the event of the next clause. The use
of -ánk- establishes the Past 2 time frame.
Past 2 -ánk- is generally used with the falling tone grade. The
lengthened grade is possible, but not as common:
(29) a. nî:s-ánk-s
buy.FGR-PAST2-IND
‘He/she bought it.’
b. ni:s-ánk-s
buy.LGR-PAST2-IND
‘He/she was buying it.’
To form the Past 2 of stative participles like héyy-i: ‘hot’, -ánk- is
5
added to om- ‘be’, usually in the falling tone grade:
(30) héyy-i:-t ô:w-ánk-s
hot-DUR-T be.FGR-PAST2-IND
‘It was hot.’
The combination om- ‘be’ and -ánk- sometimes contracts in such a way
that the auxiliary verb is deleted entirely:
(31) kono-âlki tô:y-i:-s ma:k-í:-t-ánk-s
skunk-GPL be.FGR-1P.AG-IND say.LGR-DUR-T-be.FGR.PAST2-IND
5
For reasons that are not clear to me, the lengthened grade is sometimes offered in
emphatic contexts, so that the example below contrasts with (30).
héyy-i:-t o:w-ánk-s ci:^
hot-DUR-T be.LGR-PAST2-IND DCL
‘It was hot!’
266 §29
kéyc-a:k-ín
tell-PL.LGR-N
‘She used to say we’re Skunk clan, they said . . .’ (1915.7)
In (31), ma:k-í:-t-ánk-s is a contraction of ma:k-í:-t ô:m-ánk-s ‘she
used to say’.
29.2.2 Past 3 -imáta-

The suffix -imáta- establishes the Past 3 time frame (from two weeks
ago to about a year, but often used more broadly). The final vowel in
-imáta- is usually deleted in the indicative, but appears in older works
like Buckner (1860a).
Like Past 2 -ánk-, Past 3 -imáta- is usually used with verb stems in
the falling tone grade, although the lengthened grade is possible:
(32) a. nî:s-imát-s
buy.FGR-PAST3-IND
b. ni:s-imát-s
buy.LGR-PAST3-IND
‘He/she was buying (oranges, etc.).’
To form the Past 3 of stative participles, -imáta- is added to om- ‘be’ in
the falling tone grade:
(33) héyy-i:-t ô:w-imát-s
hot-DUR-T be.FGR-PAST3-IND
‘It was hot.’
29.2.3 Past 4 -ánta-

In the texts of Earnest Gouge (born ca. 1865) or Jim Hill (born 1861),
-ánta- is used for distant past events:
(34) cá-ɬki-t léyk-i:-n a:t-ay-ánta-s
1S.PAT-father-T sit.SG-DUR-N come.SG.LGR-1S.AG-PAST4-IND
‘My father was alive when I came here.’ (1915.1)
Sometimes -ánta- seems to be past habitual and translates well as ‘used
to’, but at other times it has punctual uses.
Past 4 -ánta- differs from Past 2 and Past 3 in using the lengthened
grade.6 As with -imáta-, the final vowel is usually deleted in the
indicative:
6
An exception is expressions like ilî:c-os-ánta-s ‘he/she almost killed him’.
(35) ni:s-ánt(a)-s
buy.LGR-PAST4-IND
To form the Past 4 of stative participles or copular expressions, -ánta-
is suffixed to om- ‘be’:
(36) héyy-i:-t o:w-ánt-s
hot-DUR-T be.LGR-PAST4-IND
‘It was hot.’
(37) cofí-t o:w-ánt-s
rabbit-T be.LGR-PAST4-IND
‘It could have been a rabbit (that made him sick).’7
Past 4 is not used much by modern speakers in Oklahoma or
Florida, but one trace is still used in Oklahoma: the ending -antô: (or
-annô:) is used for ‘the way (someone) used to (do)’:
(38) tak-wilámho:y-antô: ó:m-i: míhc-it
LOC-singe.IMPL.LGR-used.to like-DUR do.HGR-T
‘Do it the way they used to singe it.’
29.2.4 Past 5 -ati:-

The Past 5 suffix -ati:- is generally used with a verb stem in the
lengthened grade:8
(39) móhm-in hatâm cofí-t a:ɬ-atí:-s
be.so.HGR-N again rabbit-T go.about.SG.LGR-PAST5-IND
má:ho:k-ánt-s
say.IMPL.LGR-PAST4-IND
‘And now there was once a rabbit, it was said.’ (1915.3)
In (39), -ati:- has the flavor of ‘once upon a time’, a very remote past.
As with -ánk-, -ati:- may contract with om- ‘be’:
(40) ma-t ilic-âlki hocífka-tá:ti:-s
that-T lower-GPL name-T.be.FGR.PAST5-IND
‘Those were the names of the Lower Creeks [very long ago].’ (ca.
1940e)
7
In commenting on this sentence, Margaret Mauldin said “There’s something
speculative about that tense,” and suggested the translation ‘I’ve seen it be that . . .’.
8
It is possible that -ati:-s derives from an expression ‘it comes that . . .’ (cf. at-
‘(one) come’). For some phenomena, -ati:- behaves as though it includes durative -i:-,
though nothing about its meaning is durative.
268 §29
The sequence hocífka-tá:t-i:-s in (40) is contracted from hocífka-t ô:m-

ati:-s.
In sentences like (39)–(40), -ati:- indicates a very remote past time.
This is typically the meaning when it appears with a lengthened grade
verb stem as the final verb in a clause. At other times, -ati:- can
indicate a time prior to a point of reference (generally the time of
speaking):
(41) homp-ip-áti:-t ô:-s
eat-SPN-PAST5-T be.FGR-IND
‘He/she has already eaten.’
This may also explain its use in sentences such as the following:
(42) hic-áy-ati:-siko-:-t ô:-s
see-1S.AG-PAST5-exist.not-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘I’ve never seen it.’
This sentence is an example of the experiential construction (§35.4).
Another possibly related suffix is the happenstance suffix -at- (§32.19).
29.2.5 Past forms of om- ‘be’

The different past forms of participles and nominals are summarized in
(43)–(44):
(43) héyy-i:-t ô:-s ‘It’s hot/was hot (very recently, probably still
hot).’
héyy-i:-t ô:w-eys ‘It was hot (today or last night).’ (Past 1
imperfective)
héyy-i:-t ô:w-ánk-s ‘It was hot (e.g., in Arizona last week).’ (Past
2)
héyy-i:-t ô:w-imát-s ‘It was hot (awhile back).’ (Past 3)
héyy-i:-t o:w-ánt(a)-s ‘It was hot (long ago).’ (Past 4)
héyy-i:-t o:w-atí:-s ‘It was hot (very long ago).’ (Past 5)
(44) cofí-t ô:s ‘It’s a rabbit.’
cofí-t óhw-is ‘It was a rabbit (today or last night).’ (Past 1
perfective)
cofí-t ô:w-ánk-s ‘It was a rabbit.’ (Past 2)
cofí-t ô:w-imát-s ‘It was a rabbit (a while back).’ (Past 3)
cofí-t o:w-ánt(a)-s ‘It could have been a rabbit, used to be a
rabbit.’ (Past 4)
cofí-t o:w-atí:-s ‘It was a rabbit (very long ago).’ (Past 5)
The past tense forms of participles and nominals in (43)–(44) are the
same as the past tense forms of verbs, with the exception of the Past 1.
As noted in §29.1, the Past 1 forms of participles and nominals differ,
with participles using the Past 1 imperfective and nominals using the
Past 1 perfective. As with verbs, the falling tone grade is generally
used with Past 2 and Past 3, and the lengthened grade is used with Past
4 and Past 5.
29.3 Future time

Future time is expressed with either the prospective modal suffix
-aha:n- (or -aɬa:n- for some speakers) or with future tense -áɬi:- (also
-áhi:-).
The suffix -aha:n- joins with a verb root to form a verb stem. This
stem is then generally in the lengthened grade (eventive) when
indicating future time:
(45) root: ay- ‘(one) go’
stem: ay-aha:n- ‘(one) be going to go’
lgr.: ay-áha:n-ís ‘he/she is going to go’
(46) root: litk- ‘(one) run’
stem: litk-aha:n- ‘(one) be going to run’
lgr. lítk-aha:n-íck-is ‘you are going to run’
Other grades are possible, however. In the nasalizing grade, -aha:n-
means ‘about to’ (§32.12) or ‘almost’:
(47) litk-ahǎ:ⁿn-os-i:-t ô:-s
run.SG-PROSP.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘He/she is about to run.’

In the zero grade or falling tone grade, it indicates degree:
(48) a. ɬakk-ahá:n-i:-t ô:w-i:-s
large-PROSP-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND
‘It’s rather large.’
b. ɬakk-ahâ:n-i:-t ô:w-i:-s
large-PROSP.FGR-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND
‘It’s really large.’
The suffix -áɬi:- ‘will’ is attached to a verb stem in the zero grade.
As described in §8.1, primary stress is placed on the last foot of the
stem:
(49) (ni.sí)-áɬi:-s > nis-áɬi:-s ‘he/she will buy it’
(hóm.pi)-áɬi:-s > hómp-áɬi:-s ‘he/she will eat’
270 §29
(wa.ná)yi-áɬi:-s > wanáy-áɬi:-s ‘he/she will tie it’

(a.wà)(na.yí)-áɬi:-s > awanay-áɬi:-s ‘he/she will tie it to it’
Stated another way, the last syllable of the stem is accented if it is
heavy or if it is the last even-numbered light syllable.
When -áɬi:- immediately follows first person singular agent -ay-,
the two fuse as -á:ɬi:-.
(50) atótk-á:ɬi:-s ‘I will work’
atótk-íck-áɬi:-s ‘you will work’
atótk-áɬi:-s ‘he/she will work’
atótk-iy-áɬi:-s ‘we will work’
atótk-á:ck-áɬi:-s ‘you (pl.) will work’
29.3.1 Choice of future forms

The suffixes -aha:n- and -áɬi:- are both used for future time, but have
different uses.
Prospective modal -aha:n- (or -aɬa:n- for some speakers) is used
for casual propositions regarding intention or prediction, often in the
near future:
(51) osêyy-it ɬa:-cí:y-aɬa:n-éy-s ma:k-ín . . .
go.out.SG.HGR-T DIR-enter-PROSP.LGR-1S.AG-IND say.LGR-N
‘He said, “I’m going to go out and come back in” . . .’ (1915.1)
Such forms can have impersonal subjects, as with weather verbs:
(52) hayátk-aɬa:n-ís
dawn-PROSP.LGR-IND
‘It’s going to dawn.’ (1915.2)
Examples like (52) show that -aha:n- is not limited to intentional

events.
The suffix -áɬi:- is used for promises, pledges, or proposals:
(53) catokná:wa cokpi-hámk-in pa:l-i-cahkî:p-in
money hundred-one-N ten-I-five.FGR-N
cin-fí:k-á:ɬi:-s
2.DAT-pay-1S.AG.FUT-IND
‘[If anyone can stop it,] I’ll pay you one hundred and fifty dollars.’
(1915.1)
(54) pón-t om-íy-áɬi:-s má:k-a:k-atí:-s
we-T be-1P.AG-FUT-IND say-PL.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘“We will do it,” they said.’ (1915.1)
It is also used for statements about what will or shall be:
(55) aktayahc-âlki wo:tk-âlki itiná:hamk-ít om-áɬi:-s

Aktayahchi-GPL raccoon-GPL related.LGR-T be-FUT-IND
‘[From morning to noon] Aktayahchi and Raccoon clans will be kin.’
(ca. 1940b)
At times it has almost imperative force (‘you must’, ‘you must not’)
(§31.3.11), and thus seems to have stronger predictive value than
-aha:n-.
Prospective -aha:n- can be followed by a past tense suffix, and is
then interpreted as a future in the past (56). Thus, the prospective more
generally indicates progression from a point in time to a later time.
(56) nis-áha:n-atí:-s
buy-PROSP.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘He/she was going to buy it (very long ago).’
This use may result in a kind of conditional mood:
(57) iyá:c-a:k-ín o:m-â:t, coko-ɬákko
want-PL.LGR-N be.LGR-REF house-big
ha:y-ak-áɬa:n-atí:-s
make-PL-PROSP.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘If they had wanted one, they could/would have made a square
ground.’ (ca. 1940b)
Future -áɬi:- seems not to be compatible with past tense on the same
verb, though it can be used in past contexts for a future time:
(58) nis-áɬi: o:k-atí:-s
buy-FUT say.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘He said he would buy it (very long ago).’
29.4 Nominal tense

Creek has nominal tense in addition to verbal tense. In this use, true
tense suffixes appear as clitics to noun phrases. The clitics help identify
a noun phrase based on the time of reference:
(59) Past 1 imperfective noun (modifier) -eys-í: ‘the one from today up to
last night’
Past 2 noun (modifier -ank-í: ‘the one from before last
night’
Past 5 noun (modifier) tá:t-i: ‘the former one’
The Past 1 imperfective might be used to describe a place recently
seen, or to identify a time word as being recent:
272 §29
(60) niska-cóko ‘store’ ma niska-cóko-eys-í: ‘that store (we passed)’

niɬí: ‘night’ niɬí:-eys-í: ‘last night’
As with verbs, Past 1 is more recent than Past 2:
(61) a. ma có:ka-eys-í:
that book-PAST1.IMPF-DUR
‘that book (from a little while ago)’
b. ma có:ka-ank-í:
that book-PAST2-DUR
‘that book (from a while back)’
Past 2 is also used with time words from yesterday to any earlier time:
(62) páksi-n ‘next day, tomorrow’ páks-ank-í: ‘yesterday’
ohɬolopí: ‘year’ ohɬolopí:-ank-í: ‘last year’
ohɬolopí: pa:li-cahkî:p-in ‘fifty ohɬolopí: pa:li-cahkî:p-ank-í:
years’ ‘fifty years ago’
Note that Past 2 in noun phrases has a much broader use than Past 2 in
verbs. As a result, nominal Past 2 can appear in a sentence using Past 5
tense:
(63) ohɬolopí: pa:li-cahkî:p-ank-í: mâ:h-it o:m-atí:-s
year ten-five-PAST2-DUR about.FGR-T be.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘It was about fifty years ago [Past 5].’ (ca. 1940b)
Past 5 has a more specialized use in noun phrases. The analog of Past 5
is tá:t-i:, but it is used to mean ‘the former (usually deceased) one’
(§44.5).
Relative clauses and complement clauses may also be tensed, with
some different uses of endings. These are described in §42.2.5 and
§42.1.
29.5 Uses of tenses in texts

Before considering the uses of tenses in texts, it is helpful to introduce
a few formalisms. If we adopt Comrie’s (1985:122–30) theory of tense
(see also Reichenbach 1947), a sentence like nis-áɬi:-s ‘he/she will buy
it’ will have the temporal representation in (64), where E indicates the
event and S is the time of speaking:
(64) S precedes E
The schema in (64) indicates that the event of buying (E) will take
place after the moment of speaking (S). The word ni:s-atí:-s ‘he/she
bought it [Past 5]’ might then be represented as follows:
(65) E precedes S by a very long time

That is, the event of buying (E) took place a very long time before the
moment of speaking (S).
Let us next consider an example like the following:
(66) cofí-t a:ɬ-atí:-s má:ho:k-imát-s
rabbit-T go.about.SG.LGR-PAST5-IND say.IMPL.LGR-PAST3-IND
‘A rabbit was about [Past 5], it was said [Past 3].’
There are two tensed events in (66): the going about and the saying.
The event of saying is in Past 3, and can be represented as follows:
(67) E precedes S by several weeks to a year or so
That is, the person making the statement heard it several weeks to a
year or so previously. The first clause is a direct quotation, though, and
so counts as a separate speech event. Measured from this speech event,
the event of going about is in Past 5:
Combining these two, the sense of the two clauses is that the speaker
heard a while back that a rabbit was once about. Stated another way,
the tense of the main clause and of a direct quotation can vary freely,
with each clause having the expected temporal reference.
We can now turn to natural examples arising in texts. As expected,
traditional legends are normally told using Past 5 -ati:-, as in the
following story:
(69) nokósi-t mo:m-ít cofí ’tipâ:k-a:t
bear-T be.so.LGR-T rabbit join.FGR-REF

itínhi:ss-atí:-s
become.friends.LGR-PAST5-IND
món-t ihéys-a:k-atí:-s
be.so.LGR-T take.wife-PL.LGR-PAST5-IND
món-t impálsi o:c-ak-í: háhk-o:f
be.so.LGR-T DAT.spouse have-PL-DUR become.HGR-when
cofí-t lêyk-in nokósi-t hi:c-atí:-s
rabbit-T sit.SG.FGR-N bear-T see.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘Bear and Rabbit became friends [Past 5]. And they both took wives
[Past 5]. Now after each had gotten a wife, Bear saw [Past 5] Rabbit
just sitting around.’ (1915.21)
Speakers are quick to point to this usage and often identify the Past 5
verb form with storytelling. The following is another example, from
the beginning of a different story:
274 §29
(70) ísti hokkô:l-it fá:-ka-n aho:y-atí:-s

person two.FGR-T hunt-NZR-N go.DU.LGR-PAST5-IND
món-t wila:k-ít
be.so.LGR-T go.about.DU.LGR-T
ihapó: máhh-i-ta:t iɬ-hâ:y-it
3.PAT.camp real.HGR-I-TOP dir-make.FGR-T
tak-kâ:k-ati:-s
LOC-sit.DU.FGR-PAST5-IND
‘Two men went hunting [Past 5]. And going about, they made camp
and settled in [Past 5].’ (1915.4)
The third line in (69) (‘after each had gotten a wife’) is not tensed in
Creek, nor is the second (‘going about’) or third line (‘they made
camp’) in (70): as noted above, chained verbs like these are typically
only marked for aspect.
Past 4 is also used in traditional texts from this period, however,
and is often used to distinguish the time the story was first heard (long
ago) from the events in the story itself (which happened very long ago
or once upon a time):
má:ho:k-ánt-s
cofí-t óywa-n i:sk-ít a:ɬ-í:-t
rabbit-T water-N drink.LGR-T go.about.SG.LGR-DUR-T
ô:m-ati:-s
be.FGR-PAST5-IND
‘And now a rabbit was once about [Past 5], it was said [Past 4]. The
rabbit would go about drinking water [Past 5].’ (1915.3)
The tense of má:ho:k-ánt-s ‘it was said’ is Past 4:
(72) E precedes S by a long time, at least several years
The tense of cofí-t a:ɬ-atí:-s ‘a rabbit was about’ is Past 5:
That is, the speaker heard the story long ago, and at that time (since
this is a direct quotation), the person he heard it from said it happened
a very long time ago. Past 4 is not at all common among Creek
speakers today, but this layered use of Past 4 and Past 5 is common in
the stories of Earnest Gouge and James H. Hill. Examples (74) and
(75) are similar opening lines from two other stories:
(74) locá-t yahá-n tíma:ɬ-atí:-s má:ho:k-ánt-s

turtle-T wolf-N race.LGR-PAST5-IND say.IMPL.LGR-PAST4-IND
‘Turtle and Wolf had a race [Past 5], it’s been said [Past 4].’ (1915.9)
(75) cofí-t tó:tka híckoyc-ít o:m-atí:-s
rabbit-T fire acquire.LGR-T be.LGR-PAST5-IND
má:ho:k-ánt-s
‘It’s said [Past 4] that Rabbit first found fire [Past 5].’ (1915.6)
Further layering of tenses is also possible:
(76) cok-hací-ta:t ca:ta-alhǐ:ⁿk-os-it
mouth-tail-REF blood-covered.NGR-DIM-T
íɬ-yeyc-ánta-s ma:k-i-sâ:s-ati:-s
DIR-come.TPL.LGR-PAST4-IND say.LGR-I-be.some.FGR-PAST5-IND
ma:k-ít oná:ho:y-ánta-s
say.LGR-T tell.IMPL.LGR-PAST4-IND
‘“They came back with the corners of their mouths covered in blood
[Past 4],” someone said [Past 5], it was told [Past 4].’ (1915.2)
That is, someone said long ago (Past 4) that someone said very long
ago (Past 5) that they (some dogs) came back long ago (Past 4). These
nuances are difficult to translate in English, but are widespread and
natural in Creek narratives.
Recent past tenses are rarer in traditional stories and are usually
limited to quotations:
(77) ci-ppocí po-cósi-ta:t il-íhp-in
2.PAT-son 1P.PAT-brother-ATN die.SG-SPN.HGR-N
hǐ:ⁿɬ-in aca:yî:c-iy-ánk-s ci:^

good.NGR-N take.care.of.FGR-1P.AG-PAST2-IND DCL
keyc-ít íɬki-n y-in-láks-a:k-atí:-s

tell.LGR-T 3.father-N DIR-DAT-lie-PL.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘“Your son, our brother, died and we buried him with respect [Past
2],” they said, lying to their father [Past 5]’ (1915.1)
In (77), the verb aca:yî:c-iy-ánk-s ‘we took care of him, buried him
[Past 2]’ indicates that the burial took place the day before up to a few
weeks earlier:
(78) E precedes S by one day up to a few weeks
That verb is in a quotation, however, and the verb y-in-láks-a:k-atí:-s
‘they came and lied to him’ is in Past 5. The meaning, then, is that the
276 §29
act of telling a lie was done very long ago, and when they lied, they
spoke of burying someone a day or a few weeks before.
The examples we have considered so far support the judgments of
speakers regarding the uses of tenses. Sometimes there are passages
like the following, however, in which Past 4 and Past 5 are both used in
what seems to be a single time frame:
(79) teynisín téyksis tímpi-t o:m-atí:-s ...
Denison Texas near-T be.LGR-PAST5-IND
ya ist-âlki-t im-ist-âlki o:c-ak-í:-t apo:k-â:k-in
this person-GPL-T DAT-person-GPL have-PL-DUR-T sit.TPL-PL.FGR-N
apo:k-ít o:m-iy-ánta-s
sit.TPL.LGR-T be.LGR-1P.AG-PAST4-IND
ahopayî:c-os-a:t cokó sólk-i:-t o:m-atí:-s
far.FGR-DIM-REF house many-DUR-T be.LGR-PAST5-IND
ito-poló:k-i: cokó is-há:y-ak-áti: cokó
tree-round-DUR house INST-make-PL-PAST5 house
hǒⁿlwa:hô:k-os-i:-n apo:k-ít o:m-iy-ánta-s
ugly.NFGR-DIM-DUR-N sit.TPL.LGR-T be.LGR-1P.AG-PAST4-IND
mo:m-ín ma okíta ísti istimiɬk-ak-í:-t
be.so.LGR-N that time person suffer-PL-DUR-T
foll-ít o:m-iy-ánta-s
go.about.TPL.LGR-T be.LGR-1P.AG-PAST4-IND
‘It was near Denison, Texas [Past 5]. . . . These men lived [there] with
their families and we lived [Past 4] [there, too]. Not too far away
there were [Past 5] many houses. We used to live [Past 4] in houses
made of logs, ugly little houses. At that time we went [Past 4]
suffering.’ (ca. 1940b)

The passage in (79) is from James H. Hill’s autobiography, written in
1939 when he was seventy-eight. This text is useful because it is
organized from remote past to present, and because it is one of the few
texts that provides approximate dates for specific occurrences. In (79),
Hill is discussing events that took place during the U.S. Civil War,
seventy-five years prior to the time of writing. What is interesting is
that he uses Past 5 for the third person statements in the first and fourth
lines, but Past 4 for the first person plural descriptions, even though by
all accounts these statements should be expected to occur in Past 5.
The passage in (79) might suggest that -ati:- is for unwitnessed
remote past events and that -anta- is for witnessed remote past events,
but examples like (14) and other passages from Hill show that Past 5
-ati:- can be used for witnessed events. In the following, subsequent
passage, Hill describes events that happened fifty-seven years earlier,

when he was about twenty-one:
(80) isticá:ti máhh-i acol-ak-í: mâ:h-a:t omálka-t
Indian real.HGR-I old-PL-DUR very.FGR-REF all-T
ispa:híhca-n im-anéyc-i:-t foll-atí:-t ô:ⁿ-s
Ispahihcha-N DAT-help-DUR-T go.about.TPL.LGR-PAST5-T be.FGR-IND
ahá:ka im-patá:ka asapa:kl-âlki-n apâ:k-ey-t
law DAT-foundation supporter-GPL-N be.with.FGR-1S.AG-T
a:ɬ-ay-áti:-t ô:ⁿ-s
go.about.LGR-1S.AG-PAST5-T be.FGR-IND
‘All the old full-bloods supported [Past 5] Ispahihcha. I was with [Past
5] the supporters of the constitution.’ (ca. 1940b)
The form a:ɬ-ay-áti:-t ô:ⁿ-s, literally, ‘I went around with [Past 5]’ is
first person singular, and so Past 5 is clearly possible for witnessed
events. The following example from the same passage is similar:
(81) . . . híɬka ha:k-ô:f
peace become.LGR-when
ohɬolopí: cokpiɬákko hámk-in cókpi cinapâ:k-in
year thousand one-N hundred eight-N
pa:licinapâ:k-in hokkolohkâ:k-a:n o:m-atí:-s
eighty-N add.two.FGR-REF.N be.LGR-PAST5-IND
mo:m-ô:f am-acólka ohɬolopí: pa:lihokkô:l-i:
be.so.LGR-when 1S.DAT-age year twenty-DUR
hamkontalâ:k-a:t oɬ-í:-t-á:ti:-s9
add.one.FGR-REF reach-DUR-T-be.PAST5-IND
‘. . . when peace was declared, it was [Past 5] the year eighteen

hundred and eighty-two. At that time my age was [Past 5]
twenty-one years.’ (ca. 1940b)
Both Past 5 forms in (81) are third person, but they clearly describe a
time that Hill witnessed personally.
The evidence we have seen so far seems contradictory: on the one
hand we have seen that Past 5 can be used for witnessed events, but we
have also seen a tendency to use Past 4 in some first person contexts
alongside Past 5 forms. The position that I take is that Past 5 is a true
remote tense (and thus possible in the first person for those who are old
enough), but that authors sometimes shift to more recent tenses in first
person contexts to give more immediacy to a description. That is, just
as English speakers will sometimes describe past events in the historic
9
Past 5 sometimes contracts with om- ‘be’, as it does here.
278 §29
present, Creek speakers will sometimes slip into Past 4 or even Past 3
when vividly remembering remote circumstances.10
Particularly clear evidence of this artful use of Creek tenses is seen
in the following text. The passage describes Ispahihcha’s rebellion, and
is drawn again from James H. Hill’s autobiography. He begins the
passage in Past 5, referring in 1939 to events in 1882 when he was
twenty-one:
(82) ispa:híhca hocífk-i:-t
Ispahihcha named-DUR-T
isti-ma:skó:ki im-ahá:ka im-patá:ka-n anɬáhp-it
person-Muskogee DAT-law DAT-foundation-N oppose.HGR-T
im-ísti-w solíhc-it
DAT-people-also gather.HGR-T
ahá:ka im-patá:ka a-sapa:kl-âlki-n anɬap-í:-t
law DAT-foundation supporter-GPL-N oppose-DUR-T
hóɬɬi-n ha:y-ít
war-N make.LGR-T
isti-ma:skó:ki itálwa itikapayí:ceyc-atí:-t ô:ⁿ-s
person-Muskogee nation divide.LGR-PAST5-T be.FGR-IND
‘. . . a man named Ispahihcha opposed the Muskogee constitution,
gathered many of his people, made war against the supporters of the
constitution, and divided [Past 5] the Muskogee Nation.’ (ca. 1940b)
The first four clauses in (82) are chained clauses and are not marked
for tense. The last clause is in Past 5, indicating a remote event (which
we know to be fifty-seven years earlier). Hill then describes a shooting
between the two parties in Past 5 and describes how the supporters of
Ispahihcha were imprisoned. He then shifts briefly to Past 4 in the
following passage before shifting to Past 3 as tension mounts:
(83) aha:kahá:ya ísti hokkô:l-it apâ:k-in apíhy-in
lawyer person two.FGR-T be.with.FGR-N go.TPL.HGR-N
ma ísti acol-ak-í-ta:t apô:k-in
that person old-PL-I-ATN sit.TPL.FGR-N
ahíceyc-ít foll-iy-ánta-s
guard.LGR-T go.about.TPL.LGR-1P.AG-PAST4-IND
mo:m-ín ma ísti acolakí ahiceyc-itá
be.so.LGR-N that people old-PL-I guard-INF
im-pinkal-â:k-a:ti-w sólk-i:-tot o:m-êys
DAT-fear-PL.FGR-REF-also many-DUR-even be.LGR-though
10
Similar effects have been reported in Romance languages (Dahl 1984;
Fleischman 1989) and in Quechua (Hintz 2007).
isto:m-ak-íko-: tâ:y-ika foll-imát-s

do.anything-PL-not-DUR able.FGR-so go.about.TPL.LGR-PAST3-IND
hofón-i: acol-ak-í-tá:ti: ohhonáka poh-a:k-atí:-t
long.ago.DUR old-PL-I-PAST5 story hear-PL.LGR-PAST5-T
omí:ceyc-ín im-pínkal-a:k-ít om-a:k-imát-s
be.because.LGR-N DAT-fear-PL.LGR-T be-PL.LGR-PAST3-IND
‘. . . so the lawyer accompanied by two people went, and we went
about [Past 4] guarding the old people that were there. And though
many were afraid to guard the old people, they couldn’t [Past 3] do
anything. They had heard stories from long ago about the old ones,
and so they were afraid [Past 3].’ (ca. 1940b)
He then continues in Past 3 to describe a period in which the prisoners
awaited a ruling from the judge. He then states the judge’s warning in
Past 3 before returning to Past 5:
(84) ’sanacóma híɬka ayáma:hk-í: ahá:ka anɬap-í:
never peace disturb.LGR-DUR law oppose-DUR
akíɬɬeyc-í: naka:ft-í: folêyy-á:ck-as
consider.LGR-DUR meet.LGR-DUR go.about.TPL.HGR-2P.AG-IMPER
keyc-ít faccí:ca im-oponáhy-in
say.LGR-IND judge DAT-speak.HGR-N
awa:h-imát-s
disperse.LGR-PAST3-IND
ohɬolopí: pa:licahkî:p-ank-í: mâ:h-it o:m-atí:-s
year fifty-PAST2-DUR about.FGR-T be.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘Never again disturb the peace or conduct meetings opposing the law,”
the judge warned them, and they dispersed [Past 3]. It was about fifty
years ago [Past 5].’ (ca. 1940b)
Clearly a literal interpretation of the uses of Creek past tenses would
have difficulty with such a passage. These uses make sense if we
consider the mental state of the narrator, however. By the end of this
story, the narrator is clearly caught up in the events of his youth
(shootings, imprisonment, a last-minute pardon). His use of Past 3
during the climax indicates that these events are closer and more vivid
in his mind. It is precisely when he pulls away from the story in the last
line of (84) and thinks clearly about when the events occurred that we
see a return to the prescriptively-endorsed Past 5. The same effect can
be seen in (79), where we noted Hill’s use of Past 4 for first-person
events and Past 5 for third-person events: first-person events are more
immediate and more vivid, and his choice of tense represents that.
When speakers are asked to reflect on their own usage, they apparently
280 §29
give an idealized description, but in actual usage they may drift toward
the present.
30 Negation
Negation is expressed with a suffix -íko- ‘not’ (often shortened to -ík-
in the indicative):
(1) ni:s-ís ‘he/she is buying it’ nis-íko-s, nis-ík-s ‘he/she is not buying it’
i:sk-ís ‘he/she is drinking’ ísk-íko-s, ísk-ík-s ‘he/she is not drinking’
The negative forms are in the zero grade (§8.1). As with future -áɬi:-
(§29.3), the last syllable of the stem is accented if it is heavy or if it is
the last even-numbered light syllable in a sequence:
(2) nis-íko-s ‘he/she is not buying it’
ísk-íko-s ‘he/she is not drinking it’
wanáy-íko-s ‘he/she is not tying it’
awanay-íko-s ‘he/she is not tying it to it’
Periphrastic forms (suitable when the hearer does not know the
information) are formed similarly:
(3) ni:s-ít ó:-s ‘he/she is buying it’ nis-íko-t ó:-s ‘he/she is not buying it’
i:sk-ít ó:-s ‘he/she is drinking’ ísk-íko-t ó:-s ‘he/she is not drinking’
Duratives can also be negated:
(4) kasápp-i:-s ‘it’s cold’ kasápp-ík-s ‘it’s not cold’
kasápp-i:-t ô:-s ‘it’s cold’ kasápp-íko-:-t ô:-s ‘it’s not cold’

(5) ni:s-í:-t ô:-s ‘he/she buys it’ nis-íko-:-t ô:-s ‘he/she doesn’t buy it’
i:sk-í:-t ô:-s ‘he/she drinks’ ísk-íko-:-t ô:-s ‘he/she doesn’t drink’
Notice the contrast between ísk-íko-t ó:-s ‘he/she is not drinking’ in (3)
and ísk-íko-:-t ô:-s ‘he/she doesn’t drink, hasn’t drunk’. In the latter,
negative -íko and durative -i: merge as -íko-:. As with other duratives,
falling tone is used in the auxiliary.
The agent agreement markers have an irregular first person
singular:
(6) nis-áko-s, nis-ák-s ‘I am not buying it’
nis-íck-íko-s, nis-íck-ík-s ‘you are not buying it’
nis-íko-s, nis-ík-s ‘he/she is not buying it’
nis-í:-ko-s, nis-í:-k-s ‘we are not buying it’
282 §30
nis-á:ck-íko-s, nis-á:ck-ík-s ‘you (pl.) are not buying it’

In (6), we see first person singular agentive -áko rather than the
expected *-ay-íko. With the patient set, -íko is used for all persons:
(7) ca-má:h-íko-:-t ô:-s ‘I am not tall’
ci-má:h-íko-:-t ô:-s ‘you are not tall’
má:h-íko-:-t ô:-s ‘he/she is not tall’
po-ma:h-ak-íko-:-t ô:-s ‘we are not tall’
A special form tó:ko-: is used as a negative third-person copula
(§32.3):
(8) pókko tó:ko-:-t ô:-s
ball not-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘It is not a ball.’
The same form is used to negate noun phrases:
(9) hátk-os-a:t tó:ko-:-n óhk-ey-s
white-DIM-REF not-DUR-N mean.HGR-1S.AG-IND
‘It wasn’t the little white one I meant.’
(10) ma tó:ko-:-n, cá:t-a:n o:k-éy-s
that not-DUR-N red-REF.N mean.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘Not that one, I mean the red one.’
Table 30.1 shows the negative forms of all tenses.
A few of the negative tense forms are unexpected. Note in
particular that negative -iko fuses with future -áɬi:- and Past 5 -ati:- (as
it does with deductive -acok-; see §32.16). The shaded forms also
require explanation. As the table shows, an aspirating grade form like
níhs-is indicates recent past time in affirmative sentences, but has
future reference (‘will not, would not’) in combination with negation.
The negative aspirating grade form níhs-iko-:-s is similar in meaning to
negative future nis-íká:ɬi:-s—it is used in pledges and promises with
indefinite future reference. To form a negative for Past 1, then, the Past
1 imperfective suffix -eys- is used.
Negation of indefinite pronouns is discussed separately (§15.2).
Negative commands are treated under mood (§31.3.4, §31.3.5).
Negative existence or more complete negation is often expressed with
-siko, -sko ‘none, without’ (§35.3, §35.4, §31.3.13).
Negation 283
TABLE 30.1. POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE FORMS OF TENSES

POSITIVE NEGATIVE
nis-áɬi:-s nis-íká:ɬi:-s
‘he/she will buy it’ ‘he/she will not buy it’
nis-áha:n-ís nis-ahá:n-iko-s
‘he/she is going to buy it’ ‘he/she is not going to buy it’
ni:s-í:-s níhs-iko-:-s
‘he/she would (in the future) buy it’ ‘he/she would not (in the future) buy
it’
ni:s-ís nis-íko-s, nis-ík-s
‘he/she is buying it, bought it (just ‘he/she was not buying it, did not
now)’ buy it (just now)’
níhs-is nis-ík-eys
‘he/she bought it (today or last ‘he/she did not buy it (today or last
night)’ night)’
ni:s-êys nis-ík-eys
‘he/she was buying it (today or last ‘he/she was not buying it (today or
night)’ last night)’
nî:s-ánk-s nis-ík-ank-s
‘he/she bought it (recently)’ ‘he/she did not buy it (recently)’
nî:s-imát-s nis-íko-mát-s
‘he/she bought it (a while back)’ ‘he/she did not buy it (a while
back)’
ni:s-atí:-s nis-íká:ti:-s
‘he/she bought it (long ago)’ ‘he/she did not buy it (long ago)’
31 Mood
The term “mood” is used here for a set of sentence-final suffixes
distinguishing statements, questions, and commands. The basic cate-
gories of mood are given in (1):
(1) Indicative im-áneyc-ís ‘he/she is helping him/her’
Interrogative im-áneyc-á′ ‘is he/she helping him/her?’
Imperative im-anéyc-as ‘help him/her’
31.1 Statements
Statements in Creek end in the indicative suffix -(i)s, as in (2).
(2) ca-yopákla:tk-ís
1S.PAT-fall.behind.LGR-IND
‘I’m falling behind’
After a suffix ending in a vowel or y, the indicative suffix is shortened
to -s, as in (3).
(3) a. ca-yopaklátk-i:-s
1S.PAT-fall.behind-DUR-IND
‘I’m behind.’
b. li:tk-éy-s
run.SG.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m running.’ (cf. li:tk-ay-á′ ‘am I running?’)
c. pifa:tk-í:-s
run.TPL.LGR-1P.AG-IND
‘We’re running.’ (cf. pifa:tk-iy-á′ ‘are we running?’)
The final syllable of a verb is often contracted, leading to consonant
clusters. The following are common patterns:
(4) a. nî:s-ánk-is (> nî:s-ánk-s)
buy.FGR-PAST2-IND
‘He/she bought it (recently).’
b. nî:s-ánta-s (> nî:s-ánt-s)
buy.FGR-PAST4-IND
‘He/she bought it (long ago).’
Mood 285
c. nis-íko-s (> nis-ík-s)

buy-not-IND
‘He/she isn’t buying it.’
d. litêyk-is (> litêyk-s)
run.SG.HGR-IND
‘He/she ran (today/last night).’
As the contracted forms in (4) show, a short vowel may delete in the
final syllable if the resulting consonant cluster is pronounceable
(...VCs, ...Vnts, ...Vnks, ...Vyks, but not *...Vtks, *...Vkks, etc.). A y
often drops out completely.
(5) a. ókho:y-ís (> ókhó:-s)
say.IMPL.LGR-IND
‘. . . it is said.’
b. okhóhy-is (> okhóh-s)
say.IMPL.HGR-IND
‘. . . it was said (today/last night).’
For emphatic statements (vocatives, statements of desire), a special
intonation pattern is used (§4.4.3).
Some speakers drop the indicative in statements.1 Mrs. Eula Mae
Narcomey Doonkeen is one speaker who does this. She says that
dropping the -s adds “gentleness,” as when speaking to a child:
(6) (normal) (gentle)
’yi-folk-ip-áha:n-éy-s ’yi-folk-ip-áha:n-éy
DIR-go.back-SPN-PROSP-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m going back.’

Not all speakers do this; Mrs. Doonkeen reports that her grandparents
did not drop the -s, but that she acquired the habit from her uncle’s
wife (who was Seminole and Creek). She feels that it sounds feminine,
but that a man could use it in speaking to his wife.
31.2 Questions
31.2.1 Questions with -a
Simple questions that require a yes or no answer (“yes-or-no
questions”) and that involve a verb typically end in short -a. The final
1
Dropping of the indicative is common among speakers of Florida Seminole
Creek. Gatschet (1884, 1888) attributes it in Oklahoma to a difference between men’s
and women’s speech.
286 §31
syllable of these questions uses an intonation pattern with high pitch,

marked by ′ at the end of the sentence:
(7) a. ’tolô:si ô:c-a′
chicken exist.FGR-Q
‘Is there chicken?’
b. ay-áha:n-íck-a′
go.SG-PROSP.LGR-2S.AG-Q
‘Are you going to go?’
The -a suffix is used after a consonant. No ending is used after a
vowel:
(8) a. wanáy-íko-s
tie-not-IND
‘He/she isn’t tying it.’
b. wanáy-íko′
tie-not
‘Isn’t he/she tying it?’
With wh-questions—questions involving a wh-word (nâ:ki ‘what’,
etc.)—the final syllable of the question is lengthened and rising pitch is
used.
(9) a. nâ:ki-n hi:c-íck-a′
something-N see.LGR-2S.AG-Q
‘Are you looking at something?’
b. nâ:ki-n hi:c-íck-a:˅
what-N see.LGR-2S.AG-Q
‘What are you looking at?’
(10) a. nâ:ki-n hic-íko′
something-N see-not
‘He doesn’t see anything, does he?’
b. nâ:ki-n hic-íko:˅
what-N see-not
‘What doesn’t he see?’
All wh-words, whether nominal like nâ:ki ‘what’ or verbal like nacom-
(> nacow-) ‘be how much’, use this pattern:
(11) nacô:w-a:˅
how.much.FGR-Q
‘How much is it?’
Mood 287
Yes-or-no questions sometimes use the lengthened, rising pitch

pattern when they request verification of an element:
(12) a. ay-áha:n-íck-a′
‘Are you going?’
b. ay-áha:n-íck-a:˅
‘Are you going, too?’
(13) a. lêyk-íck-a′
sit.SG.FGR-2S.AG-Q
‘Are you there?’
b. lêyk-íck-a:˅
sit.SG.FGR-2S.AG-Q
‘Are you actually living there?’
This pattern seems to express slight doubt or disbelief on the part of the
speaker, translated by emphasis in English or with ‘actually’ or
‘really’:
(14) a. homp-íck-ánk-a′
eat-2S.AG-PAST2-Q
‘Did you eat it?’
b. homp-íck-ánk-a:˅
eat-2S.AG-PAST2-Q
‘Did you really eat it?’
At the other extreme, yes-or-no questions expressing surprise are

shortened and glottalized, as shown in the following exchange:
(15) A: oɬ-í:-n o:sk-í:-t ô:-s ci:^
much-DUR-N rain.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-IND DCL
‘It’s really raining.’
B: o:sk-í:-t ô:w-aʔ′
rain.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-Q
‘It’s raining??!’
A final variant of -a shows lengthening, nasalization, and falling
pitch:
(16) hasáti:c-íck-a′ ‘are you cleaning it?’ (neutral question)
hasáti:c-íck-a:ⁿ^ ‘are you cleaning it?’ (following up on a
command)
288 §31
(17) is-híhc-íck-a′ ‘did you find it?’ (neutral question)

is-híhc-íck-a:ⁿ^ ‘have you found it yet?’ (perhaps yelled)
The pattern in (16)–(17) seems to be a type of emphatic question.
31.2.2 Questions with -ti

The reduced copula -ti (§32.2) is often used in questions:
(18) a. pókko-ti-s
ball-be-IND
‘It is a ball.’
b. pókko-ti′
ball-be
‘Is it a ball?’
The suffix -ti has the same distribution as om- ‘be’, occurring with
noun phrases and participles (durative states) in -i: (18)–(19).
(18) a. óywa-t ô:w-a′
water-T be.FGR-Q
‘Is it water?’
b. óywa-ti′
water-be
‘Is it water?’
(19) a. kasápp-i:-t ô:w-a′
cold-DUR-T be.FGR-Q
‘Is it cold?’
b. kasápp-i:-ti′
cold-DUR-be
‘Is it cold?’
For this reason, the same stem forms questions in different ways
depending on aspect. A participle uses -t ô:w-a′ or -ti′, as in (19). When
the same stem appears in the falling tone grade (resultative stative), it
uses a form of -a.
(20) kasâ:pp-a:˅
cold.FGR-Q
‘Has it gotten cold yet?’
Tense suffixes ending in i: also use -ti (21).
Mood 289
(21) a. lítk-áɬi:-ti′
run.SG-FUT-be
‘Will he run?’
b. wana:y-atí:-ti′
tie.LGR-PAST5-be
‘Did he/she tie it (very long ago)?’
This fact may suggest that future -áɬi:- and Past 5 -ati:- contain
durative -i:, though nothing about their meaning is durative.
Like -a, -ti has variants resulting from different intonation patterns:
(22) a. héyy-i:-ti′
hot-DUR-be
‘Is it hot?’ (neutral question)
b. héyy-i:-ti:ⁿ˅
hot-DUR-be
‘Is it hot?’ (it is supposed to be)2
31.2.3 Questions with -iha:ⁿ˅

A suffix -iha:ⁿ is used for yes-or-no questions involving doubt or
hesitation:
(22) a. mi:c-íck-a′
do.LGR-2S.AG-Q
‘Are you doing it?’ (neutral)
b. mi:c-íck-iha:ⁿ˅
do.LGR-2S.AG-Q
‘Could/would you do it?’
(23) a. cin-nâ:k-t ô:w-a′
2.DAT-relative-T be.FGR-Q
‘Is he/she your relative?’ (neutral)
b. cin-nâ:k-t ô:ⁿ-ha:ⁿ˅
2.DAT-relative-T be.FGR-Q
‘Is he/she your relative?’ (by chance?)3
31.2.4 Questions with -ihá:ks

In the nineteenth century, a suffix -ihá:ks (or -iha:kís) was commonly
used to form questions:
2
This form may be said with or without nasalization, with almost the same
meaning.
3
Contracted from cin-nâ:ki-t ô:m-iha:ⁿ˅.
290 §31
(24) lítk-áɬ-ha:kís (> lítk-áɬ-há:ks)

run.SG-FUT-Q
‘Will he/she run?’
In 2003, speakers were familiar with the ending from older materials
(hymns, etc.), but it was described as sounding “very old-fashioned.”4
31.3 Commands
Creek commands may vary in force from direct commands to requests:
(25) a. im-anéyc-as
DAT-help-IMP
‘Help him/her.’
b. im-aneyc-ip-ás
DAT-help-SPN-IMP
‘Please help him/her.’
c. im-áneyc-íck-iha:ⁿ˅
DAT-help.LGR-2S.AG-Q
‘Could you help him/her?’
d. im-anéyc-i:p-íck-iha:ⁿ˅
DAT-help-SPN.LGR-2S.AG-Q
‘Would you please help him/her?’
The last two examples in (25) are treated here as questions and
described separately (§31.2.3).
Endings for commands also vary according to whether they are
singular or plural, affirmative or negative, and in other ways:

(26) im-anéyc-aks ‘(You all) help him/her.’
im-anéyc-iko-t ‘Don’t help him/her.’
im-anéyhc-íck-as ‘Don’t help him/her.’
im-aneyc-akí:ts ‘Let’s help him/her.’
im-anéyc-íkas ‘Let him/her help him/her.’
im-anéyhc-ey-n ô: ‘Let me help him/her.’
im-anéyc-áccas ‘You must/can help him/her.’
im-anéyc-íck-áɬi:-s ‘You must help him/her.’
im-anéyc-íck-iká:ɬi:-s ‘You must not help him/her.’
im-anéyc-an ó:s ‘Go ahead and help him/her.’
4
The suffix -iha:kís is similar in form to ha:k-ís ‘is becoming’.
Mood 291
31.3.1 Positive imperative -as

Positive commands in Creek are generally formed by adding
imperative -as to a verb stem in the zero grade (§8.1). The last syllable
of the stem is accented if it is heavy or is the last even-numbered light
syllable:
(27) nis-ás ‘Buy it!’
hómp-as ‘Eat it!’
wanáy-as ‘Tie it!’
awanay-ás ‘Tie it to it!’
The aspirating grade may be used for a momentaneous command:
(28) híhc-as
see.HGR-IMP
‘Look!’
Juanita McGirt explains that náfk-as ‘hit it!’ might be used to mean
‘beat him/her!’, while the aspirating grade nafêyk-as might be trans-
lated as ‘smack it!’ (i.e., once, briefly).
A few verbs are exceptional in taking -is in the imperative.5
(29) am-ís ‘Give it to me.’
at-ís ‘Come.’
Almost any command can be made more polite by adding -ip-, and
more expressive by adding ci:^:
(30) am-aneyc-ip-ás
1S.DAT-help-SPN-IMP
‘Please help me.’

(31) leyk-ip-ás ci:^
sit.SG-SPN-IMP DCL
‘Have a seat!’
Juanita McGirt describes -ip- as sounding “gentler.”6
When someone is commanded to do two or more actions, -as
appears in the main clause. The other verbs are generally in the
aspirating grade:
5
In Florida, these are am-ás ‘give it to me’ and at-ás ‘come’.
6
The suffix -ip- is also found in indirect causatives (§24.5) and marks the
spontaneous (§28.5).
292 §31
(32) ahiɬéyc-i:-t a:-léyhk-it ay-ás

careful-DUR-T DIR-sit.SG.HGR-T go.SG-IMP
‘Get up carefully and go.’ (1915.4)
Since imperative -as and indicative -(i)s both end in -s, it would be
possible to analyze -as as containing an imperative suffix -a-, but I
have not done so here.
31.3.2 Plural imperative -aks

Plural imperatives are formed by adding -aks (or -akis in very old
sources) to a zero grade stem (§8.1):
(33) hómp-aks ci:^
eat-PL.IMP DCL
‘Y’all come eat!’
The plural imperative is required even with plural suppletive verbs
where number is clear:
(34) a. leyk-ip-ás ci:^
sit.SG-SPN-IMP DCL
‘Have a seat!’ (said to one)
b. ka:k-ip-áks ci:^
sit.DU-SPN-PL.IMP DCL
‘Have a seat!’ (said to two)
c. apo:k-ip-áks ci:^
sit.TRPL-SPN-PL.IMP DCL
‘Have a seat!’ (said to three or more)
31.3.3 Less direct commands with -tô:

Some speakers form less direct commands by adding -tô: to a verb
stem in the lengthened grade:
(35) cayá:yá:k-tô:
hush.up.LGR-IMP
‘Hush up!’ (cf. caya:yak-ás ‘shut up!’)
The suffix -ip- can be added for politeness here, too:
(36) am-anéyc-í:t-tô:
1S.DAT-help-SPN.LGR-IMP
‘Please help me.’ (< am-anéyc-i:p-ít ô:)
(37) (i)m-oh-folót-í:t-tô:
DAT-LOC-turn-SPN.LGR-IMP
‘Turn [that lamp] on.’
Mood 293
31.3.4 -íko-t (ow-ás) ‘don’t (do something)’

Negative commands are commonly formed periphrastically by adding
-íko-t to a verb stem in the zero grade, and by adding imperative -as to
auxiliary om- (ow-) ‘be’. This auxiliary is usually omitted:
(38) mí:c-íko-t (ow-ás)
do-not-T be-IMP
‘Don’t do it!’ (said to one)
(39) pifá:tk-íko-t (ow-áks)
run.TPL-not-T be.PL.IMP
‘Don’t run!’ (said to three or more)
31.3.5 Aspirating grade + second person + -as ‘don’t (do

something)’
Negative commands may also be formed by using the aspirating grade,
second person agent marking, and imperative -as:
(40) má-ta:t im-a:pohéyhc-ícc-as
that-ATN DAT-mind.HGR-2S.AG-IMP
‘Do not listen to them.’ (stem im-a:poheyc- ‘mind, heed’) (1990b)
(41) ma:k-í: hoyêyɬ-íck-as
speak.LGR-DUR stand.SG.HGR-2S.AG-IMP
‘Don’t stand there talking!’ (stem hoyɬ- ‘(one) stand’) (1939b)
Note that there is no specific marking of negation in these forms. The
only difference between the positive and the negative is the appearance
of second person marking:
(42) híhc-as
see.HGR-IMP
‘Look!’
(43) híhc-íck-as
see.HGR-2S.AG-IMP
‘Don’t look!’
31.3.6 -ak-i:-s ‘let’s (do something)’

‘Let’s’ expressions are formed by adding -ak-i:-s or -ak-i:-ts to a zero-
7
grade stem.
7
The element -aki:s probably includes impersonal agent -ak- (§25.2). Haas
transcribed the final consonant of -aki:ts as c rather than as ts; thus, she writes
ilí:cakí:c ‘let’s kill him’ (1939b) where I write ilí:cakí:ts. For modern speakers, the last
consonant is [ts] or [s], but never [tʃ]. Perhaps it is a contraction of -tis ‘it is’.
294 §31
(44) a:ssí:c-ak-i:-ts kéyhc-in . . .

chase- IMPL.AG-DUR-be tell.HGR-N
‘“Let’s chase them,” [the horse] said . . .’ (1915.1)
This ending seems not to have a negative (‘let’s not go’). Instead, a
different pattern is used (cf. §31.3.13):
(45) apíhy-i:-sk-a:ts
go.TPL.HGR-DUR-without-REF.IND
‘Let’s not go.’ (JM)
31.3.7 homp-ǐ:ⁿp ‘let’s (do something)’

The ending -ǐ:ⁿp is common in everyday speech for ‘let’s’.8
(46) yaheyk-ǐ:ⁿp ‘let’s sing’
apo:k-ǐ:ⁿp ‘let’s sit down’
api:y-ǐ:ⁿp ‘let’s go’
Because a plural subject is implied, this construction requires a plural
verb if one exists (§23.1): thus, lomh-ǐ:ⁿp ‘let’s lie down’ (< lomh-
‘(three or more) lie’) is possible, but *wakk-ǐ:ⁿp ‘let’s lie down’ (<
wakk- ‘(one) lie’) is not.
31.3.8 -íkas ‘let him/her (do something)’

Third person commands (‘let him/her/them do something’) are
expressed by adding -íkas to a zero-grade stem (§8.1):
(47) ifá mêy-t hómp-íkas
dog there-T eat-let
‘Let the dog eat first . . .’ (1915.2)

(48) ifá mêy-t homp-ak-íkas
dog rather-T eat-PL-let
‘Let the dogs eat first . . .’ (1915.2)
This suffix is not used for other persons (‘Let me’, etc.). Note that the
subject of the action (ifá mêy in (47)–(48)) is marked with -t.
There is some evidence that -íkas consists of -íka- and imperative or
indicative -s:
(49) mó:m-i:-t a:ɬ-iká a:ɬ-iká-n ó:-s
be.so-DUR-T go.about.SG.LGR-so go.about.SG.LGR-let-N be.LGR-IND
‘Just let him be, they said.’ (1915.1)
8
The suffix -ǐ:ⁿp looks like a nasalizing grade form of -ip- (§28.5), but the full
form is unknown.
Mood 295
The occurrence of -ika- in (49) suggests that the final -s, at least, is
separable.
31.3.9 Aspirating grade + -(i)n ô: ‘let (someone do something)’

The suffix -íkas expresses ‘let’ in the third person. For other persons, a
cleft construction (‘let it be that . . .’) is used:
(50) cá:ta cin-híhc-ey-n om-íkas (> cin-híhc-ey-n ô:)
blood 2.DAT-see.HGR-1S.AG-N be-let
‘Let me check your blood.’
31.3.10 -áccas ‘you must/shall/can’

The suffix -áccas ‘you must/shall/can’ attaches to a zero grade stem
(§8.1). The last syllable of the stem is accented if it is heavy or if it is
the last even-numbered light syllable:
(51) nis-áccas ‘you must buy it’
ísk-áccas ‘you must drink it’
wanáy-áccas ‘you must tie it’
awanay-áccas ‘you must tie it to it’
The basic meaning of the suffix is obligation (‘you must’):9
(52) ici-cakk-ay-ák-á:ɬi:-s ’fa-acól-i ma:k-ín
2.PAT-with-go.SG-PL-1S.AG.FUT-IND dog-old-I say.LGR-N
hikós lêyk-áccas, ’manitt-âlki tâlk-os-i:-n
no sit.SG.FGR-must young-GPL only-DIM-DUR-N
okhô:y-ánk-s . . .
mean.IMPL.FGR-PAST2-IND
‘“I will go with you,” the old dog said, “No! You must stay! They said
it would be the young ones only . . .”’ (1939b)
With spontaneous -ip-, -áccas has a sense of possibility:
(53) ya-n is-i:p-éy-n asêy á:-la:tk-â:n is-íp-áccas
this-N take-SPN-1S.AG-N there DIR-fall.SG.LGR-REF.N take-SPN-must
‘I’ll take this one, and you can have that one falling over there.’
(1939b)
9
In fact, Buckner (1860a) refers to forms in -áccas as “imperative futures.”
296 §31
(54) tókas má:ho:k-ín o:m-â:t

now say.IMPL.LGR-N be.LGR-REF
hǐ:ⁿɬ-in homp-ip-áccas cofí-t keyc-ín

good.NGR-N eat-SPN-must rabbit-T tell.LGR-N
‘. . . when they say “Now!” you will eat really well,” Rabbit said . . .’
(1939b)
Negative and plural forms are also possible:
(55) hómp-íko-t ow-áccas
eat-not-T be-must
‘You must not eat it.’
(56) hómp-íko-t ow-ák-áccas
eat-not-T be-PL-must
‘You [pl.] must not eat it.’
31.3.11 -áɬi:- ‘must’, -iká:ɬi:- ‘must not’

The future modal suffix -áɬi:- is frequently used in the second person
for statements with imperative force:
(57) ya-n atî:k-os-in weyk-ip-íck-áɬi:-s
here-N up.to.FGR-DIM-N cease-SPN-2S.AG-FUT-IND
‘From now on you must cease.’ (1939b)
In the negative, -íko- ‘not’ merges with -áɬi:- to yield -iká:ɬi:- ‘must
not’:
(58) hoyɬ-íck-iká:ɬi:-s
stand.SG-2S.AG-not.FUT-IND
‘You must not stand there.’ (1939b)
31.3.12 -an ó:s ‘go ahead and (do something)’

The ending -an ó:s is used with zero-grade stems to mean ‘go ahead
and (do something)’ or ‘just (do something)’:10
(59) tókas ilí:c-an ó:s keyc-áhk-in im-íli:c-atí:-s
now kill.SG-go.ahead tell.LGR-PL.HGR-N DAT-kill.SG.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘“Now! Kill him!” they said, and he killed it for them.’ (1915.2)
10
The sequence -an ó:s seems to be a fixed expression, but it would be possible to
analyze the -a- as indicating a subjunctive. Imperative -as could then be analyzed as
subjunctive -a- + indicative -(i)s.
Mood 297
(60) náfk-an ó:s

hit-go.ahead
‘Go ahead and hit it.’
(61) hic-án ó:s
see-go.ahead
‘Go ahead and look.’
31.3.13 Aspirating grade + -i:-sko-:-s ‘one should not’

The aspirating grade of a verb stem followed by -i:-sko-:-s is used for
negative admonitions (lit., ‘one is without ever (doing something)’):
(62) ist-in-cokó iɬa:-akiɬɬéyc-i:
person-DAT-house DIR-think.about-DUR
áhɬ-í:-sko-:-s má:ho:k-â:t
go.about.SG.HGR-DUR-without-DUR-IND say.IMPL.LGR-REF
‘“Do not think back on home,” it was said . . .’ (1915.4)
31.3.14 -ita-t ô:m-i:-s, -ita-ts ‘one should’; -ita tó:ko-:-t ô:m-i:-s

‘one should not’
Verbal nouns in -ita can be used with a form of om- ‘be’ to indicate
how or how not to do something:
(63) mi:c-itá-t ô:w-i:-s
do-INF-T be.FGR-DUR-IND
‘That’s the way to do it.’ / ‘One should do it.’ (lit., ‘it is to do it’)
(64) mi:c-itá tó:ko-:-t ô:w-i:-s
do-INF be.not-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND

‘That’s not the way to do it.’ / ‘You shouldn’t do it.’ (lit., ‘it is not to
do it’)
In the positive form, the short copula -t(i)-s is also used:
(65) apíswa-teys ɬ-ís-a:w-ít
meat-even DIR-INST-come.TPL.LGR-T
asêy aci-hotí-teys ’y-atih-íta-ts
yonder corn-container-even DIR-put.in.PL-INF-be.IND
‘You ought to bring the meat and put it in the corncrib.’ (1915.2)
32 ‘Be’, auxiliaries, and modality
Creek has several constructions in which an auxiliary verb is used with
a main verb to express a stronger assertion, possibility, or aspect. There
are three main patterns (1)–(3).
(1) wana:y-ít o:m-éy-s
tie.LGR-T be.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I am tying it.’ (informing someone)
(2) a. wana:y-í: wêyt-ay-i:-s
tie.LGR-DUR might.FGR-1S.AG-DUR-IND
‘I can probably tie it.’
b. wana:y-í: póhy-ey-s
tie.LGR-DUR finish.HGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I finished tying it.’ (Past 1)
c. wana:y-í: mâ:h-ey-s
tie.LGR-IND keep.FGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I keep tying it.’
(3) a. wanáy-ay-i: tâ:y-i:-s
tie-1S.AG-DUR can.FGR-DUR-IND
‘I will be able to tie it.’
b. wana:y-ay-í: mônk-ánk-s
tie.LGR-1S.AG-DUR still.FGR-PAST2-IND
‘I was still tying it.’ (Past 2)
In pattern (1), the main verb is marked with same-subject -(i)t and the
auxiliary verb is marked with agent person markers. Auxiliary verbs
that pattern this way include om- ‘be’, ok- ‘say’, and positional verbs.
In the two other patterns, the main verb is marked with durative -i: and
agent person markers appear either on the auxiliary verb (2) or on the
main verb (3).
This chapter describes these auxiliary verb constructions in more
detail, along with copular constructions and a loose collection of other
constructions expressing modality, evidentiality, or aspect.
‘Be’, auxiliaries, and modality 299
32.1 om- ‘be’ and periphrasis

The verb stem om- ‘be’ can be used as a main verb or as an auxiliary
verb. As a main verb, it takes a nominal (4a) or durative stative (4b)
complement.
(4) a. ya-t an-híssi-t ô:-s
this-T 1S.DAT-friend-T be.FGR-IND
‘This is my friend.’
b. ya-t last-i:-t ô:-s
this-T black-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘This is black.’
This pattern differs from other sentence types, in that both the subject
and the complement are marked with -(i)t. The verb stem om- is one of
a handful of verbs ending in ...o(:)m- that have corresponding informal
forms in ...o(:)w- (§5.9):
(5) a. (formal)
mahá:ya-t ô:m-ey-s ‘I am a teacher’
mahá:ya-t ô:m-íck-is ‘you are a teacher’
mahá:ya-t ô:m-is ‘he/she is a teacher’
mahá:ya-t ô:m-i:-s ‘we are teachers’
mahá:ya-t ô:m-á:ck-is ‘you (pl.) are teachers’
b. (informal)
mahá:ya-t ô:(ⁿ)w-ey-s ‘I am a teacher’
‘you are a teacher’1
mahá:ya-t ô:(ⁿ)w-íck-
is
mahá:ya-t ô:(ⁿ)-s ‘he/she is a teacher’
mahá:ya-t ô:(ⁿ)w-i:-s ‘we are teachers’
mahá:ya-t ô:(ⁿ)w- ‘you (pl.) are teachers’
á:ck-is
The same verb is used as an auxiliary in a periphrastic pattern.
Compare (6a), with no auxiliary (the “direct” pattern), with (6b)–(6c),
in which om- appears as an auxiliary.
(6) a. (direct)
homp-éy-s ‘I’m eating it’
homp-íck-is ‘you (sg.) are eating it’
homp-ís ‘he/she is eating it’
1
Also mahá:ya-t ôn-ck-is and mahá:ya-t ôn-cc-is ‘you are a teacher’.
300 §32
homp-í:-s ‘we are eating it’

homp-á:ck-is ‘you (pl.) are eating it’
b. (periphrastic, formal)
homp-ít o:m-éy-s ‘I’m eating it’
homp-ít o:m-íck-is ‘you (sg.) are eating it’
homp-ít o:m-ís ‘he/she is eating it’
homp-ít o:m-í:-s ‘we are eating it’
homp-ít o:m-á:ck-is ‘you (pl.) are eating it’
c. (periphrastic, informal)
homp-ít o:(ⁿ)w-éy-s ‘I’m eating it’
homp-ít o:(ⁿ)w-íck-is ‘you (sg.) are eating it’2
homp-ít ó:(ⁿ)-s ‘he/she is eating it’
homp-ít o:(ⁿ)w-í:-s ‘we are eating it’
homp-ít o:(ⁿ)w-á:ck-is ‘you (pl.) are eating it’
Except in very careful speech, the auxiliary is pronounced as one word
with the main verb (§6.4). Thus, homp-ít o:w-éy-s is pronounced
hompito:wéys. Note that om- is in the falling tone grade with noun
phrase complements, as in (5) above, and durative statives. It is usually
in the lengthened tone grade as an auxiliary.
There is a subtle difference between the direct and periphrastic
patterns (D. Hardy 1992). Speakers generally say that the direct forms
are the “short” forms. At other times, there is a difference in emphasis:
(7) a. o:sk-ís
rain.LGR-IND
‘It’s raining.’ (simple description)
b. o:sk-ít ó:-s
rain.LGR-T be.LGR-IND
‘It’s raining.’ (reply to a question)
The same choice of direct or periphrastic conjugation is found with
durative statives in -i:.
(8) a. kasápp-i:-s
cold-DUR-IND
‘It’s cold.’ (perhaps said to oneself)
2
Also homp-ít ón-ck-is and homp-ít ón-cc-is ‘you are eating it’.
b. kasápp-i:-t ô:-s
cold-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘It’s cold.’ (informing someone)
It can sometimes be difficult to predict whether a specific affix
appears on the main verb or on the auxiliary. Mood always appears at
the very end of the verb sequence:
(9) wana:y-ít o:m-ís ‘he/she is tying it’
wana:y-ít o:m-a′ ‘is he/she eating?’
All prefixes stay with the main verb:
(10) ca-wána:y-ít o:m-ís ‘he/she is tying me’
án-wana:y-ít o:m-ís ‘he/she is tying it for me’
Negative -íko- appears on the main verb:
(11) wanáy-íko-t o:m-ís ‘he/she is not tying it’
Agent person markers generally appear on the auxiliary, except in the
negative where they fuse with negative -íko- and appear on the main
verb:
(12) wana:y-ít o:m-éy-s ‘I am tying it’
wanáy-áko-t o:m-ís ‘I am not tying it’
(13) wana:y-ít o:m-íck-is ‘you are tying it’
wanáy-íck-íko-t o:m-ís ‘you are not tying it’
Past tense is generally marked on the auxiliary:3
(14) wana:y-ít o:m-êy-s ‘he/she was tying it (Past 1)

wanâ:y-it ô:m-ánk-s ‘he/she tied it’ (Past 2)
wanâ:y-it ô:m-imát-s ‘he/she tied it’ (Past 3)
wana:y-ít o:m-ánt(a)-s ‘he/she tied it’ (Past 4)
wana:y-ít o:m-atí:-s ‘he/she tied it’ (Past 5)
Stem-forming suffixes like prospective -aha:n- ‘be going to’ or plural
-ak- appear on the main verb, however:
(15) wanáy-aha:n-ít o:m-ís ‘he/she is going to tie it’
(16) wanáy-a:k-ít o:m-ís ‘they are going to tie it’
3
The periphrastic seems not to be used with future tense: thus, wanáy-á:ɬi:-s ‘I
will tie it’ has no corresponding periphrastic form.
302 §32
There appear to be stylistic or individual differences in the placement

of affixes, however. Sometimes agent markers may appear on both the
main verb and the auxiliary:
(17) homp-éy-t o:w-éy-s ‘I’m eating it’
This double marking seems to place attention on the main verb.
Margaret Mauldin says that (17) might be the answer to the question
“How are you using the herb?”
32.2 Reduced copula -ti

In §32.1 we saw that verbs appear in direct (“short”) and periphrastic
patterns. Approximately the same contrast is found in copular (‘be’)
sentences:
(18) (direct)
a. pókko-ti-s
ball-be-IND
‘It’s a ball.’
b. pókko-ti′
ball-be
‘Is it a ball?’
(19) (periphrastic)
a. pókko-t ô:-s
ball-T be.FGR-IND
‘It’s a ball.’
b. pókko-t ô:w-a′
ball-T be.FGR-Q
‘Is it a ball?’
(20) (direct)
a. kasápp-i:-ti-s
cold-DUR-be-IND
‘It’s cold.’
b. kasápp-i:-ti′
cold-DUR-be
‘Is it cold?’
(21) (periphrastic)
a. kasápp-i:-t ô:-s
cold-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘It’s cold.’
b. kasápp-i:-t ô:w-a′
cold-DUR-T be.FGR-Q
‘Is it cold?’
Here again the direct forms are seen as truncated and expressing
surprise or an immediate reaction (D. Hardy 1992:224).
The sequence -ti-s often contracts to -ts. The reduced copula is only
used with third person subjects and is limited to complements that are
noun phrases (18) or duratives in -i: (20). These are the same types of
complements that take om- in the falling tone grade (§31.2.2). The
reduced copula seems to be used more frequently in questions, almost
functioning as a question marker (§31.2.2).
32.3 Negative copula tó:ko-:

Verbs are normally negated with -íko ‘not’ (§30). When a noun phrase
is negated, a special third-person form tó:ko-: ‘not’ is used:
(22) mahá:ya tó:ko-:-t ô:w-ey-s ‘I am not a teacher’
mahá:ya tó:ko-:-t ô:w-íck-is ‘you are not a teacher’
mahá:ya tó:ko-:-t ô:-s ‘he/she is not a teacher’
mahá:ya tó:ko-:-t ô:w-i:-s ‘we are not teachers’
mahá:ya tó:ko-:-t ô:w-á:ck-is ‘you (pl.) are not teachers’
32.4 ok- ‘say, mean’

The verb ok- ‘say, mean’ is often used as an auxiliary, particularly with
verbs like ma:k- ‘say’, keyc- ‘tell’, kiɬɬ- ‘know’, and iya:c- ‘want’:
(23) ma ito-lá:n-i wá:ɬk-i: ô:st-i: lómheyc-â:t

that tree-green-I cut-DUR four.FGR-DUR lay.TPL.LGR-REF
tak-hací ô:st-a:n keyc-ít o:k-ánt-s
LOC-tail four.FGR-REF.N tell.LGR-T say.LGR-PAST4-IND
‘The four green logs that he laid out were called takhvce ostan [lit.,
‘four ground-tails’].’ (ca. 1940b)
(24) pon-faccí:c-íck-áɬi:-n po-yá:c-i:-t o:k-í:-s
1P.DAT-judge-2S.AG-FUT-N 1P.PAT-want-DUR-T say.LGR-1P.AG-IND
‘[We’re saying/We mean] we want you to judge him for us.’ (ca.
1940c)
As (23)–(24) show, the main verb (the complement of ok-) is marked
with same-subject -(i)t.
304 §32
32.5 Positional verbs as auxiliaries

The verb leyk- ‘sit’ (dual ka:k-, triplural apo:k-) is used as an auxiliary
to indicate the position of someone performing an action:
(25) mo:m-ín ísti-t apô:k-it on-ká,
be.so.LGR-N person-T sit.TPL.FGR-T be.LGR-so
im-ititâ:k-aha:n-ít apô:k-it ó:-s
DAT-get.ready.FGR-PROSP.LGR-T sit.TPL.FGR-T be.LGR-IND
keyc-atí:-s
tell.LGR-PAST5-IND
ahî:c-it leyk-íck-in yéyc-áɬi:-s
watch.FGR-T sit.SG.LGR-2S.AG-N arrive.SG-FUT-IND
keyc-atí:-s
tell.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘And people were sitting there, so he told him, “They’re [sitting] going
to get ready.” “Keep [sit] looking, and they’ll come,” he said to him.’
(ca. 1940a)
The first use in (25) adds a sense of waiting, while the second seems to
mean ‘keep’. In both instances (and all instances where positional
verbs are used as auxiliary verbs), the main verb (the complement of
the auxiliary verb) is marked with same-subject -(i)t.
In its auxiliary use, leyk- (ka:k-, apo:k-) need not refer to actual
sitting.
(26) opán-ka-ta:t tâ:y-i: hǐ:ⁿɬ-in opa:n-ít
dance-GER-ATN much.FGR-DUR very.NGR-N dance.LGR-T
apô:k-it ómho:y-ín iɬ-a:-lêyk-ati:-s

sit.TPL.FGR-T be.IMPL.LGR-N DIR-DIR-sit.SG.FGR-PAST5-IND
‘And as they were really beginning to dance, he sat down.’ (1915.6)
Perhaps opa:n-ít apô:k-it ómho:y-ín in (26) could be translated
‘settling down to dance’.
The verb hoyɬ- ‘(one) stand’ is also used as an auxiliary. It seems to
mean ‘always be’, or ‘remain steadfast’:
(27) in-nǒ:ⁿks-it hóyɬ-íck-áɬi:-s
DAT-greedy.NGR-T stand.SG-2S.AG-FUT-IND
‘You will always be greedy with their [gardens].’ (1915.14)
32.6 wêyt-i: ‘might’

An auxiliary wêyt-i: appears with durative eventive (lengthened grade)
participles to mean ‘might’:
(28) ni:s-í: wêyt-i:-s

buy.LGR-DUR might.FGR-DUR-IND
‘He/she might buy it.’
Often the preceding verb is run together with the auxiliary: ni:s-í:
wêyt-i:-s > ni:siwêyti:s. Agent agreement and tense appear on the
auxiliary:
(29) a:y-í: wêyt-ay-i:-s
go.LGR-DUR might.FGR-1S.AG-DUR-IND
‘I might be able to go.’
(30) mo:m-êys cá:hta i:kaná-t o:m-í:
be.so.LGR-even Choctaw land-T be.LGR-DUR
wêyt-ati:-s
might.FGR-PAST5-IND
‘But it might have been Choctaw country [where he died].’ (ca. 1940b)
32.7 tâ:y-i: ‘able, can’

Ability may be expressed by using a durative stative (zero grade)
participle with tâ:y-i: ‘able, can’:
(31) ma-n a:-an-tot-íck-i: tâ:y-i:-s
that-N DIR-1S.DAT-send-2S.AG-DUR can.FGR-DUR-IND
‘You can send me another.’ (1886b)
As (31) shows, agent agreement occurs on the main verb rather than on
tâ:y-i:. Negation also appears on the main verb:
(32) ay-áko-: tâ:y-is

go.SG-1S.AG.not-DUR can.FGR-IND
‘I can’t go.’
While tâ:y-i: is commonly used to mean ‘able, can’, the same
concept is often more naturally translated with a durative eventive
(used for habits):
(33) póna:y-íck-i:-ti′
talk.LGR-2S.AG-DUR-be
‘Do you speak (Creek)?’ / ‘Can you speak?’
32.8 po:y- ‘finish, do all of’
The verb po:y- ‘use up, finish’ has auxiliary uses:
(33) mô:m-eys wéyy-i: po:y-éy-n o:m-â:t
be.so.FGR-even sell-DUR finish.LGR-1S.AG-N be.LGR-REF
‘But if I sell them all . . .’ (1905)
306 §32
As (33) shows, the preceding verb is a durative stative (zero grade)

participle, and agent agreement occurs on po:y-. The following is
another example:
(34) nis-í: po:y-iphoy-í:-t ô:-s
buy-DUR finish-SPN.IMPL-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘They’ve bought it all.’
32.9 ma:h- ‘keep (doing), actually (do)’

The stem ma:h- ‘very’ has uses as a verbal suffix. One sense,
sometimes in the nasalizing grade, is ‘keep (doing something)’:
(35) aweycí:c-íko-t a:-ak-tá:sk-i-ma:h-atí:-s
give.up-not-T DIR-LOC-jump.SG.LGR-I-very-PAST5-IND
‘He kept jumping in without giving up.’ (1915.3)
Another sense is ‘actually (doing something)’ or ‘(do something) for
good’:
(36) ay-i-má:h-aha:n-ít o:k-íck-in o:m-â:t
go.SG-I-keep-PROSP.LGR-T mean.LGR-2S.AG-N be.LGR-REF
‘If you’re actually going to go . . .’
(37) mó:-n somhok-i-má:h-i:p-atí:-s
be.so.LGR-N disappear.DU-I-keep-SPN.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘And they disappeared for good.’ (1915.1)
The verbal suffix ma:h- may derive from an auxiliary verb. An
auxiliary verb use is seen in examples like the following:
(38) wana:y-í: mâ:h-ey-s

tie-LGR-DUR keep-FGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I am still tying it.’
32.10 -i: (i)mônk- ‘keep, still’

In main clauses, -i: (i)mônk- often means ‘keep’:
(39) nǐ:ⁿs-i: mônk-ánk-s
buy.NGR-DUR keep.FGR-PAST2-IND
‘He/she kept buying it.’
In other instances, a translation as ‘still’ is more appropriate:
(40) a:fack-itá hámk-it ahô:sk-i: mónk-ati:-s
happy-INF one-T left.over.FGR-DUR still-PAST5-IND
‘One game still remained.’ (1939b)
The nominalized form imónka also has this reading.4

(41) ohɬolopí: pa:li-cahkí:p-ank-í: má:h-i wíski má:k-a:k-í:
year ten-five-PAST2-DUR about-I whisky say-PL.LGR-DUR
imónka-t o:m-atí:-t ô:ⁿ-s
still-T be.LGR-PAST5-T be.FGR-IND
‘They still used to call it whisky about fifty years ago.’ (1939b)
With dependent clauses, -i: (i)mônk- can mean ‘while’ or ‘before’
(§42.3.8).
Agent agreement appears on the main verb rather than on the
auxiliary: wana:y-ay-í: (i)mônk-ánk-s ‘I was still tying it’, wana:y-íck-
i: (i)mônk-ánk-s ‘you were still tying it’.
32.11 -ǐ:ⁿt-t ‘busily (doing)’

The ending -ǐ:ⁿt-t (from -ǐ:ⁿp-it, containing the nasalizing grade of
spontaneous -ip-) is used to mean ‘busily (doing something)’:
(42) hoc-ak-ǐ:ⁿt-t sapâ:kl-is
pound-PL-SPN.NGR-T stand.TPL.FGR-IND
‘They’re standing there busily pounding away.’
The final tt is pronounced [tt] before a vowel and [t] elsewhere.
32.12 Aspirating grade + -ahóhk- ‘almost’

A suffix -ahóhk- combines with an aspirating-grade stem to mean
‘almost’:
(43) a. latêyk-ahóhk-a′
fall.SG.HGR-almost-Q
‘Did it almost fall?’ (stem latk- ‘(one) fall’)
b. latêyk-ahóhk-is
fall.SG.HGR-almost-IND
‘It almost fell.’
32.13 -ahǎ:ⁿn-os-i: ‘just about to, almost’
The sequence verb+-aha:n- is placed in the lengthened grade to
indicate future time: lítk-aha:n-éy-s ‘I’m going to run’ (§29.3). In the
intensive (nasalizing grade + -os-), -aha:n- has the meaning of ‘just
about to, at the point of’:
4
This word also means ‘natural’. In Florida, hácci is a canal, and hacci-mónka is a
river (lit., ‘natural canal’).
308 §32
(44) litk-ahǎ:ⁿn-os-i:-t ô:-s

run.SG-about.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘He/she is about to run.’
It can also mean ‘almost’:
(45) fack-ahǎ:ⁿn-os-i:-t ô:-s
full-about.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘It’s almost full.’
32.14 (i)s-awó:sk-i: ‘always, used to’

As a main verb, (i)s-awó:sk-i: can be used to mean ‘used to
(something)’:
(46) ’s-ac-awosk-î:t-t ó:-s
INST-1S.PAT-accustomed-SPN.FGR-T be.LGR-IND
‘I’m used to it (now).’
As an auxiliary verb, it can mean ‘always’:
(47) wǒ:ⁿhk-i: ’s-awó:sk-i:-t ô:w-i:-s
bark.NGR-DUR INST-accustomed-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND
‘He/she is always barking.’
In this use, the main verb is a nasalizing-grade stem with durative -i:.
32.15 ha:k- ‘become, get’

The verb ha:k- ‘become, get’ can be used with noun phrase or durative
stative complements:
(48) in-famic-í: yíkc-i: ha:k-atí:-t ô:m-i:-s

DAT-fragrant-NZR strong-DUR become.LGR-PAST5-T be.FGR-DUR-IND
‘Its fragrance grew strong.’ (1936b)
(49) ’s-ac-awó:sk-i: ha:k-î:t-t ó:-s
INST-1S.PAT-accustomed-DUR become-SPN.FGR-T be.LGR-IND
‘I’ve gotten used to it.’
The same verb can occur with durative eventive complements to mean
‘get in the habit of (doing something)’:
(50) hatâm ma hicí ahíti:c-ít mó:kkeyc-í: ha:k-atí:-s
again that tobacco light.LGR-T smoke.LGR-DUR get.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘. . . and he got in the habit of lighting the tobacco and smoking it.’
(1936b)
Usually the complements of ha:k- ‘become, get’ are bare (without -(i)t
or -(i)n).
32.16 Deductive -acok-

The suffix -acok- (or sometimes -acik-) expresses certainty about a
situation that is inferred based on partial sensory information. It is
routinely used when a sound implies an action:
(51) ifá-t wo:hk-acók-s
dog-T bark.LGR-DED-IND
‘There’s a dog barking.’
(52) nâ:ki-ta:t a:ɬ-acók-in pô:h-ey-t
thing-ATN go.about.SG.LGR-DED-N hear.FGR-1S.AG-T
‘I heard something roaming around . . .’ (1939b)
(53) mó:m-i: pánho:y-acók-a:t poh-a:k-â:t
be.so-DUR dance.IMPL-DED-REF hear-PL.LGR-REF
‘When they heard them dancing like that . . .’ (1939b)
It is also used when reporting information by telephone:
(54) Sally á:-hoyhk-acók-s
Sally DIR-call-DED-IND
‘Sally’s calling.’ (talking to someone in the room while on the phone)
A deduction can also be based on other senses. Margaret Mauldin said
the following after I had looked at a menu:
(55) nâ:ki-n ó:ho:c-acok-á:^
what-N have.IMPL.LGR-DED-Q
‘What do they have?’
Similarly, the following comment could be based on smell:
(56) talá:ko nókɬ-i:p-acók-s
bean burn-SPN.LGR-DED-IND
‘The beans are burning.’
As (57) shows, the sequence ô:m-acok- often contracts to -á:cok-s.
(57) fáck-i:-t ô:m-acok-s (> fáck-i:-t-á:cok-s)
full-DUR-T be.FGR-DED-IND
‘It’s full.’ (said of a restaurant with cars around it, or if someone said it
was full)
The sequence -íko- + -acok- always contracts:
310 §32
(58) wanáy-iká:cok-s
tie-not.DED-IND
‘He/she is not tying it.’ (deduced without seeing it)
Because of its meaning, -acok- is often most compatible with third
person subjects. First person is possible in the future, however:
(59) ma-n ay-áha:n-ay-ácok-s
that-N go.SG-PROSP.LGR-1S.AG-DED-IND
‘I’ll go there.’ (said of a place far away and unseen)
Other persons are also possible in quotations:
(60) wana:y-íck-acók-s má:ho:k-ín . . .
tie.LGR-2S.AG-DED-IND say.IMPL.LGR-N
‘They said you’re tying it.’
32.17 Generic statements: ô:m-i:-s

The verb om- ‘be’ in Creek sometimes appears in the form ô:m-is (>
ô:-s) and sometimes in the form ô:m-i:-s (> ô:w-i:-s). The latter is used
for generic statements:
(61) a. locá ɬaɬó-n homp-í:-t ô:-s
turtle fish-N eat.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘The turtle [a particular one] eats fish.’
b. locá ɬaɬó-n homp-í:-t ô:w-i:-s
turtle fish-N eat.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND
‘The [typical] turtle eats fish.’
The sentence in (61a) describes the habits of a particular turtle. The

sentence in (61b) indicates something about the generic turtle. Another
example of the use of ô:m-i:-s for generic statements is seen in (62).
(62) hayopa:lí:ca hǐ:ⁿɬ-os-i:-t ô:w-i:-s
rose good.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND
‘The [typical] rose is beautiful.’
The subject may be singular in this pattern, as in (61b) and (62), or
plural:
(63) pó:si wa:ka-pisí:-n ísk-a:k-í:-t ô:w-i:-s
cat cow-breast-N drink-PL.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND
‘Cats drink milk.’
It may be used in both questions and answers:
(64) a. Glenpool hopáy-i:-t ô:w-i:-ha:ⁿ˅

Glenpool far-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-Q
‘Is Glenpool far?’
b. ihí:ⁿ, hopáy-i:-t ô:w-i:-s
yes far-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND
‘Yes, it’s far.’
32.18 -a:ti-:^ ‘I wish that, if only’

The ending -a:ti-:^ expresses a wish:
(65) ô:sk-a:ti-:^
rain.FGR-REF-EMPH
‘I wish it would rain.’/ ‘If only it would rain.’
Since -:^ is used elsewhere to mark emphatic declarations (§4.4.3), I
take -a:ti here to be an instance of the referential clitic (§39).
32.19 Happenstance: -at-

A suffix -at- indicates a sense of accident or chance:
(66) focó-t ák-foll-at-ín
duck-T LOC-be.about.TPL.LGR-happen-N
is-hic-íhp-ey-s ci:^
INST-see-SPN.HGR-1S.AG-IND DCL
‘I just found some ducks in the water.’
(67) a:y-ít iɬ-o:ɬ-â:n ’ciɬákko calá:h-os-i:-t
go.SG.LGR-T DIR-reach.LGR-REF.N horse spotted-DIM-DUR-T

óhm-at-it hôyɬ-in iɬ-o:ɬ-atí:-s
be.HGR-happen-T stand.SG.FGR-N DIR-reach.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘And when he got there, he saw it was a little spotted horse standing
there as he approached.’ (1915.1)
The happenstance suffix -at- is easily confused with the Past 5 suffix
-ati:-.5 The former seems restricted to dependent clauses and is
followed by short i. The two suffixes may ultimately have the same
source, however.
32.20 Discovered change: -íhp-át-teys

The sequence -íhp-át-teys is used when a change is discovered.
5
Thus compare focó-t ák-foll-at-ín ‘ducks that happened to be in the water’ with
focó-t ák-foll-atí:-n ‘ducks that used to be in the water’.
312 §32
(68) s-ho:ccéyc-ka an-kack-íhp-át-teys

INST-write-GER 1S.DAT-break-SPN.HGR-happen-even
‘My pencil broke.’
(69) wanay-íhp-ay-át-teys
tie-SPN.HGR-1S.AG-happen-even
‘I accidentally tied it.’
Here -íhp- is the aspirating grade form of spontaneous -ip- (§28.6), -át-
is presumably the happenstance suffix (§32.19), and -teys is probably a
special use of the concessive (§40.5).
33 Numbers and quantifiers
33.1 Numerals
When counting, numerals are listed in forms ending in -(i)n:
(1) hámk-in ‘one’
hokkô:l-in ‘two’
toccî:n-in ‘three’
ô:st-in ‘four’
cahkî:p-in ‘five’
i:pâ:k-in ‘six’
kolapâ:k-in ‘seven’
cinapâ:k-in ‘eight’
ostapâ:k-in ‘nine’
pá:l-in ‘ten’
The numbers ‘seven’ through ‘nine’ are based on ‘two’ through ‘four’,
though speakers do not associate them. Historically kolapâ:k-in ‘seven’
derives from hokkô:l-it apâ:k-in ‘two joining (five)’. All of the
numerals are in the falling tone grade except hámk-in ‘one’ and pá:l-in
‘ten’.1
Decades are compounds of ten and a number:
(2) pa:l-i-hokkô:l-in ‘twenty’
pa:l-i-toccî:n-in ‘thirty’
pa:l-i-ô:st-in ‘forty’
pa:l-i-cahkî:p-in ‘fifty’
pa:l-i-i:pâ:k-in ‘sixty’
pa:l-i-kolapâ:k-in ‘seventy’
pa:l-i-cinapâ:k-in ‘eighty’
pa:l-i-ostapâ:k-in ‘ninety’
Numerals between decades are formed by using the decade and a
special combining form of the numeral:2
1
We can see that numerals are in the falling tone grade by comparing them to
derived forms. When we compare the numeral toccî:n-in ‘three’ with the derived form
toccinêyc-ey-s ‘I’m three years old’ in (18), for example, we see that the verb stem is
toccin-, with a short vowel. Numerals in Creek are thus not frozen in a particular grade
form, as they are in Choctaw and Chickasaw.
2
These combining forms of numerals are puzzling: hamkontalâ:k-in is perhaps
from hámk-in ohh-atalâ:k-in ‘one in addition’; hokkolohkâ:k-in may be from hokkô:l-it
314 §33
(3) a. pá:l-in hamkontalâ:k-in ‘eleven’

pá:l-in hokkolohkâ:k-in ‘twelve’
pá:l-in toccinohkâ:k-in ‘thirteen’
pá:l-in ostohkâ:k-in ‘fourteen’
pá:l-in cahkipohkâ:k-in ‘fifteen’
pá:l-in i:pohkâ:k-in ‘sixteen’
pá:l-in kolapohkâ:k-in ‘seventeen’
pá:l-in cinapohkâ:k-in ‘eighteen’
pá:l-in ostapohkâ:k-in ‘nineteen’
b. pa:l-i-hokkô:l-in hamkontalâ:k-in ‘twenty-one’
pa:l-i-hokkô:l-in hokkolohkâ:k-in ‘twenty-two’
For hundreds, thousands, and millions, a noun cókpi is used,
modified by a numeral:
(4) a. cókpi hámk-in ‘one hundred’
cókpi hokkô:l-in ‘two hundred’
b. cokpi-ɬákko hámk-in ‘one thousand’
c. cokpi-ɬákko hokkô:l-in ‘two thousand’
d. cokpi-ɬakko-acól-i hámk-in ‘one million’
Here, cokpi-ɬákko is literally ‘big hundred’; cokpi-ɬakko-acól-i is
literally ‘old big hundred’. Long numerals contain numbers ending in
-(i)n:
(5) cokpi-ɬákko hámk-in cókpi ostapâ:k-in pa:l-i-ostapâ:k-in
hundred-big one-N hundred nine.FGR-N ten-I-nine.FGR-N
cinapohkâ:k-in
with.eight.FGR-N
‘nineteen hundred and ninety-eight’
In addition to the standard numerals, a number of individuals
remember forms that were used in playing a game with bones.
Everyone remembers slightly different versions of the numbers, but the
following are Margaret Mauldin’s forms:
(6) hamamey
hokoko:
tocici:
wi:la:
ca:ca:
hanakita
ho:stala
oh-kâ:k-in ‘two sitting on’. The stem ka:k- ‘sit’ is usually used for dual subjects,
however, so it is not clear why it is used in the other forms.
Numbers and quantifiers 315
hackap
pi:ttos
contos
33.1.1 Uses of numerals

Numerals follow the nouns they modify. The noun phrase may be
marked with -(i)t as a subject or with -(i)n as a nonsubject:
(7) honan-tá:ki hokkô:l-os-it ’ɬ-ala:hóhk-it o:k-â:t
man-PL two.FGR-DIM-T DIR-arrive.DU.HGR-T say.LGR-REF
‘Only two men came back, and said . . .’ (ca. 1940b)
(8) ísti hámk-in faccí:ca-n háhy-i:-t
person one-N judge-N make.HGR-1P.AG-T
‘We’ll make one person the judge . . .’ (ca. 1940c)
As (7) shows, diminutive -os- can be added to mean ‘just’ or ‘only’.
The concessive suffix -eys can be used with or without -os- to mean
‘even’:
(9) hasi-akí:ɬka hâmk-os-eys có:ka am-aha:hoy-áti:
hour one.FGR-DIM-even paper 1S.DAT-teach.IMPL-PAST5
síko-:-t ô:ⁿ-s
without-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘I was never taught for even one hour.’ (ca. 1940b)
The numeral hámk-in ‘one’ is used in stories to introduce a
character, and in this use is close to a marker of indefiniteness (‘a
certain’):
(10) mo:m-ít foll-ô:f ísti hámk-it

be.so.LGR-T go.about.TPL.LGR-when person one-T
ánɬa:p-atí:-s
meet-PAST5-IND
‘While they were going about, a man met them.’ (1915.1)
Numerals may also be used independently, with the quantified
element implied:
(11) hámk-it kanéyti isti-lást-i ô:m-in
one-T Canadian person-black-I be.FGR-N
‘One was Canadian Colored . . .’ (ca. 1940b)
When used independently, referential -a:t(i) is often added:
(12) ya toccî:n-a:t aɬahɬaká-t ’timáɬka há:y-a:k-ít
these three.FGR-REF for.RED-T election do-PL.LGR-T
‘They held elections for each of these three . . .’ (ca. 1940b)
316 §33
Numerals sometimes appear outside the modified noun phrase:

(13) ito-poló:k-in hokkô:l-in cakcahíhc-it
wood-round-N two.FGR-N stick.PL.HGR-T
‘They stick two poles [in the ground] . . .’ (ca. 1940c)
The presence of -(i)n on the quantified noun in (13) suggests it is a
separate constituent.
Numerals may be modified for degree. The word atî:k-os-i:-n
means ‘exactly’:
(14) hasi-akí:ɬka hokkô:l-a:t atî:k-os-i:-n
hour two.FGR-REF up.to.FGR-DIM-DUR-N
im-ihá:k-á:ɬi:-s
DAT-wait-1S.AG.FUT-IND
‘I will wait until exactly two o’clock.’ (ca. 1940b)
The word mâ:h-i: is used for ‘about’: ahopa:kocí ô:st-a:t mâ:h-i:
‘about four inches’.
Fractions are formed by using naɬkapá ‘half’:
(15) ist-ili-ahopá:ka ô:st-i: naɬkapá apâ:k-i:
person-foot-measure four.FGR-DUR half join.FGR-DUR
in-capk-í:-teys óhm-it
DAT-length-NZR-even be.HGR-T
‘The length was four and a half feet.’ (ca. 1940c)
In telling the date, the word ohɬolopí: ‘year’ is followed by a
number. The expression ô:m-o:f is used for ‘in (a year)’ and ‘on (a
day)’:
(16) ohɬolopí: cokpiɬákko hámk-in cokpi-cinapâ:k-in pa:l-i-i:pâ:k-in
year hundred-big one-N hundred-eight.FGR-N ten-six.FGR-N
hamkontalâ:k-a:t ô:m-o:f
with.one.FGR-REF be.FGR-when
‘In the year eighteen hundred and sixty-one . . .’ (ca. 1940b)
In telling one’s age, the word oɬ- ‘reach’ can be used:
(17) mo:m-ô:f am-acólka ohɬolopí: pa:l-i-hokkô:l-i:
be.so.LGR-when 1S.DAT-old-GER year ten-I-two.FGR-DUR
hamkontalâ:k-a:t oɬ-í:-t-á:ti:-s
with.one.FGR-REF reach-DUR-T-be.PAST5-IND
‘At that time my age was twenty-one years.’ (ca. 1940b)
Age is also told by using direct causatives of numerals (§24). These are
formed with -ic- (or -yc-) or -iceyc-, often with deletion of -k- in the
stem:
(18) hámk-in ‘one’ hamicêyc-ey-s ‘I’m one year old.’
hokkô:l-in ‘two’ hokkolêyc-ey-s ‘I’m two years old.’
toccî:n-in ‘three’ toccinêyc-ey-s ‘I’m three years old.’
ô:st-in ‘four’ ostêyc-ey-s ‘I’m four years old.’
cahkî:p-in ‘five’ cahkipêyc-ey-s ‘I’m five years old.’
i:pâ:k-in ‘six’ i:pêyc-ey-s ‘I’m six years old.’
kolapâ:k-in ‘seven’ kolapêyc-ey-s ‘I’m seven years old.’
cinapâ:k-in ‘eight’ cinapêyc-ey-s ‘I’m eight years old.’
ostapâ:k-in ‘nine’ ostapêyc-ey-s ‘I’m nine years old.’
pá:l-in ‘ten’ pa:lî:c-ey-s ‘I’m ten years old.’
pá:l-in hamkontalâ:k-in pá:l-in hamkontalêyc-ey-s ‘I’m eleven
‘eleven’ years old.’
pá:l-in hokkolohkâ:k-in pá:l-in hokkolohkêyc-ey-s ‘I’m twelve
‘twelve’ years old.’
Direct causatives of numerals also mean ‘be/do all (three, four, etc.)’.
This reading is seen in (19):
(19) ma imaleykitá hamî:c-a:t i:ppoci-tá:ki-t po:sk-ít
that clan whole.one.FGR-REF 3.PAT.son-PL-T fast.LGR-T
lêyk-in
sit.SG.FGR-N
‘The sons of the whole clan would sit fasting . . .’ (ca. 1940b)
Numerals generally end in -(i)t or -(i)n at the end of a noun phrase.
When a numeral modifies a noun phrase within a relative clause, the
numeral ends in -i:, like other verbs:
(20) ma ito-lá:n-i wá:ɬk-i: ô:st-i: lómheyc-â:t
that tree-green-I cut-DUR four.FGR-DUR lay.TPL.LGR-REF
‘the four green logs that he laid out’ (ca. 1940b)
The referential clitic -a:t(i) can occur before or after numerals:
(21) in-hopay-í: akí:ɬka hámk-a:t s-in-hoyán-i:-teys
DAT-far-NZR measure one-REF INST-DAT-pass-DUR-even
pô:hk-i:-s
audible.FGR-DUR-IND
‘They can be heard more than one mile away.’ (ca. 1940b)
318 §33
(22) ma ifá homá a-pifâ:tk-a:t hámk-it ɬa:-lî:tk-it

that dog front at-run.TPL.FGR-REF one-T DIR-run.SG.FGR-T
‘Then one of the dogs who had run ahead came back . . .’ (1915.4)
When the numeral follows a phrase in -a:t(i), a partitive sense (‘one of
the . . .’) results. Example (22) could be translated ‘the dogs who had
run ahead, one came back . . .’. The following example is similar:
(23) ma itálwa toccinêyc-a:t hámk-eys pán-ka i:kaná
that tribal town three.FGR-REF one-even dance-GER ground
cokoɬákko i:y-in-ha:y-ak-íká:ti:-t ô:ⁿ-s
square.ground RFL-DAT-make-PL-not.PAST5-T be.FGR-IND
‘Of those three tribal towns, not one made themselves a dance ground
or square ground.’ (ca. 1940b)
33.2 Ordinals
Ordinals are formed from numerals:
(24) hámk-in ‘one’ (i)s-a-hámk-a:t(i) ‘the first’
hokkô:l-in ‘two’ (i)s-a-hokkô:l-a:t(i) ‘the second’
toccî:n-in ‘three’ (i)s-a-toccî:n-a:t(i) ‘the third’
ô:st-in ‘four’ (i)s-ô:st-a:t(i) ‘the fourth’
cahkî:p-in ‘five’ (i)s-a-cahkî:p-a:t(i) ‘the fifth’
i:pâ:k-in ‘six’ (i)s-i:pâ:k-a:t(i) ‘the sixth’
kolapâ:k-in ‘seven’ is-kolapâ:k-a:t(i) ‘the seventh’
cinapâ:k-in ‘eight’ is-cinapâ:k-a:t(i) ‘the eighth’
ostapâ:k-in ‘nine’ (i)s-ostapâ:k-a:t(i) ‘the ninth’

pá:l-in ‘ten’ is-pá:l-a:t(i) ‘the tenth’
pá:l-in hamkontalâ:k-in ‘eleven’ pá:l-in is-hamkontalâ:k-a:t(i)
‘the eleventh’
pá:l-in hokkolohkâ:k-in ‘twelve’ pá:l-in is-hokkolohkâ:k-a:t(i)
‘the twelfth’
pa:l-i-hokkô:l-in hamkontalâ:k-in pa:l-i-hokkô:l-in is-
‘twenty-one’ hamkontalâ:k-a:t(i) ‘the
twenty-first’
As the forms above show, ordinals include instrumental is- and, in
some cases when the verb starts with a consonant, a- ‘at (the side)’ to
the last verb in the numeral. The a- in some of these forms suggests a
line of items, while the (i)s- implies comparison (‘of the group’, etc.).
The forms above are referential ordinals, ending in -a:t(i). The ordinals
in (24) may be used independently or modifying a noun:
(25) mocanítta a:y-í:-n nittá: ’s-a-tócci:n-â:t

today go.SG.LGR-DUR-N day INST-LOC-three.LGR-REF
‘three days from today . . .’ (lit., ‘going [from] today, the third day’)
(ca. 1940b)
Ordinals can also be formed from direct causatives. Actions are
commonly performed four times for completeness, so the ordinal (i)s-
osteyc- ‘do the fourth time’ is common:
(26) ma fi:káp-ka s-ósteyc-ô:fa-n
that rest-GER INST-do.all.four.LGR-when-N
‘After the fourth rest . . .’ (ca. 1940b)
33.3 Adverbial numerals

Adverbial numerals (‘once’, ‘twice’, etc.) are generally nominaliza-
tions ending in -a (27).
(27) ahamkoc-á-n mí:c-as ‘do it once’
hokkol-á-n mí:c-as ‘do it twice’
toccin-á-n mí:c-as ‘do it three times’
óst-a-n mí:c-as ‘do it four times’
cahkip-á-n mí:c-as ‘do it five times’
Plain numerals can be used as well:
(28) ak-cáhw-it ô:st-in ’ti-pakohléyhc-it
LOC-take.PL.HGR-T four.FGR-N RFL-fold.HGR-T
‘Take it out [of the water], fold it four [times] . . .’ (ca. 1940c)
Plain numerals are the only option for numbers higher than five.
33.4 Other quantifiers

33.4.1 nâ:ki ...-ak-i: tâ:y-a:t ‘anything one needs to . . .’
Impersonal agent -ak- combines with tâ:y-a:t ‘what [one] can (do)’ to
mean ‘anything one needs to (do something)’:
(29) nâ:ki ís-fa:y-í: s-áɬ-ak-i:
thing INST-hunt.LGR-DUR INST-go.about.SG-IMPL.AG-DUR
tâ:y-a:t pón-t ’s-im-apíy-aɬa:n-ít o:k-í:-s
can.FGR-REF we-T INST-DAT-go.TPL-PROSP.LGR-T say.LGR-DUR-IND
‘Anything one needs to go hunting with, we will take.’ (1915.2)
(30) nâ:ki is-noɬéyc-ak-i: tâ:y-a:t-to: stô:m-eys
thing INST-cook-IMPL.AG-DUR can.FGR-REF-FOC what.FGR-even
320 §33
omǎⁿlka-n ifá-t tá:koyc-atí:-s

all.NGR-N dog-T prepare-PAST5-IND
‘Anything one needs to cook with whatsoever, the dogs prepared it
all.’ (1915.2)
33.4.2 istǒ:ⁿm-i:-t kô:m-ak-a:t ‘of any desired kind’

Impersonal agent -akis also found in the phrase istǒ:ⁿm-i:-t kô:m-ak-
a:t (lit., ‘however one wants’) or just kô:m-ak-a:t ‘that one wants’) to
modify nouns:
(31) apíswa istǒ:ⁿm-i:-t kô:m-ak-a:t má-n píɬɬo
meat be.how.NGR-DUR-T want.FGR-IMPL.AG-REF that-N boat
fâ:ck-it s-ak-wâ:kk-in o:k-ín
full.FGR-T INST-LOC-lie.SG.FGR-N say.LGR-N
‘. . . the boat lay there full of every imaginable kind of meat . . .’
(1915.2)
33.4.3 (i)stô:m-eys ‘any, whatever’

The word (i)stô:m-eys can follow noun phrases to mean ‘any’ or
‘whatever’.3 Thus, ísti istô:m-eys means ‘any person’:
(32) ciɬakko-honí:c-i-ta:t ísti istô:m-eys á:ssi:c-ít
horse-wild-I-ATN person be.what-even chase.LGR-T
‘Anyone who chased after a wild horse . . .’ (1937b)
Similarly, nâ:ki istô:m-eys means ‘anything’:
(33) pahí, atákɬa, ito-issi-tá:l-i-teys nâ:ki istô:m-eys omálka-n
grass weeds tree-hair-dry-I-even thing be.what-even all-N
pá:sho:y-í:-t o:m-ánt-s
sweep.IMPL.LGR-DUR-T be.LGR-PAST4-IND
‘They cleared off grass, weeds, dry leaves, and everything else.’
(1937b)
It can also be used with clauses to mean ‘even though’
(34) nâ:ki-t ístón-t om-íko-: istô:m-eys
thing-T be.wrong.LGR-T be-not-DUR do.anything.FGR-even
ay-íp-as kôn-t o:k-éy-s
go.SG-SPN-IMP think.FGR-T say.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘Even though nothing’s the matter, just go, I said . . .’ (ca. 1940c)
Frequently istô:m-eys is preceded by an element -to(:) (35)–(36).
3
The word istô:m-eys includes isto:m- ‘do anything’ and -eys ‘even’.
(35) istêy-to: istô:m-eys íɬki im-apiléyho:c-â:t

who-FOC do.any.FGR-even 3.PAT.father DAT-laugh.at.IMPL.LGR-REF
s-a:fáck-i:-t áhɬ-iko-:-to:k
INST-happy-DUR-T go.about.SG.HGR-not-DUR-for
‘For no one would be happy about people laughing at their father . . .’
(ca. 1940c)
(36) hokt-ak-óci-to: istô:m-eys pán-aɬi: im-itiktánk-i:-t
woman-PL-DIM-FOC do.any.FGR-even dance-FUT DAT-free-DUR-T
o:m-ánt-s
be.LGR-PAST4-IND
‘. . . even little girls were welcome to dance.’ (ca. 1940b)
I have simply glossed this element as ‘focus’. A related element -tot
appears in (37):
(37) haya:tk-â:t yomóck-i: mônk-in a:y-ít ɬafó-tot
dawn.LGR-REF dark-DUR still.FGR-N go.SG.LGR-T winter-FOC
miskí:-to: istô:m-eys
summer-FOC do.any.FGR-even
‘. . . he goes at dawn while still dark, in winter, summer, whichever
. . .’ (ca. 1940c)
33.4.4 álk- ‘each, always, only, must’

The verb álk- is a quantifier meaning ‘every’ or ‘each’. It can be used
to modify a noun:
hard-DUR-N end each-DUR-N thing do.any.FGR-even
acokcoɬcôyc-ak-in
knot.FGR-IMPL.AG-N
‘. . . tie each end firmly to whatever there is . . .’ (ca. 1940c)
The group plural suffix -âlki (§12.3) is probably derived from this
verb. The adjectival nouns omálk-a ‘all, every’ and alhí:k-a ‘each’ may
be distantly related.
In examples like the following, alk- can be used with verbs to mean
‘always’:
(39) ma-n hómp-i: álk-i:-t ó:-s
that-N eat-DUR always-DUR-T be.LGR-IND
‘He/she always eats that.’
Another use is to mean ‘must’:
322 §33
(40) míhc-íck-i:-t álk-áɬi:-s

do.HGR-2S.AG-DUR-T must-FUT-IND
‘You must do it.’
When intensified (indicated by nasalization and use of the diminutive
-os-), the meaning is ‘only’:
(41) míhc-íck-i:-t ǎⁿlk-os-a:n wéyk-áɬi:-s
do.HGR-2S.AG-DUR-T only.NGR-DIM-REF.N quit-FUT-IND
‘He/she will stop only if you do it.’
The use of alk- for ‘only’ is also found with noun phrases. In this case,
the preceding noun phrase often ends in -t:
(42) in-hopíl-ka-t ǎⁿlk-os-eys hic-i:p-ay-í:-s
DAT-bury-GER-T only.NGR-DIM-even see-SPN.LGR-1S.AG-DUR-IND
‘If only I could see his grave.’ (1915.1)
(43) aci-lowáck-i-t álk-iko-:-n ací kaɬêyp-i:
corn-soft-I-T only-not-DUR-N corn dry.HGR-DUR
hiɬeyc-î:p-ak-a:t-teys pa:p-ít
store-SPN.FGR-IMPL.AG-REF-even eat.LGR-T
‘[The raccoon] eats not only fresh corn, but also the dried corn that is
stored away . . .’ (ca. 1940c)
The sequence -(i)t âlk-i: ‘only’ is usually written as a separate word
(<tvlke>) in the traditional spelling and has perhaps been reanalyzed
by some as a single morpheme.
34 Describing motion and direction
In §19, we saw that events and states take prefixes serving to classify
location: akk-oss- ‘(one) go out of water; (one) go out of a low place’.
Other prefixes are used to express motion or direction:1
(1) hic-íta ‘to look, see’
iɬ-hic-íta ‘to go a distance and look’
ɬa:-hic-íta ‘to go a short distance and look; to look back’
’yi-hic-íta ‘to come and see, visit’2
a:-hic-íta ‘to look this way’
34.1 (i)ɬ-, ɬih-, ɬis- ‘go a distance and (do)’

The prefix (i)ɬ- is used for motion toward a place where an action is
performed. The initial vowel of the prefix (i)ɬ- is often omitted,
especially before vowels. Some speakers use a form ɬih- (or ɬis-)
before consonants, so that iɬ-hic-íta, ɬih-hic-íta, and ɬis-hic-íta ‘to go a
distance and look’ are all possible.
A common use of (i)ɬ- is to indicate physical motion (‘go a distance
and (do)’):
(2) anɬap-íta ‘to meet (another)’ ɬ-anɬap-íta ‘to go meet (as at the
airport)’
in-cokopiɬeyc-itá ‘to visit ɬ-in-cokopiɬeyc-itá ‘to go visit

(someone)’ (someone)’
oh-cimk-itá ‘(one) to climb ɬ-oh-cimk-itá ‘(one) to go a distance
onto’ and climb onto’
This sense is also found with verbs like at- ‘(one) come’ or alak- ‘(one)
arrive’, where the meaning is to go and come, i.e., to come back or
return:
(3) at-íta ‘(one) to come’ ’ɬ-at-itá ‘(one) to come back, return’
alak-itá ‘(one) to arrive’ ’ɬ-alak-íta ‘(one) to arrive back’
1
Directional prefixes are discussed by Nathan (1977:83-86) and Booker (1984).
2
The apostrophe (’) is used when an initial light syllable is unexpectedly stressed
(§4.4.1, §5.6).
324 §34
The prefix (i)ɬ- also has abstract uses that do not refer to physical
movement. With ordinals (§33.2), for example, (i)ɬ- implies inclusion
up to or until (‘going to’) a number:
(4) a. (i)s-a-cahkî:p-a:t(i)
INST-LOC-five.FGR-REF
‘the fifth one’
b. ’ɬ-is-a-cahkî:p-a:t(i)
DIR-INST-LOC-five.FGR-REF
‘up to the fifth one’
A similar use is seen with nouns referring to time:
(5) (a)páksi ‘tomorrow’ ɬ-im-páksi-n ‘the next day’
(i)hóma ‘front, in front of’ ’ɬ-im-ihóma ‘prior to (that)’
The sense in (5) is of movement from a point of reference to a new
time, either following (‘going to the next day’) or preceding (‘going to
before that’). Occasionally this sense of movement is applied to
changes in condition:
(6) (i)s-inókk-i: ‘sick from (a disease)’ ’ɬ-is-inókk-i: ‘sicker, worse’
34.2 (i)y-, ’yi- ‘come and (do)’

A prefix (i)y- is used to mean ‘come and (do something)’. It is not as
common as (i)ɬ-, but can be found in examples like the following:
(7) ma ’ciɬakko-calá:h-i-ta:t mô:m-os-in y-in-hoyêyɬ-in
that horse-spotted-I-ATN be.so.FGR-DIM-N DIR-DAT-stand.SG.HGR-N
‘[As soon as he blew the flute,] the spotted horse came and stood
before him . . .’ (1915.1)
Before consonants, it often takes the form ’yi-, as in ’yi-hic-íta ‘to
come and see, visit’.3
34.3 (i)ɬa:- ‘go a short distance and (do)’, ‘back’

The prefix (i)ɬa:- is used to mean ‘go a short distance and (do
something)’. It usually contrasts with (i)ɬ- (ɬih-, ɬis-), which indicates
greater distance:
(8) fa:y-itá ‘to hunt’
ɬa:-fa:y-itá ‘to go a short distance and hunt’
ɬis-fa:y-itá ‘to go a distance and hunt’
3
The verb ’yi-folk-itá ‘(one) to go back’ may include this prefix (cf. a:-folk-itá
‘(one) to come back’). This root always requires a prefix.
Describing motion and direction 325
(9) hopoy-itá ‘to hunt for, look around for’

ɬa:-hopoy-itá ‘to go a short distance and look for’
ɬis-hopoy-itá ‘to go a distance and look for’
A second use, common with directed verbs, is to indicate motion
‘back’:4
(10) litk-itá ‘(one) to run’ ɬa:-litk-itá ‘(one) to come running
back’
a-weyk-itá ‘to throw (one) out’ ɬa:-a-weyk-itá ‘to throw back’5
Sometimes both readings are possible:
(11) hic-íta ‘to look, see’ ɬa:-hic-íta ‘to go a short distance and look;
to look back’
34.4 a:- ‘this way’

The prefix a:- commonly indicates direction toward the speaker (‘this
way’) or a reference point established in discourse (‘come (doing
something)’). This use is evident in examples like the following:
(12) a. iscallí:cka acimêyk-is
wagon climb.SG.HGR-IND
‘He/she climbed into the wagon.’
b. iscallí:cka a:-acimêyk-is
wagon DIR-climb.SG.HGR-IND
‘He/she climbed [up here] into the wagon.’
In (12b), a:- implies that the speaker was in the wagon.
This directed reading is found with actions that are directed

horizontally:
(13) litk-itá ‘(one) to run’ a:-litk-itá ‘(one) to come running’
mill-itá ‘to point’ a:-mill-itá ‘to point this way’
oh-tot-íta ‘to send (a letter, etc.)’ a:-oh-tot-íta ‘to send this way’
oss-itá ‘(one) to go out, get out’ a:-oss-itá ‘(one) to come out’
(i)ci:y-itá ‘(one) to go in, enter’ a:-ci:y-itá ‘(one) to come in from’
This sense of direction toward the speaker is extended to imply
retribution (‘back’):
4
The prefix (i)ɬa:- ‘back’ is similar in form to the noun iɬá: ‘his/her back’, but
probably unrelated. More promising is Nathan’s (1977:84) suggestion that (i)ɬa:-
derives from (i)ɬ- + a:- (i.e., going and coming this way).
5
The sequence a:a is usually pronounced [ɑː].
326 §34
(14) palic-itá ‘to return (something)’ a:-palic-itá ‘to pay back, fight back’
a-tofk-itá ‘to spit at’ a:-a-tofk-itá ‘to spit back at’
ataheyk-itá ‘to make a fuss, a:-ataheyk-itá ‘to talk back (as in a
complain’ quarrel)’
(i)tipoy-íta ‘to fight’ a:-itipoy-íta ‘to fight (someone)
back’
fi:k-itá ‘to pay (something)’ a:-fi:k-itá ‘to pay back’
When a verb implies vertical movement, a:- may translate as ‘up’,
regardless of the speaker’s position:
(15) hoyɬ-itá ‘(one) to stand’ a:-hoyɬ-itá ‘(one) to stand up’
ma:h-itá ‘to grow tall’ a:-ma:h-itá ‘to grow up, grow tall’
apo:k-itá ‘(three or more) to a:-apo:k-itá ‘(three or more) to sit
sit’ up’
Verbs referring to a change in position can imply vertical motion, as
in (15). When a verb refers to location, however, a:- may indicate
location in the visible distance. The verb a:-hoyɬ-itá can thus mean
‘stand up’ or ‘stand in the visible distance’. The following is an
example of this use:
(16) ma ifa-acól-i-ta:t tó:tka (a)pal-hámk-in a:-tak-wâ:kk-in
that dog-old-I-ATN fire other-one-N DIR-LOC-lie.SG.FGR-N
‘. . . the old dog was lying on the other side of the fire . . .’ (1915.2)
Another use of a:-, seemingly unrelated to other senses, is to
indicate location on one’s upper back or back of the head:
(17) cila:y-itá ‘to touch, feel’ a:-cila:y-itá ‘to touch (one’s own back, ear,
top or back of the head)’
hosk-itá ‘to scratch’ a:-hosk-itá ‘to scratch (one’s own back, ear,
li:m-itá ‘to pluck’ a:-li:m-itá ‘to pluck out (one’s own hair
from the head or back)’
tiɬi:y-itá ‘to massage’ a:-tiɬi:y-itá ‘to massage (one’s own back,
With some verbs, a:- implies a point of departure (‘from’, ‘out’,
‘off’):
(18) cafk-itá ‘to drip’ a:-cafk-itá ‘to drip from’
is-íta ‘to take (one), hold’ a:-is-íta ‘to take (one) out, off’
hatapk-itá ‘(one) to step down’ a:-hatapk-itá ‘(one) to step down
from’
Describing motion and direction 327
ka:t-itá ‘to scrape (something)’ a:-ka:t-itá ‘to scrape out (a dish,

etc.)’
is-ko:t-itá ‘to cut with (scissors)’ a:-s-ko:t-itá ‘to cut out with
(scissors)’
latk-itá ‘(one) to fall’ a:-latk-itá ‘(one) to fall off, fall out
of’
As (18) shows, this reading is common with verbs of separation. This
use is sometimes extended to mean ‘among’ or ‘in the company of
others’.
When a:- combines with dative im-, it can mean ‘with (another
person)’ (§22.1.1):
(19) (o)pan-itá ‘to dance’
im-opan-íta ‘to dance for’
a:-im-opan-itá ‘to dance with (someone)’
Some speakers contract a:- when followed by dative im- or
instrumental is-:6
(20) a:-im- > [ej]m-
a:-is- > [ej]s-
Patient and dative prefixes have special forms appearing after the
directional prefixes a:- and (i)ɬa:-. The form of the patient series in this
environment, shown after a:- in (21), is identical to the prevocalic
forms of patient prefixes (table 20.3).
(21) a:-aca- first person singular
a:-ici- second person
a:- third person

a:-ipo- first person plural
Similar variants are found in the dative series, shown after a:- in (22).
(22) a:-am- first person singular
a:-icim- second person
a:-im- third person
a:-ipom- first person plural
These also contract, so that a:-ici- yields [ej]ci-, a:-ipom- yields
[ej]pom-, etc.
6
This contraction affects stress, so that a:-im-opan-ita is pronounced
([ej])(mo.pa)(ni.tá).
35 Existence
35.1 o:c- ‘be, exist, have’
The verb stem o:c- is used for stating existence:
(1) itálwa assi-la:n-apí hocífk-i: ísti apo:k-â:k-a:t
town tea-green-stem named-DUR person live.TPL-PL.LGR-REF
ó:fa-n nis-ka-cóko-t o:c-atí:-s
in-N buy-GER-house-T exist-PAST5-IND
‘Where people lived in a town named Greenleaf there was a store.’
(ca. 1940b)
The item whose existence is asserted is treated as a subject and marked
with -(i)t:
(2) ahá:ka im-patá:ka síko-: okíta ô:m-o:f
law DAT-base be.none-DUR time be.FGR-when
ahá:ka-t o:c-atí:-t ô:m-i:-s
law-T exist-PAST5-T be.FGR-DUR-IND
‘Before there was a constitution, there was a law.’ (ca. 1940c)
The same expression can be used for abstract notions (’timáɬka-t o:c-ín
‘there was an election’). It can also be used with okíta ‘time’:
(3) omálka-t fíksomk-ak-í: okíta-t o:c-imát-s
all-T fearful-PL-DUR time-T exist-PAST3-IND

‘It was a time when all were fearful.’ (ca. 1940b)
The word okíta ‘time’ may be left out, however:
(4) ca:wánwa in-tǎⁿlk-os-eys ahósk-áɬi: ô:c-it
1S.PAT.little.sister DAT-only-DIM-even left-FUT exist.FGR-T
‘There may be [a time] when my little sister is left all alone . . .’
(1878a)
The stem o:c- can also be used to mean ‘have’ in a wide range of
senses. The possessed item may then be marked with -(i)n:
(5) i:kaná ’talimí-n o:c-â:k-it im-itiktánk-os-íka
land public-N exist-PL.FGR-T DAT-free-DIM-so
‘They were free to have public land, so . . .’ (ca. 1940b)
The possessor is marked with -(i)t and takes agent agreement on the
verb:
Existence 329
(6) óywa-ta:t cí:mi-t o:c-î:p-íck-it ó:-n hi:c-í:-t

water-ATN you-T exist-SPN.FGR-2S.AG-T be.LGR-N see.LGR-1P.AG-T
‘We see that you have water . . .’ (ca. 1940c)
The following example shows an alternative pattern in which a dative
prefix on o:c- agrees with the possessor:
(7) nâ:ki hiɬ-ík-eys cim-o:c-ín
thing good-not-even 2.DAT-exist.LGR-N
áhɬ-íck-i:-to:k ’yi-folk-ip-ás
go.about.SG.HGR-2S.AG-DUR-for go.back-SPN-IMP
‘Something bad may happen to you, so go back.’ (ca. 1940c)
The above could be translated literally as ‘you might go about with
something bad even existing to you’. The use of the dative prefix in (7)
seems to be preferred when the possessed item is something bad.
35.2 sas- ‘(for there to) be some (person doing something)’

A verb sas- ‘(for there to) be some (person doing something)’ is used
to state existence:
(8) momi:c-â:t ísti sâ:s-i:-s, moca-nítta
do.so.LGR-REF person be.some.FGR-DUR-IND this-day
‘There are people who do that today.’ (1941a)
Example (8) literally means ‘one(s) doing that, person/people are
some, today’, with ísti ‘person, people’ appearing as subject of sas-.
The following is similar:
(9) i-nókwa-n apálla:y-ít aɬ-áɬi:-n

3.PAT-neck-N wrap.LGR-T go.about.SG-FUT-N
yikc-itá imhoy-áti:-t ísti sa:s-atí:-s
strong-INF give.IMPL-PAST5-T person be.some.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘There were some people who were given the authority to go about
[with it] wrapped around the neck.’ (ca. 1940c)
Examples (8)–(9) have the form of right-headed relative clauses
(§42.2.4). The subject may also appear in the preceding clause:
(10) isti-ca:t-âlki-t nis-a:k-í:-t sa:s-atí:-t
person-red-GPL-T buy-PL.LGR-DUR-T be.some.LGR-PAST5-T
ô:m-i:-s
be.FGR-DUR-IND
‘Some Indians bought them.’ (ca. 1940b)
330 §35
Example (10) is literally ‘Indians buying them were some’, and

appears to be an internally-headed relative clause (§42.2.3). It is also
common, however, for the subject to be implied and for the verbs in
the two clauses to be run together:
(11) a:ɬ-i-sâ:s-is
go.about.SG.LGR-I-be.some.FGR-IND
‘There is [someone] going about.’
As (11) shows, sas- is usually in the falling tone grade when express-
ing present time.
The verb sas- can also be negated:
(12) i:kaná ohh-onápa hasí lêyk-a:t im-itînɬawa nâ:ki-t
earth LOC-above sun sit.SG.FGR-REF DAT-between thing-T
ca-stimiɬɬéyc-i: tâ:y-a:t sáhs-iko-:-s
1S.PAT-harm-DUR can.FGR-REF be.some.HGR-not-DUR-IND
‘There is nothing between sun and earth that can harm me.’ (ca. 1940e)
35.3 -síko-, -sko- ‘(for there to) be none’, ‘without’

A form síko-: is used for ‘being none’.1
(13) co:kahícka ay-á:ɬi: ac-ohyikcéyc-aɬi: ísti
school go.SG-1S.AG.FUT 1S.PAT-encourage-FUT person
síko-n
be.none-N
‘There was no one to encourage me to go to school . . .’ (ca. 1940b)
A suffix -síko- is used to mean ‘without’, as in sakpa-síko ‘vest’ (<

sákpa ‘arm’). The same suffix is found with verbs to mean ‘without
(having done)’:
(14) hokt-akí má po-hapó: iɬ-óɬho:y-í:
female-PL that 1P.PAT-camp DIR-reach.DU.LGR-DUR
hi:c-iy-áti: ísta-n ahǒ:ⁿy-i-siko-:-t
see.LGR-1P.AG-PAST5 where-N go.DU.NGR-I-be.none-DUR-T
ká:k-i:-t ô:m-a:n
sit.DU-DUR-T be.FGR-REF.N
‘The two women we had seen come to our camp had not gone
anywhere and were still there . . .’ (1915.4)
Sometimes -síko- is shortened to -sko-.
1
Booker (1993b:413–14) has argued that sas- is reduplicated from an earlier stem
*sa. The negative stem siko- derives from *sa + -iko ‘not’.
Existence 331
(15) món-t in-hómp-í:-sko-: tǎ:ⁿy-os-i:-t

be.so.LGR-T DAT-eat-DUR-be.none-DUR can.NGR-DIM-DUR-T
ô:-s
be.FGR-IND
‘One should not eat with them.’ (1915.4)
35.4 Experiential: -ati:-siko-: ‘have never’

The remote past suffix -ati:- combines with -síko- to mean ‘have
never’:
(16) hic-áy-ati:-siko-:-t ô:-s
see-1S.AG-PAST5-be.none-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘I’ve never seen it.’
Such forms are often contracted (> hic-áy-at-siko-:-t ô:-s).
There is a positive version, too:
(17) i-hácko in-wa:ɬhoy-áti:-n hic-a:k-ay-â:t
3.PAT-ear DAT-slice.IMPL-PAST5-N see-PL.LGR-1S.AG-REF
sa:s-atí:-t ô:ⁿ-s
be.some-PAST5-T be.FGR-IND
‘I have seen some with their ears cut off.’ (ca. 1940c)
The positive version employs the verb sas- ‘exist’ (§35.2).
35.5 ‘Sit’, ‘stand’, and ‘lie’

The image of a human sitting, standing, or lying is projected onto
animals and inanimate objects in order to describe existence or

location. An object that is squat like a house, a cup, a hill, a lake, a box,
a rock, a pile of sand, etc., is said to ‘sit’:
(18) asêy-n cokó-t a:-lêyk-s
yonder-N house-T DIR-sit.SG.FGR-IND
‘There’s a house [sitting] over there.’
(19) s-isk-itá-t oh-homp-itá-n oh-lêyk-s
INST-drink-INF-T LOC-eat-INF-N LOC-sit.SG.FGR-IND
‘There’s a cup [sitting] on the table.’
(20) a:tamí-t fítta-n tak-lêyk-is
car-T outside-N LOC-sit.SG.FGR-IND
‘There’s a car [sitting] outside [in the yard].’
332 §35
In (18)–(20), a:- is used to indicate the visible distance, oh- is used for
a raised surface, and tak- implies the boundary of a yard.2
Something tall like a tree, a corn plant, a tornado, a tall building,
etc., or that has feet and is upright like a table, a bed, etc., is said to
‘stand’:
(21) asêy-n itó-t hôyɬ-is
yonder-N tree-T stand.SG.FGR-IND
‘There’s a tree [standing] over there.’
(22) oywa-acánka-t tak-hôyɬ-is
water-pour-GER-T LOC-stand.SG.FGR-IND
‘There’s a water tower [in the yard].’
An object that is long like a river or pencil or flat like a plate is said
to ‘lie’:
(23) asêy-n hácci-t wâ:kk-is
yonder-N stream-T lie.SG.FGR-IND
‘There’s a stream [lying] over there.’
(24) is-ho:ccéyc-ka-t oh-homp-itá-n oh-wâ:kk-is
INST-write-GER-T LOC-eat-INF-N LOC-lie.SG.FGR-IND
‘There’s a pen [lying] on the table.’
(25) có:ka-t oh-homp-itá-n s-oh-wâ:kk-is
book-T LOC-eat-INF-N INST-LOC-lie.SG.FGR-IND
‘There’s a book [lying] on the table.’
The instrumental is used in (25) because books contain things (§22.2).
Other verbs like ataɬk- ‘hang’ may be used this way. For spilled
liquids, the most natural choice is palatk- ‘spill’:
(26) óywa-t oh-homp-itá-n oh-palâ:tk-is
water-T LOC-eat-INF-N LOC-spill.TPL.FGR-IND
‘There’s water [spilled] on the table.’
For a cow or other animal perceived as roaming about, aɬ- ‘go about’ is
used.
2
According to George Bunny, Oklahoma Seminoles say tak-hôyɬ-is ‘stand’ in (20)
for a car where Muskogees say tak-lêyk-is ‘sit’. ‘Stand’ is perhaps used on analogy to a
horse.
36 Sound-symbolic verbs
Creek has a number of sound symbolic expressions imitating noises,
feelings, or movement:
(1) cakámhceyc-ín ‘sound of a pig eating’
táfta:k-ín ‘sputtering (of an engine)’
kasá:ticeyc-ín ‘rustling (of leaves being stepped on)’
mayá:tma:k-ít ‘swinging to and fro’
wíɬwi:y-ín ‘trotting, jogging’
tómhtoyc-ín ‘pounding (of a drum)’
tomómo:pk-ín ‘rumbling (as of thunder, a stampede)’
taɬáɬa:kk-ín ‘rattling (of a car, etc.)’
taɬá:kkoyc-ín ‘clicking (once loudly, as of a door)’
kimími:pk-ín ‘thumping (of people running, a car on a bridge)’
tiníni:tk-ín ‘rumbling (as of thunder in a series)’
wikí:cwi:k-ín ‘squeaking (of a bed, a baby)’
waká:cwa:k-ín ‘throbbing’
wakáka:ck-ín ‘stinging (as alcohol on a cut)’
lamáma:tk-ín ‘zooming’
cípci:y-ít ‘trotting, jogging’
cómhco:y-ít ‘trotting (of a horse)’
fátfa:y-ít ‘moving back and forth’
tá:sta:k-ít ‘loping (of a horse)’
The words in (1) are verbs and can be used as predicates:
(2) a:tamí-ta:t lamama:tk-ǐ:ⁿp-is

car-ATN zoom-SPN.NGR-IND
‘The cars were zooming.’
The forms in (1) are listed with different-subject -(i)n and same-subject
-(i)t because the infinitival (-ita) forms are felt to be unnatural.
The following are additional examples of their use:
(3) sókha ací homp-â:t cakámhceyc-ín póhh-ey-s
pig corn eat.LGR-REF chomp.LGR-N hear.HGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I heard a pig chomping on the corn.’
(4) fo:-cá:t-i ísti-ɬa:h-â:t wakáka:ck-í:-t ô:w-i:-s
bee-red-I person-sting.LGR-REF sting.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND
‘When a wasp stings you, it stings.’
Discourse markers
37 Case and switch-reference markers
Two suffixes -(i)t and -(i)n appear at the ends of many noun phrases
and clauses in Creek. On noun phrases, -(i)t and -(i)n mark subjects
and nonsubjects, respectively:
(1) ifá-t pó:si-n á:ssi:c-ís
dog-T cat-N chase.LGR-IND
‘The dog is chasing the cat.’
On clauses, -(i)t and -(i)n are a mark of subordination, used for
chained, adverbial, or complement clauses:
(2) a. ifá-t wo:hk-ít, pó:si-n á:ssi:c-ís
dog-T bark.LGR-T cat-N chase.LGR-IND
‘The dog is barking and chasing the cat.’
b. ifá-t wo:hk-ín, pó:si-t á:ssi:c-ís
dog-T bark.LGR-N cat-T chase.LGR-IND
‘The dog is barking, and the cat is chasing him.’
In (2a), -(i)t is used because the subject of that clause is the same as the
following clause; -(i)n is used at the end of the first clause in (2b) to
signal a change in subject between clauses. In this use, -(i)t and -(i)n
function as switch-reference markers (Jacobsen 1967; Haiman and
Munro 1983; Stirling 1993), with -(i)t indicating same subject and -(i)n
indicating a switch to a different subject.

A difficult analytical problem is deciding whether these two basic
uses—case marking and switch reference—are unified or distinct.
From the data presented in (1)–(2), it would seem that -(i)t is
associated with marking and maintaining subjects (i.e., marking the
default topic of conversation), while -(i)n is associated with marking
and shifting to nonsubjects. Some linguists working on related
languages treat the two uses separately; others treat all uses as
connected.1 Case marking and switch reference are treated together
1
H. Hardy and Davis (1988) treat the switch-reference function and the case
marking functions of the Alabama cognates -t and -n as specific instantiations of a
more abstract meaning: for them, the meaning of -t is ‘central’ or ‘nuclear’, while -n is
‘peripheral’. Kimball (1991:225) states that the Koasati suffixes “have become distinct
from their distinctive uses.” It is sometimes helpful in Creek to treat the case marking
and switch-reference functions as related, but separating the two functions often makes
the description more concrete.
338 §37
here because the two uses are sometimes difficult to separate and
because they share certain properties. For the same reason, I follow D.
Hardy (1988) and H. Hardy (2005) in using the glosses “T” and “N”
rather than more specific labels.
37.1 -(i)t and -(i)n as case markers

As shown in (1), subject noun phrases may be marked with -(i)t and
nonsubject noun phrases may be marked with -(i)n. It is the entire noun
phrase that is marked: when a modifier follows a noun in the noun
phrase, the case marker appears at the end of the whole phrase:
(3) a. pó:si lást-i:-t á:ssi:c-ís
cat black-DUR-T chase.LGR-IND
‘A black cat is chasing him/her/it.’
b. pó:si lást-i:-n á:ssi:c-ís
cat black-DUR-N chase.LGR-IND
‘He/she/it is chasing a black cat.’
The suffix -(i)t can be used for subjects interpreted as agents, as in
(3a), or for subjects interpreted as nonagents. With the verb om- ‘be’, it
is used for both the subject and for the noun phrase predicate:
(4) ma pó:si lást-i:-t ca-nâ:ki-t ô:-s
that cat black-DUR-T 1S.PAT-thing-T be.FGR-IND
‘That black cat [out of several] is mine.’
The suffix -(i)n is used broadly, appearing on virtually any nominal
constituent of a sentence other than the subject.2 It may appear on more
than one object in a clause:

water-boiling-I-N wolf-N pour.on.IMPL.LGR-N
It appears on nonfinite complements (verbal nouns):
(6) atotk-itá-n hopo:y-ít foll-itá-n po-yâ:c-it
work-INF-N seek.LGR-T go.about.TPL-INF-N 1S.PAT-want.FGR-T
ó:-s
be.LGR-IND
‘We want to go around looking for work.’ (1915.1)
2
The unusually broad function of -(i)n as a case marker may suggest that the case-
marking use derives from the switch-reference use. This matches other changes in the
language, where verbal suffixes have migrated to noun phrases.
Case and switch-reference markers 339
It is also found on noun phrases with adverbial function, including

those expressing direction, location, time, and manner:
(7) a. is-waná:-ka-n ma oykéywa-n a:-im-ak-káhy-in
INST-tie-GER-N that spring-N DIR-DAT-LOC-throw.DU.HGR-N
‘He threw a rope down into the well . . .’ (1915.1)
b. ifá-t fítta-n hôyɬ-is
dog-T outside-N stand.SG.FGR-IND
‘A dog is standing outside.’
c. ’s-anacomá-n nokêys-ako-s
INST-ever-N steal.food.HGR-1S.AG.not-IND
‘I will never steal crops again.’ (1915.1)
Postpositional phrases that function adverbially (e.g., cofí-ta:t cokó
ó:fa ‘inside the house’ in (8)) are also marked with -(i)n:
(8) cofí-ta:t cokó ó:fa-n leyk-ǐ:ⁿp-acók-in . . .
rabbit-ATN house inside-N sit.SG-SPN.NGR-DED-N
‘Rabbit stayed in the house . . .’ (1915.8)
It is only the major constituents of clauses that may be marked with
-(i)t and -(i)n, however. Noun phrase possessors and noun phrase
complements of postpositions are not marked:
(9) a. mahá:ya(*-t/*-n) im-ífa
teacher DAT-dog
‘the teacher’s dog’
b. cokó(*-t/*-n) ó:fa
house inside
‘in the house’
Not all subjects are marked with -(i)t, and not all objects are marked
with -(i)n: as shown in the next section, a number of factors govern the
presence or absence of these markers.
37.1.1 Presence or absence of case

In some environments case marking is required: in others, it is
impossible. In still other contexts, case marking is optional and
depends on such factors as focus and possible ambiguity. In general,
-(i)t and -(i)n are dropped on noun phrases that are not focused. A few
of the factors governing presence of case are considered below.
• Noun phrases are not case-marked in citation form (pókko ‘ball’) or
when used as vocatives.
340 §37
• A noun phrase marked with one of the discourse markers -w′ ‘also’,
-teys ‘even’, or -ta:t (attention marker) is never case-marked:
(10) ani-w′ ma:tapô:m-in cin-fí:k-á:ɬi:-s
I-also be.same.FGR-N 2.DAT-pay-1S.AG.FUT-IND
‘I will pay you the same, too.’ (1915.1)
(11) án-ta:t fikhónneyc-ay-í:-s
I-ATN stop.LGR-1S.AG-DUR-IND
‘I can stop it.’ (1915.1)
• When a noun phrase is restricted by a numeral or other independent
modifier, the noun phrase is marked:3
(12) ísti hámk-it ánɬa:p-atí:-s
person one-T meet.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘A man met them.’ (1915.1)
• Personal and indefinite pronouns are generally case-marked:
(13) aní-t om-á:ɬi:-s nâ:ki-t a:ɬ-ít no:ks-ít
I-T be-1S.AG.FUT-IND thing-T go.about.SG.LGR-T steal.food.LGR-T
ó:-n o:m-â:t
be.LGR-N be.LGR-REF
‘I will do it, if there is something going around devouring crops.’
(1915.1)
• Noun phrases in subject or object position that are nonreferential and
not important to a story-line are often not case-marked. Thus,
conventionalized NP + Verb combinations like those in (14)–(17)
generally do not have case marking on the NP:

(14) ihapó:_ ha:y-â:k-in
camp make-PL.FGR-N
‘They made camp . . .’ (1915.10)
(15) tó:tka_ itic-î:p-it tak-lêyk-ati:-s
fire light-SPN.FGR-T LOC-sit.SG.FGR-PAST5-IND
‘He lit a fire, and sat on the ground.’ (1915.1)
(16) ’taló:fa_ ahóy-i:p-atí:-s
town go.DU-SPN.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘They went to town.’ (1915.1)
3
This is probably switch reference rather than case marking.
(17) akiɬɬéyc-ka_ há:y-a:k-atí:-s

think.about-GER do-PL.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘They made plans.’ (1915.1)
Passages like the following suggest that case marking is dropped for
nonspecific reference:
(18) mó:-n o:m-â:t paɬko-fáka_ hopóhy-ey-n
be.so.LGR-N be.LGR-REF grape-vine look.for.HGR-1S.AG-N
ma-t-á:ɬi:-s kéyhc-it
that-T-be.FUT-IND tell.HGR-T
â:y-a:t paɬko-fáka_ hopo:y-ít a:ɬ-ít
go.SG.FGR-REF grape-vine seek.LGR-T go.about.SG.LGR-T
paɬko-faka-cápko-n hopoy-íhp-it
grape-vine-long-N seek-SPN.HGR-T
‘Well, then, I’ll look for a grapevine, and that will be it, he said, and
from there he went about looking for a grapevine and found a long
grapevine . . .’ (1915.3)
Each instance of ‘grapevine’ in the above passage is indefinite, but
case marking only appears when the reference is to a specific, long
grapevine.
• Complements of ha:k- ‘become’ are also not marked:
(19) istamǎ:ⁿh-it citto-cápko_ ha:k-î:t-t om-i:p-iká
great.NGR-T snake-long become-SPN.FGR-T be-SPN.LGR-because
‘Having become a great, long snake . . .’ (1915.10)
• As noted above, a noun phrase functioning as a possessor is not case-
marked. Complements of verbal nouns may be case-marked. In (20),

i-ɬah-âlki-n functions as an object of the verbal noun in-homp-itá-n:
(20) ma i-ɬah-âlki-n in-homp-itá-n iyâ:c-it o:m-â:n
that 3.PAT-brother-GPL-N DAT-eat-INF-N want.FGR-T be.LGR-REF.N
‘He wanted to eat the brothers’ [food] . . .’ (1915.1)
Compounds lack case marking internally: atotk-itá_ hopó-ka ‘job
seeking’, atotk-itá_ hopo:y-âlki ‘job seekers’.
• Phrases ending in -a:t(i) fall into two types: when a clause ending in
-a:t(i) is interpreted as a relative clause, there is no case marking
within it:
(21) [ma ísti_ a:ɬ-â:t]
that person go.about.SG.LGR-REF
‘that person going about’ (1915.1)
342 §37
(22) [ma ci:pan-í:_ yópa_ a:ɬ-â:t]

that youth-NZR after go.about.SG.LGR-REF
‘the youngest boy’ (lit., ‘that boy going about after’) (1915.1)
(23) [hiyá kohá_ ci:m-ay-â:t]
this cane 2.DAT.give.LGR-1S.AG-REF
‘this reed I give you’ (1915.1)
(24) [ma hoktí:_ lêyk-a:n]
that woman sit.SG.FGR-REF.N
‘where the woman lived’ (1915.8)
When an -a:t(i) phrase functions as an adverbial or complement
clause, case marking may be used within it:
(25) [cofí-t a:ɬ-â:ti-n]
rabbit-T go.about.SG.LGR-REF-N
‘as Rabbit was going about’ (1915.8)
(26) [hatâm hámk-it o:k-â:t]
again one-T say.LGR-REF
‘[whereupon] again another one said . . .’ (1915.1)
(27) [ma nâ:ki-t im-áneyc-â:n] kiɬɬ-ak-íká:ti:-s
that thing-T DAT-help.LGR-REF.N know-PL-not.PAST5-IND
‘They did not know that that thing had helped him.’ (1915.1)
• The phrase ending in -a:t(i) may or may not be case-marked. The
form in -n may appear as -a:ti-n, but is usually shortened to -a:n:
(28) ma óywa atǐ:ⁿk-os-a:n iɬ-hôyɬ-in
that water up.to.NGR-DIM-REF.N DIR-stand.SG.FGR-N

‘He went to the water’s edge and stood . . .’ (1915.10)
(29) ma ci:pan-í: manítt-a:t ín-fi:k-atí:-s
that youth-NZR young-REF DAT-pay.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘He paid that young boy [an amount].’ (1915.1)
• As described by Booker (1980:184), in contexts in which case is
optional, sentences without case marking appear to be neutral
statements, while alternatives with case marking convey mild focus:
(30) a. cá-cki_ aláhk-is
1S.PAT-mother arrive.SG.HGR-IND
‘My mother arrived.’ (Booker 1980:184)
b. cá-cki-t aláhk-is
1S.PAT-mother-T arrive.SG.HGR-IND
‘It’s my mother, she’s the one who arrived.’ (Booker 1980:184)
For Margaret Mauldin, use of -(i)t sometimes also provides a sense of

contrast:
(31) a. má_ pókko-t ô:-s
that ball-T be.FGR-IND
‘That’s a ball.’
b. má-t pókko-t ô:-s
that-T ball-T be.FGR-IND
‘That is a ball.’ (as opposed to the others)
• Nathan (1977:62) observes a tendency to use case marking when
there is potential ambiguity between interpreting a noun phrase as
subject or nonsubject. The following three examples from a single
text support this statement:
(32) a. ’capo:fa-pocá:si_ hic-áɬa:n-ít
field-master see-PROSP.LGR-T
‘The field master was going to see . . .’ (1915.1)
b. ’capo:fa-pocá:si-t ím-po:h-ít
field-master-T DAT-ask.LGR-T
‘The field master asked him . . .’ (1915.1)
c. coko-pocá:si-n ím-po:h-ít
house-master-N DAT-ask.LGR-T
‘He asked the owner of the house . . .’ (1915.1)
Case marking is not needed in (32a), where context makes clear that
the verb is interpreted as intransitive. The verb im-poh- ‘ask’ implies
a human subject and object, however, so case marking is needed to

distinguish the role of an associated noun phrase.
Other factors such as formality are undoubtedly at work in
determining the presence or absence of case markers.
37.2 -(i)t and -(i)n as switch-reference markers

As shown in (2), when -(i)t and -(i)n attach to a clause, -(i)t indicates a
continuation of subject between clauses, while -(i)n indicates a change
to a different subject.4 Clauses with switch-reference marking appear in
several structural configurations. A common pattern, evident in
4
Nathan (1977) first identified -(i)t and -(i)n as switch-reference markers in
Creek. The description presented here is a revision of Martin (1998). My
understanding of switch reference has been influenced by Haiman and Munro (1983)
and Stirling (1993), among others.
344 §37
examples like (33), involves two or more “chained” clauses, generally

translated with ‘and’ or ‘and then’.
(33) stí hámk-it aláhk-it,
person one-T arrive.SG.HGR-T
ma hiɬkináka-n ɬa:-óh-hala:t-atí:-s
that preacher-N DIR-LOC-hold.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘A man came up and took hold of the preacher.’ (1936b)
I assume that chained clauses have the structure in (34), where S stands
for “sentence” or “clause”:
(34) S
S1 -(i)t/(i)n S2 -(i)t/(i)n ... Sn (marked for mood)
The nonfinal clauses in sentences of this kind are dependent clauses

that rely on the final clause for mood and the full range of tense
distinctions. Each of the clauses is a full clause and can appear with a
subject. In chained structures, switch-reference marking on S1 makes
reference to whether the subject is the same as or different from S2, i.e.,
with reference to the next clause in the chain.
Switch-reference marking is also found on adverbial clauses,
though it is less common on clauses with this function:
(35) nâ:k-lókc-i: há:k-a:k-ô:fa-n
thing-ripe-DUR get-PL.LGR-when-N
íɬ-yeyc-í:-t ô:m-i:-s
DIR-arrive.TPL.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND
‘When fruits mature, [the seven stars] come back.’ (1941a)
The sentence in (35) might be assumed to have the same structure as a
chained clause, as shown in (36).
(36) S
S -(i)t/(i)n S
Nonfinite clauses (verbal nouns) are marked for case, but finite
complement clauses are marked for switch reference, as in (37).
(37) itó-t la:tk-ín hî:c-ey-s
tree-T fall.SG.LGR-N see.FGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I see a tree falling.’
I assume that (37) has the structure in (38):
(38) S
NPsubject VP
S -(i)t/(i)n V
On complement clauses like that in (38), switch reference tracks

whether the subject of the subordinate clause is the same as or different
from the subject of the higher clause.
A fourth, very common structure is where -(i)t links a main verb to
an auxiliary verb:
(39) ma ifá homp-ít ó:-s
that dog eat.LGR-T be.LGR-IND
‘The dog is eating.’
Sentences of this type appear to have the structure in (40):
(40) S
NPsubject VP
V -(i)t Vauxiliary
The structure in (40) is similar to (38), except that:

• only one subject is possible;
• only same-subject -(i)t is possible; and
• agent agreement appears on the auxiliary verb rather than on the main
verb.
37.2.1 Basic uses of -(i)t and -(i)n

We saw above that -(i)t and -(i)n on clauses have a basic function of
connecting subordinate clauses to main clauses and of maintaining or
switching subjects. Sentences in Creek are quite long by English
standards, consisting of extended chains of linked or subordinate
clauses. Same-subject marking (SS) is used when a narrator portrays
actions from a single viewpoint, as in the following passage:
(41) ’s-a-tóccina-n ’m-a-tipk-itá-n kôn-t o:m-êys,
INST-LOC-three-N DAT-LOC-slap-INF-N try.FGR-T be.LGR-even
ma hiɬkináka-ta:t ká:pa-n káhy-it,
that preacher-ATN coat-N take.off.DU.HGR-T
346 §37
a:-itipóhy-it, tǐ:ⁿpk-it, mi:c-atí:-s

DIR-fight.HGR-T slap.NGR-T do.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘[The man] tried to slap [the preacher] a third time, but the preacher
pulled off his coat [SS], fought him back [SS], and really whipped him
[SS], he did.’ (1936b)
The first two words in (41) end in -(i)n, which I take to be the
nonsubject marker. The -(i)t on the third word connects the main verb
to the following auxiliary. The entire first clause in (41) is an adverbial
clause ending in the clitic -eys(in) ‘even though’. This adverbial suffix
never takes switch reference, and so is open with regard to the next
subject. The next four clauses take the viewpoint of the preacher,
indicating four linked actions that he performed. The final clause is
marked for mood and, like all main clauses, is open with regard to the
subject of the next sentence.
Different-subject (DS) -(i)n can also link clauses in long chains.
Repeated uses of -(i)n occur when perspective alternates, as in (42),
which describes the actions of two agents in a fight.
(42) a:-osêyy-in, halâ:t-ey-n,
DIR-come.out.HGR-N hold.FGR-1S.AG-N
an-cíyall-ín, tí-weyk-éy-n,
1S.DAT-struggle.against.LGR-N RCP-throw.LGR-1S.AG-N
hola:n-ít
defecate.LGR-T
‘[Rabbit] came out [DS], I grabbed him [DS], he struggled against me
[DS], I threw him down [DS], and he crapped [SS] . . .’ (1939b)
As long as there are only two participants, reference in long chains of

third person clauses is kept clear this way without overt mention of
subjects. Subjects may still be explicit, however:
(43) ɬi:sihó:ka pa:l-i-hokkô:l-a:t óhɬ-in,
score ten-I-two.FGR-REF reach.HGR-N
ísti omálka-t a:fack-ak-í: hǐ:ⁿɬ-it,
person all-T happy-PL-DUR good.NGR-T
ísti awa:h-ín
person scatter.LGR-N
‘The score reached twenty [DS], all the people were very happy [SS],
and people scattered [DS] . . .’ (1939b)
In (43), ísti appears in the final clause even though the subject is clear
from same-subject marking on the previous clause.
Switch reference is based on sentence structure and on the
grammatical category of subject. Whether a subject is referenced with
agent, patient, or dative agreement on the verb, for example, has no

bearing on switch reference:
(44) an-hǐ:ⁿɬ-i: síko-t lêyk-ey-t o:m-éy-s
1S.DAT-good.NGR-DUR without-T sit.FGR-1S.AG-T be.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m not feeling well [SS], and am sitting down.’ (1939b)
The subject of the first clause in (44) is marked on the verb with dative
agreement, but it is treated as being the same as the agent subject in the
next clause.
Switch reference also depends on interpretation, however: in (43)
same-subject -(i)t is used to link the second and third lines because the
narrator interpreted ísti omálka-t ‘all the people’ and ísti ‘people’ as
being the same in reference. What counts as “same” for switch
reference thus depends on the reference of subjects and thus on a
specific discourse model. Some of the many details involving switch
reference are treated in the following sections.
37.2.2 Presence or absence of switch-reference marking

Just as -(i)t and -(i)n are sometimes omitted when marking case, -(i)t
and -(i)n are sometimes omitted in switch-reference marking. This is
particularly true of adverbial clauses. The suffixes -(i)ka ‘because’ and
-eys(in) ‘even though’ never appear with switch-reference marking,
and, except in archaic or very formal speech, the suffixes -o:f(a)
‘when’ and -a:t(i) ‘upon (doing something’)’ are usually shortened in
such a way as to obscure the presence of switch reference (table 37.1).
TABLE 37.1. CONTRACTED FORMS OF ADVERBIAL SUFFIXES

FULL FORM CONTRACTED FORM

-o:fa-t -o:f ‘when (something happens)’
-o:fa-n -o:f
-a:ti -a:t ‘upon (something happening )’

-a:ti-t -a:t
-a:ti-n -a:n
As a result of these contractions, a clause ending in -o:f could be same-

subject or different-subject, and one ending in -a:t may be bare (open
with respect to switch reference) or same-subject.5
5
The contracted form -o:f is not used much in Florida, where -o:ʔ is used instead.
348 §37
There are close parallels between the omission of case markers and
switch-reference markers. As case markers, -(i)t and -(i)n are never
used with -w′ ‘also, too’ (§40.6). This clitic can be used with adverbial
clauses, too, and then switch-reference marking is omitted on the
adverbial clause:
(45) mi:kosáp-ka há:y-i:p-â:ti-w′
pray-GER make-SPN.LGR-REF-also
‘while performing prayers, too’ (1990a)
Switch-reference marking is also omitted in relative clauses, just as
case markers are:
(46) [ma nâ:ki no:ks-í:_ a:ɬ-â:t NP]
that thing steal.food.LGR-DUR go.about.SG.LGR-REF
‘that thing going about stealing food’ (1915.1)
For this reason, -(i)t and -(i)n in switch-reference and case-marking
functions would seem to be related.
37.2.3 Clause skipping

The structure of clauses affects the use of switch-reference markers.
This can be seen in examples like (47):
(47) cofí-t im-alâ:k-it,
rabbit-T D-arrive.FGR-T
satá á:-la:tk-ín pa:p-ak-á:^ keyc-ín
‘Rabbit came along [to where Opossum was] [SS], “A persimmon fell
[DS] and you’re eating it?” [Rabbit] asked him . . .’ (1939b)

The problem in (47) is the use of same-subject -(i)t to link Rabbit’s
arrival to the clauses that follow. The next clause in the sequence has
‘persimmon’ as its subject, so -(i)t on the first clause seems to indicate
that the quotation is skipped over. This notion can be made more
precise by diagramming (47) as in (48):
(48) S
S1 -(i)t S2 -(i)n ...
(NPsubject) VP
Squotation V
Same-subject -(i)t is used on S1, then, because S2 has the same subject.
It is not just quotations that appear to be skipped over in this way:
(49) ho:sp-afó:pk-in apéyci:c-éy-t,
wall-edge-N go.along.LGR-1S.AG-T
hôyɬ-íck-a:t ’ɬ-óɬ-á:ɬi:-to:k
stand.SG.FGR-2S.AG-REF DIR-reach-1S.AG.FUT-for
‘For I will go along the wall [SS], and get to where you are standing
. . .’ (1939b)
In (49), the clause hôyɬ-íck-a:t ‘where you are standing’ functions as
the object of the final verb, occurring in the same position as the
quotation in (47). Same-subject -(i)t is used at the end of the first
clause because hôyɬ-íck-a:t is structurally lower.
37.2.4 The status of subjects in impersonal clauses

Some Creek verbs are impersonal: verbs referring to weather, etc.,
generally do not allow overt, referential subjects. Nonovert, impersonal
subjects count as subjects for switch reference, however:
(50) yomo:ck-ít o:m-ín, a:y-ít o:m-atí:-s
get.dark.LGR-T be.LGR-N go.SG.LGR-T be.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘It was getting dark [DS], so he started out.’ (1915.1)
In (50), the first clause ends in different-subject -(i)n because its
subject (though not overt and nonreferential) differs from the following
subject. When two clauses pertaining to the weather are chained,
however, they are treated as having the same subject:
(51) mo:m-ín oh-lêyk-i:-t imônk-in,

be.so.LGR-N LOC-sit.SG.FGR-DUR-T still.FGR-N
aholoc-í: háhk-it, o:sk-atí:-s
cloudy-DUR get.HGR-T rain.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘Then while [Turtle] was sitting there [DS], it grew cloudy [SS] and
rained.’ (1936a)
Impersonal passives (formed with an infix -ho-, in bold type in
(52)–(53); see §25.1) are also treated as though they have a subject for
switch reference:
(52) ist-ahá:k-in kolówa-n is-háhy-it
person-resembling-N tar-N INST-make.HGR-T
in-niní-n im-oh-hoyɬeyhô:c-in
DAT-path-N DAT-LOC-stand.SG.IMPL.FGR-N
noks-itá kó:m-i: a:y-í: a:ɬ-â:t
steal.food-INF try-DUR go.SG.LGR-DUR go.about.SG.LGR-REF
350 §37
‘A figure was made of tar [SS] and made to stand on his path [DS], and
as he was going about trying to steal food . . .’ (1939b)
The subject of the first two clauses in (52) is impersonal, translated
here by passives. In the context of the story, the implied agent is a
specific farmer, but here it is backgrounded. Because this subject
differs from the subject of the third clause, different-subject marking
appears at the end of the second clause.
Different impersonal passives can pick out different referents,
however:
(53) ísti hámk-in ahá:ka-n ’s-afashot-áɬa:n-í:-n
person one-N law-N INST-apply.IMPL-PROSP.LGR-DUR-N
ma:hok-í:-t ôn-ka
say.IMPL-DUR-T be.FGR-so
‘. . . “The law will be applied to one person [DS],” they said, so . . .’
(1939b)
In (53), different-subject marking is used between these two
impersonal passive clauses because two different nonspecific subjects
are intended. If the same reference were intended, same-subject
marking would be used at the end of the first clause and -ho- would
only appear on the second clause, as in (52).
37.2.5 Switch reference in cleft sentences and ‘if’ clauses

The cleft construction (§41.7) is another type of impersonal clause:
(54) mô:m-os-in hatâm [pó:mi ô:c-iy-a:n
be.so.FGR-DIM-N again we have.FGR-1P.AG-REF.N
pón-homp-íck-in] om-áɬi:-s kéyc-a:k-ín

1P.PAT-eat.LGR-2S.AG-N be-FUT-IND tell-PL.LGR-N
‘Then it will be that you will eat what we have, they said to him . . .’
(1915.1)
As shown in (54), the cleft construction uses the verb om- ‘be’ as a
main verb with a finite complement clause inflected for person. The
complement clause ends in different-subject -(i)n, suggesting that the
verb om- ‘be’ has a dummy subject [e]:
(55) S
(NPsubject) VP
|
[e] S -(i)n V
om- ‘be’
There are two properties, then, distinguishing om- ‘be’ in its auxiliary
use (40) and its cleft use (55). First, auxiliary om- always takes a
complement with same-subject -(i)t, while main verb (cleft) om-
always takes a complement with different-subject -(i)n. Second, in its
auxiliary use, om- is inflected for agent agreement, while in its cleft use
om- is in the third person and the complement is inflected for agent
agreement. These two properties can be seen by comparing (54) with
(56):
(56) [hǐ:ⁿɬ-in ahicêyc-it] om-íck-áɬi:-s
good.NGR-N watch.FGR-T be-2S.AG-FUT-IND
‘You will watch him well . . .’ (1939b)
In (56), the complement ends in same-subject -(i)t and om- ‘be’ is
inflected for agent agreement, two characteristics of the auxilary use of
om-.
By far the most common use of the cleft construction is in the ‘if’
construction (§42.3.9):
(57) a:ɬ-ín o:m-â:t
go.about.SG.LGR-N be.LGR-REF
‘If he is going about . . .’ (lit., ‘it being that he is going about . . .’)
(1939b)
The basic structure of (57) is as in (55). Again, this use contrasts with
auxiliary om- ‘be’, which takes same-subject -(i)t:
(58) a:ɬ-ít o:m-â:t
go.about.SG.LGR-N be.LGR-REF
‘As he is going about . . .’ (1939b)

The use of switch reference in cleft clauses and the ‘if’ construction
can thus be understood if these constructions are viewed as impersonal
clauses with dummy subjects.
37.2.6 Overlapping contexts

In some cases, the subject of one clause refers to a part or subset of the
subject of another clause. These two types of ‘overlap’—parts and
subsets—are treated differently in Creek.
In Creek, a part of an entity and the entity as a whole are considered
to be different subjects for purposes of switch reference:
(59) ínki hámk-a:t is-nâ:fk-a:n
3.PAT.hand one-REF INST-hit.FGR-REF.N
ínki-ta:t ist-ahá:k-i-n alokp-íhp-in
3.PAT.hand-ATN person-resembling-I-N stick-SPN.HGR-N
352 §37
‘When [Rabbit] hit [the tar figure] with his other paw [DS], that paw
stuck to the doll . . .’ (1939b)
The subject of the first clause in (59) is Rabbit. The appearance of
different-subject -(i)n at the end of this clause shows that Rabbit is
considered distinct from Rabbit’s paw.
Subjects in a set-subset relationship are given more freedom. In
some instances same-subject marking is used:
(60) a ≠ b = ab
coha:wí:ska ways ways ma:k-ín
towhee ways ways say.LGR-N
tasít tasikayá teyⁿs teyⁿs ma:k-ít
bluejay tasikayá teyns teyns say.LGR-T
wila:k-ô:f
go.about.DU.LGR-when
‘The towhee says “ways ways,” [DS], the bluejay says “tasikayá teyⁿs
teyⁿs,” [SS], and when they both were going about...’ (1939b)
Different-subject marking is used at the end of the first clause in (60)
because viewpoint shifts from towhee (a) to bluejay (b). The narrator
uses same-subject marking at the end of the second clause when the
subject shifts from bluejay (b) to towhee plus bluejay (ab). The
following passage is similar in this regard:
(61) a = ab = abc
“. . . homp-í:-k-o:k,” ma:k-ít
eat-1P.AG-not-for say.LGR-T
hokkô:l-a:t ’ti-m-akasáhm-it
two.FGR-REF RCP-DAT-agree.HGR-T
ma cáto tímpi-n apô:k-it
that rock near sit.TPL.FGR-T
‘“. . . for we haven’t eaten,” he says [SS], and both agreed [SS], and all
three sat near the rock . . .’ (1939b)
In (61), the subject of the first clause (a) merges with the subject of the
second clause (ab), and these merge with the third (abc). Same-subject
-(i)t is thus used in these examples for merger—i.e., when individuals
blend seamlessly into groups.
These uses contrast with examples like (62)–(64).
(62) a ≠ ab ≠ b
haláht-ey-n
grab.HGR-1S.AG-N
hǐ:ⁿɬ-i: mâ:h-in ti-n-ciyalhóhy-i:-n

good.NGR-DUR very.FGR-N RCP-DAT-struggle.PL.HGR-1P.AG-N
’y-icíhy-ika
DIR-enter.HGR-so
‘I grabbed him [DS], we struggled together really hard [DS], and he
went in there, so . . .’ (1939b)
In (62), different-subject marking is used between the first clause and
the second clause and again between the second clause and the third
clause even though ‘we’ here includes ‘I’ and ‘he’. Different-subject
marking seems to be used in this case to distinguish the actions of the
two subjects. The following example is similar.
(63) a ≠ abc
ahiɬ-i-mǎ:ⁿh-in fiksômk-it a:ɬ-ín
good-I-very.NGR-N get.scared.FGR-T go.about.SG.LGR-N
foll-atí:-s
go.about.TPL.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘He got really scared there [DS], and they went about.’ (1939b)
The context of (63) makes it clear that the subject of the second clause
includes the subject of the first clause. Different-subject marking seems
to be used here to distinguish one person’s fear. Different-subject
marking is also used in (64) even though there is clear overlap between
the subjects.
(64) abc ≠ a
ma cató-n oponayí:c-a:k-ít o:m-ín hámk-it o:k-â:t
that rock-N talk.about-PL.LGR-T be.LGR-N one-T say.LGR-REF

‘[Three men] were talking about that rock [DS], and one said . . .’
(1939b)
Data of this sort suggest that the use of different-subject or same-
subject marking in set-subset contexts is determined not by
grammatical rule but by subtle judgments on the part of speakers
regarding the distinctness of entities and the activities they perform.
Same-subject marking is used when subjects blend together, while
different-subject marking is used when actions or responses serve to
distinguish individuals from their groups.
37.2.7 Connecting words (recapitulation clauses)

Sentences in narratives often consist of long chains of clauses. Switch
reference is used to link dependent clauses in chains and to identify
subjects as same or different. When a full stop is made, a recapitulation
354 §37
clause (Stirling 1993:17) can be used to begin a new chain.6 The

recapitulation clause in Creek is mo:m-ít, mo:m-ín, or variants of these
words. These words derive historically from ma ‘that’ + om- ‘be, do,
be like’ and are reduced clauses marked for switch reference. They
might be translated etymologically as ‘doing that’, but many speakers
are uncertain how best to translate them into English. Because mo:m-ít
and mo:m-ín are verbs, they appear in different grades and with
different suffixes. A few of the common variants are presented in (65).
(65) a. with -(i)t:
món-t, móhm-it ‘then’, món-t o:m-ít, món-t o:m-â:ti-t
b. with -(i)n:
mó:-n, móhm-in ‘then’, món-t o:m-ín, món-t ó:-n, mo:m-â:n, món-t
o:m-â:n
Two other forms, môn-ka ‘so’ and mô:m-eys ‘but’, do not occur with
-(i)t or -(i)n. Another variant, mô:m-os-in, is more common within
sentences and can be translated ‘and immediately’. It is invariant,
occurring only with final -(i)n.7
An initially attractive hypothesis is that the subjects of mo:m-ít and
mo:m-ín are taken to be the same as the preceding sentence, so that
mo:m-ít would be used for a continuation of the same subject and
mo:m-ín for a change in subject.8 As the following passage shows,
there is a tendency in this direction:
(66) ísti hámk-it inókk-i:-t wâ:kk-ati:-s
person one-T sick-DUR-T lie.SG.FGR-PAST5-IND
mo:m-ít i-héywa ó:c-i:-t ô:m-ati:-s
be.so.LGR-T 3.PAT-wife exist-DUR-T be.FGR-PAST5-IND

mo:m-ít hatâm ifá-n sólk-i:-n ó:c-i:-t
be.so.LGR-T again dog-N many-DUR-N exist-DUR-T
ô:m-ati:-s
be.FGR-PAST5-IND
mo:m-ín ma isti-honánwa-ta:t i-héywa-t
be.so.LGR-N that person-male-atn 3.PAT-wife-T
má isti-honánwa inókk-a:n in-na:ô:ɬ-it
that person-male sick-REF.N DAT-bother.FGR-T
6
Other terms for recapitulation clauses include anaphoric particle, utility verb, and
pro-verb (Jacobsen 1983:169).
7
I am grateful to Jeremy Anderson (p.c. 2003) for pointing out the rarity of mô:m-
os-it.
8
This issue was first addressed in Martin (1998). See also Broadwell (2005) for
Choctaw.
a:ɬ-atí:-s
mo:m-ít má ifa-w′ s-omǎⁿlka-n
be.so.LGR-T that dog-also INST-all.NGR-N
in-homíc-i:-t-o-t ón-t
DAT-angry-DUR-T-FOC-T be.LGR-T
ifá-ta:t nafkitíka:y-ít má hoktí:-t
dog-ATN beat.LGR-T that woman-T
s-a:ɬ-atí:-s
INST-go.about.SG.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘A man lay sick. And [SS] he had a wife. And [SS] he also had many
dogs. Now [DS] the man’s wife was tired of the sick man. And [SS]
she was annoyed with all the dogs, too, and that woman would go
around beating them.’ (1915.2)
Each of the underlined words in the passage above is a recapitulation
clause functioning as a transition between sentences. Margaret Mauldin
sometimes translates these reduced clauses as ‘and’, ‘now’, or with
nothing at all. The form mo:m-ít is used in the above passage when the
same subject is resumed in a new sentence. The form mo:m-ín is used
when a different subject is taken up.
This account of recapitulation clauses in Creek is only a tendency,
however. When a tally is conducted, we see that there are a number of
exceptions (table 37.2).9
TABLE 37.2. RECAPITULATION CLAUSES IN FOUR TEXTS BY EARNEST GOUGE

(2004)
DS SS DS SS
mo:m-ín 47 9 mo:m-ít 13
mó:-n 14 4 món-t 4 35
móhm-in 15 3 móhm-it 7
món-t o:m-ín 2 món-t o:m-ít 2
món-t ó:-n 1
mo:m-â:n 1
món-t o:m-â:n 1 món-t o:m-â:ti-t 1
Total 81 16 4 58
Percent 83.5 16.5 6.5 93.5
9
This tally was based on the “The three brothers and the spotted horse,” “The
hunter and his dogs,” “Tug-of-war between the tie-snakes,” and “The stork father,” all
from Gouge (2004). I included only sentence-initial examples where I felt I understood
the subject of each clause.
356 §37
These exceptions require further research, but suggest either that the
subject of a recapitulation clause need not refer to the subject of the
previous sentence, or that switch reference is sensitive to other factors.
38 Focus of attention clitic
The clitic -ta:t(i) is added to noun phrases to give them a slight
emphasis.1 This emphasis sometimes implies contrast. At other times,
it indicates a return to a previously mentioned topic.
Personal pronouns frequently contract with -ta:t(i); for example,
aní-ta:t ‘I’ contracts to án-ta:t (§15.1). This is shown in (1):2
(1) mo:m-ín ma ci:pan-áki iɬ-yopá â:ɬ-a:t
be.so.LGR-N that youth-PL DIR-back go.about.SG.FGR-REF
o:k-â:ti-t án-ta:t fikhónneyc-ay-í:-s
say.LGR-REF-T I-ATN stop-1S.AG-DUR-IND
‘Then the youngest of the boys there said, “I can stop it.”’ (1915.1)
The use of -ta:t(i) in (1) implies contrast: ‘I can stop it (even if my
brothers can’t)’.
Further examples of the contrastive use of -ta:t(i) are seen in (2)
and (3).
(2) mocá-ta:t nâ:ki-t nóks-iko-n hayâ:tk-a:˅
this.time-ATN thing-T devour-not-N dawn.FGR-Q
‘This time did nothing devour my crops by dawn?’ (1915.1)
(3) hayyô:ⁿwa:t-ta:t i:kaná kíɬɬ-i-sikó-: fá:ka
now-ATN land know-I-without-DUR hunting
apiy-ípho:y-â:t
go.TPL-SPN.IMPL.LGR-REF
‘But now, they/people go hunting on unfamiliar lands . . .’ (1992b)
A slightly different use is seen in connected texts. In most
narratives, characters or items are first established as topical (active).
When the story shifts to other individuals, the previously mentioned
characters can be described as semiactive. A frequent use of -ta:t(i) is
to reestablish a semiactive noun phrase as topic. This can be seen in
(4), the opening lines of a story in which a rabbit engineers a tug of war
between two supernatural snakes:
1
I am grateful to my research assistants Clarke Boehling and Aubrey Poe for
examining the use of -ta:t(i) in texts and for many fruitful discussions of its use. Other
labels I have considered for -ta:t(i) include ‘topic’ and ‘foreground’.
2
When -ta:t(i) occurs on a noun phrase, case marking is not used.
358 §38

má:ho:k-ánt-s
cofí-t óywa-n i:sk-ít a:ɬ-í:-t
rabbit-T water-N drink.LGR-T go.about.SG.LGR-DUR-T
ô:m-ati:-s
be.FGR-PAST5-IND
mo:m-ín mô:m-ati:-ta:n
be.so.LGR-N be.so.FGR-PAST5-REF.N
hácci kololok-í:-t ô:m-in istamêy-âlk-eys
stream curvy-DUR-T be.FGR-N where-each-even
óywa lawlak-í: álk-i:-t o:c-ít ó:-n o:m-ín
water deep.PL-DUR each-DUR-T have-T be.LGR-N be.LGR-N
má-n ma cofí-ta:t ísk-i:p-ít aɬ-i:p-ít
there-N that rabbit-ATN drink-SPN.LGR-T go.about.SG-SPN.LGR-T
o:m-atí:-t-o-t
be.LGR-PAST5-T-FOC-T
ist-ak-waná:y-a-t ak-ká:k-i:
person-LOC-tie.LGR-NZR-T LOC-sit.DU-DUR
álk-i:-t ô:m-in ki:ɬɬ-atí:-s
always-DUR-T be.FGR-N know.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘And again it was said there was once a rabbit. The rabbit would go
about drinking water. And the river twisted and had deep water in
each bend, and the rabbit (ATN) would go about drinking there and
learned that two tie-snakes were always down there.’ (1915.3)
In the first line in (4), the rabbit is established as a topic. In the second
sentence, that topic is still active, so -ta:t(i) is not needed. In the third
sentence, the description shifts to the water before returning to the
rabbit. At this point, -ta:t(i) is used to signal a return to the previously
established topic. This same function could be translated as ‘now the
rabbit’ or ‘that rabbit’.
In this resumptive use, -ta:t(i) is used on noun phrases that are
definite (identifiable), that are topical (central to the story), and that are
being placed in focus. In the resumptive use, a noun phrase marked
with -ta:t(i) often includes ma ‘that’ as well, as in (4).
38.1 Long form -(i)t ó:-n o:m-â:t

In older sources, there is a longer expression -(i)t ó:-n o:m-â:t (lit., ‘if
it is . . .’). It may be that -ta:t(i) is simply a shortened form of -(i)t ó:-n
Focus of attention clitic 359
o:m-â:t. The uses of -ta:t(i) and -(i)t ó:-n o:m-â:t are parallel, as can be
seen in (5) and (6).
(5) yamá-ta:t inokk-itá ’titǎ:ⁿy-i:-t ô:-s
here-ATN sick-NZR much.NGR-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘Here there is much sickness.’ (1898)
(6) yamá-t ó:-n o:m-â:t có:ka is-yaheyk-itá-ta:t
here-T be.LGR-N be.LGR-REF book INST-sing-NZR-ATN
s-ikó-:-t ô:-s
exist-not-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘And around here there are no song books.’ (1880)
Like -ta:t(i), -(i)t ó:-n o:m-â:t(i) also has a resumptive function:
(7) móhm-in ay-i:p-ín hofón-i: hâ:k-in
be.so.HGR-N go.SG-SPN.LGR-N long.ago-DUR become.FGR-N
naka:ft-ít apo:hô:k-in
meet.LGR-T sit.TPL.IMPL.FGR-N
cofí-t ó:-n o:m-â:t a:-híck-atî:k-a:t
rabbit-T be.LGR-N be.LGR-REF DIR-appear-up.to.FGR-REF
iɬ-ô:ɬ-in
DIR-reach.FGR-N
ma ísti naka:ft-í: kâ:k-a:t hic-a:k-atí:-s
that person meet.LGR-DUR sit.DU.FGR-REF see-PL.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘Then after a long time they were sitting in a meeting; now Rabbit
came up where he could be seen, and the people assembled saw him.’
(1915.3)
In (7), -(i)t ó:-n o:m-â:t(i) signals a return to Rabbit as the central

character.
39 Referential clitic
A clitic -a:t(i) in Creek, meaning roughly ‘the one that, the time/place
that’, attaches to verb forms at the ends of clauses. It has two uses:
within noun phrases, it appears on a full or adjoined participle to
indicate that the noun modified by the participle is definite
(identifiable) or emphatic; it also appears on complement or adverbial
clauses.
In both uses, -a:t(i) is limited to present time: it may occur with
prospective -aha:n-, ongoing (lengthened grade) events, present (zero
grade) states, and Past 1 perfective (aspirating grade) verb forms, but
does not occur with verbs that have true tense suffixes (future -áɬi:-,
Past 1 perfective -eys-, or Past 2, 3, 4, and 5). In everyday speech,
-a:t(i) is shortened to -a:t.1 It usually contracts with -(i)t (the subject or
same-subject marker) and -(i)n (the oblique or different-subject
marker) (§37.2.2).
39.1 Noun phrase use (definite/emphatic)

In noun phrases, -a:t(i) may appear after a full participle modifying a
noun (1), after a reduced participle adjoined to a noun (2), or after a
bare participle with an implied noun head (3):
(1) ma ísti acól-a:t(i)
that person old-REF

‘that old man’
(2) ma isti-acól-a:t(i)
that person-old-REF
‘that old man’
(3) ma acól-a:t(i)
that old-REF
‘that old one’
1
The final vowel is preserved in informal speech in question fragments (cá:t-a:ti′
‘the red one?’) and before the clitic -w′ ‘also’ (cá:t-a:ti-w′ ‘the red one, too’). I have
considered several other labels for -a:t(i), including ‘topic’ and ‘definite’. The verbal
clitic -a:t(i) ‘referential’ is often close in meaning to the nominal clitic -ta:t(i) ‘focus of
attention’. The latter presumably derives from -(i)t ó:-n o:m-â:t(i) (§38.1).
Referential clitic 361
In each instance, -a:t(i) occurs at the end of the noun phrase and
attaches to a verb form ending in durative -i: or reduced durative -i.
The clitic -a:t(i) replaces these suffixes and gives the noun phrase a
definite (identifiable) or emphatic interpretation.
The noun phrase use in (1)–(3) is often associated with relative
clauses (§42.2), but there is only partial overlap between -a:t(i) and
relative clauses. The clitic -a:t(i) is also used on complement clauses,
for example, and relative clauses in future or past tenses do not use
-a:t(i).
The use of -a:t(i) with reduced adjoined participles is common. As
noted in §11.8, Creek often combines words for colors, size, age, etc.,
with the nouns they modify. The clitic -a:t(i) makes the expression
definite:
(4) ma isti-manítt-a:t ma hoktí: i:-páhy-o:f
that person-young-REF that woman RFL-add.HGR-when
‘after the young man had married the woman . . .’ (1915.1)
Since -a:t(i) can only attach to verbs, it is not used with bare nouns.
This can be seen in (4), where the noun phrase ma hoktí: ‘that woman’
is not marked. While -a:t(i) can attach to adjoined participles, it cannot
attach to compounded participles: it is thus possible to say ma isti-
manítt-a:t(i) ‘the young person’ but not *ma isti-hátk-a:t(i) ‘the white
person’.
The independent (headless) use in (3) is shown in context in (5).
(5) mo:m-ín ma acól-a:t o:k-â:t
be.so.LGR-N that old-REF say.LGR-REF
‘Then the old [man] said . . .’

In (5) we see that -a:t(i) is used to translate ‘one’ in expressions like
‘the old one’.
The notion of definiteness expressed by -a:t(i) requires some
discussion. The following passage is from the beginning of a story:
(6) isti-acól-i hámk-it ippoci-tá:ki toccî:n-in ó:c-i:-t
person-old-I one-T 3.PAT.son-PL three.FGR-N have-DUR-T
leyk-atí:-s
sit.SG.LGR-PAST5-IND
mo:m-ín ma ci:pan-áki toccî:n-a:t
be.so.LGR-N that youth-PL three.FGR-REF
akiɬɬéyc-ka há:y-a:k-atí:-s
think.about-GER do-PL.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘An old man lived with his three sons. Now the three boys made some
plans.’ (1915.1)
362 §39
Because ippoci-tá:ki toccî:n-in ‘his three sons’ is possessed, one might

assume that it is definite. Creek -a:t(i) is generally used for noun
phrases that refer back to established topics, however. This can be seen
in the second sentence, where ma ci:pan-áki toccî:n-a:t ‘the three
boys’ is marked with -a:t(i).
Sometimes -a:t(i) refers back to an element that is only inferred
from context:
(7) món-t píɬɬo ô:c-a:t iɬ-ís-oɬeyc-atí:-s
be.so.LGR-T boat exist.FGR-REF DIR-INST-reach-PAST5-IND
‘In this way they got to where the boat was.’ (1915.2)
In (7), the boat was previously established as a topic, but the place was
not. Establishing the boat as topic allows listeners to infer a location,
which can then be referred to. The following is another example of this
use:
(8) ma cokó ɬ-óɬeyc-í:-n o:m-â:t
that house DIR-reach.LGR-1P.AG-N be.LGR-REF
ma cokó apô:k-a:t cin-nâ:k-ona:y-ít ok-a:k-â:t
that house sit.TPL.FGR-REF 2.DAT-thing-tell.LGR-T say-PL.LGR-REF
‘When/if we get to that house, those living in the house will tell you
things, saying . . .’
In (8), establishing a house as a topic implies the existence of people
living in it, and these may then be referred to with -a:t(i). Noun phrases
with -a:t(i) are thus normally identifiable, either by previous mention
or by inference from items that are mentioned.
A different use is seen with verbs expressing quantity:
(9) asêy hácci-n píɬɬo-t ak-wâ:kk-i:-s

yonder stream-N boat-T LOC-lie.SG.FGR-DUR-IND
má-n apíswa stô:m-os-a:t ó:c-i:-t
that-N meat little.FGR-DIM-REF exist-DUR-T
ô:m-i:-t-ó:k
be.FGR-DUR-T-say.LGR
‘There’s a boat in that river. There’s a little meat there.’ (1915.2)
The meat in (9) has not been previously established as a topic and is
clearly indefinite, yet -a:t(i) appears on the quantifier. I assume this use
is emphatic or partitive, although I do not understand it well.
39.2 Complement and adverbial clause use

Besides being used in noun phrases on various types of participles or
participial (relative) clauses, the referential clitic -a:t(i) appears on
Referential clitic 363
other subordinate clauses in two main uses: the adverbial clause use
(‘as’, ‘when’), and the complement clause use (‘that (something
happened)’). These clauses allow case marking of noun phrases within
them (cf. §37.1.1), and thus differ formally from the noun phrase use in
§39.1. If there is an overarching meaning to -a:t(i) in these construc-
tions, it is perhaps one of separation: pulling a clause out from the
surrounding discourse for emphasis, identifying an element, etc.
With adverbial clauses, -a:t(i) is translated ‘as (something
happens)’, ‘when (something happens)’, ‘upon (something
happening)’, etc.:2
(10) halk-ít a:y-íck-a:n ó:c-áɬi:-s kéyc-a:k-ín
crawl.SG.LGR-T go.SG.LGR-2S.AG-REF.N exist-FUT-IND tell-PL.LGR-N
‘“As you crawl forward, it will be there,” they said to him . . .’
(1915.1)
Such a clause may be modified for degree:
(11) móhm-it akíɬɬeyc-â:t
be.so.HGR-T think.about.LGR-REF
ma koha-mótk-i-n akíɬɬeyc-â:t atǐ:ⁿk-os-it
that cane-cropped-I-N think.about.LGR-REF up.to.NGR-DIM-T
‘Then as he thought about it, as soon as he thought about the reed
whistle . . .’ (1915.1)
In (11), the combination -a:t atǐ:ⁿk-os-it is translated ‘as soon as’, but
could be translated more literally as ‘right up to (the time) when he
thought about it’.3
Further examples of -a:t(i) can be seen in the discussions of
complement clauses (§42.1), relative clauses (§42.2), conditional

clauses (§42.3.9), and the quotative frame (§44.1).
2
In its adverbial and complement-clause uses, -a:n (shortened from -a:ti-n)
includes the different-subject marker. The form -a:t, as in (11), is either bare or from
same-subject -a:ti-t.
3
The fact that these clauses can be modified in this way may suggest that they are
noun phrases grammatically, though they function adverbially.
40 Other markers
40.1 mêy ‘rather, instead’
A discourse particle mêy is used at the ends of noun phrases to indicate
a replacement (‘instead, rather’):
(1) híɬka-ta:t ca-yá:c-ik-s hóɬɬi mêy-n
peace-ATN 1S.PAT-want-not-IND war instead-N
ca-yá:c-i:-s ma:k-ít
1S.PAT-want-DUR-IND say.LGR-T
‘I do not want peace. I want war,” he said . . .’ (ca. 1940d)
It is likely that mêy is related to ma ‘that’. A similar element appears in
some interrogative pronouns (§15.2).
40.2 mâ:haká ‘especially’

An expression mâ:haká ‘especially, even more’ is used to mark
contrast, especially with pronouns:
(2) món-t akíɬɬeyc-ít ɬíspo:y-â:t
be.so.LGR-T think.about.LGR-T finish.LGR-REF
aní mâ:haká-ts cêy máhk-it a:y-atí:-s
I especially-be DCL say.HGR-T go.SG.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘And after he thought about it, he said, “It could happen to me,” and
took off.’ (1915.11)
(3) aní mâ:haka-w′ an-hâmk-os-i:-t o:k-éy-s
I especially-also 1S.DAT-one-DIM-DUR-T say.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘Me, I am all by myself.’ (ca. 1940c)
This expression may derive from the stem ma:h- ‘very’ (§26.1).
40.3 tǎ:ⁿwa ‘first, foremost’

A discourse particle tá:wa or tǎ:ⁿwa appears at the ends of noun
phrases (before case marking) to indicate priority in time (‘first’):
(4) konó tǎ:ⁿwa-t iɬ-alâ:k-it o:m-â:n
skunk first.NGR-T DIR-arrive.SG.FGR-T be.LGR-REF
‘The skunk was the first to return . . .’ (1915.7)
It also has this sense with adverbial clauses:
Other markers 365
(5) ci-tóɬwa palhámk-in cim-ákk-i:s-í:-n o:m-â:t

2.PAT-eye one.side-N 2.DAT-LOC-take.SG.LGR-1P.AG-N be.LGR-REF
tǎⁿlk-os-a:n tǎ:ⁿwa-n pón-homp-íck-i:-s
only.NGR-DIM-REF.N first.NGR-N 1P.PAT-eat-2S.AG-DUR-IND
‘Only if we take one of your eyes out first can you eat our food.’
(1915.1)
It can also mean ‘foremost’ or ‘above all else’:
(6) co:ka-sahkopánka-teys afikhónn-íko-: tâ:y-in
paper-game-even stop-not-dur can.FGR-N
ma tǎ:ⁿwa-t holwak-í:-n lêyk-ey-s
that first-T evil-DUR-N sit.SG.FGR-1S.AG-IND
‘They also play card games without stop, and that foremost is evil as I
stay here.’ (1878a)
40.4 ta:wá ‘probably’

A particle ta:wá is used in conversations to mean ‘probably’:
(7) Pepsi ta:wá
Pepsi probably
‘maybe a Pepsi’
It differs in accent from tǎ:ⁿwa ‘first’ (§40.3).
40.5 -teys ‘even’

A discourse particle -teys is used at the ends of noun phrases to mean
‘even’, as in (8). (Compare the concessive adverbial suffix -eys(in)
[§42.3.4].)
(8) có:ka-teys cim-atot-ák-a:t hofon-i-má:h-i:-t
paper-even 2.DAT-send-1S.AG.not-REF long.time-I-very-DUR-T
ôn-t o:m-êys
be.FGR-T be.LGR-even
‘I have not even sent you a letter for such a long time.’ (1886a)
Several noun phrases in a list can take this ending:
(9) ma lapátk-i: fa:y-í: api:y-â:t iɬó-teys
that in.woods-DUR hunt.LGR-DUR go.TPL.LGR-REF squirrel-even
konó-teys nâ:ki hómp-ak-i: tâ:y-a:t atî:k-a:t
skunk-even thing eat-IMPL.AG-DUR can.FGR-REF up.to.FGR-REF
366 §40
ili:c-ít ɬ-ís-yeyc-ít
kill.SG-T DIR-INST-arrive.TPL.LGR-T
‘Those that were hunting on shore killed squirrel, skunk, anything one
could eat, and brought them back . . .’ (1915.2)
40.6 -w′ ‘also, too’

The clitic -w′ attaches to the ends of noun phrases to mean ‘also’ or
‘too’:
(10) mo:m-ín hatâm ca-lí apalhámk-a:n
be.so.LGR-N again 1S.PAT-foot other-REF.N
is-ci-tá:kk-á:ɬi:-s keyc-atí:-s
INST-2.PAT-kick-1S.AG.FUT-IND say-PAST5-IND
ta:kk-ô:f ma-w′ ’m-alókp-i:p-atí:-s
kick.LGR-when that-also DAT-stick-SPN.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘And again he said, “I’ll kick you with my other foot.” When he kicked
it, that one also got stuck.’ (1936a)
The clitic -w′ generally only attaches to words ending in a or i. When a
noun phrase ends in o, an appositive construction is used of the form
__ + ma-w′ ‘__ that one, too’:
(11) nokósi homp-itá hopo:y-â:t
bear eat-INF search.LGR-REF
itó-n lomh-â:k-a:n ɬakpálpeyc-ít nâ:k wina:hó:ka
wood-N lie.TPL-PL.FGR-REF.N turn over.LGR-T bugs
só:kso ma-w′ mâ:k-a:n pa:pí:t ô:m-ati:-s
betsy bugs that-too say.FGR-REF.N eat.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-PAST5-IND

‘Bear was looking for food and was turning over logs, and he would
eat bugs and betsy bugs, too.’ (1937c)
In (11), the phrase só:kso ma-w′ is literally ‘betsy bugs, those ones,
too’, but is pronounced together without a break or special intonation.
The addition of -w′ to a noun results in diphthongs that are
otherwise rare in the language. The word cí:mi-w′ ‘you, too’, for
example, is pronounced [ʧiːmɪʊ] [ — __ — ], and ifa-w′, ‘dog, too’ is
.... — —
pronounced [ɪfəo] [ ]. Mary Haas tried various transcriptions
for this clitic, eventually deciding on -w. I usually hear it as a vowel [ʊ]
or [o], but Haas’s transcription helps explain the fact that long vowels
are shortened before -w′. Thus, ɬí: ‘arrow(s)’ is shortened in ɬiw′
‘arrows, too’, just as all long vowels are shortened before sonorants in
the same syllable (§5.7).
Other markers 367
40.7 Declarative particles ci:^, ca:^, cah^, ta′

Creek has several particles appearing at the ends of declarative or
imperative sentences to convey a strong or sincere feeling on the part
of the speaker.
(12) ca-cafíkn-i:-s ci:^
1S.PAT-healthy-DUR-IND DCL
‘I’m feeling well.’ (1883)
(13) o:c-íck-in o:m-â:ti a:-an-tot-ás ci:^
have.LGR-2S.AG-N be.LGR-REF DIR-1S.DAT-send-IMP DCL
‘If you have these, please send them to me.’ (1902)
The particle ci:^ is commonly pronounced cey^, and variants ca:^ and
cah^ are sometimes also heard. A different particle ta′ indicates sur-
prise, incredulity, or disgust.
Syntax
41 Word order and basic syntax
The following sections discuss the order of constituents in clauses. The
order of elements in noun phrases is discussed in §41.1; §41.2
describes basic order in clauses. The remaining sections describe
variations on basic word order, including fronting of quotations (§41.3)
and right-dislocation for afterthoughts (§41.4).
41.1 The noun phrase

Demonstratives like ma ‘that’ or hiyá ‘this’ precede the nouns they
modify:
(1) ma ci:pan-áki
that youth-PL
‘those boys’ (1915)
Possessors also precede the nouns they modify, whether nonrelational,
as in (2a), or relational, as in (2b). Postpositions like onápa ‘top’ are
another type of relational noun, with the ‘possessor’ preceding the
postposition, as in (2c).
(2) a. ísti il-áti: im-poyafíkca
person die.SG-PAST5 DAT-spirit
‘a dead person’s spirit’ (1941a)
b. konoyahóla i:ppoci-tá:ki
(name) son-PL
‘Konoyahola’s sons’ (1941a)
c. cokó onápa
house top
‘the top of the house’ / ‘above the house’ (1915.21)
All modifiers other than demonstratives and possessors follow the
nouns they modify. Words describing size, age, or color are often
expressed with reduced stative participles:
(3) fos-lopóck-i
bird-small.PL-I
‘little birds’
372 §41
(4) isti-manítt-i
person-young-I
‘a young person’
(5) ifa-lást-i
dog-black-I
‘a black dog’
Properties can also be expressed with participles formed by adding
durative -i: to a verb stem. Participles follow the nouns they modify:
(6) cató ɬákk-i:-t lêyk-a:n
rock big-DUR-T sit.SG.FGR-REF
‘where a great rock sat’ (ca. 1940e)
(7) hopoɬɬín-ka ɬákk-i: sófk-i:-n o:c-íck-i:-t ôn-ka
wise-GER big-DUR deep-DUR-N have-2S.AG-DUR-T be.FGR-so
‘You have a great, deep wisdom, so . . .’ (ca. 1940e)
Numerals have similar placement (§33.1). As (6)–(7) show, the case-
markers -(i)t (subject) and -(i)n (nonsubject) appear at the ends of noun
phrases.
Adjectival nouns like omálka ‘all’ follow participles and precede
case-markers.1
(8) ci:pan-áki fólleyc-ay-ánk-i: omálka-n
youth-PL keep.LGR-1S.AG-PAST2-DUR all-N
an-salafkôyc-t o:m-át-s
1S.DAT-imprison.FGR-T be.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘You have made prisoners of all the sons I have.’ (ca. 1940d)
The discourse markers -a:t(i) ‘referential’, -teys ‘even’, and -w′ ‘also’
precede adjectival nouns:
(9) nâ:ki i:kaná óh-foll-â:t omálka-t pasátk-áɬi:-s
thing earth LOC-go.about.TPL.LGR-REF all-T die.TPL-FUT-IND
‘Everything that goes about on the earth shall die.’ (ca. 1940e)
The complete order within the noun phrase, then, is as in (10):
(10) DEM/POSS NOUN -VERB-i VERB-i:* -a:t(i) -teys ADJN* -CM
As (10) shows, a noun phrase may consist of a demonstrative (DEM) or
possessor (POSS), a noun, a reduced stative participle in -i, any number
of participles in -i:, a set of discourse markers including referential
1
These adjectival nouns may be in apposition to the preceding noun phrase: ‘[[the
sons I have] all ]’.
Word order and basic syntax 373
-a:t(i) and -teys ‘even’, any number of adjectival nouns (ADJN) like
omálka ‘all’, and a case-marker (CM) -(i)t (subject) or -(i)n
(nonsubject).
41.2 The clause

Subjects and objects are often clear from agreement or switch-
reference and so are often omitted. When they occur as independent
noun phrases, however, they almost always occur before the verb in the
order subject–object–verb:
(11) locá-ta:t ta:fa-hatk-ocí ô:st-in
turtle-ATN feather-white-DIM four.FGR-N
hopóy-i:p-atí:-s
look.for-SPN.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘Turtle looked for four little white feathers.’ (1915.9)
(12) simano:l-âlki-ta:t im-manitt-âlki-n óh-to:hk-ít
Seminole-GPL-ATN DAT-young-GPL-N LOC-drive.LGR-T
‘The Seminoles drove their young [men] forward . . .’ (ca. 1940e)
When a verb has more than one object, the general pattern is for
noun phrase order to reflect temporal sequence:2
(14) má-n ili-císka-n a-lomhêyc-it óhm-it
that-N foot-edge-N LOC-lay.TPL.FGR-T be.HGR-T
‘[Rabbit] stuck them [cockleburs] to his heels . . .’ (1915.8)

(15) i:kan-kóɬk-i-n koɬêyy-i:-t omálka-n ma-n
earth-dug-I-N dig.HGR-1P.AG-T all-N that-N
ák-ti:h-í:-n o:m-â:t
LOC-put.TPL-1P.AG-N be.LGR-REF
‘We’ll dig a ditch, and if we put everything in that . . .’ (ca. 1940d)
In (13), action begins with the ones doing the pouring, then extends to
the boiling water, and then to Wolf. In (14), action begins with Rabbit,
extends to the cockleburrs, and then to his heels. Example (16) is
similar: the individual referred to was a person before becoming a
2
Statements regarding the order of multiple objects and the placement of adverbs
with respect to multiple objects must be considered tentative, as they are made on the
basis of limited data.
374 §41
judge, and the placement of ísti hámk-in ‘one person’ before faccí:ca-n
‘judge’ reflects this.
(16) ísti hámk-in faccí:ca-n háhy-i:-t
person one-N judge-N make.HGR-1P.AG-T
‘We’ll make one person the judge . . .’ (ca. 1940c)
The order of noun phrases in indirect causatives can be described in the
same way. In (17), action extends from the implicit third person subject
to the four turtles and then to the white feathers.
(17) má locá ô:st-a:t omǎⁿlka-n ta:fa-hatk-ocí
that turtle four.FGR-REF all.NGR-N feather-white-DIM
k-oh-cakcahí:c-ipeyc-atí:-s
head-LOC-stick.in.PL-make.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘He made all four turtles put white feathers on their heads.’ (1915.9)
Noun phrases expressing location may come before or after the
subject:
(18) oylawki:-ɬákko onápa-n ísti cinapâ:k-it
flood-big above-N person eight.FGR-T
piɬɬo-coko-ɬákko ó:fa-n hisá:ho:k-atí:-t ô:m-in
boat-house-big in-N breathe.IMPL.LGR-PAST5-T be.FGR-N
‘Above the flood eight people were saved in the ark . . .’ (ca. 1940e)
The locative phrase occurs before the subject in clauses with
presentational function:
(19) asêy-n hácci-t wâ:kk-is
yonder-N stream-T lie.SG.FGR-IND

‘There’s a stream [lying] over there.’
(20) má cokó ó:fa-n apíswa-t ó:c-i:-t ô:m-i:-s
that house in-N meat-T exist-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND
‘There’s meat in that house.’ (1915.29)
The time adverbial hatâm ‘again’ may also precede or follow a
subject:
(21) hatâm yahá-t hatâm a:ɬ-ít o:m-ín
again wolf-T again go.about.SG.LGR-T be.LGR-N
‘[As Rabbit was going about,] again, Wolf, too, was about . . .’
(1915.8)
Adverbial clauses generally precede the subject:
(22) má-n istêy-t iɬ-ím-i:s-ín o:m-â:t
that-N who-T DIR-DAT-take.LGR-N be.LGR-REF
hiyá ísti-ta:t a-hísa:k-í:-s

this person-ATN LOC-live.LGR-DUR-IND
‘If someone can go and get it, this man will live.’ (1915.18)
Clauses can function as nominals and appear in subject or object
position. In (23), for instance, the nonfinite clause isti-ma:skó:k-i-n
tipk-itá-n ‘to whip the Muskogee’ is the object of iya:c-ít ‘want’ and
isti-ma:skó:k-i-n ‘the Muskogee’ is the object of the nonfinite verb
tipk-itá ‘to whip’.
(23) calákki-t isti-ma:skó:k-i-n tipk-itá-n
Cherokee-T person-Muskogee-I-N whip-INF-N
iya:c-ít o:m-atí:-s
want.LGR-T be.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘The Cherokee wanted to whip the Muskogee.’ (ca. 1940e)
Manner adverbs occur in several positions. They may occur before
an object, as in (24), or after an object, as in (25):
(24) halalǎ:ⁿtk-it ma oy-hasi:-ɬákko ak-ci:y-íhp-in
slow.NGR-T that water-pond-big LOC-enter-SPN.HGR-N
‘[Then] slowly he entered the big lake . . .’ (1915.10)
(25) ico-háɬpi hǐ:ⁿɬ-in t-oh-patá:peyc-ít
deer-skin good.NGR-N RCP-LOC-spread.PL-T
‘He spread the skins neatly on top of one another . . .’ (1915.24)
When there are multiple objects, a manner adverb may occur between
them (26) or before them (27).
(26) i-háci-n hǐ:ⁿɬ-in ci-nókwa-n

3.PAT-tail-N good.NGR-N 2.PAT-neck-N
cim-a-cokcóhɬ-ey-n
2.DAT-LOC-knot.HGR-1S.AG-N
‘Let me wrap its tail securely around your neck . . .’ (1915.8)
strong-DUR-N end each-DUR-N thing whatever-even
a-cokcoɬcôyc-ak-in
LOC-knot.PL-IMPL.AG-N
‘Tie each end firmly to whatever there is . . .’ (ca. 1940c)
The functional category of degree adverb can be divided into at
least two formal types. Words like má:h-i:-t and hǐ:ⁿɬ-it follow the
words they modify:
376 §41
(28) nâ:ki tá:y-iko-: má:h-i:-t ic-oh-câ:kk-it

thing right-not-DUR very-DUR-T 2.PAT-LOC-catch.FGR-T
o:m-ís ci:^
be.LGR-IND DCL
‘Something really bad has caught up with you.’ (1915.10)
(29) má-n ko:m-î:p-i: hǐ:ⁿɬ-it aɬ-i:p-ít
that-N want-SPN.FGR-DUR good.NGR-T go.about.SG-SPN.LGR-T
‘He really wanted it badly . . .’ (1915.12)
The word oɬ-í:-n precedes the word it modifies:
(30) ma isti-honánwa-w′ oɬ-í:-n in-cá:k-i: hâ:k-it
that person-male-too reach-DUR-N DAT-love-DUR become.FGR-T
‘The man really loved her, too . . .’ (1915.20)
Auxiliary verbs follow main verbs:
(31) a:y-í: wêyt-ay-i:-s
go.LGR-DUR might.FGR-1S.AG-DUR-IND
‘I might be able to go.’
(32) mô:m-eys wéyy-i: po:y-éy-n o:m-â:t
be.so.FGR-even sell-DUR finish.LGR-1S.AG-N be.LGR-REF
‘But if I sell them all . . .’ (1905)
To summarize, we see that the basic order within the clause is as in
(33):
(33) CONN SUBJECT OBJECT* VERB AUXILIARY
Connecting words (CONN) are the first element, followed by the

subject, any number of objects (generally in the order theme before
location, and causee before theme or patient), the main verb, and an
auxiliary. Adverbial clauses generally come between the connecting
word and the subject. Other adverbial elements (manner adverbs,
expressions of location, etc.) may occur before the subject, after the
subject, between objects, or between an object and the verb.
41.3 Fronting of direct quotations

As we have seen, the normal order of elements in a clause is subject–
object–verb. When a direct quotation functions as an object, however,
it is almost always fronted, giving the order quotation–subject–verb:
(34) t-in-hiɬk-ip-ák-í:-ts calákki-t máhk-in
RCP-DAT-peace-SPN-IMPL.AG-DUR-be.IND Cherokee-T say.HGR-N
‘“Let us have peace,” the Cherokee said . . .’ (ca. 1940e)
(35) mo:m-ip-íkas yahá-t keyc-atí:-s

be.so-SPN-let wolf-T tell.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘“Let it be,” Wolf said to him.’ (1915.9)
Fronting is presumably done because the quotation is new, important
information. The speaker is simply added afterwards for clarity. When
the quotation is not emphasized, however, a special quotative frame is
used (§44.1).
41.4 Right-dislocation: afterthoughts

A noun phrase may be added to the end of a sentence to clarify
reference. In (37), the subject of the final clause is added as an
afterthought.
(37) ísti alipat-âlki, icha:sw-âlki, fosw-âlki isyô:m-a:t
person alligator-GPL beaver-GPL bird-GPL join.TPL.FGR-REF
iti-na:-hámk-i: ha:k-í:-t om-â:k-i:-s
RCP-body-one-DUR become.LGR-DUR-T be-PL.FGR-DUR-IND
ma:k-ít o:k-ánt-s, acol-akí-ta:t
say.LGR-T say.LGR-PAST4-IND old-PL-ATN
‘The Alligator clan, Beaver clan, and Bird clan became kin, they told,
the elders did.’ (ca. 1940c)
An adverbial element may also be postposed this way, perhaps for
added contrast or clarity:
(38) momi:c-â:t ísti sâ:s-i:-s, moca-nítta
do.so.LGR-REF person be.some.FGR-DUR-IND this-day
‘There are people who do that today.’ (1941a)

In some cases, an entire clause is added for clarification:
(39) ma yahá-ta:t tak-hǒyⁿɬ-ati:-s, a-wanak-í:-t
that wolf-ATN LOC-stand.SG.NGR-PAST5-IND LOC-tied-DUR-T
‘The wolf was standing outside, tied up.’ (1915.8)
(40) món-t nakâ:ft-it apô:k-ati:-s,
be.so.LGR-T meet.FGR-T sit.TPL.FGR-PAST5-IND
ma hoktí:-n ihís-áɬi:-n ko:m-â:k-it
that female-N take.a.husband-FUT-N think-PL.FGR-T
‘And they met, wanting the woman to have a husband.’ (1915.5)
D. Hardy (1994b) found that postposing of ‘because’ clauses (ending
in -ika) is common in unplanned discourse.
378 §41
41.5 Combining phrases

Creek lacks true conjunctions like English and. To join clauses, a
chaining construction is used (§37.2). When noun phrases are com-
bined, they may be listed without any conjunction (parataxis), or a
special verbal form may be used following the combined noun phrases.
The verbal forms used for this purpose are ’ti-pâ:k-a:t(i) (for two) and
is-yô:m-a:t(i) (for three or more).
The verbal form ’ti-pâ:k-a:t(i) is literally ‘the one having joined
together with’.3 The resulting expression can be used as a subject or
object. The verb agrees with the combined person and number features
of the joined noun phrases:
(41) Bill, Tom ’ti-pâ:k-a:t atótk-a:k-ís
RCP-join.FGR-REF work-PL.LGR-IND
‘Bill and Tim are working.’
To express ‘Bill and I’, both the joining verb and the main verb are
marked for first person plural:
(42) Bill ’ti-pâ:k-iy-a:t ato:tk-í:-s
RCP-join.FGR-1P.AG-REF work.LGR-1P.AG-IND
‘Bill and I are working.’
Inanimate and abstract noun phrases can also be joined this way:
(43) asi:k-itá, anokíc-ka (i)ti-pâ:k-in cín-to:t-éy-s
shake-INF love-GER RCP-join.FGR-N 2.DAT-send.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I send you a handshake and love.’ (1899b)
For clarity, the two noun phrases being joined may be separated by
mo:m-ít ‘does so’ or hatâm ‘again’:
(44) nokósi-t, mo:m-ít cofí ’ti-pâ:k-a:t
bear-T be.so.LGR-T rabbit RCP-join.FGR-REF
ití-n-hi:ss-atí:-s
RCP-DAT-befriend.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘Bear and Rabbit became friends.’ (1915.21)
3
From iti- (reciprocal) + apak- ‘join’. Sometimes apak- ‘join’ is used instead of
iti-pak- ‘join together’, and then can be used for any number of individuals:
aha:kahá:ya ísti hokkô:l-it apâ:k-in apíhy-in
lawyer person two.FGR-T join.FGR-N go.TPL.HGR-N
‘. . . the lawyer accompanied by two people went . . .’ (ca. 1940b)
As (44) shows, the first noun phrase is sometimes case-marked in this

pattern.
For joining noun phrases referring to three or more individuals, is-
yô:m-a:t(i) is used:4
(45) mo:m-ín sólk-i:-t hokt-akí hopoy-ta:k-ocí
be.so.LGR-N many-DUR-T woman-PL child-PL-DIM
is-yô:m-a:t ânɬawá-n foll-atí:-s
INST-like.this.FGR-REF wilderness-N be.about.TPL.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘Then many of them, women and children, wandered in the
wilderness.’ (1937b)
(46) mo:m-ín ’cakotáksi hatâm ɬí: is-yô:m-a:t
be.so.LGR-N bow again arrow INST-like.this.FGR-REF
is-afasêyt-o:f
INST-care.HGR-when
‘And after he uses the medicine on the bow and arrows . . .’ (1936a)
41.6 Comparatives
Creek has several ways to express comparison. Superlatives are not
distinguished formally from comparatives.
Stative predicates use a pattern combining the instrumental prefix
(i)s- (§22.2) and the dative prefix im- (§22.1). The dative prefix takes
the form in- before a nonlabial consonant and agrees with the object of
comparison ((i)s-am- ‘than me’, is-cim- ‘than you’, (i)s-im- ‘than
him/her/them’, is-pom- ‘than us’):
(47) a. má:h-i:-t ô:-s

tall-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘He/she is tall.’
b. (i)s-am-má:h-i:-t ô:-s
INST-1S.DAT-tall-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘He/she is taller than me.’
(48) a. ca-má:h-i:-t ô:-s
1S.PAT-tall-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘I’m tall.’
b. is-cim-má:h-ay-i:-t ô:-s
INST-2.DAT-tall-1S.AG-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘I’m taller than you.’
4
This is the pattern in older texts, at least. The form is-yô:m-a:t(i) may be from
instrumental is-, yô:m- ‘be like this’, and -a:t(i).
380 §41
(49) a. ci-má:h-i:-t ô:-s

2.PAT-tall-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘You are tall.’
b. (i)s-am-má:h-íck-i:-t ô:-s
INST-1S.DAT-tall-2S.AG-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘You are taller than I am.’
Note that the class of agreement markers shifts in this construction
(§20.2): in (48a) and (49a), the patient set is used for the subject of the
clause; in (48b) and (49b), the agent set is used.
The pattern in (47)–(49) is common with expressions translating as
adjectives in English, but other stative predicates use the same
construction:
(50) is-cin-kíɬɬ-ay-i:-t ô:-s
INST-2.DAT-know-1S.AG-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘I know more than you.’
This pattern is not possible with events, however:
(51) *is-cin-yahéyk-ay-í:-t ô:-s
INST-2.DAT-sing.LGR-1S.AG-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
(‘I sing more than you.’)
Instead, an expression like the following might be used:
(52) yaheyk-íck-a:t (i)s-in-hoyán-i:-n yahéyk-ay-i:-t
sing.LGR-2S.AG-REF INST-DAT-pass-DUR-N sing-1S.AG-DUR-T
ô:-s
be.FGR-IND
‘I sing more than you.’ (lit., ‘I sing passing what you sing’)
The expression (i)s-im-ontal-í:-n ‘beating’ can also be used when
competition is implied:
(53) is-cim-ontal-í:-n homêyp-ey-s
INST-2.DAT-beat-DUR-N eat.HGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I ate more than you.’
As noted in §27.1, manner is expressed in Creek with durative
stative participles: thus, páfn-i: ‘quick’ has the derived form páfn-i:-n
‘quickly’. These expressions also form comparatives:
(54) is-cin-hiɬ-í:-n ato:tk-éy-s
INST-2.DAT-good-DUR-N work.LGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I’m working better than you.’
41.7 The cleft construction (‘it’s that . . .’)

Creek has a cleft construction (‘it’s that [something happened]’) used
to place focus on a clause:
(55) míhc-ey-n ó:-s
do.HGR-1S.AG-N be.LGR-IND
‘I DID IT (so be quiet about it!).’ (lit., ‘it’s that I did it’)
In this construction, om- ‘be’ is always in the third person (‘it is’) and
the preceding clause ends in different-subject -(i)n. The same construc-
tion can also imply an accident:
(56) híhc-ey-n ó:-s
see.HGR-1S.AG-N be.LGR-IND
‘I accidentally saw him/her.’ (lit., ‘it’s that I saw him/her’)
The following is a longer example:
(57) cí:mi tá:wa-n cín-homp-ít o:m-í:-n
you foremost-N 2.DAT-eat.LGR-T be.LGR-1P.AG-N
icí-na:h-ín o:m-â:t
2.PAT-run.out.LGR-N be.LGR-REF
mô:m-os-in hatâm pó:mi ô:c-iy-a:n
be.so.FGR-DIM-N again we have.FGR-1P.AG-REF.N
pón-homp-íck-in om-áɬi:-s kéyc-a:k-ín
1P.PAT-eat.LGR-2S.AG-N be-FUT-IND tell-PL.LGR-N
‘We will eat yours first, and when you have no more, then [it will be
that] you will eat what we have, they said to him . . .’ (1915.1)
The cleft construction is used in expressing ‘let’ (§31.3.9) and in

conditional clauses (§42.3.9).
41.8 Questions
Questions have the same word order as statements. As noted in §4.4.3,
the difference between a statement and a question is indicated with
mood and intonation. The word nâ:ki ‘thing’ can thus mean ‘what’ or
‘something’, depending on mood:
(58) a. Bill nâ:ki-n hi:c-á′
Bill thing-N see.LGR-Q
‘Is Bill looking at something?’
b. Bill nâ:ki-n hi:c-á:˅
Bill thing-N see.LGR-Q
‘What is Bill looking at?’
382 §41
Note that -a′ is generally used for questions requiring a simple yes or
no answer, while -a:˅ is used for information questions (wh-questions)
or questions with special emphasis (§31.2.1).
The form of information questions is affected by the part of speech
of the question word. The words in (59) are pronouns and substitute for
noun phrases in a clause:
(59) nâ:ki ‘what’
istêy, istêyma ‘who’
ísta ‘which one’
istamêyma ‘where’
istô:fa ‘when’
As shown in (58) and demonstrated more fully in §15.2, these often
have interrogative (‘what’) or indefinite readings. Other question
words are verbs:
(60) nacom- ‘be a few, be how many’
isto:m- ‘do something, do what’
When a question is a verb, it may take grades, agreement, tense, and
mood:
(61) nacô:m-á:ck-a:˅
how.many.FGR-2P.AG-Q
‘How many of you are there?’
It may also be used to modify an overt or implied noun:
(62) tokná:wa nacô:m-in ci-yâ:c-a:˅
money how.many.FGR-N 2.PAT-want.FGR-Q
‘How much money do you want?’

Derived forms are also possible. The direct causative of nacom- ‘be
how many’ is nacomeyc- ‘do how many’:
(62) (ohɬolopí:) nacomêyc-íck-a:˅
year do.how.many.FGR-2S.AG-Q
‘How old are you?’
The verb isto:m- has several uses, ranging from ‘do what’ to ‘how’:
(63) isto:m-itá kíɬɬ-iko-t ó:-s
do.what-INF know-not-T be.LGR-IND
‘He/she didn’t know what to do.’
(64) istó:m-i:-t ay-áha:n-íck-a:˅
do.what-DUR-T go.SG-PROSP.LGR-2S.AG-Q
‘How are you going to go?’
It is also possible to have multiple question words in a sentence, as

in the following:
(65) istêyma-t nâ:ki-n hî:c-t o:w-á′
who-T thing-N see.FGR-T be.LGR-Q
‘Who saw what?’
There is no special category of tag questions or alternative
questions. A separate question must be used to express this idea:
(66) ifá ó:c-i:-t ô:-s món-t ón-ko-:˅ 5
dog have-1P.AG-T be.FGR-IND be.so.LGR-T be-not-DUR.Q
‘We have a dog, don’t we?’ (lit., ‘We have a dog. Isn’t that right?’)
(67) Jim homp-ít o:w-á′ món-k-a:t i:sk-ít o:w-á′
Jim eat.LGR-T be.LGR-Q be.so-not-REF drink.LGR-T be.LGR-Q
‘Is Jim eating, or is he drinking?’
41.9 Grammatical relations

Grammatical relations are treated here as categories like subject and
object that are useful in describing the grammar. They are useful
because they are picked out by several distinct phenomena and because
they differ from semantic or discourse notions. The major grammatical
relations in Creek are subject and nonsubject.
Since verbal agreement in Creek distinguishes agent (sometimes
called “type I”) and patient (sometimes called “type II”) person
markers, it might be suggested that agent is another grammatical
relation in Creek. As noted in §20.2, agent person markers are usually
used for subjects that are interpreted as acting deliberately, but there
are exceptions: the verb om- ‘be’, for example, uses the agent person
markers in a sentence like mahá:ya-t ô:w-ey-s ‘I am a teacher’. To my
knowledge, there are no other grammatical phenomena tied to this
distinction, however.6
Theme (an argument conceived as undergoing movement) is
another concept that might be treated as a grammatical relation. Verbs
that supplete for number typically target the theme, for example, so
that we find intransitive-transitive correspondences like the following
(cf. §23):
(68) leyk-itá / ka:k-itá / apo:k-itá ‘(one / two / three or more) to sit’
leyc-itá / ka:y-itá / apo:y-itá ‘to set (one / two / three or more)’
5
These last two words are from mo:m-ít om-íko-:.
6
Davies (1986) argues that the split between agent and patient person markers in
Choctaw is syntactic rather than morphological.
384 §41
In each case it is the argument interpreted as undergoing motion whose

number is determined by the verb. The very same notion of theme is
useful in describing the meaning of locative prefixes (cf. §19):
(69) a. ak-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit (in water)’
ak-leyc-itá ‘to set (one in water)’
b. oh-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit (on top of something)’
oh-leyc-itá ‘to set (one on top of something)’
Here again, it is the theme whose location is specified by the locative
prefix. Although the notion of theme is useful in several areas of
grammar, I view it as a semantic notion rather than a grammatical
category.7
41.9.1 Subjects and nonsubjects

The notion of subject is useful in describing case marking and switch
reference, the choice of finite or nonfinite complement clauses, and
word order.
The most obvious characteristic of subjects is the presence of the
suffix -(i)t. The passage in (70), from the beginning of a story, shows
the distribution of -(i)t and -(i)n, usually indicating subject and
nonsubject, respectively. (Participants marked with -(i)t are shown in
bold type in (70), and participants marked with -(i)n are shown in bold
type with underlining.)
(70) hokti:-manítt-i hámk-it hopóywa-n o:c-atí:-s,
woman-young-I one-T child-N have-PAST5-IND
íɬki fácc-íko-:-n.
3.PAT.father true-not-DUR-N
món-t o:m-â:ti-t is-lêyk-it o:m-ín,
be.so.LGR-T be.LGR-REF-T INST-sit.SG.FGR-T be.LGR-N
ím-po:h-ít
DAT-ask.LGR-T
“istêy-t íɬki-t ô:-n o:m-â:t onáy-as”
who-T 3.PAT.father-T be.FGR-N be.LGR-REF tell-IMP
kéyho:c-í:-t-o stô:m-eys,
say.IMPL.LGR-DUR-T-FOC what.FGR-even
7
Thus, following Jackendoff (1983), a verb like leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit’ and leyc-itá
‘to set (one)’ might have these representations:
leyk-itá [Event GO ([ONE], [PATH])]
leyc-itá [Event CAUSE ([THING], [Event GO ([ONE], [PATH])])]
ak-leyk-itá [Event GO ([ONE], [Path [TO [WATER]]])]
ak-leyc-itá [Event CAUSE ([THING], [Event GO ([ONE], [Path [TO [WATER]]])])]
onáy-íko-: tǎ:ⁿy-os-i:-t ô:m-ati:-s.

tell-not-DUR can.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-PAST5-IND
mo:m-ín ma hoktí: ina:-hamk-âlki-t
be.so.LGR-N that woman 3.PAT.body-one-GPL-T
foll-í:-t ô:m-ati:-s.
go.about.TPL.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-PAST5-IND
món-t o:m-ít má-t akiɬɬéyc-ka-n
be.so.LGR-T be.LGR-T that-T think.about-GER-N
há:y-a:k-atí:-s.
do-PL.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘A young woman had a child, its father unknown. So she lived alone
with [the child], and was asked [about that]: “Tell who its father is,”
they’d say, but she wouldn’t tell. Now the woman’s relatives were
about. And they had an idea.’ (1915.5)
The first clause of (70) introduces two participants, a primary
participant as subject (‘a young woman’) and a secondary participant
as nonsubject (‘a child’). In the reported-speech sentence ‘Tell who its
father is’, there are two noun phrases marked with -(i)t; this is a special
pattern in which om- ‘be’ takes -(i)t for both the subject and the
complement (‘who’ and ‘its father’, respectively). The next-to-last
sentence of the passage introduces another set of participants (‘the
woman’s relatives’), again as subject. In the last sentence, -(i)t is used
for the subject (referring to this already established set) and -(i)n is
used for the object.
What this passage shows is that the subject relation is used in Creek
for establishing primary participants—participants in terms of which
other participants are defined—and for referring back to participants

that have already been established. All subjects can be marked with
-(i)t, but complements in ‘be’ sentences have the same marking, so the
correlation of subject and -(i)t is imperfect for this one clause type.
We have also seen -(i)t and -(i)n used for same-subject and
different-subject, respectively (§37.2). The notion of subject for switch
reference is not the same as topic, as passages like (71) show. (“Same-
subject” and “different-subject” are abbreviated in the free translation
as SS and DS, respectively.)
(71) óywa osêyy-it,
water go.out.HGR-T
hácci aɬípa fácca-n áhy-it,
river upstream toward-N go.SG.HGR-T
óywa s-in-ta:cka-ɬákko-n háhy-in,
water INST-DAT-block-big-N make.HGR-N
386 §41
óywa-ta:t lawka-cápk-i: istamá:h-it in-hicêyk-in,

water-ATN flood-long-DUR great-T DAT-appear.HGR-N
ma-n ichá:swa-ta:t ak-léyk-i:p-atí:-s
that-N beaver-ATN LOC-sit.SG-SPN.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘And [beaver] got out of the water [SS] and went upstream [SS], and
built a big dam [DS], obtained a great pool of water [DS], and the
beaver stayed there.’ (ca. 1940c)
The beaver is the topic of the passage in (71) and is the subject of each
of the clauses in English. In Creek, the fourth line is literally ‘a great
pool of water appeared to him’, so that while beaver is the topic, ‘a
great pool of water’ is the grammatical subject of the clause. As a
subject, it is marked with -(i)t; different-subject -(i)n on the third and
fourth clauses shows that switch-reference pays attention to
grammatical subject rather than to topic.
The notion of subject needed for switch reference is also distinct
from agent:
(72) óywa-n cim-isk-ip-íta-n po-yá:c-i:-t
water-N 2.DAT-drink-SPN-INF-N 1S.PAT-want-DUR-T
foll-í:-t o:m-í:-s
go.about.TPL.LGR-1P.AG-T be.LGR-1P.AG-IND
‘We are here because we’d like to drink your water.’ (ca. 1940c)
The sentence in (72) might be translated literally as ‘We are wanting to
drink your water [SS] and we are about’. The first clause is nonagentive
with a subject taking patient agreement on the verb; the second clause
is agentive and uses agent agreement on the verb. Despite the semantic
and morphological differences between the two subjects, same-subject

-(i)t is used to link the clauses.
42 Clause types
Simple clauses in Creek can be classified based on mood (indicative,
imperative, interrogative, etc.), polarity (negative, positive), presence
of a subject, and number of objects. For case marking, a distinction can
be made between simple transitive clauses, as in (1), and clauses like
(2) that include om- ‘be’ as a main verb:
(1) ist-ocí-t osá:fki-n homp-ís
person-DIM-T sofkee-n eat.LGR-IND
‘The baby is eating sofkee.’
(2) hiyá-t pókko-t ô:m-is
this-T ball-T be.FGR-IND
Transitive clauses mark the subject with -(i)t and any nonsubjects with
-(i)n. As (2) shows, the verb om- ‘be’ differs in marking both its
subject and its complement with -(i)t.1 It is the only verb that has this
property.
When complex sentences are considered, a further distinction can
be made between main clauses and subordinate clauses. Main clauses
are marked for mood and indicate statements, questions, or commands
(§31). Subordinate clauses are not marked for mood and occur in four
types:
• nonfinal clauses chained to another clause with same-subject -(i)t or

different-subject -(i)n;
• complement clauses;
• relative clauses;
• adverbial clauses.
Chained clauses are described in the context of switch-reference
marking (§37.2). Complement clauses, relative clauses, and adverbial
clauses are discussed in the following subsections.
1
That is, this is what Latinists call a “predicate nominative” construction.
388 §42
42.1 Complement clauses

Complement clauses are defined here as clauses that function as
subjects or objects. In (1), a quotation functions as the object of keyc-
‘say’. As noted in §41.3, the quotation is usually fronted, occurring
before the subject:
(3) pókko a:-an-wéyk-as honánwa-t ci:pâ:n-a:n
ball DIR-1S.DAT-throw-IMP man-T youth.FGR-REF.N
keyc-atí:-s
say.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘“Throw the ball,” the man said to the boy.’
The complement clause in (3) is a direct report: the quotation has the
same structure and form as an independent clause. Indirect reporting is
also used in Creek. The verb keyc-itá ‘to say to’ is a verb that can take
either type of complement clause. Direct reporting is seen in (4a), and
indirect reporting in (4b).
(4) a. homp-itá há:y-íck-áɬi:-s Mary-n keyc-ís
eat-INF make-2S.AG-FUT-IND Mary-N say.LGR-IND
‘“Cook a meal,” he said to Mary.’
b. Mary-t homp-itá há:y-áɬi:-n keyc-ís
Mary-T eat-INF make-FUT-N say.LGR-IND
‘He said that Mary is to cook a meal.’
Indirect reporting is rare in texts compared to direct reporting, and
some verbs like ma:k-itá ‘to speak’ can only be used for direct reports.
Note that indirect reports are not fronted. The indirect report in (4b) is
a dependent clause.
Among clauses expressing indirect reports, a further distinction can
be made between finite and nonfinite complements. The verb iya:c-
‘want’ can take either type; a nonfinite complement is seen in (5a), and
a finite complement in (5b).
(5) a. a:tamí-n nis-íta-n iyâ:c-is
car-N buy-INF-N want.FGR-IND
‘He wants to buy a car.’
b. Mary-t a:tamí-n nis-áɬi:-n iyâ:c-is
Mary-T car-N buy-FUT-N want.FGR-IND
‘He wants Mary to buy a car.’
As the contrast between (5a) and (5b) suggests, the nonfinite comple-
ment is used when the subjects of the two clauses are the same. When
the subjects of the two clauses are different, a finite pattern must be
Clause types 389
used. The sentence in (5b) could be translated literally as ‘He wants

that Mary will buy a car’. A verb of perception like hic-íta ‘to see’ or
poh-íta ‘to hear’ only takes finite complements:
(6) a. itó-t la:tk-ín hî:c-ey-s
tree-T fall.SG.LGR-DS see.FGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I see a tree falling.’
b. itó-t la:tk-ín pô:h-ey-s
tree-T fall.SG.LGR-DS hear.FGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I hear a tree falling.’
This gives three main types of complement clauses:
Direct finite Mary-t a:tamí-n nis-áɬi:-s ‘Mary will buy a car’ (-s IND)
Indirect finite Mary-t a:tamí-n nis-áɬi:-n ‘that Mary will buy a car’ (cf.
(5b))
Indirect nonfinite a:tamí-n nis-íta-n ‘to buy a car’ (cf. (5a))
Direct complement clauses may be statements, commands, or
questions. The verb keyc-itá ‘to say to’ is used with each of these
types. Direct complements are also commonly used for thoughts:
(7) Mary homp-itá há:y-áɬi:-s kô:m-is
Mary eat-INF make-FUT-IND think.FGR-IND
‘He thinks Mary will eat.’ (lit., ‘“Mary will eat,” he thinks’)
In this pattern, the verb ko:m-itá ‘to think’ can also be marked for an
object:
(8) tokná:wa hoɬkô:p-it ó:-s ca-kô:m-is

money steal.FGR-T be.LGR-IND 1S.PAT-think.FGR-IND
‘He thinks I stole the money.’
The sentence in (8) is literally, ‘“He stole the money,” he thinks of
me’.
Like verbs, nouns may take clauses as complements:
(9) [[istô:fa-teys itálwa âlki in-homá:hta ô:m-aɬán-ck-in]
always-even town GPL DAT-leader be.FGR-PROSP-2S.AG-N
yikc-itá] cimhoy-í:-t ô:-s keyc-atí:-s
strong-INF 2.DAT.give.IMPL-DUR-IND be.FGR-IND say.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘“You have been given [the power [to be the leader of the tribal
towns always]],” he told him.’ (ca. 1940a)
In (9), the underlined clause functions as the object of yikc-itá ‘power,
strength’.
390 §42
Complement clauses may be tensed, but there are fewer distinctions

in complement clauses than in main clauses (§29). A simple
lengthened-grade form is used for an ongoing event:
(10) ’tolô:si homp-â:t kî:ɬɬ-is
chicken eat.LGR-REF know.FGR-IND
‘He knows he is eating chicken.’
In main clauses, Past 1 time (today or last night) is signaled by the
aspirating grade, but in complement clauses the falling tone grade has
this function:
(11) mocanítta ’tolô:si hômp-a:t kî:ɬɬ-is
today chicken eat.FGR-REF know.FGR-IND
‘He knows he ate chicken today.’
For events occuring prior to last night, the falling tone grade is
combined with -ati:, as in (12).
(12) páksankí: ’tolô:si hômp-ati: kî:ɬɬ-is
yesterday chicken eat.FGR-PAST5 know.FGR-IND
‘He knows he ate chicken yesterday.’
Use of the lengthened grade with -ati: indicates a very distant event
(Past 5):
(13) ’tolô:si homp-atí: kî:ɬɬ-is
chicken eat.LGR-PAST5 know.FGR-IND
‘He knows he ate chicken.’ (said of an elderly person)
Future time is expressed with future -áɬi: (14) or prospective -aɬa:n-
(15).
(14) ’tolô:si hómp-áɬi:-ta:t kî:ɬɬ-is
chicken eat-FUT-ATN know.FGR-IND
‘He knows he will eat chicken.’
(15) ’tolô:si hómp-aɬa:n-â:t kî:ɬɬ-is
chicken eat-PROSP.LGR-REF know.FGR-IND
‘He knows he is going to eat chicken.’
The clitic -a:t(i) commonly occurs on complement clauses
functioning as subject (16) or object (17):
(16) ohhaɬakkóyc-i: ohh-á:fa:ck-â:t hiɬ-i-má:h-i:-s ca^
respect-DUR LOC-be.happy.LGR-REF good-I-very-DUR-IND DCL
‘To express joy respectfully is very good.’ (ca. 1940b)
Clause types 391
(17) i:-iláwi:c-â:t o:k-í:-s

RFL-starve.LGR-REF mean.LGR-DUR-IND
‘It means to starve oneself.’ (ca. 1940b)
The clitic -a:t(i) is limited to clauses expressing present time (§39): it
may occur with prospective -aha:n-/-aɬa:n-, ongoing (lengthened
grade) events, present (zero grade) states, and Past 1 perfective verb
forms, but does not occur with verbs that have true tense suffixes
(future -áɬi:-, Past 5 -ati:-). That is why -a:t(i) is used in (10), (11), and
(15), but not in (12)–(14).
Complement clauses are similar in form to relative (participial)
clauses (§42.2). One difference is that complement clauses allow case
marking of noun phrases within them:
(18) a. [honánwa ’tolô:si-n homp-ít o:w-â:t] kî:ɬɬ-is
man chicken-N eat.LGR-T be.LGR-REF know.FGR-IND
‘He knows that the man is eating chicken.’
b. [honánwa ’tolô:si homp-ít o:w-â:t] kî:ɬɬ-is
man chicken eat.LGR-T be.LGR-REF know.FGR-IND
‘He knows the man who is eating chicken.’
In (18a), [honánwa ’tolô:si-n homp-ít o:w-â:t] ‘that the man is eating
chicken’ can only be a complement clause because the object
(’tolô:si-n ‘chicken’) is case-marked.
Complement clauses may also be interrogative:
(19) istêyma-t (o)póna:y-ít o:k-â:t kíɬɬ-ík-s
who-T speak.LGR-T say.LGR-REF know-not-IND
‘He/she doesn’t know who is talking.’

(20) istamêy-n Bill â:y-a:t kíɬɬ-ík-s
where-N Bill go.SG.FGR-REF know-not-IND
‘He/she doesn’t know where Bill went.’
42.2 Relative clauses

Relative clauses in Creek are clauses within a noun phrase that are
interpreted as modifying a head noun. A simple example appears in
(21):
(21) [asêy ifá [a:-hôyɬ-a:t]] lopéyc-i:-t ô:-s
that dog DIR-stand.FGR-REF nice-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘[That dog [standing over there]] is friendly.’
In (21), asêy ifá a:-hôyɬ-a:t ‘that dog standing over there’ is a noun
phrase functioning as a subject within the larger sentence. Within this
392 §42
noun phrase is a clause a:-hôyɬ-a:t ‘standing over there’ interpreted as

modifying a head noun ifá ‘dog’.
The noun phrase asêy ifá a:-hôyɬ-a:t is not case-marked in (21),
though it might have been. When the noun phrase functions as a
subject, it may be marked with -(i)t; when it is not a subject, it may be
marked with -(i)n:
(22) [asêy ifá a:-hôyɬ-a:ti-t] lopéyc-i:-t ô:-s
that dog DIR-stand.FGR-REF-T nice-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘[That dog standing over there] is friendly.’
(23) [asêy ifá a:-hôyɬ-a:ti-n] hî:c-íck-a′
that dog DIR-stand.FGR-REF see.FGR-2S.AG-Q
‘Do you see [that dog standing over there]?’
The sequence -a:ti-n is usually contracted to -a:n. No case marking of
any kind is used within the noun phrase.
The relative clause in (21) is referred to here as a left-headed
relative clause, because the head ifá ‘dog’ appears to the left of the
modifying phrase. This pattern will be described first, followed by
headless relative clauses, internally-headed relative clauses, and right-
headed relative clauses.
42.2.1 Left-headed relative clauses

We can examine the structure of the subject in (21) in more detail by
adding modifying phrases:
(24) [asêy ifá [wo:hk-í:] [a:-hôyɬ-a:t]] lopéyc-i:-t
that dog bark.LGR-DUR DIR-stand.FGR-REF nice-DUR-T
ô:-s
be.FGR-IND
‘[That dog standing over there barking] is friendly.’
(25) [asêy ifá [wo:hk-í:] [í:-ho:sk-í:] [a:-hôyɬ-a:t]]
that dog bark.LGR-DUR RFL-scratch.LGR-DUR DIR-stand.FGR-REF
lopéyc-i:-t ô:-s
nice-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘[That dog standing over there barking and scratching itself] is
friendly.’
As (24)–(25) show, modifying verbal expressions can be added
indefinitely. Each has the form [VERB-i:] except the last, which ends in
referential -a:t(i) ‘the one that’. The general pattern is thus to have a
head noun, any number of modifying expressions in -i:, followed by a
single instance of -a:t(i) (used only with verbs expressing present
time):
Clause types 393
(26) (DEMONSTRATIVE) NOUNhead [VERB-i:]* -a:t(i)

The sequence [VERB-i:] + -a:t(i) merges as VERB-a:t(i). The resulting
noun phrase may then be marked for case (-(i)t for a subject, -(i)n for a
nonsubject).
The verbal element [VERB-i:] in the formula above may itself be
phrasal:
(27) [ma ifá [laslat-í:] [toccî:n-i:] [pó:si [á:ssi:c-í:
that dog black.RED-DUR three.FGR-DUR cat chase.LGR-DUR
foll-â:t]]
go.about.TPL.LGR-REF
‘[those three black dogs going around [chasing [cats]]]’
In (27), the phrase pó:si á:ssi:cí: follâ:t ‘going around chasing cats’ is
a verb phrase containing an object (pó:si ‘cat’), a main verb (á:ssi:cí:
‘chasing’), and an auxiliary (follâ:t ‘going around’). Other examples
show that these modifying phrases may contain a subject:
(28) [ma pó:si [toccî:n-i:] [ifá á:ssi:c-í:
that cat three.FGR-DUR dog chase.LGR-DUR
s-a:ɬ-â:t] lopeyc-ak-í:-t ô:-s
INST-go.about.SG.LGR-REF nice-PL-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘[Those three cats the dog is going around chasing] are friendly.’
In (28), the head pó:si ‘cat’ functions as the object of the relative
clause. The relative clause itself contains a subject (ifá ‘dog’) and so is
clausal.
The basic structure of a noun phrase with two relative clauses can
thus be diagrammed as in (29), where each S represents a modifying

phrase:
(29) NP
D N′
N′ S
N′ S
......
N
......
The referential clitic -a:t(i) appears at the right edge of a noun phrase
and merges with the last verb.
394 §42
42.2.2 Headless relative clauses

Headless relative clauses are like left-headed relative clauses, except
that the head is implied:
(30) [ma lást-a:n] ni:s-imát-s
that black-REF.N buy.LGR-PAST3-IND
‘He/she bought [the black one].’
I assume that the object noun phrase in (30) has the structure in (31)
(where “[e]” marks the position of the implied head).
(31) NP
D N′
ma N′ S
N lást-a:n
[e]
The structure in (31) is parallel to the left-headed pattern. As expected,

other modifying expressions can be added:
(32) ma lást-i: hôyɬ-a:n nî:s-imát-s
that black-DUR stand.SG.FGR-REF.N buy.FGR-PAST3-IND
‘He/she bought the black one standing there.’
In (30) and (32), the implied head functions as the subject of the
relative clause. It is also possible for the implied head to be an object,

as in (33), or a location, as in (34):
(33) hatâm [pó:mi ô:c-iy-a:n] pón-homp-íck-in
again we have.FGR-1P.AG-REF.N 1P.DAT-eat.LGR-2S.AG-N
om-áɬi:-s
be-FUT-IND
‘Then you will eat [what we have] . . .’ (1915.1)
(34) [iɬki-acól-i lêyk-a:t] ɬ-óɬho:y-atí:-s
3.PAT.father-old-I sit.SG.FGR-REF DIR-reach.DU.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘They got to [where their elderly father lived].’ (1915.1)
The bracketed phrase in (34) is not marked for case, though it might
have been.
Clause types 395
42.2.3 Internally-headed relative clauses

In the left-headed relative clause pattern, the head of the relative clause
appears before the relative clause itself. A different pattern is also
found in which the head of the relative clause appears inside the
relative clause. The following passage from a sermon by James Hill
contains two examples, indicated with brackets:
(35) móhm-in a:tamí [halw-i:-ísti ahá:ka i:m-atí:]
be.so.HGR-N Adam high-DUR-person law give.LGR-PAST5
aca:yí:c-íka:t omí:ceyc-í:-n
obey-not.REF because-DUR-N
[hisa:kitamisí: i:kaná óhtaheyk-atí:] ó:fa-n
God land curse.LGR-PAST5 in-N
ísti hona:ps-ít sólk-i:-n ha:k-ín
people multiply.LGR-T many-DUR-N become.LGR-N
itálwa sólki: ha:k-atí:-s
nation many-DUR become.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘Because Adam didn’t obey the commandments [that the angel gave
him], people multiplied greatly in the land [that God cursed], and
became many nations.’ (ca. 1940e)
In the first example, ahá:ka ‘law, commandment’ is the head of the
relative clause and appears as an object of the verb i:m-atí: ‘gave him’.
Margaret Mauldin accepts this word order, but prefers the left-headed
pattern:
(36) [ahá:ka halw-i:-ísti i:m-atí:]
law high-DUR-person give.LGR-PAST5
‘the commandments [that the angel gave him]’

The second example is similar: i:kaná ‘land’ is the head of relative
clause, but appears internally as the object of the verb óhtaheyk-atí:
‘cursed’. Once again, Margaret Mauldin feels a left-headed version
would be clearer:
(37) [i:kaná hisa:kitamisí: óhtaheyk-atí:] ó:fa-n
land God curse.LGR-PAST5 in-N
‘in the land [that God cursed]’
I assume that the first internally-headed relative clause in (35) has
the structure in (38), while Margaret Mauldin’s left-headed version has
the structure in (39). (Again, “[e]” in these diagrams marks the
understood position of the implied head.)
396 §42
(38) NP
N′
N′ S
N NP VP
[e] N′ V′
N NP V
halw-i:-ísti N′ i:m-atí:
ahá:ka
(39) NP
N′
N′ S
N NP VP
ahá:ka N′ V′
N NP V
halw-i:-ísti N′ i:m-atí:
[e]
Clause types 397
If this analysis is correct, internally-headed relative clauses are like

headless relative clauses in having an empty head. The difference is
that an internally-headed relative clause has a noun phrase within the
relative clause that is interpreted as the head.
42.2.4 Right-headed relative clauses

Right-headed relative clauses are rare in Creek and seem to follow
fixed patterns. One such pattern is where a participial clause precedes a
time word:
(40) [nâ:ki yíkc-i:-t ac-ohh-alák-aɬa:n-í:] nítta-t
thing hard-DUR-T 1S.PAT-on-arrive-PROSP.LGR-DUR day-T
ô:c-at-it ac-ohh-ala:k-êys
exist.FGR-happen-T 1S.PAT-on-arrive.LGR-even
ac-a-hôyɬ-íck-áɬi:-s
1S.PAT-at-stand.SG.FGR-2S.AG-FUT-IND
‘Should there come a day [when hard times come upon me], you will
stand by me.’ (ca. 1940e)
I interpret the bracketed portion in (40) as a relative clause and nítta
‘day’ as the head. The following example is similar, again with nítta
‘day’ as the head:
(41) [nâ:ki mó:m-i:-teys o:c-í:-s ko:m-ay-áti:] nítta
thing be.so.DUR-even exist-DUR-IND think.LGR-1S.AG-PAST5 day
alâ:k-ika
arrive.FGR-so
‘The day [I had thought things might happen] has arrived . . .’ (ca.
1940e)
The following example is complex, but shows the same pattern, this
time with okíta ‘time’ as the head:
(42) [hiyá itálwa im-i:kaná s-apinkali:c-itá kóhm-i:
this tribe DAT-land INST-steal-INF want.HGR-DUR
isti-hátk-i tíyamk-í:] okíta ô:m-o:f mi:kk-akí
person-white-I mixed.in.LGR-DUR time be.FGR-when chief-PL
tá:t-i:-t ô:m-i:-s
PAST5-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND
‘They were chiefs at the time [when white people were rushing around
intent on taking these tribes’ lands].’ (ca. 1940e)
The sas- ‘exist’ construction (§35.2) also seems to allow right-headed
relative clauses.
398 §42
42.2.5 Tense in relative clauses

Relative clauses may be tensed, showing the same distinctions found in
main clauses:
(43) [ma ísti lêyk-a:t] kî:ɬɬ-íck-a′
that person sit.SG.FGR-REF know.FGR-2S.AG-Q
‘Do you know [that person sitting there]?’
(44) [ma ísti léyk-aha:n-â:t] kî:ɬɬ-íck-a′
that person sit.SG-PROSP.LGR-REF know.FGR-2S.AG-Q
‘Do you know [the person who’s going to sit down]?’
(45) [ma ísti leyk-atí:] kî:ɬɬ-íck-a′
that person sit.SG.LGR-PAST5 know.FGR-2S.AG-Q
‘Do you know [the person who used to live there (very long ago)]?’
The form of the tenses in relative clauses sometimes differs from the
form used in main clauses (table 42.1).
TABLE 42.1. TENSE IN RELATIVE CLAUSES

MAIN CLAUSE (INDICATIVE) RELATIVE CLAUSE
wanáy-áɬi:-s ‘he/she will tie it’ wanáy-áɬi: ‘one who will tie it’ / ‘one
(FUT) he/she will tie’
wanáy-aha:n-ís ‘he/she is going to wanáy-aha:n-â:t(i) ‘one who is going
tie it’ (PROSP) to tie it’ / ‘one he/she is going to tie’
wana:y-ís ‘he/she is tying it’ wana:y-â:t(i) ‘one who is tying it’ /
(present) ‘one he/she is tying’
wanáhy-is ‘he/she tied it’ (PAST1 wanáhy-a:t(i) ‘one who tied it’ / ‘one
perfective) he/she tied’

wana:y-êy-s ‘he/she was tying it’ wana:y-êys-i:* ‘one who was tying
(PAST1 imperfective) it’ / ‘one he/she was tying’
wanâ:y-ánk-s ‘he/she tied it’ wanâ:y-ánk-i: ‘one who tied it’ / ‘one
(PAST2) he/she tied’
wanâ:y-imát-s ‘he/she tied it’ wanâ:y-ima: ‘one who tied it’ / ‘one
wana:y-ánta-s ‘he/she tied it’ wana:y-ánná: ‘one who tied it’ / ‘one
wana:y-atí:-s ‘he/she tied it’ wana:y-atí: ‘one who tied it’ / ‘one
* This form is evidently not used much.
One generalization is that the referential marker -a:t(i) is generally

only used with tenseless forms. It thus occurs in the present, Past 1
Clause types 399
perfective (aspirating grade), or with prospective -aha:n-/-aɬa:n- ‘be

going to’.Tense in relative clauses seems not to have the same temporal
value as tense in main clauses, however. The Past 5 form wana:y-atí:,
for example, seems to have a broader range in relative clauses,
sometimes being used for more recent times than in main clauses.
42.3 Adverbial clauses

A number of endings are used in Creek to form adverbial clauses:
(46) a:y-â:t(i) ‘as he/she goes, . . .’
a:y-ô:f(a) ‘when he/she goes, . . .’
a:y-iká ‘because he/she is going, . . .’
a:y-ít o:m-êys(in) ‘though he/she is going, . . .’
ay-íko-: mônk-in ‘before he/she goes, . . .’
a:y-ín o:m-â:t(i) ‘if he/she goes, . . .’
These and other patterns are treated in the following sections. Clauses
expressing manner are treated in §27.1. Chained clauses are treated in
§37.2.
42.3.1 -o:f(a) ‘when, after’

A clitic -o:f(a) appears at the ends of adverbial clauses to mean ‘when’:
(47) s-in-homá:hta fikhónn-i:p-ô:f, omálka-t awa:h-ín,
INST-DAT-leader stop-SPN.LGR-when all-T scatter.LGR-N
s-in-homá:hta í:ta-n hopó:ho:y-í:-t ô:m-i:-s

INST-DAT-leader other-N search.IMPL.LGR-DUR-T be.FGR-DUR-IND
‘When the dance leader stopped, everyone scattered, and another
leader was found.’ (ca. 1940b)
This clause ending is derived from the postposition o:fa ‘inside’. In
formal contexts, the endings -o:fa-t (for same subject) and -o:fa-n (for
different subject) are found, but usually the clitic is shortened to -o:f in
Oklahoma or -o:ʔ in Florida. The following is an example of the full,
formal use:
(48) ma haɬpi-takácw-a-n káɬpi:c-ít soli:c-ô:fa-t
that skin-hard-NZR-N dry.LGR-T get.many.LGR-when-T
lopóck-os-i:-n ɬolahlî:c-it
small.PL-DIM-DUR-N make.holes.FGR-T
‘They dried the shells, and when they had quite a few, they made small
holes in them . . .’ (ca. 1940b)
400 §42
As (47)–(48) show, the preceding stem is usually in the eventive

(lengthened grade) aspect, which results in falling tone on the clitic
(§8.6). The adverbial clause is not normally marked for tense, though
-aha:n-/-aɬa:n- ‘going to’ is possible for a future in the past:
(49) ma hóɬɬi isti-ca:t-akí im-i:kaná-n
that war person-red-PL DAT-land-N
y-oh-cí:y-aɬa:n-ô:f isti-ca:t-akí
DIR-LOC-enter-PROSP.LGR-when person-red-PL
tí-kapa:k-atí:-s
RCP-separate-PAST5-IND
‘When the war was coming to Indian Territory, the Indians divided.’
(ca. 1940b)
To express ‘after (an event)’, the subordinate clause is placed in the
perfective (aspirating grade):
(50) ’tita:kóyhc-o:f a-yáhayk-ít folóti:c-ít fǒⁿll-it
prepare.HGR-when LOC-sing.LGR-T circle.LGR-T be.about.TPL.NGR-T
i:kaná y-óh-sapa:kl-ít o:m-atí:-t ô:-s
ground DIR-LOC-stand.TPL.LGR-T be.LGR-PAST5-T be.FGR-IND
‘After he prepared it, [the people] sang and circled around until they
settled on the ground.’ (ca. 1940a)
42.3.2 -ika ‘because’
A suffix -ika appears on clauses to indicate a cause (‘because’, ‘so’):
(51) ato:tk-iká ahóy-í:-ko-: tâ:y-it o:m-ís
work.LGR-because go.DU-1P.AG-not-DUR can.FGR-T be.LGR-IND
‘Because he is working, we can’t go.’ / ‘He’s working so we can’t go.’

This suffix often contracts with the verb mo:m- ‘be like that’, as is
shown in table 42.2.
TABLE 42.2. CONTRACTION OF -ika ‘BECAUSE’

FORMAL INFORMAL GLOSS
mo:m-iká mon-ká ‘so, because it is like that’ (lgr.)
mô:m-ika môn-ka ‘so, because it had been like that’ (fgr.)
It also appears as -ka after some of the agent agreement suffixes:

(52) ato:tk-ey-ká ‘because I am working’
ato:tk-íck-ika ‘because you are working’
ato:tk-iká ‘because he/she is working’
Clause types 401
ato:tk-i:-ká ‘because we are working’

ato:tk-á:ck-ika ‘because you (pl.) are working’
The sequence ô:m-ika (be.FGR-so) is usually reduced to -o:k(a). It is
commonly used after durative participles:
(53) mo:m-ín cá-ɬki tá:ti-ta:t cótk-i:-t-o:k
be.so.LGR-N 1S.PAT-father PAST5-ATN small.SG-DUR-T-be.so
món-t iláw-i:-t-o:k pa:p-atí:-t ô:m-i:-s
be.so.LGR-T hungry-DUR-T-be.so eat.LGR-PAST5-T be.FGR-DUR-IND
‘Now since my father was small, and he was hungry, he ate [raw
horse].’ (1936b)
In (53), the ‘because’ clauses precede the result, translating as
‘because’ or ‘since’. The ‘because’ clause can also appear after the
main verb (translating as ‘for’):
(54) ma-n ’ɬ-ac-akk-awêyk-íck-in ô:-n o:m-â:t
there-N DIR-1S.PAT-LOC-throw.FGR-2S.AG-N be.FGR-N be.LGR-REF
ca-lí:c-íck-áhi:-s
1S.PAT-kill.SG-2S.AG-FUT-IND
kaco:-lá:n-i oɬ-í:-n ca-sikí:y-áɬi:-t-o:k
brier-green-I reach-DUR-N 1S.PAT-stick-FUT-T-be.so
mo:m-ín ca-háɬpi-w an-litáf-áɬi:-t-o:k
be.so.LGR-N 1S.PAT-skin-also 1S.DAT-tear-FUT-t-be.so
‘. . . if you go and throw me there, you’ll kill me: for the greenbriers
will stick me terribly, and tear my skin, too.’ (1936a)
As (54) shows, -o:k(a) is used after Past 5 -ati:- and future -áɬi:-, in
2
addition to duratives. The sequence -ant-o:k(a) also occurs,
combining Past 4 -ánta- with -o:k(a).
42.3.3 omí:ceyc-ín ‘because of (something), due to’

The verb omi:ceyc- ‘make happen’ is used to mean ‘because of’. One
use is with noun phrases:
(55) hopay-itá-t omí:ceyc-ín ay-áko-: tâ:y-it
far-INF-T make.happen.LGR-N go.SG-1S.AG.not-DUR can.FGR-T
o:m-ís
be.LGR-IND
‘I can’t go because of the distance.’
2
This and other evidence suggests that Past 5 -ati:- and future -aɬi:- include
durative -i:-, although nothing about the meaning of these suffixes is durative. It may
be that they derive historically from participial forms.
402 §42
Another use is with clauses ending in -a:t(i):

(56) hasi-akí:ɬka hâmk-os-eys có:ka am-aha:hoy-áti:
hour one-DIM-even paper 1S.DAT-teach.IMPL-PAST5
síko-:-t ô:ⁿ-s,
without-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
a:ccakí: ó:c-ak-a:t omi:céyc-i:-n
clothes have-1S.AG.not-REF make.happen-DUR-N
‘I was never taught for even one hour, because I had no clothes.’ (ca.
1940b)
42.3.4 -eys(in) ‘even, even though’

A clitic -eys(in) appears at the ends of clauses to mean ‘even, even
though’:
(57) yíkc-i:-n ato:tk-iy-êys fi:k-itá cótk-i:t
strong-DUR-N work.LGR-1P.AG-even pay-INF small.SG-DUR-T
ô:-s
be.FGR-IND
‘Even though we work hard, the pay is small.’
As with the clitics -a:t(i) ‘when, where, the one’ and -o:f(a) ‘when,
after’, -eys(in) has falling tone accent when the lengthened-grade
accent falls on it (§8.6). A longer variant -eysin is sometimes used.
Nineteenth-century sources sometimes have -eysim instead.
When the verbal diminutive -os- is used with -eys(in) ‘even’, the
meaning is ‘even . . . just’:
(58) takléyki ô:m-os-eys

bread be.FGR-DIM-even
‘. . . even if it’s just bread . . .’
The verbal ending -eys(in) is presumably the source of nominal -teys
(§40.5).
42.3.5 atî:k- ‘as soon as, as far as, unless’

The verb atî:k- ‘be up to (an amount)’ has grammatical uses with time
and distance. It may be preceded by a clause ending in -a:ti-n (>-a:n or
-a:t) to express time:
(59) má-n iɬ-o:ɬ-â:n atǐ:ⁿk-os-in,
that-N DIR-reach.LGR-REF.N up.to.NGR-DIM-N
ma ’ciɬakko-calá:h-i-t o:k-â:t
that horse-spotted-I-T say.LGR-REF
‘As soon as he got there, that spotted horse said . . .’ (1915.1)
Clause types 403
A literal translation of the pattern in (59) might be ‘right up to when he

got there’. The following is another example:
(60) ma koha-mótk-i-n akíɬɬeyc-â:t atǐ:ⁿk-os-it
that cane-cropped-I-N think.about.LGR-REF up.to.NGR-DIM-T
‘As soon as he thought about the reed whistle . . .’ (1915.1)
The verb atî:k- ‘be up to’ can also be used for distance (‘as far as’):
(61) in-ɬiná:ka ô:ɬ-a:t atî:k-os-a:t
DAT-sight reach.FGR-REF up.to.FGR-DIM-REF
‘As far as their eyes could reach . . .’ (1939b)
When the preceding clause is negative, the verb atî:k- ‘be up to’ can
mean ‘unless’ or ‘as long as’:
(62) má-n ’ɬis-at-íck-íko-: atî:k-a:t
that-N DIR-come.SG-2S.AG-not-DUR up.to.FGR-REF
cim-áko-: tâ:y-it o:m-ís
2.DAT-1S.AG.not-DUR can.FGR-T be.LGR-IND
‘As long as you do not bring him back, I cannot give it to you.’
(1915.14)
42.3.6 apâ:k-it ‘as soon as’

The verb apak- ‘be with’ can also be used to mean ‘as soon as’:
(63) ɬi:sk-â:n apâ:k-it iɬ-tak-latêyk-it
blow.LGR-REF.N join.FGR-T DIR-LOC-fall.HGR-T
‘As soon as she blew [her nose], he fell on the floor . . .’ (1915.28)
(64) óh-hala:t-â:n apâ:k-in ’yanawá

LOC-hold.LGR-REF.N join.FGR-N 3.PAT.cheek
m-á-ti:pk-atí:-s
DAT-LOC-slap.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘As soon as he took hold of him, he slapped him on the cheek.’
(1936b)
42.3.7 mǎ:ⁿh-a-n ‘just as (something happens)’

The stem ma:h-, used elsewhere to indicate degree (‘very’), has a
derived form mǎ:ⁿh-a-n used with adverbial clauses to mean ‘just as
(something happens)’:
(65) ala:k-í: mǎ:ⁿh-a-n api:y-î:t-t o:w-ánk-s
arrive.LGR-DUR just-NZR-N go.TPL-SPN.FGR-T be.LGR-PAST2-IND
‘Just as he/she was arriving, they left.’
404 §42
42.3.8 -i: (i)mônk- ‘while, before’

The stem (i)mônk- has several different uses. In dependent clauses, the
translation is often ‘while’:
(66) hôyɬ-i: mônk-in haya:tk-atí:-s
stand.FGR-DUR still.FGR-N dawn.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘He stood all night.’ (lit., ‘it dawned while he’d been standing’)
When the preceding clause is negative, (i)mônk-in can mean ‘before’:
(67) lítk-iko-: mônk-in is-ás
run.SG-not-DUR while-N catch-IMP
‘Catch it before it runs.’ (lit., ‘while it has not run, catch it’)
In main clauses (§32.10), (i)mônk- can mean ‘still, keep (doing
something)’.
42.3.9 -(i)n o:m-â:t(i) ‘if (something happens)’

Conditional (‘if’) clauses use the pattern [clause]-(i)n o:m-â:t(i) ‘it
being that [clause]’. This is an instance of the cleft pattern (§41.7). The
conditional clause, if active, is usually in the eventive aspect (the
lengthened grade) and not marked for tense. Person marking appears
on the main verb in the conditional clause:
(68) mi:c-ín o:m-â:t ‘if he/she does it...’
mi:c-éy-n o:m-â:t ‘if I do it...’
mi:c-íck-in o:m-â:t ‘if you do it...’
Such expressions often undergo contraction. The last form above might
be pronounced mi:c-ícc-in o:w-â:t ‘if you do it...’ or even mi:c-ícc-in-

â:t in casual speech.
The conditional ending -(i)n o:m-â:t can have scope over more than
one clause linked by -(i)t:
(69) paɬko-fáka-n nikí:yeyc-ít, peyhk-éy-n o:m-â:t
grape-vine-N move.LGR-T whoop.LGR-1S.AG-N be.LGR-REF
mô:m-os-in halâ:t-ay-a:t ok-á:ɬi:-s
be.so.FGR-DIM-N pull.FGR-1S.AG-REF say-1S.AG.FUT- IND
‘If I move the grapevine and whoop, that will mean I’m pulling . . .’
(1915.3)
Sometimes, as in (69), -(i)n o:m-â:t(i) could also be translated with
‘when’ in English.
Creek does not normally make a distinction between real
conditionals (e.g., ‘if you helped me’) and unreal conditionals (‘if you
had helped me’). Sometimes other affixes can hint at the intended
Clause types 405
meaning, however. In (70), the happenstance suffix -at- seems to make

it clear that an unreal conditional is intended:
(70) am-áneyc-íck-at-in o:m-â:t
1S.DAT-help.LGR-2S.AG-happen-N be.LGR-REF
itinfaccitá hǐ:ⁿɬ-eys wacína-ta:t tinfácc-ay-i:
agreement good.NGR-even U.S.-ATN agree-1S.AG-DUR
tâ:y-i:-t o:m-atí:-s
can.FGR-DUR-T be.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘If you [your tribe] had helped me [my tribe], I might have made a
good agreement with the U.S.’ (ca. 1940e)
42.3.10 Purpose clauses

The term purpose clause is used here for adverbial clauses expressing a
motivation for another event:
(71) môn-ka is-aleycí:c-ka co:ka-ɬákko ohhonáy-á:ɬi:-s
be.so.FGR-so INST-start-GER book-big read-1S.AG.FUT-IND
‘So to start I will read the Bible.’ (ca. 1940e)
(72) ’pocá:si im-oponáka ísti im-onay-íta kawa:pk-ít
Lord DAT-word person DAT-tell-INF rise.LGR-T
a:y-ô:f
go.SG.LGR-when
‘When he rose to tell the Lord’s word to people . . .’ (ca. 1940e)
The purpose clauses in (71)–(72) are same-subject purpose clauses: the
subjects of the purpose clauses are the same as the subjects of the
higher clauses. Same-subject purpose clauses are nonfinite, based on

verbal nouns in -ka (gerund) or -ita (infinitive) (§10.3).
Different-subject purpose clauses are finite and end in -áɬi:-n (from
future -áɬi:- + different-subject -(i)n):
(73) híɬ-ka ha:y-ak-áɬi:-n
peace make-PL-FUT-N
isti-simano:l-âlki-n oh-tótho:y-atí:-s
person-Seminole-GPL-N LOC-send.IMPL.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘To make peace, they sent the Seminoles.’ / ‘. . . the Seminoles were
sent.’ (ca. 1940e)
To emphasize a sense of purpose, the noun aɬáhka ‘for, in order’
can be added to same-subject (nonfinite) purpose clauses:
(74) i:y-aca:yi:c-ip-íta aɬáhka-n
RFL-save-SPN-INF for-N
406 §42
hisa:kitamisí:-n aɬakkóycka ɬákk-i:-n ô:c-i:-t

-N respect big-DUR-N have-DUR-T
imí:kosa:p-í:-t foll-á:ck-in
pray.LGR-DUR-T go.about.TPL.LGR-2P.AG-N
‘In order to save yourselves, pray with great reverence for God . . .’
(ca. 1940e)
Noun phrases can also contain purpose clauses:
(75) osk-í: fikhonnéyc-ka yaheyk-itá-n kíɬɬ-iko-:
rain-DUR stop-GER song-INF-N know-not-DUR
istô:m-eys
be.what.FGR-even
‘When those who did not know the song to stop the rain . . .’ (1941a)
Purpose clauses have the same form as complement clauses (§42.1).
Final -(i)t or -(i)n indicates switch reference with finite clauses and
case marking with nonfinite clauses. Thus, in (73), -(i)n indicates a
switch in subjects. The same ending on the nonfinite clause in (76)
indicates nonsubject:
(76) nâ:ki ili-óst-i atî:ka-t fóswa in-honánwa in-hoktí:
thing foot-four-I all.FGR-T bird DAT-male DAT-female
timpálsi caw-íck-áɬi:-s hisá:ho:k-í: aca:yí:c-ka-n
RCP-DAT-mate take.PL-2S.AG-FUT-IND alive.PL-DUR save-GER-N
‘You will gather up all four-footed things and birds, male and female
in pairs, to keep them alive.’ (ca. 1940e)
43 Interpreting pronouns, reflexives, and
reciprocals
The identity of subjects and objects is usually clear from the form of
the verb in Creek. Thus, the agent (or “type I”) suffixes -ay- (first
person singular), -íck- (second person singular), -iy- (first person
plural), and -á:ck- (second person plural) specify the person and
number of the agent (which is always a subject):
(1) a. wanáhy-ey-s
tie.HGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I tied him/her/it.’
b. wanáhy-íck-is
tie.HGR-2S.AG-IND
‘You tied him/her/it.’
Similarly, the patient (or “type II”) prefixes ca- (first person singular),
ci- (second person), and po- (first person plural) specify the person and
number of a patient:
(2) a. ca-wanáhy-is
1S.PAT-tie.HGR-IND
‘He/she tied me.’
b. ci-wanáhy-is
2.PAT-see.HGR-IND
‘He/she tied you.’
Third person is unmarked in both the agent and patient series. The
presence of a third person referent can be inferred from the meaning of
a verb, or by observing its use with agreement affixes:
(3) a. o:sk-ís
rain.LGR-IND
‘It is raining.’
b. wanáhy-is
tie.HGR-IND
‘He/she tied him/her/it.’
The verb o:sk-ís ‘it is raining’ never takes agreement markers and
doesn’t imply a referent. As seen in (1)–(2), the verb wanay- ‘tie’ may
408 §43
agree with its subject and object and implies third person reference in
the absence of such affixes.
Agreement on a verb is usually sufficient to establish reference, but
independent pronouns may be used for emphasis:
(6) a. Mary-n híhc-ey-s
Mary-N see.HGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I saw Mary.’
b. aní-t Mary-n híhc-ey-s
I-T Mary-N see.HGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I saw Mary.’
Margaret Mauldin offers the following context for (6b): One person
says ‘I saw Betty’; another says ‘I saw Joe’; a third person might then
say (6b). The same sense of contrast is found with nonsubject
pronouns:
(7) a. Mary-t ca-híhc-is
Mary-T 1S.PAT-see.HGR-IND
‘Mary saw me.’
b. Mary-t aní-n ca-híhc-is
Mary-T I-N 1S.PAT-see.HGR-IND
‘Mary saw me.’
(8) a. Mary-t híhc-is
Mary-T see.HGR-IND
‘Mary saw him/her.’
b. Mary-t ma-n híhc-is

Mary-T that-N see.HGR-IND
‘Mary saw him/her.’
Margaret Mauldin feels that (7b) would be appropriate as an answer to
the question, ‘Which one of you did Mary see?’ A more frequent use of
pronouns is to support clitics (ani-w′ ‘I also’, án-ta:t ‘as for me’, etc.).
I refer to independent words like aní ‘I, me’ as pronouns and to
affixes like -ay- (first person singular agent) or ca- (first person
singular patient) as agreement markers. I do this because the person
markers appear to agree with pronouns in examples like (6b), (7b), and
(8b). When a subject or object pronoun is implied, I use the notation
[pro] in argument position:
(9) a. [pro] latêyk-is
fall.SG.HGR-IND
‘He/she fell.’
Interpreting pronouns, reflexives, and reciprocals 409
b. [pro] [pro] wanáhy-is

tie.HGR-IND
‘He/she tied him/her/it.’
There are constraints on the interpretation of overt and implied
pronouns. In Creek, a pronoun subject or object cannot normally have
the same reference as another subject or object of the same verb:
(10) *ca-híhc-ey-s
1S.PAT-see.HGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I saw me.’
(11) Mary-t híhc-is
Mary-T see.HGR-IND
‘Mary saw him/her (someone else).’
Instead, when the subject performs an action on itself, the reflexive
prefix i:- ‘oneself’ is used:
(12) i:-híhc-ey-s
RFL-see.HGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I saw myself.’
(13) Mary-t i:-híhc-is
Mary-T RFL-see.HGR-IND
‘Mary saw herself.’
When plural subjects perform an action reciprocally, the reciprocal
prefix iti- ‘each other’ is used:
(14) iti-híhc-i:-s
RCP-see.HGR-1P.AG-IND
‘We saw each other.’
(15) Mary, Bill iti-hic-áhk-is
Mary Bill RCP-see-PL.HGR-IND
‘Mary and Bill saw each other.’
In other cases, an object is normally disjoint from a subject in the same
clause.
Sometimes an object may be added to a verb by using a prefix. The
prefix oh- ‘on top’ adds a location to a verb, for example (§19.3).
Added objects must also be disjoint in reference from subjects of the
same clause unless a reflexive or reciprocal prefix is used:
(16) Mary ká:fi-n oh-paláht-is
Mary coffee-N on-spill.HGR-IND
‘Mary spilled coffee on it.’
410 §43
(17) Mary ká:fi-n i:y-oh-paláht-is

Mary coffee-N RFL-on-spill.HGR-IND
‘Mary spilled coffee on herself.’
(18) Mary, Bill ká:fi-n it-oh-palat-áhk-is
Mary, Bill coffee-N RCP-on-spill-PL.HGR-IND
‘Mary and Bill spilled coffee on each other.’
The dative series of verbal prefixes (am- ‘to/for me’, cim- ‘to/for you’,
im- ‘to/for another’, pom- ‘to/for us’) can also add objects to verbs
(§22.1). Without further modification, these added objects are also
disjoint in reference from subjects of the same clause:
(19) Mary-t ín-yaheyk-ís
Mary-T DAT-sing.LGR-IND
‘Mary is singing to him/her (someone else).’
Adding a reciprocal prefix allows the added object to have the same
reference as the subject:
(20) Mary, Bill it-in-yahéyk-a:k-ís
Mary Bill RCP-DAT-sing-PL.LGR-IND
‘Mary and Bill are singing to each other.’
The reflexive prefix i:- also occurs with the dative, although it seems
less common:
(21) ma itálwa toccinêyc-a:t hámk-eys pán-ka i:kaná
that tribal town three.FGR-REF one-even dance-GER ground
cokoɬákko i:y-in-ha:y-ak-íká:ti:-t ô:ⁿ-s
square.ground RFL-DAT-make-PL-not.PAST5-T be.FGR-IND

‘Of those three tribal towns, not one made themselves a dance ground
or square ground.’ (ca. 1940b)
The reverse order, in which the dative prefix precedes a reflexive
prefix, is also possible:
(22) cofí-t im-í:-kasa:m-atí:-s
rabbit-T DAT-RFL-brag.about.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘Rabbit bragged about himself to them.’ (1937c)
So far we have seen that an object is disjoint from a subject in the
same clause unless a reflexive or reciprocal prefix appears on the verb.
Subjects must also be disjoint from objects in the same clause:
(23) Bill im-anhiɬ-í:-t ô:-s
Bill DAT-like-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘He/she likes Bill.’ / ‘Bill likes him/her.’
Since Bill is not case-marked in (23), the sentence has two readings
depending on whether Bill is interpreted as the subject or object. In
either case, two people are implied.
43.1 Interpreting the antecedent of possessors

As we have seen, an object refers to someone other than the subject of
the same clause unless a reflexive or reciprocal prefix is used.
Possessors within noun phrase objects can take subjects as antecedents,
however:
(24) Bill im-ífa-n híhc-is
Bill DAT-dog-N see.HGR-IND
‘Bill saw his dog.’ (Bill’s dog or another’s)1
In (24), dative im- implies a third person possessor, and this possessor
can take the subject as its antecedent. Similarly, objects can take
possessors within noun phrase subjects as antecedents:
(25) Bill im-ífa-t im-anhiɬ-í:-t ô:-s
Bill DAT-dog-T DAT-like-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘Bill’s dog likes him.’ (i.e., likes Bill or another)
What is generally not permitted is for a possessor within a subject to
take an object as its antecedent. Thus, in (26) im- ‘his’ cannot be
understood as referring to Bill.
(26) im-ífa Bill im-anhiɬ-í:-t ô:-s
DAT-dog Bill DAT-like-DUR-T be.FGR-IND
‘His (someone else’s) dog likes Bill.’

The contrast between (24) and (26) suggests that precedence normally
plays a role in interpreting pronouns.
We saw in (12)–(15) above that reflexive i:- and reciprocal iti- can
attach to verbs. These same prefixes are not normally permitted with
nouns:2
(27) *Mary, Bill it-im-ifá-n hic-áhk-is
Mary Bill RCP-DAT-dog-N see-PL.LGR-IND
‘Mary and Bill saw each other’s dogs.’
1
To emphasize reference to the subject, i:tá: ‘same’ can be added: Bill im-ífa
i:tá:-n híhc-is (Bill DAT-dog same-N see.HGR-IND) ‘Bill saw his own dog’ (Bill’s dog).
2
The same is true of postpositions: expressions like *i:y-onápa ‘above oneself’
are not permitted (but cf. ac-onapá ‘above me’).
412 §43
In the possessive examples considered so far, the possessive

relation is indicated on the possessed noun. Possession may also be
expressed by adding a dative prefix to a verb, however (§22.1.2):
(28) a. Mary-t sákpa-n kawáhp-is
Mary-T arm-N lift.HGR-IND
‘Mary lifted his/her arm.’ (her arm or someone else’s)
b. Mary-t sákpa-n in-kawáhp-is
Mary-T arm-N DAT-lift.HGR-IND
‘Mary lifted his/her arm.’ (someone else’s)
In (28b), the possessor is an object of the verb (literally, ‘raised his arm
to/for him/her’). Because it is an object of the verb, it must be disjoint
in reference from the subject: (28b) can thus only be used if the action
is performed on someone else’s hand, while (28a) is ambiguous.
Another difference is that reciprocal prefixes are permitted when
possession is indicated on the verb:
(29) Mary, Bill ifá-n it-in-hic-áhk-is
Mary Bill dog-N RCP-DAT-see-PL.LGR-IND
‘Mary and Bill saw each others’ dogs.’
Sentences with verbal possession, as in (28b) and (29), thus sometimes
have different interpretations from counterparts like (28a) and (27)
with nominal possession.
43.2 Complex sentences

So far we have focused on examples consisting of a single clause. In
considering complex sentences, it is useful to distinguish nonfinite

complements from finite complements (§42.1):
(30) a. Bill [pó:si-n a:ssi:c-itá(-n)] iyá:c-i:-s
Bill cat-N chase-INF(-N) want-DUR-IND
‘Bill wants to chase the cat.’
b. Bill [Mary-t pó:si-n a:ssí:c-áɬi:-n] iyá:c-i:-s
Bill Mary-T cat-N chase-FUT-N want-DUR-IND
‘Bill wants Mary to chase the cat.’
The verb iya:c- ‘want’ can take a nonfinite (infinitival) complement, as
in (30a), or a finite (tensed) complement, as in (30b). The nonfinite
complement is used when the subject of the complement clause is the
same as the subject of the higher clause. The finite pattern in (30b)
(literally, ‘Bill wants that Mary will chase the cat’) is used when the
subjects of the two clauses are different.
The object of a nonfinite complement must be disjoint from the

subject of the higher clause, but the object of a finite complement may
take a higher subject as its antecedent:
(31) a. Bill [a:ssi:c-itá(-n)] iyá:c-i:-s
Bill chase-INF(-N) want-DUR-IND
‘Bill wants to chase him/her/it.’ (not Bill)
b. Bill [Mary-t a:ssí:c-áɬi:-n] iyá:c-i:-s
Bill Mary-T chase-FUT-N want-DUR-IND
‘Bill wants Mary to chase him/her/it.’ (Bill or another)
Stated another way, the subject of the nonfinite complement in (31a) is
interpreted as Bill (literally, ‘Bill wants (Bill) to chase him’), and the
object of the complement must therefore be disjoint from that subject.3
The subject of the finite complement in (31b) is Mary; the object of the
complement clause must be disjoint from this subject, but can take a
higher subject as its antecedent.
As expected, a reflexive prefix can be used in a nonfinite
complement:
(32) Bill [i:-nafk-itá(-n)] iyá:c-i:-s
Bill RFL-hit-INF(-N) want-DUR-IND
‘Bill wants to hit himself.’
In (32), Bill is interpreted as the subject of the nonfinite complement,
and a reflexive prefix takes that element as its antecedent.
Creek has a contrast between direct causatives and indirect
causatives. Direct causatives are irregular in their formation (§24),
though a common pattern is to add a suffix -ic- or -yc- to a verb root.

Indirect causatives are formed by adding -ipeyc- ‘make’:
(33) homp- ‘eat (something)’
hompeyc- ‘feed (someone something)’ (direct causative)
homp-ipeyc- ‘make (someone) eat (something)’ (indirect causative)
3
Within the theory of Chomsky (1982), (31a) is a control structure with the
following representation:
Billi [PROi pro a:ssi:c-itá(-n)] iyá:c-i:-s
Bill chase-INF(-N) want-DUR-IND
‘Bill wants to chase him/her/it.’ (not Bill)
The subject of the nonfinite clause is represented by PRO, which takes Bill as its
antecedent. Like other pronouns, the empty pronoun in object position (“pro”) must be
disjoint from the subject of its clause.
414 §43
Whether a verb is a direct causative or indirect causative affects the

interpretation of pronouns. As we have seen previously, an object must
normally be disjoint from another argument of the same verb:
(34) *ac-afanêyk-ey-s
1S.PAT-kiss.HGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I kissed me.’
The same is true of the causee in a direct causative:
(35) *ca-hompéyhc-ey-s
1S.PAT-feed.HGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I fed me.’
Stated another way, direct causative verbs pattern with transitive verbs
in not allowing an object (unless it is reflexive or reciprocal) to take the
subject as its antecedent.
Indirect causatives differ in allowing an object to take the subject as
an antecedent (Martin 1991a, 1991b):
(36) Mary ac-afank-ipéyhc-ey-s
Mary 1S.PAT-kiss-make.HGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I made Mary kiss me.’
In (36), the first person singular object can take the subject as its
antecedent without using a reflexive prefix. The grammar of (36) thus
more closely resembles (31b), with two subjects and two clauses, than
the simple transitive structures in (34) and (35). We have seen evidence
elsewhere (§24.5) that indirect causatives differ from direct causatives
in allowing the causee to control an instrumental prefix or a dative
prefix. The cumulative evidence suggests that causees in indirect

causatives have more control than causees in direct causatives, and that
this has an influence on the interpretation of object pronouns.
One way to understand the interpretation of pronouns in indirect
causatives is to posit a structural difference between transitive clauses
and indirect causatives. I assume that the transitive clause in (34) has
the structure in (37):
(37) [S SUBJECT OBJECT VERB ]
A pronoun object in such a structure must be disjoint from a subject in
the same clause. Indirect causatives, in contrast, might be assumed to
have a structure like (38) at some level of analysis:
(38) [S SUBJECT [S CAUSEE OBJECT VERB]-ipeyc- ]
The causee in indirect causatives has some object properties: it may be
marked with nonsubject -(i)n, for example, and it may not take agent
agreement on the verb. The representation in (38) helps explain why

the causee also has some subject properties (e.g., in controlling
instrumental and dative prefixes), and why an object pronoun can take
the subject as its antecedent. That is, the reference of pronouns would
then follow from the structural parallel between (38) and (31b). In
indirect causatives, the causee behaves like the subject of an embedded
clause. The object must be disjoint from a subject in the same clause,
but is free to take the higher subject as an antecedent.
As might be expected, when a reflexive prefix occurs on an indirect
causative it takes the causee as its antecedent:
(39) Mary i:y-afank-ipéyhc-ey-s
Mary RFL-kiss-make.HGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I made Mary kiss herself.’
(40) Bill i:-nafk-ipéyhc-ey-s
Bill RFL-hit-make.HGR-1S.AG-IND
‘I made Bill hit himself.’ (not: ‘I made myself hit Bill’)
The structure of (39)–(40) is as follows:
(41) [S SUBJECT [S CAUSEE RFL-VERB]-ipeyc- ]
A reflexive must be bound to a subject in the same clause: the causee is
therefore interpreted as the antecedent in (39)–(40).
44 Style
This chapter surveys various stylistic patterns used in Creek—for
quoting someone, discussing word meaning, speaking of someone
deceased, and other matters.
44.1 Direct quotation

A common pattern for making direct quotations is to place the
intransitive verb ok- ‘say, mean’ in an adverbial clause before a
quotation and to use a more specific verb of saying (often keyc- ‘say
to’) after the quotation. The free translation of (1) is literal; the
quotation is indented in the Creek.
(1) mo:m-ít ok-a:k-â:t
be.so.LGR-T say-PL.LGR-REF
atotk-itá-n hopo:y-ít foll-itá-n po-yâ:c-it
work-INF-N seek.LGR-T go.about.TPL-INF-N 1P.PAT-want.FGR-T
ó:-s
be.LGR-IND
keyc-ít íɬki-n ím-poh-a:k-ín
tell.LGR-T 3.PAT.father-N DAT-ask-PL.LGR-N
‘And saying, “We want to go looking for work,” they said to him, and
asked their father . . .” (1915.1)
Another option is to front the quotation (§41.3).
44.2 Discussing a word or name

The infinitive ma:k-itá ‘to say’ is used to discuss word meaning:
(2) ínhola:cí: ma:k-itá in-homíc-i: ma:k-itá ó:m-i:-t
say-INF DAT-mad-DUR say-INF like-DUR-T
ô:m-i:-s
be.FGR-DUR-IND
‘Saying he is ínhola:cí: is like saying he is mad at him.’ (1939b)
The verbs kéyho:c-í: ‘called’ and hocífk-i: ‘named’ are used for
discussing unfamiliar names:
(3) hopa:y-akí ɬakɬâ:k-a:t kéyho:c-í:-t
far.LGR-PL big.RED.FGR-REF call.IMPL.LGR-DUR-T
Style 417
’simi:kí:ɬka ó:c-i:-t foll-atí:-s

sign exist-DUR-T go.about.TPL.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘Once there were hopayvke rvkrakat [“big far-aways”] who had their
own identity.’ (ca. 1940c)
44.3 Introducing characters

One stylistic difference between English and Creek is that Creek often
introduces characters in a story as subjects:
(4) fá:-ka a:ɬ-í: ’ɬ-alâ:k-a:t atǐ:ⁿk-os-it
hunt-GER go.about.SG.LGR-DUR DIR-arrive.FGR-REF up.to.NGR-DIM-T
hoktí:-ta:t in-hicêyk-in
woman-ATN DAT-appear.HGR-N
mô:m-os-in fikhonn-íhp-it léyk-i:p-atí:-s
be.so.FGR-DIM-N stop-SPN.HGR-T sit.SG-SPN.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘As soon as he returned from the hunting trip, he found a woman and
immediately settled down . . .’ (1915.2)
The second line in (4) is literally ‘a woman appeared to him’, with the
new character in subject position. The following passage is similar in
this regard:
(5) mo:m-ín má-n ok-a:k-iká
be.so.LGR-N that-N say-PL.LGR-so
atotk-itá hopó-ka api:y-atí:-s
work-INF seek-GER go.TPL.LGR-PAST5-IND
mo:m-ít foll-ô:f
be.so.LGR-T go.about.TPL.LGR-when
ísti hámk-it ánɬa:p-atí:-s
person one-T meet-PAST5-IND
mo:m-ín ti-m-poná:ho:y-ín
be.so.LGR-N RCP-DAT-talk.PL.LGR-N
‘And meaning what they said, they went in search of work. While they
were going about, a man met them. So they spoke with him . . .’
(1915.1)
The fourth line in (5) is translated literally; a more natural translation in
English might be ‘they met a man’, with the new character in object
position. The Creek verb anɬap- ‘meet’ generally places the new
character in subject position.
The same tendency is found with positional verbs (§35.5). A Creek
expression like asêy-n cokó-t a:-lêyk-s is literally ‘over there a house
sits’, with the introduced element in subject position.
418 §44
44.4 Names
Traditional Creek names can be divided into two types: (i) women’s or
children’s names; and (ii) citizen names.
Women and children are traditionally given a single name. A boy
might be named for an act of bravery performed by a father,
grandfather, or mother’s brother. James Hill wrote that if a man had
taken a scalp, his offspring might be named copáhki ‘peeled it’,
tiwaléyhci ‘set down the scalp’, i:léyhci ‘set it on himself’, etc.
When a boy or man becomes a citizen of a tribal town in Oklahoma,
he is given a new name, referred to in Creek as tasikaya-hocífka
‘citizen name’. This new name typically consists of two parts,
pronounced as a single word. The first word generally refers to the
individual’s clan, inherited from the mother. Common clans include
fóswa ‘bird’, nokósi ‘bear’, wó:tko ‘raccoon’, etc.
The clan name is then modified. Sometimes a specific title is added,
such as -ha:co ‘crazy’, -mi:kko ‘king, chief’, -fi:ksiko ‘heartless’,
-homahti ‘leader’, -yahola (thought to refer to someone who makes a
cry at the Green Corn ceremony), -i:ma:ɬa (a title of uncertain
meaning), or -tastanaki ‘warrior’. If a title is not used, another
possibility is to form a diminutive of the clan name with -oci, or, if the
clan is an animal, to refer to a part of that animal. James Hill listed the
following possibilities for a member of the Bear clan:
(7) nokos-há:co ‘Crazy Bear’
nokos-i:má:ɬa ‘Bear Imathla’
nokos-fi:ksikó ‘Heartless Bear’
nokos-yahóla ‘Bear Crier’

nokos-ocí ‘Little Bear’
nokos-ilí ‘Bear Foot’
nokos-háci ‘Bear Tail’
A man received a citizen name from each tribal town he belonged
to. Thus, at adulthood, he received a name from his own tribal town
(inherited, along with a clan, from the mother). When he married, he
also became a citizen of his wife’s tribal town and received a separate
name from that group. Creek citizen names were given to people of
different tribes speaking different languages: the mere fact that a
historical figure had a Creek citizen name does not establish whether
that person spoke Creek.
By the end of the nineteenth century, many Creeks and Seminoles
in Indian Territory had adopted English names. These consisted of a
given name and a surname. Some of the many characteristic Creek and
Style 419
Seminole surnames in Oklahoma include Harjo (from the title -ha:co),

Emarthla (from the title -i:má:ɬa), Heneha (from hiníha, a title),
Grayson, Berryhill, Fife, Fixico (from the title -fi:ksiko), Hill, Holahta
(from holáhta, an archaic title), Leetka (lí:tka ‘runner’), Tarpaleeche
(tapa:líhci), Carpitcher (kapícca, a clan), Sulphur, Checote, Cleghorn,
McKane, Bear, Beaver, Deer, Pigeon, Tiger, Canard (French for
‘duck’), Factor, Gouge, Postoak, and Walker (said to be from wa:ka-
pocá:si ‘cowkeeper’). English naming practices had generally replaced
traditional Creek names in Oklahoma by the end of the twentieth
century, except for those given ceremonially at tribal towns.
Traditional naming practices are still followed in Florida. Many
children are named for specific events that took place during the
Seminole wars, so that names preserve snapshots of that history.
Children are also given English names. Characteristic English
surnames in Florida include Gopher, Micco, Jones, Johns, Snow,
Frank, Bowers, Billie, and Smith.
44.5 Discussing someone deceased: tá:t-i: ‘the former’

For traditional speakers, it is considered polite to attach tá:t-i: ‘the one
who was’ when a name or term refers to someone deceased:
(8) cá-ɬki tá:t-i: filáp léyfat hocífka-t o:m-atí:-s
1S.PAT-father late-DUR Philip Raiford name-T be.LGR-PAST5-IND
‘My late father’s name was Philip Raiford.’ (1936b)
This term may derive from -(i)t o:m-atí: ‘he/she who was’.
The same term is used to mean ‘former’ in expressions like am-
ahá:y-a tá:t-i: ‘my former teacher’ (1878a), in this case referring to a

living person.
44.6 Formal address

In informal speech, emphatic intonation (-:^) is used for direct address:
ca-ɬki-:^ ‘father!’ (from cá-ɬki ‘my father’). In more formal styles, the
expressions tô:y-íck-a:t(i) ‘you who are’ and tô:y-á:ck-a:t(i) ‘you
(plural) who are’ are used:
(9) ichá:swa tô:y-íck-a:t ísti ci-hǐ:ⁿɬ-i:-t
beaver be.FGR-2S.AG-REF person 2.PAT-good.NGR-DUR-T
ô:m-it
be.FGR-T
‘You, beaver, are a good person . . .’ (ca. 1940c)
This formal style of address (first noted by Buckner [1860a:131]) was
adapted for salutations in letters in the nineteenth century:
420 §44
(10) am-ahá:ya mis lá:pisan tô:y-íck-a:t

1S.DAT-teacher Miss Robertson be.FGR-2S.AG-REF
‘My teacher, Miss Robertson: . . .’ (1878b)
Kinship terms are traditionally used in special ways when
addressing someone. James Hill explained that if a man of the Bear
clan marries a woman of the Alligator clan, the children will call
anyone of the Bear clan cá-ɬki ‘my father’, and anyone of the Alligator
clan ca-pósi ‘my grandmother; my maternal aunt’. A complication is
that certain clans, such as Wind and Skunk, are traditionally also seen
to be related.
There is some evidence that the impersonal agent suffix -akis used
for greater indirectness and politeness in formal address (§25.2).
Appendices
Appendix 1
Paradigms
In order to show some of the basic verb patterns in one place, this
appendix presents an array of forms of the stem wanay- ‘tie’. This is an
agentive verb, and so takes the agent set of agreement markers.
Morphemes are not segmented in these paradigms, but the relevant
chapter and section references are listed.
1 Commands (§31.3)
wanáyas! tie it!
wanayipás! you may tie it / please tie it
wanáyaks! you (pl.) tie it!
wanáhyíckas don’t you tie it!
wanáyíckíkot don’t tie it (softer)
wanayakí:s let’s tie it
wanáyíkas let him/her tie him/her
wanayakíkas let him/her tie them
wanáhyeyn omíkas first let me tie him/her
wanáyan ó:s just tie it
wanayipán ó:s go ahead and tie it
wanáyáccas you should / must / shall tie it
wanáyíkot owáccas you shall not tie it
wanáyakáccas you (pl.) must tie it

wanáhyí:sko:s one should not tie it / it can’t be tied
2 Present (§29.1)
2.1 Statement (with agent or plural agreement) (§20, §23.5, §31.1)
wana:yéys I am tying it
wana:yíckis you are tying it
wana:yís he/she is tying it
wana:yí:s we are tying it
wana:yá:ckis you (pl.) are tying it
wanáya:kís they are tying it
Periphrastic:
wana:yít o:méys I am tying it
wana:yít o:míckis you are tying it
424 Appendix 1
wana:yít o:mís he/she is tying it

wana:yít o:mí:s we are tying it
wana:yít o:má:ckis you (pl.) are tying it
wanáya:kít o:mís they are tying it
Periphrastic, contracted:
wana:yít o:wéys I am tying it
wana:yít ónckis you are tying it
wana:yít ó:s he/she is tying it
wana:yít o:wí:s we are tying it
wana:yít o:wá:ckis you (pl.) are tying it
wanáya:kít ó:s they are tying it
2.2 Question in -a (§31.2.1)

wana:yayá′ am I tying it?′
wana:yícka′ are you tying it?
wana:yá′ is he/she tying it?
wana:yiyá′ are we tying it?
wana:yá:cka′ are you (pl.) tying it?
wanáya:ká′ are they tying it?
Periphrastic:
wana:yít o:mayá′ am I tying it?
wana:yít o:mícka′ are you tying it?
wana:yít o:má′ is he/she tying it?
wana:yít o:miyá′ are we tying it?
wana:yít o:má:cka′ are you (pl.) tying it?
wanáya:kít o:má′ are they tying it?
Periphrastic, contracted:
wana:yít o:wayá′ am I tying it?
wana:yít óncka′ are you tying it?
wana:yít o:wá′ is he/she tying it?
wana:yít o:wiyá′ are we tying it?
wana:yít o:wá:cka′ are you (pl.) tying it?
wanáya:kít o:wá′ are they tying it?
2.3 Negative statement (§30)

wanáyákos I am not tying it, haven’t tied it
wanáyíckíkos you are not tying it, haven’t tied it
wanáyíkos he/she isn’t tying it, hasn’t tied it
wanáyí:kos we are tying it, haven’t tied it
wanáyá:ckíkos you (pl.) aren’t tying it, haven’t tied it
wanayakíkos they aren’t tying it, haven’t tied it
Paradigms 425
Periphrastic:
wanáyákot o:mís I am not tying it
wanáyíckíkot o:mís you are not tying it
wanáyíkot o:mís he/she is not tying it
wanáyí:kot o:mís we are not tying it
wanáyá:ckikot o:mís you (pl.) are not tying it
wanayakíkot o:mís they are not tying it
2.4 Negative question (§31.2.1)

wanáyáko′ aren’t I tying it?
wanáyíckíko′ aren’t you tying it?
wanáyíko′ isn’t he/she tying it?
wanáyí:ko′ aren’t we tying it?
wanáyá:ckiko′ aren’t you (pl.) tying it?
wanayakíko′ aren’t they tying it?
Periphrastic:
wanáyákot o:má′ am I not tying it?
2.5 Durative eventive (§28.5)

wana:yayí:s I can tie it / I tie it
wana:yícki:s you can tie it / you tie it
wana:yí:s he/she can tie it / he/she ties it
wana:yiyí:s we can tie it / we tie it
wana:yá:cki:s you (pl.) can tie it / you (pl.) tie it
wanáya:kí:s they can tie it / they tie it
2.6 Negative durative (§30)

wanáhyako:s I would not be able to tie it
3 Past 1 (today up to last night) (§29.1)

3.1 Statement (with agent or plural agreement)
wanáhyeys I tied it (today/last night)
wanáhyíckis you tied it (today/last night)
wanáhyis he/she tied it (today/last night)
wanáhyi:s we tied it (today/last night)
wanáhyá:ckis you (pl.) tied it (today/last night)
wanayáhkis they tied it (today/last night)
3.2 Question in -a′

wanáhyaya′ did I tie it (today/last night)?
426 Appendix 1
wanáhyícka′ did you tie it (today/last night)?

wanáhya′ did he/she tie it (today/last night)?
wanáhyiya′ did we tie it (today/last night)?
wanáhyá:cka′ did you (pl.) tie it (today/last night)?
wanayáhka′ did they tie it (today/last night)?
3.3 Imperfective
wana:yayêys I was tying it (today/last night)
wana:yíckeys you were tying it (today/last night)
Periphrastic:
wana:yít o:mayêys I was tying it (today/last night)
3.4 Negative statement

wanáyákeys I didn’t tie it (today/last night)
wanáyíckíkeys you didn’t tie it (today/last night)
wanáyíkeys he/she didn’t tie it (today/last night)
wanáyí:keys we didn’t tie it (today/last night)
wanáyá:ckíkeys you (pl.) didn’t tie it (today/last night)
wanayakíkeys they didn’t tie it (today/last night)
Periphrastic:
wanáyákot óhmis I didn’t tie it (today/last night)
wanáyíckíkot óhmis you didn’t tie it (today/last night)
wanáyíkot óhmis he/she didn’t tie it (today/last night)
wanáyí:kot óhmis we didn’t tie it (today/last night)
wanáyá:ckíkot óhmis you (pl.) didn’t tie it (today/last night)
wanayakíkot óhmis they didn’t tie it (today/last night)
3.5 Negative question in -a′

wanáyákeysa′ didn’t I tie it (today/last night)?
wanáyíckeysa′ didn’t you tie it (today/last night)?
wanáyíkeysa′ didn’t he/she tie it (today/last night)?
wanáyí:keysa′ didn’t we tie it (today/last night)?
wanáyá:ckíkeysa′ didn’t you (pl.) tie it (today/last night)?
wanayakíkeysa′ didn’t they tie it (today/last night)?
4 Past 2 (yesterday to several weeks ago) (§29.2.1)

wanâ:yayánks I tied it
wanâ:yíckanks you tied it
wanâ:yánks he/she tied it
Paradigms 427
wanâ:yiyánks we tied it
wanâ:yá:ckanks you (pl.) tied it
wanayâ:kanks they tied it
Periphrastic:
wanâ:yit ô:mayánks I tied it
wanâ:yit ô:míckánks you tied it
wanâ:yit ô:mánks he/she tied it
wanâ:yit ô:miyánks we tied it
wanâ:yit ô:má:ckánks you (pl.) tied it
wanayâ:kit ô:mánks they tied it

wanâ:yayanka′ did I tie it?
wanâ:yíckanka′ did you tie it?
wanâ:yanka′ did he/she tie it?
wanâ:yiyanka′ did we tie it?
wanâ:yá:ckanka′ did you (pl.) tie it?
wanayâ:kanka′ did they tie it?
Periphrastic:
wanâ:yit ô:mayánka′ did I tie it?

wanáyakánks I didn’t tie it
wanáyíckikánks you didn’t tie it
wanáyikánks he/she didn’t tie it
wanáyi:kánks we didn’t tie it
wanáyá:ckikánks you (pl.) didn’t tie it

wanayakíkanks they didn’t tie it
Periphrastic:
wanáyákot ô:mánks I didn’t tie it
wanáyíckíkot ô:mánks you didn’t tie it
wanáyíkot ô:mánks he/she didn’t tie it
wanáyí:kot ô:mánks we didn’t tie it
wanáyá:ckíkot ô:mánks you (pl.) didn’t tie it
wanayakíkot ô:mánks they didn’t tie it
4.4 Negative question in -a′

wanáyakánka′ didn’t I tie it?
Periphrastic:
wanáyákot ô:mánka′ didn’t I tie it?
428 Appendix 1
5 Past 3 (from two weeks to about a year ago) (§29.2.2)

wanâ:yeymáts I tied it
wanâ:yíckimáts you tied it
wanâ:yimáts he/she tied it
wanâ:yi:máts we tied it
wanâ:yá:ckimáts you (pl.) tied it
wanayâ:kimats they tied it
Periphrastic:
wanâ:yit ô:meymáts I tied it
wanâ:yit ô:míckimáts you tied it
wanâ:yit ô:mimáts he/she tied it
wanâ:yit ô:mi:máts we tied it
wanâ:yit ô:má:ckimáts you (pl.) tied it
wanayâ:kit ô:mimáts they tied it
5.2 Imperfective
wana:yéymats I was tying it
5.3 Question
wanâ:yeymati′ did I tie it?
wanâ:yíckimati′ did you tie it?
wanâ:yimati′ did he/she tie it?
wanâ:yi:mati′ did we tie it?
wanâ:yá:ckimati′ did you (pl.) tie it?
wanayâ:kimati′ did they tie it?

wanáyakómats I didn’t tie it
wanáyíckikómats you didn’t tie it
wanáyikómats he/she didn’t tie it
wanáyi:kómats we didn’t tie it
wanáyá:ckikómats you (pl.) didn’t tie it
?wanayakíkómats they didn’t tie it
Periphrastic:
wanáyákot ô:mimáts I didn’t tie it
5.5 Negative question

wanáyakómati′ didn’t I tie it?
Paradigms 429
6 Past 4 (distant past) (§29.2.3)

wana:yayánt(a)s I tied it (long ago)
wana:yíckant(a)s you tied it (long ago)
wana:yánt(a)s he/she tied it (long ago)
wana:yiyánt(a)s we tied it (long ago)
wana:yá:ckant(a)s you (pl.) tied it (long ago)
wanáya:kánt(a)s they tied it (long ago)
Periphrastic:
wana:yít o:mayánt(a)s I tied it (long ago)
wana:yít o:míckant(a)s you tied it (long ago)
wana:yít o:mánt(a)s he/she tied it (long ago)
wana:yít o:miyánt(a)s we tied it (long ago)
wana:yít o:má:ckant(a)s you (pl.) tied it (long ago)
wanáya:kít o:mánt(a)s they tied it (long ago)
6.2 Question
wana:yayánta′ did I tie it (long ago)?
wana:yíckanta′ did you tie it (long ago)?
wana:yánta′ did he/she tie it (long ago)?

wanáyakánt(a)s I didn’t tie it (long ago)
7 Past 5 (very remote past) (§29.2.4)


wana:yayáti:s I tied it (very long ago)
wana:yíckati:s you tied it (very long ago)
wana:yatí:s he/she tied it (very long ago)
wana:yiyáti:s we tied it (very long ago)
wana:yá:ckati:s you (pl.) tied it (very long ago)
wanáya:katí:s they tied it (very long ago)
Periphrastic:
wana:yít o:mayáti:s I tied it (very long ago)
wana:yít o:míckati:s you tied it (very long ago)
wana:yít o:matí:s he/she tied it (very long ago)
wana:yít o:miyáti:s we tied it (very long ago)
wana:yít o:má:ckati:s you (pl.) tied it (very long ago)
wanáya:kít o:matí:s they tied it (very long ago)
430 Appendix 1
7.2 Question
wana:yatí:ti′ did he/she tie it (very long ago)?

wanáyiká:ti:s he/she didn’t tie it (very long ago)
8 Prospective (§29.3)
wanáyaha:néys I am going to tie it
wanáyaha:níckis you are going to tie it
wanáyaha:nís he/she is going to tie it
wanáyaha:ní:s we are going to tie it
wanáyaha:ná:ckis you (pl.) are going to tie it
wanayakáha:nís they are going to tie it
Periphrastic:
wanáyaha:nít o:méys I am going to tie it
wanáyaha:nít o:míckis you are going to tie it
wanáyaha:nít o:mís he/she is going to tie it
wanáyaha:nít o:mí:s we are going to tie it
wanáyaha:nít o:má:ckis you (pl.) are going to tie it
wanayakáha:nít o:mís they are going to tie it

wanáyaha:ná′ is he/she going to tie it?

wanayahá:nik(o)s he/she is not going to tie it
9 Future (§29.3)
wanáyá:ɬi:s I will tie it
wanáyíckáɬi:s you will tie it
wanáyáɬi:s he/she will tie it
wanáyiyáɬi:s we will tie it
wanáyá:ckáɬi:s you (pl.) will tie it
wanayakáɬi:s they will tie it
Paradigms 431
9.2 Question
wanáyá:ɬi:ti′ will I tie it?

wanáyaká:ɬi:s I will not tie it
10 Patient prefixes (present statement form) (§20)

cawána:yís he/she is tying me
ciwána:yís he/she is tying you
wana:yís he/she is tying him/her
powaná:weycís he/she is tying us
waná:weycís he/she is tying them
11 Reflexive, reciprocal (present statement form) (§21)

11.1 Reflexive
í:wana:yéys I am tying myself
í:wana:yíckis you are tying yourself
í:wana:yís he is tying himself / she is tying herself
í:wana:yí:s we are tying ourselves
í:wana:yá:ckis you (pl.) are tying yourselves
i:wanáya:kís they are tying themselves
11.2 Reciprocal
itíwana:yí:s we are tying each other

itíwana:yá:ckis you (pl.) are tying each other
itiwanáya:kís they are tying each other
12 Dative prefixes (present statement form) (§22.1)

ánwana:yís he/she is tying it for me
cínwana:yís he/she is tying it for you
ínwana:yís he/she is tying it for him/her
pónwana:yís he/she is tying it for us
13 Instrumental, locative (present statement form) (§22.2, §19)

íswana:yís he/she is tying it with it
(i)sáwana:yís he/she is tying it to (a post, chair) with it
(i)sóhwana:yís he/she is tying it on with it
432 Appendix 1
(i)stákwana:yís he/she is tying it to (the floor) with it

(i)sákwana:yís he/she is tying it with it (in water)
14 Auxiliary forms (§32)

14.1 ‘might, can probably’
wana:yí: wêytayi:s I can probably tie it
wana:yícki: wêyti:s you can probably tie it
wana:yí: wêyti:s he/she can probably tie it
wana:yí: wêytiyi:s we can probably tie it
wana:yá:cki: wêyti:s you (pl.) can probably tie it
wanáya:kí: wêyti:s they can probably tie it
14.2 ‘able, can’

wanáyayi: tâ:yi:s I will be able to tie it
wanáyícki: tâ:yi:s you will be able to tie it
wanáyi: tâ:yi:s he/she will be able to tie it
wanáyiyi: tâ:yi:s we will be able to tie it
wanáyá:cki: tâ:yi:s you (pl.) will be able to tie it
wanayakí: tâ:yi:s they will be able to tie it
14.3 ‘finish’
wana:yí: póhyeys I finished tying it (past 1)
wana:yí: póhyíckis you finished tying it
wana:yí: póhyis he/she finished tying it (past 1)
wana:yí: póhyi:s we finished tying it
wana:yí: póhyá:ckis you (pl.) finished tying it

wana:yí: po:yáhkis they finished tying it
14.4 ‘keep doing’

wana:yí: mâ:heys I keep tying it
wana:yí: mâ:híckis you keep tying it
wana:yí: mâ:his he/she keeps tying it
wana:yí: mâ:hi:s we keep tying it
wana:yí: mâ:há:ckis you (pl.) keep tying it
wana:yí: ma:hâ:kis they keep tying it
14.5 ‘keep doing, still’

wana:yayí: mônkánks I was still tying it
wana:yícki: mônkánks you were still tying it
wana:yí: mônkánks he/she was still tying it
wana:yiyí: mônkánks we were still tying it
Paradigms 433
wana:yá:cki: mônkánks you (pl.) were still tying it

wanáya:kí: mônkánks they were still tying it
14.6 Negative experiential (§35.4)

wanáyayat(i:)siko:t ô:s I have never tied it
wanáyíckat(i:)siko:t ô:s you have never tied it
wanáyat(i:)siko:t ô:s he/she has never tied it
wanáyiyat(i:)siko:t ô:s we have never tied it
wanáyá:ckat(i:)siko:t ô:s you (pl.) have never tied it
wanayakát(i:)siko:t ô:s they have never tied it
15 Modality (§32)
15.1 ‘almost’ (§32.12)
wanáhyahóhkeys I almost tied it
wanáhyahóhkíckis you almost tied it
wanáhyahóhkis he/she almost tied it
wanáhyahóhki:s we almost tied it
wanáhyahóhká:ckis you (pl.) almost tied it
wanayáhkahóhkis they almost tied it
15.2 ‘accidentally’ (§32.20)

wanayíhpayátteys I accidentally tied it
wanayíhpíckátteys you accidentally tied it
wanayíhpátteys he/she accidentally tied it
wanayíhpiyátteys we accidentally tied it
wanayíhpá:ckátteys you (pl.) accidentally tied it

wanayakíhpátteys they accidentally tied it
15.3 ‘just about to’ (§32.13)

wanayahǎ:ⁿnosayi:t ô:s I am just about to tie it
wanayahǎ:ⁿnosícki:t ô:s you are just about to tie it
wanayahǎ:ⁿnosi:t ô:s he/she is just about to tie it
wanayahǎ:ⁿnosiyi:t ô:s we are just about to tie it
wanayahǎ:ⁿnosá:cki:t ô:s you (pl.) are just about to tie it
wanayakahǎ:ⁿnosi:t ô:s they are just about to tie it
15.4 Deductive (§32.16)

wana:yacóks he/she is tying it (unseen)
wanáyíká:coks he/she is not tying it (unseen)
434 Appendix 1
16 Chained forms (§37.2)

16.1 Same-subject (using aspirating grade for relative perfective
aspect)
wanáhyeyt I tied it and then (did something)
wanáhyíckit you tied it and then (did something)
wanáhyit he/she tied it and then (did something)
wanáhyi:t we tied it and then (did something)
wanáhyá:ckit you (pl.) tied it and then (did something)
wanayáhkit they tied it and then (did something)
16.2 Different-subject (using aspirating grade for relative perfective

aspect)
wanáhyeyn I tied it and then (someone else did something)
wanáhyíckin you tied it and then (someone else did something)
wanáhyin he/she tied it and then (someone else did
something)
wanáhyi:n we tied it and then (someone else did something)
wanáhyá:ckin you (pl.) tied it and then (someone else did
something)
wanayáhkin they tied it and then (someone else did
something)
17 Adverbial clause forms (§42.3)

17.1 ‘if’ (§42.3.9)
wana:yéyn o:mâ:t if I tie it

wana:yíckin o:mâ:t if you tie it
wana:yín o:mâ:t if he/she ties it
wana:yí:n o:mâ:t if we tie it
wana:yá:ckin o:mâ:t if you (pl.) tie it
wanáya:kín o:mâ:t if they tie it
17.2 ‘when’ (§42.3.1)

wana:yayô:f when I tie it
wana:yícko:f when you tie it
wana:yô:f when he/she ties it
wana:yiyô:f when we tie it
wana:yá:cko:f when you (pl.) tie it
wanáya:kô:f when they tie it
17.3 ‘after’ (§42.3.1)

wanáhyayo:f after I tie it / after I tied it
Paradigms 435
wanáhyícko:f after you tie it

wanáhyo:f after he/she ties it
wanáhyiyo:f after we tie it
wanáhyá:cko:f after you (pl.) tie it
17.4 ‘before’ (§42.3.8)

wanáyáko: mônkin before I tie it
wanáyíckíko: mônkin before you tie it
wanáyíko: mônkin before he/she ties it
wanáyí:ko: mônkin before we tie it
wanáyá:ckíko: mônkin before you (pl.) tie it
wanayakíko: mônkin before they tie it
17.5 ‘so’ (§42.3.2)

wana:yéyka I’m tying it, so . . .
wana:yíckika you’re tying it, so . . .
wana:yiká he/she is tying it, so . . .
wana:yí:ka we are tying it, so . . .
wana:yá:ckika you (pl.) are tying it, so . . .
wanáya:kiká they are tying it, so . . .
17.6 ‘even’ (§42.3.4)

wana:yayêysin even though I tie it
wana:yíckeysin even though you tie it
wana:yêysin even though he/she ties it
wana:yiyêysin even though we tie it
wana:yá:ckeysin even though you (pl.) tie it
wanáya:kêysin even though they tie it
18 Participial forms (§42.2)

(nâ:ki) wana:yayâ:t(i) (the thing) that I’m tying
(nâ:ki) wana:yícka:t(i) (the thing) that you are tying
(nâ:ki) wana:yâ:t(i) (the thing) that he/she is tying
(nâ:ki) wana:yiyâ:t(i) (the thing) that we are tying
(nâ:ki) wanáya:kâ:t(i) (the thing) that they are tying
Appendix 2
Texts
Text 1: Letter from Titahke to Cepe, 16 November 1876
The following letter was written by Titahke to his friend Cepe on
November 16, 1876. It was written from a prison at Fort Smith and is
housed in the R. S. Cate, Sr., Collection, M515, Box 16, Folder 1,
Western History Collections, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Okla-
homa. Titahke's original spelling is given first (with line division as in
the original). The letter is then given in interlinear format, for which
Margaret Mauldin supplied a more consistent spelling (the first lines in
the interlinear version) and the free translation.1
Original spelling:
Tohopke Leske Tvlofv
Ehole 16th 1876
Vnhesse Cepe
Toyetskat oponakv estomosen cematotis ce
omalkeyat pocvfencvket foles ce
Momen hate nake pom afvshoteko monkvt
os ce Estomet nake pom ayaranat
hate kereko monkvt ont os ce
Momis nake samomose tot os

komakvt cokoyekcv enfetv foleyat
Talkoset os ce momen estomen
Tvlwv alke tis pomanice tayen omvt
Estomosen epofvcv anicecke tvyen
omat mececkvres ce Momet
Talwv alke nake estomen afvstet
Kaken omat ankerkoceckvres ce
ane acofvcv hate haken kerako monket
os Momis cokv cen hecvyof hvtam cematotvres
ce Yonv Hocefkvn ohlicet atoteckvres
ce Mat poheta amares ce.
1
Titahke’s original spelling differs in small ways from Margaret Mauldin’s
spelling. The latter distinguishes <e> from <ē>. Many speakers have difficulty
distinguishing <a> vs. <v> and <o> vs. <u> in spelling (although they do distinguish
these sounds in pronunciation).
Texts 437
Hiyomosen Coyis ce Cenhesse

Titahket okis ce
Interlinear format:
Tohopke Leske Tvlofv
toho:pki-lisk-i-taló:fa
fence-old-I-town
Fort Smith
Eholē 16th, 1876

iholí: 16th2 1876
November 16th 1876
November 16th, 1876
Vnhesse Cēpe toyetskat

an-híssi cí:pi tô:y-íck-a:t3
1S.DAT-friend be.FGR-2S.AG-REF
My friend Cepe,
Opunvkv estomusen cem vtotis cē.

oponaká istô:m-os-in cim-áto:t-éy-s ci:^
Word be.few.FGR-DIM-N 2.DAT-send.LGR-1S.AG-IND DCL
I send you a few words.
Omvlkeyat pucvfencvkēt fullēs cē.

omálk-iy-a:t po-cafincak-í:-t foll-í:-s ci:^
all-1P.AG-REF 1P.PAT-well.RED-DUR-T go.around.TPL.LGR-DUR-IND DCL
We are all in good health.
Momen hvte nake pumvfvshoteko monkvt

mo:mín hatí nâ:ki pom-afashot-íko-: mônka-t
be.so.LGR-N yet thing 1P.DAT-care.for.IMPL-not-DUR still.FGR-T
Os cē.
ó:-s ci:^
be.LGR-IND DCL
At this time, our cases have not been processed.
2
English ordinal numbers were commonly used in letters in the 19th century.
3
This pattern (. . . tô:y-íck-a:t ‘you who are . . .’) is a standard form of address
adopted for use in letters in the nineteenth century (§44.6).
438 Appendix 2
Estomēt nake pumvyvranat

istó:m-i:-t nâ:ki pom-áy-aɬa:n-â:t
which-DUR-T thing 1P.DAT-go.SG-PROSP.LGR-REF
Hvte kerrēko monkvt os cē.
Hatí kíɬɬ-í:-ko-: mônka-t ó:-s ci:^
yet know-1P.AG-not-DUR still.FGR-T be.LGR-IND DCL
We do not know which direction our cases will go.
Momis nake svmomosēt ot os

mô:m-eys nâ:ki ’samó:m-os-i:-t ot ó:-s
be.so.FGR-even thing good-DIM-DUR-T FOC be.LGR-IND
komvkat,
ko:m-ak-â:t
think.LGR-IMPL.AG-REF
However, something rather good, we think,
cuko-yēkcv enfettv fulleyat tvlkusēt

coko-yí:kca in-fítta foll-iy-â:t tâlk-os-i:-t
house-strong DAT-yard go.about.TPL.LGR-1P.AG-REF only-DIM-DUR-T
os cē.
ó:-s ci:^
be.LGR-IND DCL
we got to roam in the prison yard.
Momen estomēn Tvlwv-vlke tis pomvnicē

mo:m-ín istô:m-i:-n tálwa-âlki-teys pom-anéyc-i:
be.so.LGR-N how.FGR-DUR-N tribe-GPL-even 1P.DAT-help-DUR
tayen omat
tâ:y-in o:m-â:t
can.FGR-N be.LGR-REF
If, somehow, the Nation could help us,
estomusēn epohfvccv vnicetskē tayen omat

istô:m-os-i:-n ip-ohfácca aneyc-íck-i: tâ:y-in o:m-â:t
few.DIM-DUR-N 1P.PAT-toward help-2S.AG-DUR can.FGR-N be.LGR-REF
mēcetskvrēs cē.
mí:c-íck-áɬi:-s ci:^
do-2S.AG-FUT-IND DCL
however little, if you could help on our behalf, do so.
Momet Tvlwv-vlke nake estomēn vfastet

mo:m-ít tálwa-âlki nâ:ki istó:m-i:-n afa:st-ít
be.so.LGR-T tribe-GPL what how-DUR-N care.for.LGR-T
Texts 439
kaken omat, ankērkuecetskvrēs cē.

kâ:k-in o:m-â:t an-ki:ɬkóyc-íck-áɬi:-s ci:^
sit.DU.FGR-N be.LGR-REF 1S.DAT-inform-2S.AG-FUT-IND DCL
And whatever the Nation looks after, let it be known to me.
Vne vcohfvccv hvtehakēn kerrvko monket os.

aní ac-ohfácca hatihá:k-i:-n kíɬɬ-ako-: mônk-it ó:-s
me 1S.PAT-toward early-DUR-N know-1S.AG.not-DUR still-T be.LGR-IND
As for me and my case, I still do not know the early information.
Momis cokv cen hēcvyof

mô:m-eys có:ka cín-hi:c-ay-ô:f
be.so.FGR-even writing 2.DAT-see.LGR-1S.AG-when
But when I see a letter from you,
hvtvm cem vtutarēs cē.

hatâm cim-atot-á:ɬi:-s ci:^
again 2.DAT-send-1S.AG.FUT-IND DCL
I will write to you again.
Yonv hocefkēn ohlihcet avtutetskvrēs cē.

yó:na hocífk-i:-n oh-léyhc-it a:-atot-íck-áɬi:-s ci:^
Euna named-DUR-N on-set.HGR-T DIR-send-1S.AG-FUT-IND DCL
Sign by the name of Euna and send it to me.
Mvt [. . .?] vmvrēs cē.

má-t [. . .] am-áɬi:-s4 ci:^
that-T 1S.DAT-FUT-IND DCL

That will give me [. . .].
Hiyomusen coyis cē.

hayyô:m-os-in co:y-éy-s5 ci:^
like.this.FGR-DIM-N write.LGR-1S.AG-IND DCL
This is all I write.
4
The verb im-íta ‘to give’ can be analyzed as a dative prefix im- with a null verb
root or as an irregular verb (homophonous with the dative prefix) that agrees with its
object.
5
The word co:y-itá is an older word meaning ‘to write’. It was replaced in the
twentieth century by ho:cceyc-itá.
440 Appendix 2
Cenhesse, Titvhket okis cē.

cin-híssi, teytáhki-t o:k-éy-s ci:^6
2.DAT-friend Titahke-T speak.LGR-1S.AG-IND DCL
Your friend, Titahke, I speak.
Text 2: The stork father, by Earnest Gouge

The following short story was written by Earnest Gouge in 1915. It
appears with a parallel translation as story 5 in Gouge (2004). A
recording of Margaret Mauldin reading the story can be found at
<http://www.wm.edu/linguistics/creek/gouge>. The story is presented
below in interlinear format.
Hoktē-mvnette hvmket hopuewvn ocvtēs,

hokti:-manítt-i hámk-it hopóywa-n o:c-atí:-s
woman-young-I one-T child-N have-PAST5-IND
erke fvccekon.
íɬki fácc-íko-:-n
3.PAT.father true-not-DUR-N
A young woman gave birth to a child whose father was unknown.
Mont omatet esliket omen em pohet,

món-t o:m-â:ti-t is-lêyk-it o:m-ín ím-po:h-ít
be.so.LGR-T be.LGR-REF-T INST-sit.SG.FGR-T be.LGR-N DAT-ask.LGR-T
So she lived alone [with the child], and was asked [about that]:
Estit erket on omat onvyvs,

istêy-t íɬki-t ô:-n o:m-â:t onáy-as

who-T 3.PAT.father-T be.FGR-N be.LGR-REF tell-IMP
kihocēto ’stomis
kéyho:c-í:-t-o stô:m-eys
say.IMPL.LGR-DUR-T-FOC what.FGR-even
“Tell who the father is,” they’d say,
onvyeko tąyusēt omvtēs.

onáy-íko-: tǎ:ⁿy-os-i:-t ô:m-ati:-s
tell-not-DUR can.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-PAST5-IND
but she wouldn’t tell.
6
The pattern [name]-(i)t o:k-éy-s ‘(name), I speak’ was a standard way to sign a
letter in the nineteenth century.
Texts 441
Momen mv hoktē ena-hvmkvlket fullēt

mo:m-ín ma hoktí: ina:-hamk-âlki-t foll-í:-t
be.so.LGR-N that woman 3.PAT.body-one-GPL-T go.about.TPL.LGR-DUR-T
omvtēs.
ô:m-ati:-s
be.FGR-PAST5-IND
Now the woman had relatives.7
Mont omet mvt vkerrickvn hayakvtēs.

món-t o:m-ít má-t akiɬɬéyc-ka-n há:y-a:k-atí:-s
be.so.LGR-T be.LGR-T that-T think.about-GER-N do-PL.LGR-PAST5-IND
And they had an idea.
Mont okakatet,
món-t ok-a:k-â:ti-t
be.so.LGR-T say-PL.LGR-REF-T
And they said,
Momēt esliket estonhkotok . . .

mó:m-i:-t is-lêyk-it istónhko-:-t-o:k
be.so-DUR-T INST-sit.SG.FGR-T do.something.HGR.not-DUR-T-be.so
“She can’t do well living like that . . .
Estit mv estuce erket on omat

istêy-t ma ist-ocí íɬki-t ô:-n o:m-â:t
who-T that person-DIM 3.PAT.father-T be.FGR-N be.LGR-REF
Whoever the father of the child is
esvpvkesasē tayet omētan onkv;

is-apak-i-sâ:s-i: tâ:y-it o:m-í:-ta:n on-ká
INST-be.with-I-some.FGR-DUR can.FGR-T be.LGR-DUR-REF.N be.LGR-so
should marry her;
erken enhopoyvkēts, mahket

íɬki-n in-hopóy-ak-i:-ts máhk-it
3.PAT.father-N DAT-search-IMPL.AG-DUR-T.be.IND speak.HGR-T
let’s look for his father,” they said,
7
ina:-hámk-i is literally ‘one/same body’, but means ‘her relative’ here.
442 Appendix 2
ennvkaftvtēs.
ín-naka:ft-atí:-s
DAT-meet.LGR-PAST5-IND
and held a meeting.
Mont nvkaftet vpokvtēs,

món-t nakâ:ft-it apô:k-ati:-s
be.so.LGR-T meet.FGR-T sit.TPL.FGR-PAST5-IND
And they met,
mv hoktēn ehesvrēn komaket.

ma hoktí:-n ihís-áɬi:-n ko:m-â:k-it
that female-N take.a.husband-FUT-N think.LGR-PL.FGR-T
wanting the woman to have a husband.
Mont omen mv estuce hę̄rusēt omet,

món-t o:m-ín ma ist-ocí hǐ:ⁿɬ-os-i:-t ô:m-it
be.so.LGR-T be.LGR-N that person-DIM good.NGR-DIM-DUR-T be.FGR-T
Now the child was very beautiful
yvkapusē hakepēt ont

yaka:p-os-í: ha:k-ip-í:-t ôn-t
walk.LGR-DIM-DUR become.LGR-SPN-DUR-T be.FGR-T
and had begun to walk,
mont punvkvo kerrepē hakēt

món-t ’pona-ka-w′ kiɬɬ-ip-í: há:k-i:-t
be.so.LGR-T talk-GER-also know-SPN-DUR become-DUR-T

arvtēs.
a:ɬ-atí:-s
and had learned to talk, as well.
Mon naket komvkat omv̨lkvt

mó:-n nâ:ki-t kô:m-ak-a:t omǎⁿlka-t
be.so.LGR-N thing-T think.FGR-IMPL.AG-REF all.NGR-T
nvkaftvtēs.
naka:ft-atí:-s
meet.LGR-PAST5-IND
So all kinds of creatures had gathered.
Texts 443
Mont mv estucen Sulet oh-ayet,

món-t ma ist-ocí-n solí-t ohh-â:y-it
be.so.LGR-T that person-DIM-N buzzard-T LOC-go.SG.FGR-T
Now Buzzard went up to the child:
Cvrkē! cvkicvs, maket arvtēs.

ca-ɬki-:^ ca-kéyc-as ma:k-ít a:ɬ-atí:-s
1S.PAT-father-EMPH 1S.PAT-tell-IMP say.LGR-T go.about.SG.LGR-PAST5-IND
“Call me father!” he said.
Momis estos komēpekot

mô:m-eys istô:-s ko:m-ǐ:ⁿp-íko-t
be.so.FGR-even be.how.FGR-IND think-SPN.NGR-not-T
But the child paid no attention
ahkopvnētt vrę̄pvtēs.
ahkopan-î:t-t aɬ-ǐ:ⁿp-ati:-s
play-SPN.FGR-T go.about.SG-SPN.NGR-PAST5-IND
and kept on playing.
Mont oman nake erem ētv omvlket

món-t o:m-â:n nâ:ki iɬ-im-í:ta omâlk-it
be.so.LGR-T be.LGR-REF.N thing DIR-DAT-other all-T
omhoyan
omhô:y-a:n
be.IMPL.FGR-REF.N
Now all the others were there
Akcvohkot svsekot omisat

akcáwhko-t sas-íko-t o:m-êys-a:t
crane-T be.there-not-T be.LGR-even-REF
except Stork, who had been absent
rvrucen espvkvfkusēn eshvlvtēt eroren . . .

ɬaɬ-óci-n is-pakáfk-os-i:-n is-halát-i:-t iɬ-o:ɬ-ín
fish-DIM-N INST-threaded-DIM-DUR-N INST-hold-DUR-T DIR-reach.LGR-N
and arrived carrying a little fish skewered on a stick . . .
Mvt sekot omisat vlaks, kihocen . . .

má-t s-íkó-t o:m-êys-a:t alá:k-s kéyho:c-ín
that-T exist-not-T be.LGR-even-REF arrive.LGR-IND say.IMPL.LGR-N
“He wasn’t even here before and now here he comes,” they said . . .
444 Appendix 2
Atet vlakan
a:t-ít ala:k-â:n
come.SG.LGR-T arrive.LGR-REF.N
As he arrived
mv estuce hecekot omisat,

ma ist-ocí hic-íko-t o:m-êys-a:t
that person-DIM see-not-T be.LGR-even-REF
the child didn’t see him,
hēcan vtę̄kuset,
hi:c-â:n atǐ:ⁿk-os-it
see.LGR-REF.N up.to.NGR-DIM-T
but as soon as he saw him,
Cvrkē! Cvrkē! Cvrkē! kihcet

ca-ɬki-:^ ca-ɬki-:^ ca-ɬki-:^ kéyhc-it
1S.PAT-father-EMPH 1S.PAT-father-EMPH 1S.PAT-father-EMPH tell.HGR-T
ohletiket
oh-litêyk-it
LOC-run.SG.HGR-T
he ran up to him, cried, “Father! Father! Father!”
mv rvruce resem esēpvtēs.

ma ɬaɬ-óci ’ɬ-is-ím-is-i:p-atí:-s
that fish-DIM DIR-INST-DAT-take.SG-SPN.LGR-PAST5-IND
and took the little fish.
Mohmen mv ennakvlke erke kerretv eyacakvtē,

móhm-in ma in-nâ:k-âlki íɬki kiɬɬ-itá iya:c-â:k-ati:
be.so.HGR-N that DAT-kin-GPL 3.PAT.father know-INF want-PL.FGR-PAST5
Then those relatives who had wanted to find out who the father was said,
Mv este onkat omvttis! mahket

ma ísti ón-k-a:t-t ô:m-át-teys máhk-it
that person be-not-REF-T be.FGR-happen-even speak.HGR-T
“[That stork] doesn’t even look like anyone special!”
enhomecēt vwahēpvtēs, mahokvnts.

in-homíc-i:-t awá:h-i:p-atí:-s má:ho:k-ánt-s
DAT-angry-DUR-T dismiss-SPN.LGR-PAST5-IND say.IMPL.LGR-PAST4-IND
and dismissed the meeting in anger, it was said.
Appendix 3
List of common affixes
The following is an alphabetized list of common affixes with glosses
and brief explanations of their uses; comments on the distribution of
variant forms are set off by ▪. (In the alphabetical order of the list,
length (:) is ignored, and ɬ is ordered after l.)
-: (see -i:)
-a NZR suffix attaching to lengthened-grade verb stems
to mean ‘one who does (something)’: fá:y-a
‘hunter’
-a Q mark of a question requiring a simple yes or no
answer: hi:c-íck-a′ ‘are you looking at it?’
a-, ah- LOC a locative prefix used on verbs to indicate
location on a side or underside: a-leyk-itá ‘to sit
on (a wall, ceiling, etc., of one)’
▪ ah- is used before vowels.
a:- DIR directional prefix ‘this way’: a:-hic-íta ‘to look
this way’
-a: Q 1 mark of an information question (a question
including an element such as ‘where’, ‘what’,

‘who’, ‘why’, etc.): nâ:ki-n hi:c-íck-a:˅ ‘what
are you looking at?’
2 used on a question seeking verification of an
element: ay-áha:n-íck-a:˅ ‘are you going, too?’
ac- (see ca-)
aca- (see ca-)
-á:cc- (see -á:ck-)
-á:ck-, 2P.AG second person plural agent (“type I”) agree-
-á:cc- ment: wana:y-á:ck-a′ ‘are you (pl.) tying it?’
▪ -á:ckis formal; -á:cc- is informal.
-acok- DED deductive: wo:hk-acók-s ‘(I perceive that) it’s
barking’
446 Appendix 3
ah- (see a-)

-aha:n-, PROSP prospective modal suffix (part of the stem)
-aɬa:n- expressing future time in the lengthened grade
(wanáy-aha:n-ís ‘he/she is going to tie it’) and
‘almost’ or ‘about’ in the nasalizing grade (fack-
ahǎ:ⁿn-os-i:-t ô:-s ‘it’s almost full’)
▪ Some speakers use -aha:n-, others use
-aɬa:n-.
-ak- IMPL.AG impersonal agent suffix attaching to verbs to
express an indefinite subject: ma:k-ak-í:-s ‘one
might say’
-ak- PL plural suffix attaching to verbs to indicate a
plural subject or object: hómp-a:k-ís ‘they are
eating’
▪ This affix is part of the stem, and so may be
lengthened (lgr.), nasalized (ngr.), aspirated
(hgr.), etc.
ak-, akk- LOC a locative prefix used on verbs to indicate
location in water or a low place: ak-leyk-itá
‘(one) to sit in water or a low place’
▪ akk- is used before vowels.
-aki PL plural suffix attaching to a handful of human
nouns: hoktí: ‘woman’, hokt-akí ‘women’
akk- (see ak-)
-aks IMP imperative suffix attaching to verbs and used for

commands addressed to two or more people:
apo:k-ip-áks ci:^ ‘have a seat!’
-âlki GPL group plural suffix used on nouns to refer to
clans, tribes, etc.: fosw-âlki ‘Bird clan’
-aɬa:n- (see -aha:n-)
-áɬi:- FUT suffix attaching to verbs to express future time
or obligation: wanáy-áɬi:-s ‘he/she will tie it’
-á:ɬi:- 1S.AG.FUT fused form of first person singular agent (“type
I”) and -áɬi:- ‘will’: wanáy-á:ɬi:-s ‘I will tie it’
am-, an- 1S.DAT first person singular dative prefix (‘to/for me’),
used for benefactives (am-ópona:y-ís ‘he/she is
talking for me’) and nonrelational possession
List of common affixes 447
(am-ífa ‘my dog’)

▪ am- is used before a vowel, m, or p; an- is
used before other consonants.
an- (see am-)
-a:n REF.N fused form of the referential clitic -a:t(i) and
nonsubject or different-subject -(i)n
-ánk- PAST2 suffix attaching to verbs to express Past 2 tense:
wanâ:y-ánk-s ‘he/she tied it (yesterday to
several weeks ago)’
-ánt- (see -ánta-)
-ánta-, PAST4 suffix attaching to verbs to express Past 4 tense:
-ánt- wana:y-ánta-s ‘he/she tied it (long ago)’
▪ This suffix is often shortened in statements.
-as IMP imperative suffix attaching to verbs and used for
commands to a single person: im-anéyc-as ‘help
him/her’
-at- happen happenstance suffix, indicating a sense of
accident or chance
-ati:- PAST5 remote past (‘very long ago’)
-a:t(i) REF referential clitic
1 used on the final verb in a noun phrase to
indicate definiteness or emphasis: fóswa cá:t-a:t
‘the red bird’, ma acól-a:t ‘the old [man]’

2 used on various subordinate clauses when no
tense marker is used: akíɬɬeyc-â:t ‘as he/she
thought about it’
▪ All variants generally have falling tone after
a lengthened-grade stem. The final vowel is
usually dropped.
-ay- (see -ey-)
ca-, 1S.PAT first person singular patient agreement (“type
aca-, II”), used for objects (ca-na:fk-ís ‘he/she is
ac- hitting me’), subjects of nonagentive verbs (ca-
nókk-i:-s ‘I am sick’), and relational possession
(ca-hácko ‘my ear’)
▪ ca- is used before consonants and stems
beginning with i; aca- is used before a
448 Appendix 3
(replacing that vowel); ac- is used before o, o:.

-cc- (see -íck-)
ci-, ici-, 2.PAT second person patient agreement (“type II”),
ic- used for objects (ci-na:fk-ís ‘he/she is hitting
you’), subjects of nonagentive verbs (ci-nókk-i:-
s ‘you are sick’), and relational possession (ci-
hácko ‘your ear’)
▪ ci- is used before consonants and stems
beginning with i; ici- is used before a (replacing
that vowel); ic- is used before o, o:.
ci:^ DCL declarative particle
cim-, 2.DAT second person dative prefix (‘to/for you’), used
cin- for benefactives (cim-ópona:y-ís ‘he/she is
talking for you’) and nonrelational possession
(cim-ífa ‘your dog’)
▪ cim- is used before a vowel, m, or p; cin- is
cin- (see cim-)
-ey-, 1S.AG first person singular agent agreement (“type I”)
-ay- ▪ -ey- is used before a consonant (wana:y-éy-s
‘I am tying it’); -ay- is used before a vowel
(wana:y-ay-á′ ‘am I tying it?’).
-eys-, PAST1.IMPF past 1 imperfective
-ey- ▪ -eys- is used before vowels (wana:y-êys-a′

‘was he/she tying it (today/last night)?’); -ey- is
used before indicative -(i)s (wana:y-êy-s ‘he/she
was tying it (today/last night)’); all variants
generally have falling tone in the lengthened
grade.
-eys, a clitic used with adverbial clauses to mean
-eysin, ‘even though’: yíkc-i:-n ato:tk-iy-êys ‘even
-eysim though we work hard’
▪ -eys is the usual variant; -eysim is archaic; all
variants generally have falling tone after a
lengthened-grade stem.
-ha:ks Q mark of a question used at the end of a verb in
the nineteenth century
-ho-, PL, IMPL 1 an affix (often an infix) indicating dual in

-hoy- verbs with a singular/dual/triplural opposition
(acimhok-íta ‘(two) to climb’) and plural in
verbs with a singular/plural opposition
(kasaphoy-í: ‘(two or more) cold’)
2 with somewhat different placement, it is also
used to form impersonal passives: má:ho:k-ís
‘they/people say’
(hgr.), etc.
-hoy- (see -ho-)
i- 3.PAT third person patient agreement (“type II”), used
for relational possession (i-hocífka ‘his/her
name’)
▪ i- often deletes, but affects accent (i-yanawá
> ’yanawá ‘his/her cheek’).
-i, -i- I short form of durative -i: appearing in reduced
participles: isti-hátk-i ‘white person’
-i:, -: DUR durative suffix attaching to verbs
1 used with the zero grade for states: lókc-i:-s
‘it’s ripe’
2 used with the lengthened grade for habits or
modality: a:cc-ay-í:-s ‘I could/would wear it’
3 used with various grades to form participles:
ma ifá lást-i: ‘that black dog’

▪ The durative merges with a preceding vowel:
lókc-íko-: ‘it is not ripe’. It has a short form -i
used in reduced participles: isti-hátk-i ‘white
person’.
i:-, i:y- RFL reflexive prefix attaching to verbs to mean
‘oneself’: í:-hic-a:k-ís ‘they are looking at
themselves’, í:-hi:c-éy-s ‘I am looking at
myself’
▪ i:y- is used before a or o.
-i:-, -iy- 1P.AG first person plural agent agreement (“type I”)
▪ -i:- is used before a consonant (wana:y-í:-s
‘we are tying it’); -iy- is used before a vowel
(wana:y-iy-á′ ‘are we tying it?’).
450 Appendix 3
ic- (see ci-)

-ic-, CAUS direct causative (somewhat irregular, and so not
-yc-, usually segmented)
-iceyc- ▪ -yc- is used after vowels (hiceyc-itá ‘to show,
make see’); -ic- is used after consonants (hatic-
itá ‘to whiten, make white’); -iceyc- (and
-yceyc-) are rare variants.
-ícc- (see -íck-)
-iceyc- (see -ic-)
ici- (see ci-)
-íck-, 2S.AG second person singular agent agreement (“type
-ícc- I”): wana:y-íck-a′ ‘are you tying it?’
▪ -íck- is formal, -ícc- is informal. The
sequence ...m-íck- or ...n-íck- may contract as
...´n-ck- or ...´n-cc-.
-ík- (see -íko-)
-(i)ka a suffix added to subordinate clauses to mean
‘so’ or ‘because’: wana:y-iká ‘because he/she is
tying it’
▪ The shorter variant is found after suffixes
ending in y: wana:y-éy-ka ‘I am tying it, so . . .’.
-ikas suffix attaching to verbs and used to mean ‘let
him/her (do something)’: hómp-ikas ‘let
him/her eat’
-íko-, negative suffix attaching to verbs: wanáy-íko-s
-ík- ‘he/she isn’t tying it’
▪ This suffix is often shortened in statements:
wanáy-ík-s ‘he/she isn’t tying it’.
(i)ɬ-, DIR directional prefix ‘go a distance and’: iɬ-hic-íta
ɬih-, ɬis- ‘to go a distance and look’
▪ The initial vowel is often omitted, especially
before vowels; some speakers use ɬih- or ɬis-
before consonants.
(i)ɬa:- DIR directional prefix ‘go a short distance; back’:
ɬa:-hic-íta ‘to go a short distance and look’ /
‘to look back’
im-, in- DAT dative prefix (‘to/for (him/her)’), used for

benefactives (im-ópona:y-ís ‘he/she is talking
for him/her’) and nonrelational possession (im-
ífa ‘his/her dog’).
▪ im- is used before a vowel, m, or p; in- is
-imát- PAST3 suffix attaching to verbs to express Past 3 tense:
wanâ:y-imát-s ‘he/she tied it (several weeks to
several years back)’
in- (see im-)
-(i)n N 1 a clitic used on chained and adverbial clauses
to indicate a change in subject: wanáhy-ín
‘he/she tied it and then (someone else did
something)’
2 a clitic used on noun phrases in a clause other
than the subject, often with specific emphasis.
ip- (see po-)
-ip- SPN spontaneous suffix attaching to verbs: il-î:p-it
ó:-s ‘he/she is dead’
(hgr.), etc.
-ipeyc- indirect causative suffix used on verbs to mean
‘make’: hómp-ipeyc-ís ‘he/she is making
him/her eat’.
nasalized (ngr.), aspirated (hgr.), etc.
ipo- (see po-)
-(i)s IND indicative suffix attaching to verbs and used for
statements (li:tk-éy-s ‘I’m running’).
▪ -s is used after suffixes ending in vowels or y
(i)s- INST instrumental prefix attaching to verbs to indicate
that the action is performed by means of
something: ís-wana:y-ís ‘he/she is tying it with
(rope, etc.)’
-(i)t T 1 a clitic used on chained and adverbial clauses
to indicate continuation of the same subject
(wanáhy-ít ‘he/she tied it and then (he/she did
452 Appendix 3
something)’)
2 a clitic used on subjects, often with specific
emphasis
3 a clitic used on the complements of om-íta ‘to
be’
-ita INF infinitival suffix used to form an abstract or
concrete verbal noun and similar in meaning to
-ka: inokk-itá ‘sickness’
(i)ti- RCP reciprocal prefix attaching to verbs to mean
‘each other’: ití-hic-a:k-ís ‘they are looking at
each other’
(i)y-, DIR directional prefix ‘come and’: ’yi-hic-íta ‘to
’yi- come and see, visit’
▪ The form ’yi- is used before consonants.
-iy- (see -i:-)
i:y- (see i:-)
-ka GER gerund suffix used to form an abstract or
concrete verbal noun and similar in meaning to
-ita: holwayí:c-ka ‘wickedness’
ɬ- (see (i)ɬ-)
ɬa:- (see (i)ɬa:-)
ɬih- (see (i)ɬ-)
ɬis- (see (i)ɬ-)

-n (see -(i)n)
-o:f(a) a clitic appearing on adverbial clauses to mean
‘when’ (in the lengthened grade) or ‘after’ (in
the aspirating grade): wana:y-ô:f ‘when he/she
ties it’
▪ -o:fa is the more formal or older variant and
occurs with same-subject -(i)t or different-
subject -(i)n; all variants generally have falling
tone after a lengthened-grade stem.
-oci DIM diminutive used on nouns: if-óci ‘puppy’
oh-, LOC a locative prefix used on verbs to indicate
ohh- location on top of something: oh-leyk-itá ‘(one)
to sit on top of (a chair, table, etc.)’
▪ ohh- is used before vowels.

ohh- (see oh-)
-os- DIM diminutive used on verbs for small size or
degree; combined with the nasalizing grade it
means ‘very’: awǒ:ⁿl-os-i: ‘very close’; with
postpositions, it means ‘just’: onáp-os-a:n ‘just
above’; may also be used with adjectival nouns
po-, 1P.PAT first person plural patient agreement (“type II”),
ipo-, ip- used for objects (po-na:fk-ís ‘he/she is hitting
us’), subjects of nonagentive verbs (po-nókk-i:-s
‘we are sick’), and relational possession (po-
hácko ‘our ears’)
▪ po- is used before consonants and stems
beginning with i; ipo- is used before a
(replacing that vowel); ip- is used before o, o:.
pom-, 1P.DAT first person plural dative prefix (‘to/for us’),
pon- used for benefactives (pom-ópona:y-ís ‘he/she
is talking for us’) and nonrelational possession
(pom-ífa ‘our dog’)
▪ pom- is used before a vowel, m, or p; pon- is
pon- (see pom-)
s- (see (i)s-)
-s (see -(i)s)
-t (see -(i)t)
-ta:ki PL plural suffix attaching to a few human nouns
(usually ending in -wa): honánwa ‘man’,
honan-tá:ki ‘men’
-ta:t(i) ATN focus of attention (a clitic added to noun phrases
for slight emphasis or contrast): án-ta:t
fikhónneyc-ay-í:-s ‘I can stop it’
▪ The final vowel is usually dropped, except in
questions or when a particle follows.
tak-, LOC a locative prefix used on verbs to indicate
takk- location on the ground, in a fire, or in an
enclosed space: tak-leyk-itá ‘(one) to sit on the
ground or floor’
454 Appendix 3
▪ takk- is used before vowels.

takk- (see tak-)
-teys a clitic attaching to noun phrases and meaning
‘even’ or ‘also’: có:ka-teys ‘[I haven’t sent you]
even a letter’
’ti- (see (i)ti-)
-w′ also, as in ani-w′ ‘me, too’
-yc- (see -ic-)
’yi- (see (i)y-)
References
Adair, James
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1986 Choctaw Morphophonology. Ph.D. diss., University of California,
Los Angeles.
Waselkov, Gregory A., and Kathryn E. Holland Braund, eds.
1995 William Bartram on the Southeastern Indians. Lincoln and London:
University of Nebraska Press.
Wesley, James
1997 Muskogee (Creek) Language Sampler. Richardson, Tex.: Various
Indian People Publishing.
West, John David
1962 The Phonology of Mikasuki. Studies in Linguistics 16:77–91.
1974a Mikasuki Verb Prefixes. Work Papers of the Summer Institute of
Linguistics, North Dakota Session 18:67–75.
1974b Number in the Mikasuki Verb Stem. Work Papers of the Summer
Institute of Linguistics, North Dakota Session 18:133–38.
Willson, J. M., Jr.
[1884?] Copy of Powell 1880, filled out for Florida Seminole Creek. MS in
the possession of Jack Martin.
Index
ability, 249, 305 Choctaw, 3, 16, 33–36, 242 n. 3,
ablaut, see grades 244 n. 5, 313 n. 1, 383 n. 6
accent, see stress clause chaining, 343–44, 387
adjectival nouns, 151–52 clause types, 387–406
adjectives, participles as, 31–33, cleft construction, 381
118–20 clitic, defining, 80–81
adverbial clauses, 399–406 clitic, focus of attention, 357–59
adverbs, 238–40 clitic, referential, 360–63
adverbs, nouns used as, 149–50 combining phrases, 378–79
afterthoughts, 377 comitative, 188
agent agreement, 168–78 commands, 290–97
agreement, 168–78, see also plural comparatives, 379–80
of verbs complement clauses, 388–91
agreement, choice of agent vs. compounding, 114–26
patient markers, 171–78 concessive, 365–66, 402
Alabama language, 3, 16, 33, 337 conditional clauses, 404–5
note 1 conjunction, see combining
alienable possession, see phrases
possession coordination, see combining
anaphora, 407–15 phrases
apheresis, 64 copula, 298–303
applicatives, 183–96 copula, negative, 303
archaicisms, 44 copula, past forms of, 268–69

aspect, 241–56 copula, reduced, 302–3
aspirating grade (hgr.), 92–94, copular sentences, 42, 176, 298–
245–47 303, 387
augmentative, 131–32 dative prefixes, 183–92, see also
auxiliaries, 298–312 possession
auxiliaries, positional verbs as, decessive, 419
304 declarative particles, 367
backing of h, 63 deductive, 309–10
backing of k, 63 degree, 233–37
benefactive, 183–88 deletion of initial vowels, 64
case marking, 337–43 demonstratives, 145–46
causative, 214–27 depalatalization of c, 65
causative, direct, 214–25 determiners, see demonstratives
causative, indirect, 225–27 devoicing of sonorants, 64
chained clauses, 343–44, 387 dialects, 38–44
Chickasaw, 3, 17, 33–36, 313 n. 1 diminutive of nouns, 131
470 Index
diminutive of verbs, 234–36 Hitchiti-Mikasuki, 3–4, 7, 11–12,

direct causative, 214–25 15–18, 40, 41, 176 n. 9, 182 n.
directional prefixes, 323–27 1, 244 n. 5
discourse markers, 337–67 hortative, 293–94
discovered change, 311–12 imperatives, 290–97
distributive, 203, 210 impersonal agent, 230–32
downstep, 97–98 impersonal passive, 228–30
dual, 200–201 inalienable possession, see
durative aspect, 248–51 possession
equational sentences, see copular incorporation or compounding of
sentences body parts, 166
eventive (lgr.) aspect, 88–92, 242– incorporation of indefinite
44 pronouns, 144
evidential, 309–10 indicative, 284–85
existence, 328–32 indirect causative, 225–27
expressive (ngr.) aspect, 95–96, infinitives, 31, 109–13, 297, 236–
247–48 37, 388–89, 405–6
falling tone grade (fgr.), 94–95, infixation, 200–201, 203–9, see
244–45 also grades
feet, 72 informal speech, 65–68
f-grade, see falling tone grade instrumental, 192–96
fluid agreement selection, 174, intensive, see degree
175 intonation, 48, 59–61
focus, 22, 321, 342–43 introducing characters, 417
focus of attention clitic, 142–43, Koasati, 3, 17, 246 n. 7, 337 n. 1
357–59 lengthened grade (lgr.), 88–92,
formal address, 419–20 242–44
fronting of direct quotations, 376– lexical categories, 29–33
77 l-grade, see lengthened grade

future tense, 269–71 location, see postpositions, see
generic statements, 310–11 also locative prefixes
genitive, see possession locative prefixes, 155–67
grade, aspirating, 92–94, 244–45 manner adverbs, 238–40
grade, falling tone, 94–95, 244–45 men’s and women’s speech, 285
grade, lengthened, 88–92, 242–44 n. 1
grade, nasalizing, 95–96, 247–48 middle voice, 214–25
grade, zero, 84–88 Mikasuki, see Hitchiti-Mikasuki
grades, domain of, 96–97 modality, 298–312
grades, formation of, 83–100 mood, 284–97
grades used for aspect, 241–56 morpheme order, 24–29
grammatical relations, 383–86 motion prefixes, 323–25
happenstance, 311 names, 418–19
h-grade, see aspirating grade nasal assimilation, 63
nasalizing grade (ngr.), 95–96,
247–48
Index 471
negation, 281–83 possession, relational and

n-grade, see nasalizing grade nonrelational, 133–37
nominal tense, 271–72 possibility, 304–5
nominalization, agent, 107–13 postpositions, 147–48
nominalization, verbal nouns and, predicate nominative, 387 n. 1
109–13 present or recent past time, 262–
nominalizations in -i:, 108–9 64
nonthematic clitic, 337–56 pronouns, 142–46
number in verbs, 197–213 pronouns, demonstrative, 145–46
numbers, 313–19 pronouns, indefinite, 143–44
numerals, 313–19 pronouns, independent possessive,
object, 34–35, see also 144
grammatical relations pronouns, interpretation of, 407–
obligation, 295–96 15
order of affixes, 24–29 pronouns, interrogative, 143–44
order of constituents, 21–24 pronouns, personal, 142–43
ordinals, 318–19 prospective modal, 269–71
orthography, 101–3 Proto-Muskogean, 3, 73, 85 n. 3,
paradigms, 423–35 118, 200 n. 5, 218, 220
participles, 31–33, 118–20, 124– purpose clauses, 405–6
26, 248–51 quantifiers, 319–22, see also
parts of speech, 29–33 adjectival nouns
passive, impersonal, 228–30 questions, 285–90
past tenses, 265–69 questions, syntax of, 381–83
patient agreement, 168–78, see quotations, 416–17
also possession rapid speech, 68–69
perfective (hgr.) aspect, 92–94, reciprocals, 180–82
245–47 reciprocals, interpretation of, 407–
phonemes, 47–61 15
phonological processes, 62–69 reduplication, 203–9
phonotactics, 72–73 referential clitic, 360–63
phrasing, 73–74 reflexives, 179–80
pitch accent, see stress reflexives, interpretation of, 407–
plural of nouns, 127–30 15
plural of verbs, 197–213 relative clauses, 391–99
positional verbs as auxiliaries, 304 relative perfective aspect (hgr.),
positional verbs for existence or 92–94, 245–47
location, 331–32 resultative stative (fgr.) aspect,
possession, 133–41 94–95, 244–45
possession, external, 188–92 right-dislocation, 377
possession, obligatory, 137–38 Seminole dialect, Florida, 16–18,
possession on verbs, 188–92 38–44, 121 n. 3, 184 n. 1, 285
possession, periphrastic, 138–39 n. 1
possessor raising, see possession,
external
472 Index
Seminole dialect, Oklahoma, 15, tense in relative clauses, 398–99

17, 38–44, 136 n. 4, 285, 332 texts, 436–44
n. 2 thematic clitic, 337–56
Seminoles, 4–5, 9–14, 17, 38–44, tone, 48
418–19 tone in nouns, 81–82
sound symbolism, 333 tone in verbs, 83–100
spelling, 101–3 transitivity, problems in
spontaneous aspect, 251–54 discerning, 34–35
statements, 284–85 triplural, 201
stem, 25–26, 83–84 valency, decreasing, 179–82, 214–
stem vowels, 73, 85, 99, 118, 201, 27, 228–32
208, 218–20, 223, 224 n. 8 valency, increasing, 183–96, 214–
stress, 48 27
stress contrasts, 55–57 verbal nouns, 109–13
stress in nouns, 75–83 vocatives, 59–61
stress in verbs, 83–100 voice, 214–27
style, 416–20 voicing of plosives, 62
subject, 384–86 vowel shortening, 64–65
suppletive verbs, 197–201 word order, 371–86
switch reference, 337–38, 343–56 word order, overview of, 21–24
syllables, 70–71 word shapes, 72–73
tag questions, 283 zero grade, 84–88
tense, 257–80
In Studies in the Anthropology of North American Indians
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study map and wall display map)
Lushootseed Texts: An Introduction Compiled by Ives Goddard
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People of The Dalles: The Indians Edited by Heather K. Hardy and
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Change and Persistence in a As told by Michael Hittman
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By Geoffrey D. Kimball with the By James R. Murie, Edited by
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Traditional Narratives of the
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By Douglas R. Parks and Lulu Nora
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Reconstructing Syntax
Osage Grammar
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By Carolyn Quintero
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AThey Treated Us Just Like
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By Philip S. LeSourd
County, South Dakota
The Medicine Men: Oglala Sioux By Paula L. Wagoner
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A Grammar of Creek (Muskogee)
By Jack B. Martin

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Copyright © 2011. University of Nebraska Press. All rights reserved.

With the assistance of

Margaret McKane Mauldin and Juanita McGirt

Published by the University of Nebraska Press

In cooperation with the

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

The language and its speakers

1 Creek and the Creek-speaking peoples 3

1.6 Basis of this work 18

2 Overview of the language 21

3 Creek dialects and ways of speaking 38

5 General phonological processes 62

5.1 Voicing of plosives 62

6 The organization of phonemes into higher units 70

7 Stress and tone in nouns 75

8 Stress, tone, and grades in verbs 83

Nouns and their modifiers

12 Plural nouns 127

17 Noun forms with adverbial function 149

18 Adjectival nouns (quantifiers) 151

Verbs and their modifiers

19 Locative prefixes 155

20.2 The choice of agent vs. patient markers 171

21 Reflexives and reciprocals 179

22 Adding objects: dative and instrumental 183

23 Plural verbs 197

24 Voice alternations: middle -k-, causative -ic-

24.1 Transitive > intransitive pairs 216

27 Verb forms with adverbial function 238

29 Expressing time: tense and related notions 257

31.3.8 -íkas ‘let him/her (do something)’ 294

32 ‘Be’, auxiliaries, and modality 298

32.17 Generic statements: ô:m-i:-s 310

33 Numbers and quantifiers 313

34 Describing motion and direction 323

36 Sound-symbolic verbs 333

37 Case and switch-reference markers 337

37.2.5 Switch reference in cleft sentences and

38 Focus of attention clitic 357

39 Referential clitic 360

40 Other markers 364

40.4 ta:wá ‘probably’ 365

41 Word order and basic syntax 371

42 Clause types 387

42.2.5 Tense in relative clauses 398

43 Interpreting pronouns, reflexives, and reciprocals 407

Appendix 1: Paradigms 423

Appendix 2: Texts 436

Appendix 3: List of common affixes 445

Table 8.8 Lengthened grade (basic form) 88

Earnest Gouge (2004) 355

Map 1.2 Settlements in Florida 11

marking. Case markers on noun phrases are intimately connected with

Edna Bear, Rosie Billie, Abraham Bunny, George Bunny, Helen

Yamamoto reached out to Margaret and me early on and helped me

1 S, 1 P first person singular, first person plural (§20)

DUR durative (-i:, -:, §28.5)

let third person command (‘let [someone do something]’) (-ikas,