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WHAT IS BRI?

ORIGINAL SILK ROAD


 The original Silk Road arose during the westward expansion of China’s
Han Dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE), which forged trade networks
throughout what are today the Central Asian countries of Afghanistan,
Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, as
well as modern-day India and Pakistan to the south. Those routes
extended more than four thousand miles to Europe
 Central Asia was thus the epicenter of one of the first waves of
globalization, connecting eastern and western markets, spurring
immense wealth, and intermixing cultural and religious traditions.
Valuable Chinese silk, spices, jade, and other goods moved west while
China received gold and other precious metals, ivory, and glass
products. Use of the route peaked during the first millennium, under the
leadership of first the Roman and then Byzantine Empires, and the
Tang Dynasty (618–907 CE) in China.
 But the Crusades, as well as advances by the Mongols in Central Asia,
dampened trade, and today Central Asian countries are economically
isolated from each other, with intra-regional trade  making up just 6.2
percent of all cross-border commerce. They are also heavily dependent
on Russia, particularly for remittances—they make up one-third of the
gross domestic product (GDP) of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. By 2018,
remittances had dipped from their 2013 highs due to Russia’s economic
woes.
CURRENT

 President Xi announced the initiative during official visits to Kazakhstan


and Indonesia in 2013. The plan was two-pronged: the overland Silk
Road Economic Belt and the Maritime Silk Road. The two were
collectively referred to first as the One Belt, One Road initiative but
eventually became the Belt and Road Initiative.
 Xi’s vision included creating a vast network of railways, energy
pipelines, highways, and streamlined border crossings, both westward—
through the mountainous former Soviet republics—and southward, to
Pakistan, India, and the rest of Southeast Asia.
 Such a network would expand the international use of Chinese
currency, the renminbi, and “break the bottleneck in Asian
connectivity,” according to Xi. (The Asian Development Bank estimated
that the region faces a yearly infrastructure financing shortfall of nearly
$800 billion.) ‘i
 In addition to physical infrastructure, China plans to build fifty special
economic zones, modeled after the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone,
which China launched in 1980 during its economic reforms under leader
Deng Xiaoping.
 Xi subsequently announced plans for the 21st Century Maritime Silk
Road at the 2013 summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN) in Indonesia. To accommodate expanding maritime trade
traffic, China would invest in port development along the Indian
Ocean, from Southeast Asia all the way to East Africa and parts of
urope.
 China’s overall ambition for the BRI is staggering. To date, more than
sixty countries—accounting for two-thirds of the world’s population
—have signed on to projects or indicated an interest in doing so.
 Analysts estimate the largest so far to be the estimated $60 billion*
China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, a collection of projects connecting
China to Pakistan’s Gwadar Port on the Arabian Sea.

 In total, China has already spent an estimated $200 billion on such


efforts.
 Morgan Stanley has predicted China’s overall expenses over the life of
the BRI could reach $1.2–1.3 trillion by 2027, though estimates on total
investments vary.
Strategic Visions behind OBOR/BRI
If analyzed carefully, China maintains multiple strategic benefits behind OBOR.
This is one of the reasons that US finds OBOR as Chinese effort to overthrow the
former as the world’s hegemon. Some of the strategic aims behind Chinese OBOR
are as following:

1. Economic Dominance

 US is the current economic master of the world. Marinating a hold on


the world markets, it decides the global trade policies, economic
sanctions and worldwide aid programs through IMF and World Bank.

 Unless, China beats US as economic hegemon, it can’t take control of


the political world. Thus, the primary vision behind OBOR is surely
to establish economic dominance of China by allowing every road
and route to carry its products across the world.

2. Enhanced and Powerful Diplomatic Role in Regional Affairs

 US has maintained vital control over the regions of South Asia, South
East Asia and the Middle East since after the 9/11. US physical
presence in Afghanistan has proved a major help in maintaining this
control.
 On the other hand, China finds all these regions mentioned as its
essential and undeniable future partners. Without these regions,
China cannot replace US hegemony. So, through OBOR China is
targeting the regional countries with aid, loans and investment
packages like CPEC in Pakistan.

3. World Political Dominance

 After the collapse of Soviet Union in 1990s, US emerged as the sole


superpower and took control of the entire political scenario. Now,
with China as emerging power, it will sooner or later replace the US.

 For that, OBOR is quite helpful. Through OBOR, China is allying


nations not only in Asia but also Africa, Europe and South America.
With power of the allies, China will move for becoming the world’s
dominant political power.

4. Geopolitical Realignment

 With OBOR, China is making geopolitical realignment. China is bringing


the regional powers like Russia into its fold. Further, countries which
were previously under US influence are gradually joining Chinese
ambitions.
 Pakistan is surely one amongst them. India too is maintains a
considerable level of inclination towards Chinese OBOR despite being
strategic partner of the US.

 Further, China is enhancing its relations with US friends like Turkey,


Saudi Arabia and other regional economies.

5. Energy Security

 China has to depend on the Malacca strait for getting its fuel deliveries.
The strait has considerable hold of the US and its South East Asian allies.
China wants to end this insecurity regarding its energy needs. For that,
OBOR will be used.

 CPEC, being a part of the OBOR, is clearly one manifestation and one
step in ensuring energy security for China. It will enable China to import
fuel from Middle East through its newly developed route of Gwadar Port
under CPEC.

6. Response to ‘Asia Pivot Policy’


 US has long cashed Asia Pivot Policy. It has enjoyed considerable
control over Asia along with directing the regional nations to support
its dominance. OBOR is in fact a befitting response to the Asia Pivot.
 It is something that will make Asia Pivot relic of the past thus, giving
China more leverage over Asia to use the region in its own interests.
CPEC

 The China–Pakistan Economic Corridor often referred CPEC, is a collection


of projects currently under construction at a cost of $46 billion, intended to
rapidly expand and upgrade Pakistani infrastructure as well as deepen and
broaden economic links between Pakistan and the People's Republic of
China.
 The corridor is considered to be an extension of China’s ambitious One
Belt, One Road initiative to improve the lives of people of Pakistan and
China by building an economic corridor promoting bilateral connectivity,
construction, explores potential bilateral investment, economic and trade,
logistics and people to people contact for regional connectivity.
 It includes:
o Integrated Transport & IT systems including Road, Rail, Port,
Air and Data Communication Channels
o Energy cooperation
o Functional zones, industries and industrial parks
o Agricultural development & poverty alleviation
o Tourism cooperation & people to people communication
o Cooperation in livelihood areas
o Financial cooperation
o Human Resource Development China Pakistan Economic
Corridor is journey towards economic regionalization in the
globalized world.
 There are five main components of CPEC.
1. Gwadar (including port. city and Gwadar region socio-economic
development)
2. Energy (Coal, Hydel, Wind, Solar, LNG, Transmission)
3. Transport Infrastructure (Road, Rail, Aviation)
4. Investment & Industrial Cooperation (Gwadar Free Zone and other
industrial parks to be finalized)
5. Any other area of interest mutually agreed.

Types of Projects
 Transit Projects / Transportation Projects
 Economic Development Projects

Phases of Project
 Phase 1 (2015-2019):
 Cost ($19b out of which $6b was loan, remaining was investment)
 Transit (Motorways & Highways)
 Economic Development
 Energy (11000 MW)
o Jhimpir
o Quaid e Azam
o Sahiwal Coal Power Project
 Orange Line Train
 Optical Fiber from Islamabad to China
 Phase 2 (2019-2025):
 Transit (Motorways & Highways)
o Sukkur Hyderabad Motorway
o ML-1 (Upgradation of railway track from Peshawar to Karachi)
 Cost ($6.7b)
 Dualization of tracks
 Removal of railway crossings (Underpasses, Bridges etc)
 Improving railway communication system
 Upgradation of railway stations
o Replacing the old railway lines
o Speed of trains will be doubled to max 160 Km/h
 Economic Development
o Special Economic Zones (SEZs)
 Total 9 zones
 2 will be constructed by Federal Govt
 1 in Each province, 1 in FATA, 1 in GB, 1 in AJK
 Currently 2 zones have started establishing
industries Punjab (Faisal Abad: Allama Iqbal
Special Economic Zone) &KPK (Rashakai)
 Special incentives
o Tax reduction
o Utility benefits
o Energy Projects (7000 MW)
o Gwadar’s Development
 Gwadar Power Plant
 Gwadar International Airport
 Gwadar Hospital
 Gwadar Technical University
 Gwadar Master City Plan
 Water Desalination Plant
 Phase 3 (2026-2030):
o Coastal
o Tourism
o Agriculture

CPEC (opening a vista of great opportunities for Pakistan)

1. Industrialization
 Pakistan has a poor set of industries so far. We lack industrialization.
However, under CPEC industrialization is like to grow in Pakistan
 Directly caused by CPEC
 Hundreds of new economic units will be established in SEZs
 Construction of CPEC would increase the demand of raw material and most
of the raw material shall be produced domestically. To cater the need of
CPEC, more domestic industry will grow.
 ▪ Indirect Industrialization
 Likely to create conducive environment for the growth of industrialization
in Pakistan
o Energy Supplies
o Duty free port
o Railway Network
 All these factors will encourage foreign investor to invest in Pakistan
2. Foreign Direct Investment
 Revival of economy in the coming period is bound to make Pakistan an
attractive destination for foreign investors and will greatly help in removing
socio-economic inequities of smaller provinces and in squeezing the space
for anti-Pakistan elements.
 Direct
o 72% comes from China
 Indirect
o Oil
o Automobile
o Motorways
o McDonald’s
o Technology transfers
3. Current Account Deficit
 The gap in foreign currency expenditures and revenues
 Supply of dollars will increase therefore decrease in deficit.
 China’s FDI helped in bridging the current account deficit
 With CPEC there will be more industrialization and more local production
which means less imports and more exports (Decreased Trade Deficit)
4. Revenues
 Tolls
 GSTs
 Public welfare can increase
 Levy
5. GDP
 The value of goods and services produced in a country in one year
 ▪ Likely to be increased due to CPEC
 ▪ 1.5%-2% increases corresponding to 5-6 billion dollars each year
6. Employment
 Direct (ML-1, Motorways, OLM
o During construction
o Operations
Indirect
o Other investors
o With FDI
o technological advancement will be there
7. Poverty will get reduced
8. Security
 Major investment and more Chinese footprint in Pakistan means greater
Chinese stakes in the country. Therefore to secure these stakes, China will
have to take steps for Pakistan’s security
9. Leverage
 Mutual leverage of both countries will increase. China depends on
Pakistan’s geography to pass through it. Pakistan develops are geographical
leverage over Pakistan. Moreover China will develop an economic leverage
on Pakistan due to its investments and loans. First kind of leverage for
Pakistan over China.
10. Digital Pakistan:

 CPEC have chalked out an impressive program through which we can


explore various opportunities in addition to mere energy projects. With
the launch of CPEC, the installation of fiber optics and satellite Internet
connections will be done in remote areas and it can help boosting up the
Internet user density

 . Moreover, once the major infrastructure (renovation of Gwadar and


other routes as agreed by all parties) is built, more and more multi-
national telecommunication companies will be attracted by lucrative
environment.
11. Tourism:

 GB is called a paradise for mountaineers and is home to five of the


14‘eightthousanders’ (peaks above 8,000 meters) in the world, including
the second highest mountain, K2, and the infamous ‘Killer Mountain’,
Nanga Parbat. It also hosts more than 50 mountains with an elevation of
over 7,000 meter. this project would also promote tourism in GB, which
would ultimately be favorable for the local public.
12. A new face for the world

 Corresponding progress and prosperity in Pakistan and China’s patronage


will help Pakistan in getting rid of the decade old labels of ‘epicentre of
terrorism’, ‘most dangerous country’ and a ‘failing state’.
13. Will help reduce the leverage of US

 China’s investment surpasses all foreign investments in Pakistan in the


past. Win-win cooperation is based on trust, confidence and convergence
of interests. The Chinese influence in Pakistan has touched an
unprecedented high level and it has surpassed the US which has remained
the most preferred ally since 1954.
 The US which has repeatedly betrayed Pakistan and is widely disliked by
the public will have to negotiate with Pakistan harder than ever from now
onward. The elites under the magic spell of the US are also inclined to
change their western oriented mindset and change their orientation.
14. Increasing defense potential

 China’s economic and military assistance will help Pakistan a great


deal in narrowing its ever widening gap in economic-military-
nuclear fields with India and in bettering its defence potential.
15. Stabilization of Afghanistan

 The success of the Sino-Pak partnership is critically linked to the


success of stabilization of the Afghan situation. China and Pakistan
have a shared interest in the stabilization of Afghanistan, because
the main threat to the realization of the “Belt and Road” projects in
Pakistan come from the terrorist groups operating out of the Af-
Pak region.

 Pakistan is far more comfortable with China as a facilitator of the


Afghan peace talks than it is with the US, whose intentions are
highly suspect.
16. Strategic realignment

 Pakistan’s gravitation in the direction of China and Russia at this


juncture underscores a strategic realignment in the making.
CHALLENGES FOR CPEC
I. SECURITY
a. External Challenges
 India
 Considers GB it’s own
 The Government of India, which shares tense relations with
Pakistan, objects to the CPEC project as upgrade works to the
Karakoram Highway are taking place in Gilgit Baltistan; territory
that India claims as its own.
 During the visit of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to China
in 2015, the Indian Foreign Minister, Sushma Swaraj reportedly
told Chinese Premier Xi Jinping that projects passing through
Gilgit-Baltistan are “unacceptable” as they require construction in
the claimed territory.
 India's Foreign Secretary Subrahmanyam Jaishankar also
confirmed that the issue had been raised with the Chinese
government on the trip. Swarajre iterated this stance during a
meeting in August 2016 with Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi,
stating India would “resolutely oppose” the corridor in Kashmir.
 Ajit Doval Doctrine
 Initiating a proxy war and using terrorist organizations like TTP
and BLA to target state in general and CPEC in particular (Ajit
Doval Doctrine)
 Promotes insurgency
 Kulbhushan Jadhav, the serving Indian Naval Commander working
covertly in Chabahar for the Indian intelligence agency RAW, on
his capture within Pakistan confessed and provided details that he
was part of a wider Indian campaign to arm, fund, and direct
terrorists in Balochistan to destabilize Pakistan in general and
disrupt CPEC in particular.
 RAW has opened a special office in Delhi and has been allotted
$300 million to disrupt CPEC. Already one can notice sudden
upsurge in acts of terror in the three restive regions and activation
of certain NGOs and think tanks all trying to air misgivings and
create fear psychosis.
 Afghanistan
 Afghanistan can certainly benefit from the trade linkages offered by
CPEC, and the route to Gwadar is shorter and more economically viable
than from Chabahar. However, Afghanistan has had a difficult
relationship with Pakistan since 1947, largely due to reasons of its own
making, and which were fueled by India since the independence of both
countries in 1947 to create a hostile Afghanistan on the western flank of
Pakistan.
 The net result of these varying degrees of hostility from India and
Afghanistan is that India has been using Afghanistan with help from the
National Directorate of Security (NDS), the Afghan intelligence
agency, to try to destabilize Pakistan by training, arming, financing, and
sending terrorists into erstwhile FATA and urban areas of Pakistan, and
also insurgents to fight the state in the province of Balochistan.
 While the objective of this campaign is to erode the law and order
situation, a specific objective is to target Chinese nationals engaged in
CPEC or other projects within Pakistan to cause a sense of insecurity.
 USA
 There is competition for influence between U.S. and China at one level,
and between India and China at another. Since the U.S. has grown closer
to India, Pakistan is in the crosshairs of this rivalry.
 While U.S. is seemingly interested in a stable and economically
progressing Pakistan, it prefers that it follows its line on Afghanistan, but
also caters for that nothing should adversely impact India to which it has
become more closely linked in a strategic partnership.
 For U.S. the Pakistan-China economic relationship was first met with
ambivalence and then some overt criticism. The American argument
against Chinese investment in Pakistan is that the terms offered by China
are to its advantage as the rates are far higher than what would be offered
by other countries; although it raises skepticism since neither America
nor any other country, including their multinationals, is willing to step in
on the same scale as China.
 This American criticism reflects a broader Western critique, fanned by
its media, terming Chinese assistance and economic involvement as
exploitative, particularly in Africa and elsewhere. That Chinese
assistance goes way back is ignored. For instance, some of the
infrastructal projects in Africa would not have otherwise seen the light of
day, such as the 1860 km Tanzam Railway completed in 1975 providing
access to landlocked Zambia, then surrounded by hostile colonial
countries, for its copper exports to the Port of Dar es Salaam in
Tanzania. The 1300 km mountainous Karakoram Highway which has
been jointly built – linking Pakistan with China – is another example.
“US will not allow the American taxpayer’s money to be given to Pakistan to
pay back Chinese debt”
-Mike Pompeo Former US Secretary of state
b. Internal Challenges
 Terrorism & Insurgencies
 Another challenge is related to terrorism and the highly religious
impact on CPEC, as well as increasing insurgency in Afghanistan.
It may disrupt the work because the TTP group is still active
despite the Zarb-i-Azb operation. Although it is divided into small
groups, terrorists could target military personnel, laborers, and
engineers working in the area.
 Similarly, on the Chinese side, the ETIM in Xinjiang also may
create problems for land-route economic activities. However,
China has adopted sufficient measures to control the insurgency
and develop the western part of China
 There is insurgency in Baluchistan’s Province, as old as Pakistan
itself. This year this got external backing (IN & AFG). They have
targeted people involved in CPEC constructions, projects and
created an insecurity in region
c. Political instability
 There has been increased political polarization, increased civil
military rift & violent agitational politics, these factors have created
political Uncertainty therefore it is a major factor leading to delays in
CPEC projects and discouraging investments in CPEC projects SEZs
and ML-1 are examples
d. General impression
 While both governments have attempted to be transparent, the general
impression in Pakistan is that the government of Pakistan has not
managed to explain clearly the full extent of cooperation with China
under CPEC, particularly the financial and other implications.
 As a result, some manner of misunderstanding can arise. Of course,
some of this questioning, skeptical, or negative projection, especially
in social media, comes from its being motivated and even paid for by
those opposed to CPEC, including India.
 Pakistan’s governmental and other policy community has to step up to
better explain CPEC; not just through official spokespersons, and in
the traditional print and electronic media, but via social media as well.
e. Governance
 Corruption
 An internal report of a committee formed by the Pakistani
government in August 2019 has shed light on corruption
and lack of transparency in the projects related to the China-
Pakistan Economic corridor (CPEC)
 Lack of human resource
 In case of Pakistan, there also seems a lack of adequate training
and vocational linkages. Training is being imparted here and
some trainees being sent to China but much more needs to be
done. 
 Then there are governance and delivery capacity issues. There
has been deterioration in Pakistan’s capability to implement
projects in the last two decades. To complete projects in the
least time for the economic benefits to begin flowing at the
earliest, more Chinese engineers and skilled workers will have
to be utilized. This adds to the perception that in CPEC and
other Chinese-related projects fewer Pakistanis than
desirable are being employed.
 Red tapism
 The bureaucratic approval and processing timeline of
Pakistan’s bureaucracy is very slow; the tax authorities are
inconsistent in their approach; security measures are well in
hand but at times the cautious approach of the dedicated
security authorities slows down the pace of work; and that
some less experienced 
f. Economic
 Poor economic conditions governance
 Fiscal deficits
 Inability to construct supportive infrastructure
 Debts
 Insufficient funds to support CPEC
g. Weather

 The Khunjerab Pass remains closed from November to May due to


heavy snow;147 these extreme weather conditions also bring with
them an array of technical difficulties for transportation companies. If
an upgrade of certain roads might help solve these difficulties
implementing the KKH.
h. Close Competition
 The future challenges to the port will be the rising competition from
the existing ports. Furthermore, Gwadar port will face intense
competition from existing and upcoming trade.
 It also faces competition from the Iranian ports of Bandar Abbas 1 ,
Chahbahar and the port of Jebel Ali in U.A.E.
Controversies Raised in CPEC:
i. Eastern route benefits Punjab and Sindh and bypasses major portion of
Baluchistan and KP. In their view, western route is original route, conceived
in 2006 and is shortest. CPEC not transparent and kept under wraps. Three-
route theory is a cover story to hide change of route. Eastern route is six-
lane motorway. Western route is 1-2 lane roads. Orange Line Train project
is from CPEC allocations.
ii. Special Economic Zones are inequitably distributed.
iii. Eastern route is unsafe being close to Indian border.
Government’s Stance:
A. No original route in existence before 2013. CPEC project director Maj
Gen Zahir Shah stated that no document is in existence showing original
route; hence changing of original route doesn't arise. Western route will
be developed as motorway by extending Kashgar-Karakorum Highway.
Work on three routes has started simultaneously. 15 year project has
short/mid/long term projects. Government and China wished to first
develop eastern route due to factors of security, better infrastructure and
early completion. Western route will be a long term project since it is
uninhabited, insecure, time consuming.
B. Provincial capitals will be nodes of CPEC. Orange Line project is Punjab
project funded by Punjab govt. Proposed 16 industrial zones not yet
finalised. Development of backward provinces is high priority of govt.
Power projects are more in KP, followed by Sindh, Punjab and
Baluchistan respectively
. Ramifications: Way Forward

 Political consensus, security and law and order are pre-requisites for
early completion of CPEC China has other options to exercise if
Pakistan fails to deliver. Pakistan cannot afford to lose this golden
opportunity.

 Successive govts will have to remain focused and committed to


completion of projects in hand.

 Provinces should focus on industrial parks, energy projects instead of


routes.

 Trade routes are not developed on basis of ethnicity but on basis of


convenience and requirements.

 There is skepticism that administrative, technical and operational


capacity of workforce and staff of Pakistan employed in CPEC may
not match the Chinese efficiency/commitment, and also fail to absorb
huge investment productively.

What is the role for third countries?

 Other countries have sought to balance their concerns about China’s


ambitions against the BRI’s potential benefits.
 India. India has tried to convince countries that the BRI is a plan to
dominate Asia, warning of what some analysts have called a “ String of
Pearls” geoeconomic strategy whereby China creates unsustainable debt
burdens for its Indian Ocean neighbors in order to seize control of
regional choke points. In particular, New Delhi has long been unsettled
by China’s decades-long embrace of its traditional rival, Pakistan.
Meanwhile, India has provided its own development assistance to
neighbors, most notably Afghanistan, where it has spent $3 billion on
infrastructure projects.
 The United States views India as a counterweight to a China-
dominated Asia and has sought to knit together its strategic relationships
in the region via the 2017 Indo-Pacific Strategy. Yet, despite U.S.
misgivings, India was a founding member of China’s Asian
Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), and Indian and Chinese leaders
have invested in developing closer diplomatic ties. “India does a lot with
China in the multilateral arena for its own reasons,” says CFR’s Alyssa
Ayres.
 Japan. Tokyo has a similar strategy, balancing its interest in regional
infrastructure development with long-standing suspicions about China.
In 2016, Japan committed to spending $110 billion on infrastructure
projects throughout Asia. Japan has, with India, also agreed to develop
the Asia-Africa Growth Corridor (AAGC), a plan to develop and connect
ports from Myanmar to East Africa.
 Europe. Several countries in Central and Eastern Europe have
accepted BRI financing, and Western European states such as Italy,
Luxembourg, and Portugal have signed provisional agreements to
cooperate on BRI projects. Their leaders frame cooperation as a way to
invite Chinese investment and potentially improve the quality of
competitive construction bids from European and U.S. firms.
 Others disagree. French President Emmanuel Macron has urged
prudence, suggesting during a 2018 trip to China that the BRI could
make partner countries “vassal states.” Other skeptics connect the BRI
with climate change. The Institute of International Finance, a research
group that analyzes risk for large Western banks, has reported that 85
percent of BRI projects can be linked to high levels of greenhouse gas
emissions. Others claim that China is using BRI funds to gain influence
in Balkan countries that are on track to become EU members, thereby
providing Chinese access to the heart of the European Union’s common
market.
 Russia. Moscow has become one of the BRI’s most enthusiastic
partners, though it responded to Xi’s announcement at first with
reticence, worried that Beijing’s plans would outshine Moscow’s vision
for a “Eurasian Economic Union” and impinge on its traditional sphere
of influence.
 As Russia’s relationship with the West has deteriorated, however,
President Vladimir Putin has pledged to link his Eurasian vision with the
BRI. Some experts are skeptical of such an alliance, which they argue
would be economically asymmetrical. Russia’s economy and its total
trade volume are both roughly one-eighth the size of China’s—a gulf
that the BRI could widen in the coming years.

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