The Dalit in India

Author(s): SAGARIKA GHOSE

Source: Social Research, Vol. 70, No. 1, Pariah Minorities (spring 2003), pp. 83-109
Published by: The New School
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The Dalitin
India / GHOSE
SAGARIKA

Dalit: TheWordand theSentiment

I searchforGod,whomshouldI hear?
I madestonetemples,carvedGod outofstone
Butpriestsare likestone,
TheyimprisonGod.
WhomshallI hear?
WewerebornUntouchables
Becauseofourdeeds.
- Dalitdevotionalsong (Franco,Macwan,
and Ramanathan, 2000: 191)

JLhe dalitor "Untouchable" is a government servant, theteacher

in a stateschool,a politician.He is generally nevera memberof
thehigher judiciary,an eminentlawyer, industrialist
orjournalist.
His freedomoperatesin designatedenclaves:in politicsand in
theadministrative postshe acquiresbecauseofstatepolicy.Butin
areas of contemporarysocial exchange and culture, his
"Untouchability" becomeshisonlydefinition. The righttoprayto
a Hindu god has alwaysbeen a highcasteprivilege. of
Intricacy
religiousritualis directly
proportionate to socialstatus.The dalit
hasbeenformally excludedfromreligion, fromeducation,and is
a pariahin theentiresanctified universeofthe"dvija"1
Unlikeracialminorities, thedalitis physicallyindistinguishable
fromuppercastes,yetmetaphorically and literally,
thedalithas
beena "shitbearer"forthreemillennia, toilingat theverybottom
oftheHinducastehierarchy. The word"pariah"itself comesfrom

SOCIAL RESEARCH, Vol. 70, No. 1 (Spring2003)

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84 SOCIAL RESEARCH

a dalitcasteofsouthernIndia,thepaRaiyar, "thoseofthedrum"
(paRai) or the"leatherpeople" (Dumont,1980:54).
At 150 million,dalitsor "scheduledcastes"and "scheduled
tribes,"formabout20 percentof India'spopulation(Censusof
India,1991).Backward castesas a whole,takingdalits,tribes, and
OtherBackward Castes(OBCs) intoconsideration, formabout52
percentof India's population.2 Today,wide-ranging policieson
affirmativeactionhaveopenedup government serviceand state
educationto dalits.But areas of freedomare limited,largelyto
sectorsthatare undertheaegisofthestate,suchas thecivilser-
vice or state-owned enterprises. Exclusionfromculturaland
socialnetworks emerges from the dalit'scrucialexclusionfrom
thesystem ofcastes(Mendelsohnand Vicziany, 1998:39).
The dalit'spariahstatusderivesits strength and justification
fromreligioustexts.In theManusmriti? thedalitis describedas
"polluted,"in the same as a
way menstruating woman,a widow, or
a personwhohas recently been bereavedis polluted.The dalitis
"unclean"frombirth.He violates, byhisveryexistence, thebrah-
minical obsession with hygiene(Dumont, 1980: 131). While the
"untouchability" of the menstruating womanor the bereavedis
temporary and he or she can escapetheUntouchablecondition
aftertheperiodof"pollution" is past,thedalitcan neverescape
hisstatus:he is perpetually filthy.
In a hymnfromthePurusasukta of theRg Veda,4 the dvijaare
said to have been bornfromelevatedpartsof the bodyof the
supremebeing.The dalitis the"unborn," withno physicallink
withthesupremebeing.Accordingto thishymn,fromthebody
of Brahmacome the fourmain categoriesof Hindu society,
namelythe fourvarnas(colors or castes):5brahmins (priests),
kshatriyas(warriors),vaishyas(businessmen), and shudras (ser-
vants).The priestis born from the mouth ofthe Creator,thewar-
riorfromthearm,thebusinessman fromthestomach,and the
servant from the foot.Untouchables are bornfromoutsidethe
bodyof the Creator,almosta different speciesfromBrahma's

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 THE DALIT IN INDIA 85

children.Theirentryintothedivinebodywouldbe as unthink-
able as theentryofan animal.
Today,theliterary and scholarly efflorescence amongdalitsis
setapartfromcasteHindusocietyas a particularly dalitdevelop-
ment.Dalit critiquesof nationand societybarelyimpingeon
upper-caste notionsofthesocialorder,ofthenation-state, and of
modernity in general.The reasonsforthisare oftenattributed to
thegrafting oftraditional castenetworks ontomodernstateinsti-
tutions- forexample,theupper-caste seizuresofWestern educa-
tionand the higherbureaucracy. The slide of the independent
Indiannation-state intoa landscapedominatedbythebrahmini-
cal upper casteshas meantthatnewwayshave been foundto
seal thedalitin his"democratic"
effectively prison(Nigam,2000).
Asa resultoflegallyreserved quotasin government and in state
educationalinstitutions, sectionsof dalitshave emergedfrom
agricultural povertyto become middleclass.Yet the watersof
modernopportunity flowalong the fieldsof the upper castes,
whichwerethemainbeneficiaries oftheprofessional opportuni-
tiesprovidedbycolonialism andwhichalso standtogaintheben-
efitsofcontemporary globalization,suchas opportunities in the
Information Technology industry or in theprivatesector.Thus,
whiledalitpoliticalimportance and militancy rises,at the same
timethedalitremainssegregated fromcasteHindusociety bythe
invisiblearmsofcaste.
The word "dalit"or "crushedunderfoot"or "brokeninto
pieces"is thecontemporary versionof theword"Untouchable."
"Dalit"owesitsgenesisto thenineteenth-century writingsofJoti-
rao GovindraoPhuleas wellas to theliterature oftheDalitPan-
thers, a political group formed in 1972 in the state of
Maharashtra. Britishcolonialcensustakersgroupedtogether all
thosecommunities' neighbors considered "polluted" and called
them"Untouchable." "harijan"or "children ofgod"wasMahatma
Gandhi'snamefordalits.The word"Untouchable" is sometimes
stillused,but"harijan"is seenas an equivalentof"UncleTom,"a
paternalisticand condescendingcategorizationof a group

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86 SOCIAL RESEARCH

doomedto remainin perpetualbondage.DalitleaderBhaurao

Gaikwadobservedin 1935that"Itis no use onlygivingUntouch-
ablesa sweetname.Something practicalshouldbe done to ame-
lioratetheirconditions"(Moon, 1987,vol. 4: 230). Todaymost
Untouchablecasteswouldpreferto use the term"dalit"as an
identity ofassertion. The UN Conference againstRacism,Racial
Discrimination, Xenophobia,and RelatedIntoleranceheld in
Durban,SouthAfrica, in September2001 equated"racism" with
"casteism";although this parallel has been systematically criti-
cized,theword"dalit"has been interpreted bysome activists as
equivalent to "Black."
Dalitsare the main targetsof whatare termed"caste-related
crimes'.Over 2000 dalitsdied in the threeyearsbetween1989
and 1991as a resultof"atrocities againstharijans"(Memorandum
of DalitWriters Forum,1996:9). In theruralcountryside, strip-
ping,hackingto death,massacresand loppingoffheadsare the
marksofa horrific bestiality inspiredbytheunshakeabletaintof
dirtiness.6 The dalitbody,powerful, suppressed, and perennially
dirtyfromsuchtasksas removalofdead cattleand waste,tanning,
or toddytapping(collecting juice from thebud ofpalmtreeflow-
ers) is to be violentlyexorcised,ritually cleansed,fromthepure
"Aryan" body ofthe Hindu caste system.7
It is the argumentin thispaper thatdespitethe far-reaching
legislativeand educationalquotasforscheduledcastesand sched-
uled tribes, and theirundoubtedbenefits, dalitsstillare savagely
attackedin the rural countryside and in the urban milieu
untouchability knocks
still at theclosed doorsofsuchinstitutions
as thearrangedmarriage, the casteHindu temple,the classical
musicconcert,and theprivatesector.The culturalhegemony of
the dvijaremainsvirtually intact.Dalitnesscontinuesto existas
muchas an idea as a physicalreality. The idea of the polluted
bondedservantis so ingrainedin thesubcontinental mindthat
thedalitremainsat thebottomoftheintellectual and emotional
landscapeofcontemporary India, however far he mayadvancein
a publiccareerand agitateforchange.Everychildbornintoan

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 THE DALIT IN INDIA 87

Hindufamily
upper-caste growsup witha mind'seyeimageofthe
acchyut(Untouchable).The ImaginedUntouchableis squalidin
appearanceand itis thereligiousdutyofa "pure"Hinduto con-
siderhimperpetually inferior.

TheEmergence
oftheOutcaste
Pariah: TheDalit and theBrahmin

'"Ifa kalash(vessel)ofwatercomesintoa bhangis(Untouch-

able's) hand,' singthe womenof the dalitVankarcaste,'he'll
drinkand drinkuntilhisstomachbursts'"(Franco,Macwan,and
Ramanathan, 2000: 193).
The poor Untouchable!So eagerjust forwater,thatwhenhe
getsithe drinksuntilhisstomachbursts!
An enormousbodyof scholarly workexistson theIndiansys-
temofcastes.ForDumont(1980),Indiansocietyhas alwaysbeen
definedbythehierarchy ofcastes.Caste"isaboveall,a systemof
ideas and values,a formalcomprehensible rationalsystem. . .
[imbuedwith]the idea of hierarchy" and "pollu-
(35). "Purity"
tion"remaincentralto thecastesystem - indeed,centralto Hin-
duismitself- and fortheBrahminpurification and hygieneare a
necessity(Dumont,1980:52).
Thisargument is opposedby,amongothers,DipankarGupta,
who arguesthatDumont'sidea oversimplifies casteand papers
overregionalparticularitiesand transactions.

It is impossibleto construct
a uniformhierarchy of caste
basedon thenotionofpurity and pollution.No castewould
acquiesce to itsplacementamongtheso-called"untouch-
ables."No castewouldagreethatmembersof othercastes
are made up of substancesbetterthan theirs.No caste
wouldlikeitspeople to marryoutsidethecommunity. No
castewouldliketo mergeitsidentity withanyothercaste.
No casteacceptsthatithas originated froma shamefulact
ofmiscegenation. of
Anysuggestion beinghalf-breed is dis-

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88 SOCIAL RESEARCH

missedhaughtily
acrossthe board by all castes"(Gupta,
2000:33).

Howeverself-important, casteremainsan invisibleengineof

Hindusociety, creating subtlesocialand politicallinkages,func-
tioningas a closedenclaveofcommonpracticeand thought and
workingas a lobbyor pressuregroup thatover timecreates
monopoliesovercertainprofessions and businesses.8
Casteis todayseen to havebecome"secularized"; thatis,caste
has become a moderninterestgroup,transformed into small
of
monopolies economic,political, and culturalinterests.9
Caste
stepsoutfromtheshadowseverytimea marriageis arrangedor
a child is born or a new professional or businessopportunity
emerges.
Casteis,at itsverybase,linkedto production and occupation.
It is a system oflabordivisionfromwhichtheelementofcompe-
titionhasbeenlargely excluded."Economicrolesareallocatedby
rightto closedminority groupsof lowsocialstatus;membersof
thehighstatus'dominantcaste'to whomthelowstatusgroups
are bound,generally forma numericalmajority and mustcom-
peteamongthemselves fortheservicesofindividual membersof
thelowercastes"(Leach, 1960:5-6).The membership ofa caste
impliesthata personbecomespartofa person-based socialnet-
workthatcontrolsinsiderinformation abouteconomicopportu-
nities; transmits and
skills; provides varied typesof humanand
materialsupport(Panini,1996:39).
Casteis byitsverydefinition exclusiveand becauseoftheman-
nerin whichparticular casteschannelthemselves intoparticular
occupations,it becomes virtually changeless.India's software
for
industry, example, is dominated byTamilBrahmins;10 thecivil
servicebykayasthas fromUttarPradesh.11
In the pre-British period,thejajmanisystem - by whichthe
blacksmith, carpenter, potter,oilman,barber,washerman, and
priestall becamelinkedwiththe householdof the upper-caste
landownerand werepaid in kindbythelandholderforservices

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 THE DALIT IN INDIA 89

renderedduringtheyear- helpedto ensurethedurability ofthe

caste systemin the rural countryside(Srinivas,1962; Leach,
1960).Add to thistheprincipleofheredity and castesoon solidi-
fiedintoa family tradeas wellas an almostirreversible socialcat-
egorythatwasmaintained as muchbysocialtabooas byeconomic
imperative.
Thus thedalit,thecastethatexistsoutsidethecastesystem, is
trappedbyhisowneconomictrade.The dalit'spariahness begins
withthe Untouchablecastes becomingassociatedwiththose
groupsspecializing in "impure"tasks,suchas cleaningoutwaste,
skinning cattle,working in leather,butchery, fishing,and super-
vising cremations. Leather workers,washermen,scavengers,
undertakers, toiletcleaners,toddytappers,sweepersand rural
laborerswerepollutedbecauseoftheirwork.12 Theirrolein the
caste-basedeconomic systemmeant that the modern dalits,
descendedfromthe professionals of impuretasks,are heirsto
centuriesold filth,
professional as well as psychological.

Acchut!(Untouchable!)

Myriadpracticesexistedand stillexistto denotethepollution

ofthedalit.Notonlycouldthedalitnotentera Hindutempleor
drinkwaterfromtempletanks,buthe had to livein segregated
hutson the outskirts of villages.In partsof southIndia in the
nineteenthcentury, dalitwomenwereforbiddento covertheir
breasts.Dalitshad to beat a drumto signaltheirarrivalso the
brahminknewwhereto hide or how to protecthis food. The
brahminis mostvulnerableto pollutionwhenhe is eating,so ifa
shadowofa dalitfellon hisfood,thefoodtoo becameUntouch-
able. On occasiondalitshad to weara spittoonso thathisspittle
did notfallon hissurroundings and he couldneverstandin the
wayofa windthatmightcarryhissmellor breathto a brahmin.
In a Jatakastory(377. III. 154), a Brahmincries,"Curseyou,ill
omenedcándala[dalit],getto leeward"(Omvedt,1998).

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90 SOCIAL RESEARCH

Nonetheless,there are qualificationsto untouchability.

Instancescan be foundofdalitmidwives, localfunctionaries,and
localsoothsayersand saintswhohavebeen reveredbyall sections
ofsociety. in caste
Thereare also instancesofdalitsparticipating
Hindufestivals;sectionsofdalitshavealso sometimesengagedin
upper-casterituals.13
Yet the dalitas pariahplayeda crucialrole in allowingthe
upper castesa monopolyon educationand in certain"pure"
trades.Because of the divinesanctionforeternalserfdom,the
denial of educationand thusopportunities for advancement,
uppercasteswereable to successfullyeliminatemassesofpeople
fromthe competitive economy thatdevelopedunder colonial
rule (Harrison,1960).

FromBuddhatoPhuletoNaicker
Reform:

choo-o,
Choo-o, na chee!O je chandalinVr
jhi!
Noshtohöbeje doi,shekothajaanona ki?

(Don't touchher,don'ttouchher,ugh!
She's thedaughterofa Dalitwoman!
Youryogurt willgetspoiled,don'tyouknow?)
- SongfromRabindranathTagore's
Bengalidance dramaChandalika

In Chandalika, a youngdalitwoman,fallsin lovewitha

Prakriti,
Buddhistmonk,Ananda,whowinsher heartbydrinking water
fromhercup,evenas she'sshunnedbytherestofthevillage.Sub-
Anandaleaveson pilgrimage
sequently, and Prakritiis devastated.
She forceshermotherto use herpowersofblackmagicto bring
himback.The witchlike motherbringsAnandaback to Parkriti
girlis seen seekingthe
butdiesin theprocess.The griefstricken
ofAnanda,whoencouragesherto taketo Buddhismto
blessings
escapethecycleofdegradation.

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 THE DALIT IN INDIA 91

The pollutionofPrakriti and hermotheris contrasted withthe

purityof Ananda.The mother,a sensualpractitioner of black
magic, is revealed
as ultimately powerlessagainstthe monk. Chan-
dalikais notonlya commenton thefateoftheUntouchablegirl
buton thenewlifepromisedto dalitsbyreligions likeBuddhism.
Indeed, Buddhism is easily the mostfamous of the innumer-
able reformmovementswithinHinduismthat have been in
progresssincethefifth and sixthcenturiesB.C. The underlying
impetusto changethedalit'spariahstatuswasprovidedbythese
reformmovements and the innufnerable voicesthathave been
raised for centuriesagainstorthodoxHindu practices.The
ascetic-ledBuddhismandJainismmovements developedas alter-
nativesto the ritual-bound and caste-dominated doctrinethat
Hinduismhad become.The asceticBuddhaand Mahaviraboth
soughtto createegalitarian faithsbased on compassionand sim-
plicity and providedtheologicalfoundationsfor subsequent
protests.
The Bhaktimovement thatemergedin thefourteenth and fif-
teenthcenturies, exemplified in thecultsof popular"saints"like
Kabirand Mirabai,triedto negatethe powerof the brahmin
clergyand questionedthebrahmin's chiefweapon:purity and the
to
power dispenseuntouchability.

It'sall one skinand bone,

one pissand shit,
one blood,one meat.
Fromone drop,a universe.
Who'sa Brahmin? Who'sshudra?

So sang Kabir,the fifteenth-centuryBhaktisaint(Hess, 1983:

25). YettheBhaktimovements wereunableto changethework-
ings of the castesystem,primarilybecausethesesaintsformeda
sortof mystic fringe, intensealternatives
spiritually to the main
of
body orthodoxy that,althoughpopular and seduc-
doctrinally
tive,wereno threatto a 3,000-year-old
faith.

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92 SOCIAL RESEARCH

However, theBhaktimovements, theimpactofWesternideas

duringthe colonialencounter, socialreformmovements of the
nineteenth century, theGandhian movement, finally dra-
and the
maticdalitmovement led byB. R. Ambedkarhavecombinedto
createa significant traditionof anticastereformism not only
amongeducatedelitesbut also amongtoday'snewlyarticulate
voters.
In the nineteenth century,social reformemanatedfromthe
soulsearching thathad becomepartoftheeducatedupper-caste
elitesonce theycame intocontactwithWesternideas of liberal-
ismand rationality (Raychaudhuri, 1999: 60). Therewerecam-
paignsto securetherightsofthewidow,ban sati(thepracticeof
widowsimmolating themselves on theirhusband'sfuneralpyres),
and rejectcaste.
The emergenceofGandhiand Ambedkar - mutually opposed
to each other,yethighlysignificantin theirownwayto thecause
of the dalits- grewfromthe contextcreatedby these nine-
teenth-century movements as well as the deeper traditionsof
anticasteprotestscreatedbyBuddhism, Jainism,and theBhakti
cults.The movementto abolishcasteprejudicesoweditsmod-
ernliberalhumanistformtoJotiraoGovindraoPhule in Maha-
rashtraand laterto thecampaignsofE. V. Ramaswami Naicker
in Madrasstate.
Jotirao Phule (1827-90) developed powerfularguments
againstthecastesystem and theBrahminand also used Christ-
ian missionary arguments worldofHindu
to "rejectthefictitious
religion"(O'Hanlon, 1985: 105). His Satyashodhak Samaj or
"Truth-Seeking Society"gavevoice in 1873 to the radicalidea
thatbrahminshad used religiousauthority and administrative
poweracquiredundercolonialruleto oppressothersectionsof
society.Although"moderateand "respectable" reformerswere
reluctantto acceptsuchwholesalecondemnationof brahmins
(O'Hanlon, 1985: 255) and the Satyashodhak Samaj remained
virtuallylimitedto thestateofMaharashtra, theinfluenceofits

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 THE DALIT IN INDIA 93

ideascan be tracedto theanticasteideologiesthatemergedsub-

sequently.
The workofChristian missionariesalso functioned as a funda-
mental challenge to traditionalcaste-basedpractices.From
O'Hanlon'sthesison theradicalizing influence ofChristianityon
Phule'sthoughts, itwouldbe accurateto saythatcaste,as a con-
ceptualcategory, wasseriously challengedonlyafterthearrivalof
the Christianmissionaries, who initiatedthe radical idea of
extendingeducationto the dalits.The firstspecialschoolsfor
Untouchables wereopenedin the1840s,encouragednotonlyby
the missionaries but also by the Britishadministration. From
theseschoolscame thefirstgenerationof dalitactivists, writers,
and politicians.A dalitwriterrecently wrote thatas faras thedal-
itsare concerned,"theBritish arrivedtoo lateand lefttoo early,"
a reference tothefactthathad itnotbeenfortheBritish colonial
administration, dalitswould have never the to
gained right attend
school.14
Eventhoughthe overwhelming majority of dalitsin the colo-
nial periodremainedrailway workers, landless migrant laborers,
urbansweepers,stonecutters,and servants, some became sol-
diersin thearmyoftheEastIndia Companyand others,suchas
the mahars, were able to achievethe statusof a wealthyand
assertiveelite(Zelliot,1970:43).
AfterPhule,theothersocialreformer whocan be seen as pre-
cursorofAmbedkarwasE. V. Ramaswami Naicker(1879-1973).
NaickerfoundedtheSelf-Respect Movement, whichadvocateda
vigorous attack on caste,especially"Aryan Brahmins." He cam-
paignedforforcibletempleentry, burningof the Manusmriti,
and atheism.Ironically, modern-day politicalpartieslike the
DravidaMunnetraKazhagamand the All India Anna Dravida
MunnetraKazhagam,whichare the descendantsof the Self-
RespectMovement, haveveeredawayfromthe rationalism and
atheismof Naickerand insteadlapsed into variousformsof
Hinduobscurantism.15

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94 SOCIAL RESEARCH

BothPhuleand Naicker,
however,positionedthemselves
as not
but implacablyanticasteand pro-poor,thus
just anti-brahmin
preparing groundfortheemergenceofAmbedkar's
the leader-
shipstyle.

and thePatriot-Saint
and Gandhi:TheUntouchable
Ambedkar

Therehavebeen manymahatmasin Indiawhosesole

objectwasto removeUntouchabilityand to elevateand
absorbthedepressedclasses,buteveryone ofthemhas
failedin hismission.Mahatmashavecomeand mahatmas
havegone.ButtheUntouchables haveremained
Untouchables.

B. R. Ambedkar(Moon,1987,Vol.3: 67)

ExaminetheGandhianattitude theGandhian
to strikes,
reverenceforcasteand theGandhiandoctrineofTrustee-
shipofthe ofthe
rich. . . Gandhismis thephilosophy
and leisuredclass.
well-to-do

B. R. Ambedkar(Moon,1991,Vol.9: 291)

burdenon
is an intolerable
The taintofUntouchability
Hinduism.Let us notdenyGod bydenyingto a fifthof
ourracetherightofassociationon an equal footing.

Gandhi(1958:317)

BhimraoRamjiAmbedkar(1891-1956),a dalitwho became

is regardedas the
oftheIndianconstitution,
one ofthedrafters
fatherofthemoderndalitmovement.He wasa contemporary of

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 THE DALIT IN INDIA 95

Gandhi,theleaderofIndia'sfreedommovement. Ambedkar was

one ofGandhi'sharshest a bitteropponentofthemanner
critics,
in whichGandhidrewa gauze of unityoverwhatforhimwas
India's warringsocial landscape.For Ambedkar, the Gandhian
movement wasconservative, uppercaste,and bourgeois,a move-
ment resistingthe full-scalesocioeconomictransformation of
Indiansociety(Sarkar,1983:345).
Ambedkar'sargumentthatpoliticaldemocracy was meaning-
less withoutsocial transformation was far too radicalfor the
uppercastes.ThatGandhihimself
nationalist wasan upper-caste
Hindu- as weremostofhiskeylieutenants - definitelygave,for
Ambedkar, a certaincastecolor to the entirenationalist move-
ment.His own energeticleadership,the seriesof imaginative
protestshe launched- includingdrinking waterfromprohibited
templetanks,burningtheManusmriti, and hisconversion in 1956
to Buddhismas a repudiation -
oftheHindureligion galvanized
the dalitcommunity, taking fromwhereJotiraoPhule had
off
stopped.
Ambedkar'sdalit movementwould not align itselfto the
nationalist
causethatoccupiedpoliticalcenterstage all hislife.It
wouldinsteadcampaignopenlyagainstcasteand Hinduism.At
thisjunctureof India'sindependencemovement, the motifsof
Hinduismwereproviding theimagesofnationalism. Hindugod-
desses and festivalswere being used to instillself-esteem and
brotherhood. Ambedkar's open denunciationsof Hinduism and
-
theIndianNationalCongress seen as thegreathope ofall who
werepittedagainstimperialism - becamethebasisofmuchofthe
futurecriticism of Ambedkaras an imperialist agenttrying to
dividethenationaliststruggle(Shourie,1997:483). In "Annihila-
tion of Caste" (Moon, 1979,vol. 1: 37), Ambedkarprovideda
searingcritiqueof the "enlightened highcastesocial reformers
whodid nothavethecourageto agitateagainstcaste."The sub-
sequentdebatewithGandhibeganAmbedkar's long distrust of
the CongressPartyand his beliefthatmembership in the Con-
gresswould furtherenslavethe dalits.

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96 SOCIAL RESEARCH

The attackon caste and the championingof the industrial

- Gandhi had declared that the industrialstrikewould
strike
neverbe partof the armoryof the Indianfreedomstruggle -
madeAmbedkaranathemato Gandhians.Evenliberalsaccused
himoftrying totakeIndiansocietyontoa suicidalself-destructive
course (Kumar,1987: 97). Beforeindependence,Ambedkar 's
insistenceon separateelectoratesforUntouchableshad been
totallyunacceptableto Gandhi.Ambedkar'sdemandwas inter-
pretedas dalitantipatriotism.Gandhisaid at thetimethat"The
claimsadvancedbytheUntouchables, thattome is theunkindest
cutofall. I claimin myownpersonto represent thevastmassof
theUntouchables" (Moon,1979,vol. 1: 506).
For Gandhi,Hinduismand the castesystemwerenot nego-
tiable.ButAmbedkarrejectedbothHinduismand thecastesys-
temas wellas theclaimsofanyuppercastetorepresent thedalits.
For Gandhi,Untouchability was an evilwithinHinduism,to be
reformed by Hindus. For Ambedkar, upper-caste leadershipof
dalitswasabhorrent. WhileGandhiassertedthathe wasproudto
be a Hindu and thatcasteswerean integralpartof Hinduism,
Ambedkarcategorically statedthathe would rejectHinduism
unlesscastewaspurgedfromitcompletely (Keer,1990:231). This
hasformedthebasisofmuchcontemporary antagonism between
dalitsand the upper castes.For the dvija,the dalithostility to
-
Gandhi the patronsaint of the independentnation-state of
India- was almostan act of treason.For dalits,patriotism for
Indiaitselfcameto be seenas an upper-caste activity.
Nonetheless, it cannotbe denied that Gandhi's own harijan
campaignwashighly and forthosedalitswhowerenot
successful
withAmbedkar, Gandhiremainedan attractive leader- so much
so thatforthefirst fourdecadesafterindependence,significant
sectionsofdalitsremainedloyalto theCongresslargelybecause
ofthehope embodiedforthemin thepersonoftheMahatma.
Thus, Ambedkarfailedto counterthe Gandhiancharisma.
Instead,hislegacyto thedalitswasthis:"Yoursalvation," Ambed-
kardeclared,"liesin politicalpowerand notin makingpilgrim-

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 THE DALIT IN INDIA 97

agesand in observance offasts"(Keer,1990:168).Aggressive sep-

aratistpoliticsand fiercedemandsforreservedseatsin educa-
wereAmbedkar's
tionalinstitutions giftto hiscommunity. These
demandshavebeen criticized as divisiveand fractious
bysome.
Othershave seen themas the onlymeans of deepeningthe
democratization processin India.16Itwouldnotbe inaccurateto
saythat without Ambedkar, thepresent-day articulate
aggressively
dalitprotestwouldnot havebeen possible.Withouthim,dalits
mighthaveremainedcompliantsubordinates in theupper-caste-
led Congress.

Politics: The Political and LiteraryStruggle

Contemporary

Affirmativeactionhas nowdone enoughfortheSched-

uled Castes.... [T]heyshouldnowfocuson winning
powerthroughelections, forthecaptureofpolitical
will
power ultimately transform
them(Ram,1997).

The dalitare linguistically

and regionallydivided,butdalitsdo
notconstitutea masselectoralconstituency.Thusdalitradicalism
has oftenbeen co-optedor ithas simplydissolvedintosplitsand
factions.
However, growingself-awarenessand militancy havecre-
ateda limitedautonomouspoliticalspace.
The Gandhianmovement, coloniallegislation,
and theAmbed-
karitemovement contributedto thewide-ranging "reservations"
actionor policies)thatwerewritten
(affirmative intotheIndian
constitution.Constitutionalreservationsof postsand seatsfor
scheduledcastesand scheduledtribes17 are seen to havecreated
whatis termedthe "Harijanelite"(Sacchidanand,1977: 5) and
have become a highlypoliticaland controversial issue.18This
issuewasmoststarkly manifestin theviolentpublicconfrontation
betweenuppercastesand dalitsthattookplace overtheMandai
Commission Report.In 1990,theV.P. Singhgovernment decided
to implementthe Mandai Commission
ReportoftheBackwardClasses

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98 SOCIAL RESEARCH

Commission (December 1980) The commission'scontroversial

reportcalledforreserving 27 percentof all servicesand public-
sectorundertakings underthe centralgovernment and 27 per-
centofall admissions to institutions
ofhighereducation(except
in statesthathave reservedhigherpercentages)forbackward
classmembersand dalits.
Violentcontroversy arose.Itwasarguedthataffirmative action
wouldbe difficulttoimplement in conditions ofmasspoverty and
unemployment that lefteven upper castessufferingfrom massive
economic deprivation.The efficacyof reservinggovernment
postsas a long-term measureofsocialjusticewasalso questioned.
Whichgroupswereto havea monopolyon governing India and
holdinggovernment postswasalso a concern.
Manyupper-caste youthtriedtoimmolatethemselves toprotest
thesequotas.Therewerefearsthatthosewhohad alreadygained
advantagefromreservations wouldonlyaccumulategreaterben-
efits.In the end, the SupremeCourtgaveitsassentto the gov-
ernmentorder for implementationof the Mandai report,
althoughitinserteda clauseexcludingthe"creamy layer"ofthe
OtherBackwardCastes(OBCs) in a statement about"takingoff
the creamylayerfor a healthierglass of milk."This implied
excludingtherichintermediate castes(thosejustabovethedalits
in thecastehierarchy) fromtheMandairecommendations. (This
has
exception proved to
difficult implement.) Still,the Mandai
recommendations are generally in place exceptin some states,
wheretheyare stalledin courtcases.
The logicof theMandairecommendations wasakinto letting
thedaliteata singlemealattheBrahmin's Omvedtwrites:
table.19

The reservation systemwasinstitutednotso muchon the

basisoftheConstitution as on thatofthedecades-oldelite
torestructuring
resistance publicemployment. Itservessev-
eralpurposes.It allowstheeliteto maintainthefacadeofa
generouspatronofDalitswhilecontinuing todeprivethem
educationand accesstoresource.It providesa
ofmass-level

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 THE DALIT IN INDIA 99

processto absorbsome of theirbrightest membersintoa

system stillbased moreon extortion and corruption than
truepublicservice.Finally,itcontinuesto blocka truerep-
resentation of the majority of the nation'spopulation,a
representation whichthefoundersand leadersoftheanti-
castemovement had alwaysseenas partofa full-scale
polit-
ical and social-economictransformation (Omvedt,2001).

The reservations schemehas also come understrainfromthe

process of liberalization
initiatedby the government a decade
ago. As the statehas begun to retreatfromthe "commanding
heights"oftheeconomy, "thehardwonbattleforbackward castes
reservationswillbecomemeaningless ifthestatebeginstoreduce
thenumberofgovernment postsand shedsmanyofitsfunctions"
(Panini,1996:28).
Therehas thusemergeda dalitdemandforreservations in the
growing privatesector,once moreangeringtheuppercastes.The
January13, 2002,Bhopal Declarationpointedout thatthereis
not a singledalitbillionaire,businessman, or industrialist.20
It
demanded the incorporationof a United States-style "equal
opportunity forall"principlein Indianindustryso thatdalitsmay
escape thehistorical burdenof performing theeconomy's"pol-
luted"tasks.
The BhopalDeclarationvoicesa cryforthe dalitto abandon
the ghettoof government serviceand emergeas playersin the
privatearena.For dalitsto havereacheda levelofself-confident
articulationtocallforlegislated
entry intoassetsmainlyall owned
bythedvijaisa protest againsttheparadoxofpoliticalsaliency yet
socialdegradation thatthispaperhas examined.
In addition to the Bhopal Declaration,the Dalit Shiksha
Andolan (Dalit EducationRevolution)and the Dalit Sahitya
Academies(DalitLiterary Academy)are evidenceofthethirst for
intellectual
capitaland thedesireto createa new"private sector
dalit"bymeansoftheEnglishlanguageand to createintellectual
dynamism.21

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100 SOCIAL RESEARCH

The need to fosterintellectual energyremainsone ofthecru-

cial featuresof dalitself-criticism. "The tragedyis everyyoung
ambitionis to be a civilservant... an adminis-
dalitintellectual's
trativeslaveofHindu-brahminism. . . . [T]he dalitcommunity has
not produceda powerful socio-spiritual philosopher. . . who is
able to playtheroleofJewish liberators" (Ilaiah,2002: 11).
In fact,theAll-IndiaBackward and Minority EmployeesFeder-
ation(BAMCEF),which was established in 1976,had envisioned
itselfas a "talentbank"fordalits.In 1976 a BAMCEFbulletin
declaredthat"educatedpersonsfromoppressedcommunities
are trappedin government services.About2 millioneducated
oppressedhavejoined thesejobs . . . buttheircowardice, selfish-
ness,inherent timidity and lackofdesireofsocialserviceto their
owncreed. . . makesthemuseless."
BAMCEFfailedat intellectual awakening and dalitleaderslike
KanshiRamandMayawati brokeaway to set up theBahujanSamaj
Party(BSP) in 1984becauseofthefutility, theydeclared,ofBAM-
CEF-style campaignsto awakentheclassofdalitgovernment ser-
vants who had sunk intothe of
torpor protective legislation.
The emergenceof theBSP has been an important milestone
towardthegoal ofachievingan autonomousdalitpoliticaliden-
The swearing
tity. in ofMayawati, a dalitwoman,as chiefminister
-
of thestateof UttarPradesh India'smostpolitically important
state,supplying thelargestnumberoflegislators to thenational
assembly - is an eventwhoseimportance cannotbe exaggerated.
In a political dispensationcontrolleduntil recentlyalmost
entirely byhereditary landlordsor westernized uppercastes,the
riseofIndia'splebianpoliticians isnothingshortofrevolutionary.
The consistent risein thevote share oftheBSP in UttarPradesh
is indicativeof the risingawarenessof politicalautonomy,
althoughthiselectoralphenomenonremainslargelylimitedto
northIndia.22
The BSP revolution, however, suffers fromseveralcontradic-
tions.The party has been
often accused of creatinga new"power
elite"and patronagenetworks amongdalits.The mostsignificant

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 THE DALIT IN INDIA 101

criticismmade oftheBSP is thatit has on manyoccasionsallied

withtheHindu nationalist Bharatiya JanataParty(BJP);indeed,
it rulesthestateof UttarPradeshtodayin partnership withthe
BJP.SincetheBJP'sidentity is thatofa partyofhigh-caste Hindus,
thisalliancestandsin directcontravention ofAmbedkar's searing
rejection of Hinduism and upper castes.
Nonetheless, theBSP remainsthesinglemostsuccessful dalit
politicalformation at the national level.Its successis in contrast
tothehistory oftheDalitPanthers. The Panthers - whoborrowed
theirname fromthe Black Panthersin the United States -
emergedin 1972,comprisedmainlyof poetsand writers. While
thePantherscontributed a greatdeal ofrevolutionary literature
and campaignedagainstseveralcrimesagainstdalits,withina few
yearsthemovement splintered and becameco-opted, joiningvar-
ious government committees and panels.The BSP,on theother
hand, has builtstronggrassroots linkswithruralareas.BSP politi-
cians preferto use the term"bahujansamaj"or "societyof the
backward" ratherthandalitin theattempt tobuildbroaderbased
electoralallianceswithotherbackwardcastes.
However, the"society ofthebackward" hasfailedtomaterialize
primarily becauseof thenatureof agrarianrelations, whichpits
backward castesagainsteach otherand thusdividesthesocietyof
thebackward.Since brahminshavebecomeurbanized,it is the
intermediate backwardcastes (thosejust above the "pollution
line") who have becomeownersoftheland on whichthedalitis
a laborer.Thishas led severaldalitintellectuals to arguethatthe
greaterenemy of the dalitis no longer the brahmin buttheinter-
mediatecastes,whichare oftenplaced in a directly competitive
positionwithdalits.Debates on the dalit'smain enemyhave
dividedthe community and a uniteddalit movementremains
unlikely.
This highdegreeof politicalinvolvement has been accompa-
niedbyheightened intellectual Thisis seen in thefound-
activity.
ing of severalmagazines,suchas DalitVoice, an English-language
dalitjournalthathas completeditstwentieth yearin publication.

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102 SOCIAL RESEARCH

Yetthelargenumberofdalitjournalshasnotsecuredforthedalit
journalista place in the mainstream media. In his article"In
SearchOf A DalitJournalist," B. N. Uniyalwritesthatwhenhe
undertook a survey ofnationalnewspapers and magazinesto see
ifanymediahouse employeda dalit,thefigurewasan astound-
ingzero (Uniyal,1996).In fact,he reportsthateditorsand senior
staffersbecame angryat him for carryingout this exercise.
Among686journalistsaccreditedbythe government, 454 were
upper caste.The remaining 232 did not carry theircaste names
and in a randomsampleof47,notone wasa dalit.
The DalitWriters Forum,in a memorandum submitted to the
PressCouncil("EndApartheid," 1997),saysthesituation is simi-
lar in the legal,corporate,banking,software, and culturalsec-
tors.23In a survey ofIndianmatrimonial advertising carriedout
in 2000,theadvertising agencyMcCannEricksonnotedthatcaste
remainsas important in the newcentury as it wasfourdecades
ago (McCannErickson, 2000). Intercastemarriages betweendal-
itsand casteHindusis extremely uncommon.24 AttheUniversity
of Delhi,only6 of the school's311 professors are dalits(Xaxa,
2002). The DalitWritersForum allegesthat an invisibleapartheid
existsin contemporary India.

Conclusions

To take on the dalit identityis to be a radicalsoldierfor

empowerment. To seekto mergewiththemainstream wouldbe
to risktheopprobrium
to renegeon dalitness, ofthecommunity
andsocialdisdainfromtheuppercastes. The exploiteddalitmust
seek radicalempowerment. But the empowereddalit remains
-
sociallytrapped preciselybecausehis empowerment comeson
thebasisoftheverysocialcategory to risefrom.
thathe is trying
bytheeliteofdalitmovements
co-optation
Significantly, hasbeen
reasonfortheirown
a significant relativepowerlessness.Dalitson
dividedas theyare,simply
and culturally
theirown,linguistically

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 THE DALIT IN INDIA 103

do nothavethenumbersto becomea truly massmovement with-

out buildinglinkswithotherminorities, such as Muslims.With
theexceptionoftheBSP,dalitmovements havefounditdifficult
to grow.
Itsbeen arguedthatthatsinceHinducultureis dominatedby
religion,theintellectual entrapment ofthedalitcannotbe eased
unlessa largescalere-writing oftheHinduholytextstakesplace
(Ilaiah,2001: 57). In sharpcontrastwithJesusor Mohammad,
Hindugodshavedevelopedthrough as aristocrats.
history Hindu
deitiesare presentedas kingsand queens, strengthening the
implicitassumption thatthepoordo notdeservea god.
The uppercasteindifference to thedalit,theunwillingness to
participatein transformations of the dalit'scondition,emerge
fromthereligioussanctity attachedto thedalit'spariahness.The
dalitspariahstatusin themoralworldof theIndianvillageand
townis relatedto a certainsecretivesilentconvictionabout
Untouchability. Butwhileitis perhapstruethatan overemphasis
on caste could obscurethe veryreal issue of the povertythat
afflicts
all sectionsofthelaboringpoor,boththebrahminand the
Untouchableremaintenaciousmoralcategoriesin the Indian
subcontinent. "Untouchable"or harijanis stilla termof social
abuse and prejudice,howevermuchWesternized elitesmaylike
tobelievethattheissueofcasteis buried.In thecities,casteprac-
ticescannotoperatebecause it is difficult to avoida stranger's
shadowin a bus or roadsiderestaurant, yetthesepracticescan be
and are enforcedin thefullrangeof privatesocialand cultural
choices.

Notes
lDvijatranslates
as "twiceborn"or uppercaste.Those bornintothe
uppercastesare usuallyinvestedwitha "sacredthread"at investiture
ceremoniesheldforboysabouttoentertheirteens.The investiturecer-
emonyis consideredto be the"secondbirth"intothecastehierarchy.
2Uppercastesformabout25.5percentofthetotalpopulation.Atthe
sametime90.23percentofA-grade postsingovernmentserviceareheld

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104 SOCIAL RESEARCH

byuppercastes.Dalitsholdabout7.18percenttheseposts,accordingto
the Mandai Commission oftheBackwardClassesCommission
Report (1980).
Accordingto the Censusof India (1991), 77 percentof scheduled
castes(SC) and 90 percentofscheduledtribes(ST) are tiedto thepri-
marysector.Further, ofthetotaldalitworkforcein theprimary sector,
65 percentofSC and 36 percentofST arelandlessagricultural laborers.
Over80 percentofdalitlandholdings areeithersmallor marginal plots.
Also,63 percentofSCs and 70 percentSTs remainilliterate. We should
noteherethemovement in illiteracy
figures.In 1971only15 percentof
thetotaldalitpopulationwasliterate; by1991ithasreached37 percent.
Only6 percentofdalitwomenwereliterate in 1971.By1991,thefigure
standsat 24 percent.Literacy among dalits
has beenrapidand fairly rev-
olutionary.
3TheManusmriti or LawsofManuis thebookofHindulawand dates
fromtheseventhcentury A.D.
^his wascomposedbetween1500-1000 B.C.
bVarnameans"color,"a fromtheearlyhierar-
possibledevelopment
chy perceivedbetweenthe invadingcentral Asian tribesinto the
Gangeticplains;theseinvadersare describedas "Aryans" whilethe
indigenous, darkerskinnedinhabitants aredesignated "Dasyus" or"Dra-
vidians."
Although correlation betweencolorand casteis misleading, it
is assumedthatlighterskinnedare placed in the uppercastesrather
thanin thedalitcategory.
6Oneoftheworstmassacres ofdalitstookplacein December1997at
Lakshmanpur Bathe village Bihar,where67 dalitswereslaughtered
in
the
by upper-caste Ranvir Sena.
7Formoreon armedconflicts betweendalitsand othercastesand on
harijan"atrocities," Reportof the Committeeon Untouchability
see
(1969).
8SeeHarrison(1957).
9Kothariand Maru(1965): 99-100.Formoreon howcasteinfluences
modernpolitics, see also Harrison(1960).
10"TheGreatLeap Forward(2000).
11Kayasthasare upper-caste educated"scribes."
12Gandhi'scampaignofcleaningouttoiletsbytheuppercastes,forc-
ing hisownwifeto clearout humanwaste,and enforcing upper-caste
meniallabor in his model villageswas a fundamental attackon the
Untouchability ofsuchlabor.
13SeeSrinivas(2002) formoreon "sanskritization," the processof
upwardmobility within the caste system. Sanskritizationis a process
through which castesare able tobetterthemselves in thecaste hierarchy

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 THE DALIT IN INDIA 105

byfirst acquiringgreater wealthand thenemulating thepracticesofthe

twiceborn.NeeraBurra(1996) has shownhowsomeruraldalitsprac-
ticedupper-caste rituals.Burrapointsout thatthepenetration ofBud-
dhismamongsome ruraldalitswas limitedand many,evenafterthe
Ambedkarite revolution,continuedtoworshiptheirold Hindugods.It
be
may argued that mighthaveresultedin somemobility
sankritization
butitis doubtful ifdalitshaveeverbeen able to riseout ofUntoucha-
bilitythrough sanskritization.
14SeePrasad(2000).
15TheDravidaMunnetraKazhagamand theAll IndiaAnnaDravida
Munnetra Kazhagam,politicalpartiesthatrulethestateofTamilNadu,
werebornfromNaicker'sSelf-Respect Movement. Todaytheyopenly
ally with religiousgroups and have created a ritualizedhero-worship-
pingpoliticalculturebywhichpoliticalleadersare viewedas godsand
indulgein a rangeofsuperstitious practices.
16Mostcontemporary observersare sharplydividedon the role of
castein Indian politics.Caste has been seen as the engineof social
changeand as a meansoffracturing socialunityand weakening nation-
alism.Formoreon therulingBharatiya JanataParty'sattempts shed
to
its upper-caste image and become a more "backwardcaste"-friendly
party, see laffrelot (1993).
1Reservations havebeen thesinglemostimportant avenuebywhich
a Dalitmiddleclasshasemerged.The SCs areguaranteed15 percentof
theseatsand theSTs 7.5 percentoftheseatsin theLok Sabha (national
parliament)and statelegislatures. Reservations whichwere
provisions,
slatedtoend in the1960s,havebeenextended.(A similarpercentage of
seatsfortheSCs and theSTs havebeen established in thecentralgov-
ernment.)
18Uppercastesparticularly resentthebenefitsthathaveaccruedto
the "dalitelite.""Largenumbersof educatedharijanelitehave little
activeconcernfortheircastefellows.. . . [A]lienatedfromtheirown
base . . . [they]haverisenhighin thesocialhierarchy and snappedtheir
tieswiththeirbleakpast.. . . [T]heyseeka re-alignment withstatusand
powergroupsin thewidersociety"(Sacchidanand,1977:170).
19Fora critiqueoftheMandaiReport, see Radhakrishnan (1996: 129).
20Sincethe declaration,the government of the stateof Madhya
Pradeshhas awardedthefirst privatecontract(worthabout$500) to a
dalitbusinessman and has committed itselfto awardingmore.Dalits
havecalledfor"supplier in
diversity" the privatesectorin thebeliefthat
unlessdalitsare able to choosetheirownoccupation,insteadofhaving

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106 SOCIAL RESEARCH

traditional occupationsimposedon thembecauseof theircaste,there

willbe no escapefromtheghetto.
21Dalitintellectuals like Kancha Ilaiah advocatemass English-lan-
guageschoolsat theprimary leveltoraiseeducationallevelsamongdal-
its.
22TheBSP wasformedon April14,1984,in Delhi.The following fig-
uresindicatetheBSP's performance in theUrtarPradeshAssembly:
1989:9.83percentofpopularvote,won13 legislative assembly seats.
1991:9.2 percentofpopularvote,won12 legislative assembly seats.
1993:11.2percentofthevote;witha pre-pollalliancewiththeSama
jwadiParty, won67 legislative assembly seats.
1995:Mayawati becomeschiefminister withtheBJP'ssupport.
1996:20.06percentofthevote;withpre-pollalliancewithCongress,
won67 seats.
1997:Mayawati becomeschiefminister again,withBJPas a coalition
partner.
2002:23 percentofthepopularvote,won99 legislative assembly seats.
23Thememorandum reportsthatofthe3 millionteachersemployed
in 256 universitiesand 11,000collegesin India,only2 percentare dal-
its.In 1993,14 dalitjudgesservedon theDelhiHighCourtand several
hundredswere in the lowerjudiciary;further up the scale, on the
Supreme Courtor in the higherjudiciary, the number of dalitjudges
felldramatically.
24Thekillingof a high-caste brahminboyand a lower-caste girlfor
fallingin loveand violating caste codeswas widelyreported. Times
See
Of India, August 8, 2001. There have been manysuch incidents,
although thiswasone of the few inwhich the werekilledbytheir
victims
ownfamilies.

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