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The End of Democracy
The End of Democracy
WITH the term of the most recent democratically elected government coming
to an end a few weeks ago, we have also come to the end of the cycle since
1977, where a decade of civilian government has been followed by a decade of
military dictatorship.
After Pakistan’s most free and fair elections ever in 1970, the people of
Pakistan were made victims of a cruel military dictatorship from 1977 onwards
which came to an accidental end in 1988. Gen Ziaul Haq was not pushed out
by the people of Pakistan, as was his military predecessor or subsequent
successor; instead, his plane fell from the sky.
The next non-martial law military dictatorship in 1999, which was welcomed
by large groups of citizens and which ended a decade of inept civilian rule,
itself came to an end, as internal contradictions, always present in
authoritarian, unelected, and in our case repeated military, rule, manifested
themselves.
These gains were consolidated again in 2013, when the first real democratic
transition from one civilian government to another took place again, perhaps
for the only time without interference from any clandestine agency or
institution. If 2008 was the rebirth of democracy in Pakistan, 2013 was its
possible consolidation. Civilian elected forces were in a position to dominate
and set the tone for a potential democratic future.
Has this first and only decade of democratisation come to its end? Any reader
of the signs of today would answer the question strongly in the affirmative as
many have and continue to do.
New terms, such as ‘judicial martial law’ and ‘judicial imperialism’, have now
become part of Pakistan’s public lexicon, just as did ‘political engineering’ in
the 1990s. For many Pakistanis, the past is set to become its future, yet again.
Yet 2018 is not 1988 which followed a decade-long dark and vicious martial
law, nor is it 1999 when an adventurous and ambitious general walked over
weak democratic institutions and spaces. After a decade of democratisation,
despite obvious setbacks, Pakistan’s present is different from its past. For
where there is power, which is often perceived to be unjust, there will always
be resistance.
This last decade has seen Pakistan’s most vibrant if not only substantive
democratic process. There is no denying the fact that much hope and
expectation from the 2008 democratic revolution ousting a sitting former
general-president has been lost as non-democratic institutions have clawed
their way to reclaiming their once-assured dominance, now making alliances
with other unelected institutions.
Yet, despite this reversal, many elected and civilian groups, not least the
ousted former prime minister himself and groups comprising representatives
of the many disappeared Pakistani citizens have continued to raise their voice
in a public space which is heavily managed and manipulated against them.
Not only that, after 10 years of civilian representation, there have been greater
expectations from a recurring process which has taken deep root in the public
and amongst civilian politicians themselves. Even those who have waited for
some umpire’s finger to show them the way require that the electorate finds
them electable.
And here is where the crux lies. While individuals and groups can be herded
from one party to another, the continued support for Nawaz Sharif amongst
the public, and not just for a perceived unjust dismissal, backed up by his
party’s developmental programme particularly at the local and provincial
level, continues to keep him in the game.