Liberal Election Review

REVIEW COMMITTEE REPORT: 28 August 2021
CONTENTS
CHAPTER 1: TERMS OF REFERENCE 2

CHAPTER 2: OVERVIEW 3
CHAPTER 3: SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS 5
CHAPTER 4: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 12
CHAPTER 5: PREVIOUS YEARS IN OPPOSITION 15
CHAPTER 6: THE 2021 ELECTION CAMPAIGN 17
CHAPTER 7: POLICY DEVELOPMENT 34
CHAPTER 8: FINANCE & FUNDRAISING 37
CHAPTER 9: ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE 42
CHAPTER 10: INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY (IT) 49
CHAPTER 11: MEMBERSHIP 51
CHAPTER 12: FEMALE PARTICIPATION IN THE LIBERAL PARTY 67
CHAPTER 13: PRE-SELECTIONS 69
CHAPTER 14: CANDIDATE VETTING & TRAINING 77
CHAPTER 15: IMPLEMENTATION OF REFORMS 79
CHAPTER 16: CONCLUSION 80
APPENDIX 1: POLLING REPORT APRIL 2021 (KJC RESEARCH)

APPENDIX 2: ANALYSIS OF DONATIONS TRENDS (KJC RESEARCH)
APPENDIX 3: THE LIBERAL DEFEAT – ‘A COMMUNICATIONS PERSPECTIVE’ (COUNSEL
COMMUNICATIONS)
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CHAPTER 1: TERMS OF REFERENCE
The Terms of Reference, as determined by State Council, are to examine the 2021 State
Election and the preceding years leading up to the State Election by all elements of the
Party, including:
• The Election Campaign

• Preceding Years of Opposition
• Policy Development and Costings
• Finance and Fundraising
• Organisational Structure and IT Infrastructure
• Pre-Selections, Membership and Training
In undertaking this task:
• The Review Panel has the authority of this Council to seek information from the State
Director, officer bearers State, Divisional and Branch and other Party entities.
• To access all necessary Party records.
• To consider input from Party members and such other persons and organisations it
deems appropriate.
• To consider widely and comprehensively all relevant issues.
• To make recommendations for such changes in governance and management as may
be deemed appropriate.
The Review Committee will report to State Council at August 2021 special meeting. The
Report of the Review Panel is to be made public. All members of the Party are asked by
this resolution to cooperate with the Review Panel.
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CHAPTER 2: OVERVIEW
The Review Committee has, in accordance with the terms of reference provided to it by
State Council, conducted a comprehensive and detailed inquiry which included receiving a
substantial number of written and oral submissions.
In total there were 167 written submissions and 27 oral submissions. The oral sessions
were conducted before the Review Committee over several weeks. We have not identified
the contributors because most asked that we treat their identity in confidence.
The contributors represented a broad range of Party membership, including former senior
State and Federal MPs, current State MPs, Young Liberal Movement (YLM) members, Party
staff members, metropolitan and regional members, branches, Divisions, first-time
candidates and others. It needs to be observed that no current Federal Parliamentarians
made any submissions to the Review Committee and nor have any of the written
submissions been disclosed to anyone other than members of the Review Committee.
This Report is the most comprehensive review of the Liberal Party of Australia (Western
Australia Division) (‘the Party’) ever undertaken. Consistent with the Terms of Reference,
it covers a range of different topics, including election losses of recent years, their likely
causes, party operation, party organisation, internal party-political activities, party
structures and the Constitution, and recommendations for change.
The recommendations proposed by the Review Committee appear in a summarised form

in Chapter 3, then relevantly at the end of each Chapter.
The recommendations are intended to address as many as possible of the numerous issues
confronting the Party, including:
1. Addressing cultural issues within the Party.

2. Developing a process by which the Parliamentary wing and the Organisational wing
can interact in a meaningful and productive way on all issues, including policy, while
at the same time, promoting debate and consideration of these issues within the
Organisational wing.
3. Making structural changes as to how the Party operates and functions in respect to its
organisation, funding, membership, pre-selections, selection and training of
candidates and IT.
The current situation is untenable. The evidence before the Review Committee, if true,
suggests there has been unethical and underhand conduct by Party members, including
some MPs.
Other activities we identified, best described as ‘sharp practices’, are not in the spirit of
the Party and the values it represents and espouses. They coincide with a substantial
decline of the membership together with the corruption of the essential mechanisms that
guide and are intended to preserve the integrity of the Party.
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All of these practices are unacceptable and should be stopped. If they are not stopped by
an overall commitment of the vast majority of Party members, the future of the Party is
bleak.
Put simply, what has been going on in the Liberal Party of Western Australia must change
and quickly. There is talk already of the formation of a new conservative party of
disaffected Liberals. This would undoubtedly result in the further decline of the Party, if
that is at all possible.
It must be concluded and emphasised that what has been revealed is shocking and
disturbing. It represents a Party in decline and headed for the door. If it is to be turned
around a concerted effort must be undertaken to bring about cultural change in the Party
and that, as many understand, is the most difficult change of all.
We wish to thank the Hon. Michael Keenan for his considerable contribution to the
workings of the Review Committee. It was unfortunate that personal commitments meant
he couldn’t see the Report through to its final conclusion, but his participation and advice
until then were most valuable.
We must also express our gratitude to the State President Fay Duda who has promoted
this process of review on behalf of State Council. She, together with the State Director
Stuart Smith, Deputy Director Richard Newton, former State Director Sam Calabrese and
HQ staff, have been most supportive and cooperative.
Importantly, we are most indebted to the many Liberals and others who have contributed
by providing both written and oral submissions. It is their submissions that really form the
basis of our analysis and recommendations.
It must be said that only one person who appeared before the Review Committee refused
to be recorded and was generally unpleasant and disrespectful towards its members.
Everyone else was courteous and made a substantial and valuable contribution.
In every respect, we have sought to report objectively on the facts. This enables the Party
to not only know and understand the full picture, but also to implement the necessary
reforms that will once again make it a major political Party whose principles and objectives
the community can rely upon.
Many reviews that have taken much longer to report, offer less and seem to be tasks
undertaken because commissioning a report seems like the thing to do after an election
loss. Other reports never see the light of day. In this case the pledge was made by State
Council for this Report to be disclosed to the public.
That display of openness surely demonstrates to Party members, supporters, and the
community the desire for genuine change.
From the many submissions made to the Review Committee, it is obvious that most
members welcome reform as the only way to restore the Party’s standing within the
community.
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CHAPTER 3: SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS
RECOMMENDATIONS: Policy Development
1. The Parliamentary wing should work on developing a better relationship with the
Organisational wing on the formulation of policy.
2. One way of interacting with the Parliamentary wing is by providing research

resources to Liberal MPs. The Review Committee understands that former senior
Parliamentary Members have offered to provide advice to current MPs, which would
enable them to cope with the volume of legislation and policy they will have to deal
with.
3. Where possible, the Organisational wing should produce policies well in advance of
the next state election. There is an expectation that the Parliamentary wing will be
influenced by these policies in settling a platform to be incorporated into an election
booklet and provided to candidates and the media.
4. The YLM can make a valuable contribution to the Party by providing research
resources to Members of Parliament. It would also educate them in policy and the
way Parliament functions.
5. Shadow Ministers should report to State Council within a reasonable time (say 4
months) giving reasons why any substantial policy proposed by State Conference or
State Council has not been considered and adopted.
RECOMMENDATIONS: Finance and Fundraising
6. It is recommended that the State SCAP contribution to elections more closely mirror
that of the Federal FCAP system. Targets could be funded by the current salary
contribution system or through fundraising.
7. The position of Finance Chair should be a recommendation of the State Management

Committee (SME) and endorsed by State Council.
8. The Finance Chair should be responsible for appointing to his or her committee
between six and ten members.
9. The members of the Committee should have business experience and different
commercial backgrounds. Importantly, members should have links into the business
community.
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10. The Finance Chair should no longer be a member of SME. When required the Finance
Chair may attend SME, with speaking rights only.
11. The Party should negotiate with the Divisions to implement some financial
arrangement to overcome or resolve the funding issues for Head Office so that it may
discharge its current financial obligations.
RECOMMENDATIONS: Organisational Structure
State Management Executive
12. SME members should remain as currently listed in the Liberal Party Constitution,
with the exception of the Finance Chair.
13. The Immediate Past-President (‘IPP’) should serve a term of only one year in that
capacity on SME being the year following the expiration of his or her term.
14. The Treasurer should be responsible for providing financial updates to SME.
15. SME may co-opt members to temporarily attend meetings to deal with specific
issues, such as campaign, finances and so forth as they arise, but with no voting
rights.
16. Mobile phones, tablets and laptops should be banned at SME meetings to maintain
confidentiality, except for Head Office staff.
State Executive
17. State Executive should be abolished.
18. Should State Conference decide that State Executive fulfills some useful role in the
Party’s administration, then:
(a) it should be reduced in size to make it more effective, manageable and less
susceptible to factional manipulation;
(b) Standing Committee Chairs should not sit on State Executive;
(c) State Executive should meet every two months;
(d) there should be a regular report of State Executive decisions to State Council;
(e) the Immediate-Past President should serve a term of only one year in that
capacity on State Executive being the year following the expiration of his or her
term; and
(f) mobile phones, tablets and laptops should be banned at State Executive
Meetings to maintain confidentiality, except for Head Office staff.
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State Council
19. State Council to meet each two months, alternating with State Executive. Special
meetings can be held should the need arise.
20. Standing Committee Chairs must give oral reports at each meeting of State Council.
21. Mobile phones, tablets and laptops should be banned at State Council Meetings for
members and observers to maintain confidentiality, except for Head Office staff.
Divisional Meetings
22. All Party members should be allowed to speak at general meetings of their Division,
while members of more than 12 months standing should be allowed to speak and
vote at those meetings.
A&D – C&D
23. Members of the Appeals and Disciplinary Committee (A&D), other than
Constitutional and Drafting Committee (C&D) members, should not be lawyers and
should be elected by State Council.
24. Rulings of C&D, together with reasons for decision, should be transparent and should
be made available to the person or persons affected by the decision.
Endorsement of MPs
25. All MPs – whether in safe seats or marginal seats – should not be endorsed
automatically but should rather go through the traditional preselection process
regardless of whether they are the only candidate.
26. MPs should be held accountable to agreed KPI’s with annual reports to Liberal Head
Office, to include fundraising targets, use of and reporting on electorate and travel
allowance, activities of electorate office and assistance provided to marginal seats.
27. Performance reviews are now standard procedure in the majority of companies. It is
strongly recommended that all Liberal Members of Parliament, both State and
Federal, be required to submit to periodic performance reviews.
28. These performance reviews would be conducted by a committee of three party

elders recommended by SME and approved by State Council.
RECOMMENDATIONS: Information Technology (IT)
29. The OMMS system should be upgraded after the Federal Election and before the
next State Election.
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RECOMMENDATIONS: Membership
Audit of Membership Records
30. SME should commission an audit of the membership records of the Liberal Party by
appointing a forensic accountant to carry out that task and report to it and State
Council.
Increase in Annual Membership Subscription
31. The annual membership subscription should be increased to bring it into line with
other social and political organisations and by doing so also bolster the finances of
the Party.
32. The provision relating to the fixing of the annual membership subscription should
not be in the Constitution, but within the Party Rules, which would make it much
easier to increase the fee incrementally to keep pace with inflation.
Proof of Identity
33. When joining the Party new members must provide with their application form and
payment proof of identity, such as a copy of a motor driver’s licence or passport.
34. Payments made using a personal credit card or debit card must be in the name of
the applicant or the name of a family member (spouse or parents) who lives at the
applicant’s address. Payment that does not meet these criteria will be refunded.
YLM, WAULS, ALSF, and University Club Branches
35. The age limit for members of YLM should be reduced from 30 years to 25 years.
36. The annual membership subscription for the YLM, WAULS, and ALSF may not be paid
either directly or indirectly by any person other than the applicant, except by spouse
or parent.
Membership Survey
37. Head Office should as a matter of routine, send out a survey to lapsed and resigned
members asking why they have ended their membership.
Multiple membership applications
38. Multiple membership applications should not be accepted if paid for by the same
person, credit card, bank account or paid in cash.
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Location of Annual General Meetings
39. Branch or Divisional AGMs should not be held at an MP’s private home or office.
Time Limits on Membership Transfer
40. New members must join a branch in the electorate where they are enrolled to vote.
41. New members cannot vote at pre-selections for a period of 12 months from the date
of joining a branch but can vote in branch internal elections.
42. New branch members cannot transfer to another branch for a period of 90 days after
joining the branch.
43. If new branch members transfer to another branch outside where they are enrolled
to vote they cannot vote at pre-selections or branch internal elections.
44. Branch members may only transfer to another branch once every 12 months.
Interaction with New Members
45. The Party website should not only promote Liberal beliefs and principles, but also
include the role that members play in the life of the Party, engaging with other like-
minded individuals to promote the objectives of the Party, the opportunity to meet
State and Federal MPs, and involvement in election campaigns.
46. New branch members should receive special attention from committee members
who should welcome them and their participation by providing information about its
activities.
47. Head Office should reinstate induction functions, say every quarter, supported by
Party office bearers and local MPs to welcome new members, and educate them
about the Party, its principles and functions.
Membership in the Regions
48. More needs to be done to stimulate membership in the regions.
49. This can be achieved through a combination of initiatives to include developing

stronger regionally focused policies; greater use of technology enabling meaningful
involvement in party processes at State and Divisional meetings by linking delegates
by video conferencing; and regular visits by Liberal MPs to remote and regional areas
of the State to promote the Liberal Party, particularly where there is no sitting
member.
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Proxies
50. In accordance with the plebiscite recommendation, all Party members living in the
electorate should be allowed to speak and vote at general meetings of their Division.
51. Members of longer than 12 months standing should be allowed to vote at Divisional
AGMs, so long as they live in the corresponding Division’s electorate.
RECOMMENDATIONS: Female Participation in Liberal Party
52. It is essential that the Party increase female participation in both the Parliamentary
wing and Organisational wing.
53. In order to bolster female participation in preselection, the following targets should
be set: 40% men, 40% women with the remaining 20% fluctuating based on
availability of candidates at the time.
54. The targets should be achieved as soon as possible, but certainly within the next
two election cycles.
RECOMMENDATIONS: Pre-selections
Plebiscite
55. Candidates for pre-selection for parliamentary seats should be chosen by a plebiscite
of Party members resident in each electorate and on the electoral roll for that
electorate who have been members of the Party continuously for at least 12 months.
Once the number of local member attendees has been determined, the State
Director will randomly draw State Council delegates (as currently happens) to
comprise 20% of the entire number of eligible delegates.
56. Once the number of local member attendees has been determined, the State
57. State Council should retain the power of final endorsement of candidates. It should
continue to exercise its current role in the selection process. This includes selection
of Senate teams, the ratification of all pre-selections, and on occasion acting as a
selection committee for individual State and Federal seats.
Eligibility to Stand for Pre-Selection
58. Staff members of MPs should not be eligible for pre-selection for a parliamentary
seat for a period of two years after ceasing employment, unless approved by SME.
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Eligibility to Vote at Pre-Selections
59. Voting branch delegates should be restricted to members who live within the
branch’s locality or within the boundaries of the relevant Division.
60. Family and staff members of Members of Parliament should not be eligible to be
members of State Council or entitled to vote as delegates at pre-selections.
Applications for pre-selection to be in the form of a statutory declaration
61. Applications for pre-selection should be in the form of a statutory declaration where
the applicant formally declares the answers given and information provided is true
to the best of his or her knowledge and belief pursuant to the Oaths, Affidavits and
Statutory Declarations Act 2005
Prohibiting Electronic devices at Pre-Selections
62. Mobile phones, tablets and laptops should be banned at all pre-selection meetings
to maintain confidentiality, except for Head Office staff.
RECOMMENDATIONS: Candidate Training and Vetting
Approved candidate List
63. The Liberal Party should form an Approved Candidate List (ACL) to select, vet and
train candidates in preparation for elections.
RECOMMENDATIONS: Implementation of Reforms
64. The Constitution should be amended to reflect the reforms proposed by the Review
Committee or any other reforms proposed by State Council.
65. A special state constitutional conference should be convened in mid-2022 to deal

with any amendments, rather than the upcoming annual conference.
66. It is recommended that there should be a session at the 2021 Annual Conference
devoted to explaining the work of the Review Committee, its recommendations, and
proposals for reform.
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CHAPTER 4: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
It is important to understand the progress and subsequent decline of the fortunes of the
Parliamentary Liberal Party in the years following the 2008 State Election.
That election resulted in the defeat of the incumbent Labor government after 7 years in
power and saw the election of the Barnett government by a narrow margin.
The Liberals subsequently retained government in 2013, before suffering a significant loss
in 2017. The Party went on to suffer a devastating loss in 2021.
2008 Election Results
The 2008 State Election was held on Saturday, 6 September 2008 to elect 59 members of
the Legislative Assembly and 36 members of the Legislative Council.
The election was the first to be held since a major electoral redistribution was
implemented in 2007. Not only did it involve significant changes to the geographic
distribution of parliamentary seats and regions in Western Australia, but it provided for
the adoption of ‘one-vote one-value’ for the lower house.
The Liberals increased their vote by 2.48%. The Liberals won 38.4% primary and 51.8% 2PP.
The Liberals won 24 seats in the Assembly, which effectively took 10 seats off Labor on the
basis of the new one-vote one-value boundaries. Labor’s vote declined by 7.2%
The election resulted in a hung Parliament. The Liberals were unable to form a government
in their own right, but after some intense negotiating with the Nationals, and supported
by three independents, they were able to form a coalition government.
The Liberals made several key concessions to win over the Nationals, who at one stage
looked like they would join with Labor to form a coalition government.
Concessions included agreeing to 25% of mining proceeds going to regional projects

through what was named ‘Royalties for Regions’. National Party ministers could also
‘exempt’ themselves from Cabinet to vote against an issue on the floor of the Parliament.
2013 State Election Results
The 2013 state election was held on Saturday 9 March 2013 to elect 59 members of the
Legislative Assembly and 36 members of the Legislative Council.
The Liberal Party won a majority of seats in the Legislative Assembly for the first time since
the election of 1996, retaining government with 31 seats. The primary vote for the Liberals
was 47.1%, with 57.3% 2PP. The ALP won 21 seats and the Nationals 7 seats in the
Legislative Council. The Liberals won 17 of the 36 seats in the Council.
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Colin Barnett, who had been Premier since 2008 continued in that role. The Leader of the
Opposition was Mark McGowan, who had been leader of his party since January 2012.
The Liberals increased their two-party preferred vote by 5.44%, while Labor’s vote had
slipped by a similar percentage.
New members of parliament were elected to represent the Liberal Party, including Dean
Nalder (Alfred Cove); Sean L’Estrange (Churchlands) in ex-independent seats with Nathan
Morton, Jan Norberger, Eleni Evangel, Chris Hatton and Glenys Godfrey winning former
Labor seats. Former Leader of the Government in Legislative Council Norman Moore
retired as a sitting member of the Mining and Pastoral region.
The 2017 State Election was held on Saturday 11 March 2017 to elect 59 members of the
Legislative Assembly and 36 members of the Legislative Council.
The Liberal Government was defeated in a landslide. The Labor opposition won 41 of the
59 seats in the Assembly (an increase of 20 seats). It also became the largest party in the
Legislative Council with 14 of the 36 seats. Most of the defeated Liberal candidates had
served two terms.
The swing to the ALP was 9.07%, while the Liberal Party’s vote was down 15.88%. The
Liberal primary vote was 31.2%, 2PP 44.5%.
At the time, it was the worst defeat of a sitting government in Western Australia.
Six government ministers lost their seats in the Assembly, and one minister in the Council.
The Labor landslide was based primarily on a near-sweep of city seats, with an effective
swing of 13.6 points.
The seats lost included Balcatta (Chris Hatton) Belmont (Glenys Godfrey); Bicton (Matt
Taylor); Bunbury (Ian Morrison); Burns Beach (Albert Jacob); Darling Range (Tony
Simpson); Forrestfield (Nathan Morton); Jandakot (Joe Francis); Joondalup (Jan
Norberger); Kalamunda (John Day).
The following seats were also lost: Kingsley (Andrea Mitchell); Morley (Ian Britza); Mount
Lawley (Michael Sutherland); Murray-Wellington (Murray Cowper); Perth (Eleni Evangel);
Southern River (Peter Abetz); Swan Hills (Frank Alban) And Wanneroo (Paul Miles).
John Castrilli, Kim Hames and Barry House all retired and did not contest the election.
Upper House member Liz Behjet lost pre-selection. Lower house polling for the 12 months
preceding the election was consistently below 35%.
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The 2021 State Election was held on Saturday 13 March 2021 to elect 59 members of the
Legislative Assembly and 36 members of the Legislative Council. The ALP won a second
consecutive term of office picking up 12 seats with a swing to it of 17.7%. The Liberal
primary vote was 21.3%, 2PP 31.3%
The result was called by ABC psephologist Antony Green 42 minutes after the polls closed.
Labor won 53 out of the 59 of the seats in the Assembly, leaving the Liberals with only two
seats.
The Nationals claimed the four remaining seats and became the largest opposition party
in the Assembly with Mia Davies becoming the Leader of the Opposition. Labor claimed a
majority of the seats in the Upper House. The Liberals fell from 9 to 7 seats in the Legislative
Council.
It was a disaster for the Liberal Party even losing the blue-ribbon seats of South Perth,
Nedlands, Churchlands and Bateman. Technically, the Liberals ceased to be recognised as
the official Opposition party.
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CHAPTER 5: PREVIOUS YEARS IN OPPOSITION
The Griffin Report was commissioned by then President Norman Moore on behalf of the
Liberal Party following the 2017 State Election. It was considered in-camera by State
Executive. It was not published or made available to the governing body – State Council.
As a result, it had no impact in alerting the membership of the Party to the seriousness of
the situation and thus spurring on a reform process.
As a result, it had no impact in alerting the membership of the Party to the seriousness of
the situation and spurring on a reform process.
The report identified the reasons for the loss in explicit terms:
“… voter alienation from the ‘one man band’ personal style of Colin Barnett, the influence of
particular members of his personal staff, the absence of a workable relationship between the
parliamentary and organisational wings, the inability of the Government to respond effectively to
the economic downturn following the end of the resources boom, policy tensions with the Nationals
and chronic disunity within the parliamentary party as a cocktail of negatives that contributed to
the comprehensive defeat of the Government”.
State of the Parliamentary wing
Between 2017 to 2021, the Parliamentary wing became increasingly dysfunctional and was
consumed with leadership issues, rather than developing policies and setting up an
effective structure for fighting the next election.
These issues are explored in detail in Chapter 6, which deals with the 2021 Election
Campaign. One submission described the preceding years as “wasted – wilfully, negligently
and recklessly”.
The loss of government in 2017 was at that time the worst defeat of a sitting government
in Western Australia. The Party did not appear to learn its lesson from its defeat.
Accountability
All MPs should be held accountable for the state of the Parliamentary wing and the
electoral misfortune that befell the Party. Some may say that not all members should be
blamed, but all of them were members of the parliamentary team.
They all attended the Party Room and had the opportunity to participate in the decision-
making processes that related to policy, leadership and the election campaign. If they
didn’t participate, and just watched it happen, they are equally to blame.
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The Griffin Report
Party President Norman Moore commissioned a review of the 2017 election defeat in
order to understand what needed to be put in place for the next election. What was known
as the Griffin Report was delivered on 11 August 2017. It dealt with a range of key issues.
Overall, the Griffin Report submitted that the Party needed to implement reforms that
could be phased in over the four-year 2017-2021 term to ensure that the Party was ready
to contest the 2021 election.
It made several recommendations to prepare for the 2021 election, including: regular
polling; allocating appropriate funding for key seats to commence no later than mid-2019;
all elements of the campaign to be in place and fully operational by September 2020.
It also recommended a continuous process of policy development; continuous fund-raising

to support the campaign; upgrading Head Office’s staff, recruitment and training at least
12 months prior to the campaign period; establishing a rapid response tactics team at
campaign HQ; and re-establishing Campaign Team Blue to operate in the lead up to and
during the official campaign.
Mr Griffin also recommended that there be a concerted effort to recruit new Party
members, particularly in key seats; ensuring the integrity of branch member eligibility to
vote in pre-selection contests based on rigorous electorate residential and length of
branch membership requirements; begin an immediate search to identify and assess
quality candidates; and to develop 2021 campaign training for all new candidates.
Of course, it was essential that these recommendations be implemented by the Party in

readiness for the 2021 election. State Executive at the time largely ignored these reforms,
which was a fundamental mistake. The Report was effectively a waste of time, because
there was no attempt to implement its recommendations.
Failure to do so meant that the Party was ill-prepared to conduct the election campaign of
2021. Our observation is that it isn’t worth commissioning reports and analyses of election
losses unless there is serious reflection and discussion within the wider Party about the
reasons for the loss and recommendations for the future.
That didn’t happen with the Griffin Report, which is another reason why the Party was
unprepared for the 2021 election. Our understanding is that State Executive didn’t release
the Report to State Council, and merely tinkered at the edges with its recommendations,
but for the most part failed to implement the majority of reforms.
If the Party ignores the findings and recommendations of this report then it will have lost
the opportunity to reform itself and prepare itself for a return to power. It is expected that
factional leaders will oppose any proposals that will weaken their hold on power.
If the recommendations are ignored or blocked, then the Party will find it almost
impossible to regain power.
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CHAPTER 6: THE 2021 ELECTION CAMPAIGN
The 2021 election result for the Liberal Party was the worst in the Party’s history, which
dates from 1947. It’s nonsense to suggest that it’s just part of an electoral cycle and the
Liberal Party will just bounce back in time. A recovery in the fortunes of the Party is by no
means assured and will depend on the work done to reform it as an organisation.
The extent of the disastrous result of the 2021 State Election should not be explained away
or minimised by blaming the result entirely on the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, when
there were other critical factors also in play, and had been for some time.
The facts cannot be ignored that:
(a) the Party was humiliated suffering a second straight loss with historic swings against
it;
(b) the swing was so great that the Liberal Party lost key blue-ribbon seats such as
Nedlands, Bateman, Churchlands and South Perth. It was reduced to two seats in the
Legislative Assembly and suffered the indignity of becoming the junior partner in the
Opposition Coalition with the Nationals leader becoming Leader of the Opposition;
(c) the Labor Party achieved 69.7% of the two-party vote at the election, leaving the
Liberal and National Parties needing a uniform swing of 23.5% to win the 2025
election by just one seat, and with only six Labor seats with a margin under 10%;
(d) the Liberal Party’s vote in the Legislative Council collapsed to 16% across all regions
and as low as 10.7% in Mining and Pastoral. In 2013, it was 43.5% of the vote across
all regions and as high as 57.1% in the North Metropolitan Region;
(e) just to recover the Liberal Party’s safest six blue-ribbon seats will require a swing to
it of 10.1% and to capture 24 seats and government it will require the Coalition to
obtain 53.4% of the vote on a two-party basis;
(f) more than 40% of voters over 50 years of age deserted the Liberal Party to vote
Labor, while the Party continued to lose support amongst young people; and
(g) loss of control in the Legislative Council means there are no longer any constraints
on the Labor government to introduce whatever legislation it thinks fit, including
amending the upper house electoral system.
The Party had been in decline for the last 8 years if the measure is the number of assembly
seats held by it. The high point was in 2013, with the Liberal Party retaining government
with 31 seats. It fell to 13 seats in 2017 and two seats in 2021.
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Admittedly, in 2021 the Party was fighting a Labor government had hadn’t really done
much wrong that was visible to the electorate in its first term, well at least nothing that
had cut through with voters, and had not been the subject of proper media scrutiny.
On the other hand, the Labor Party was cashed-up, relatively disciplined, with some
competent ministers who performed ably before the media and were well led by a
seemingly moderate and experienced leader against a backdrop of the COVID-19
pandemic.
The Liberal Party simply wasn’t prepared to contest an election in 2021.
Was the pandemic the only reason for the election loss?
Some submissions to the Review Committee maintained that the state election loss was to
be explained solely by the advent of the COVID-19 pandemic. They sought to explain it as
a single-issue election, the impact of which was impossible to counteract.
The evidence suggests that this explanation is far too simplistic. Whilst it was a significant
factor, it wasn’t the only factor. The ‘pandemic excuse’ is just an excuse for the magnitude
of the loss.
Firstly, that explanation isn’t consistent with election results in Queensland and Tasmania.
The 2020 Queensland State Election was also held in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic.
The incumbent ALP government was returned to power. Premier Palaszczuk won with a
positive swing to it of just 1.9%. At the Tasmanian State Election in May 2021, the
incumbent Liberal government was returned to office. Whilst it was regarded as having
dealt with the pandemic extremely well, the Liberal government suffered a swing against
it of 1.6%.
In both cases the swing was less than 2% compared to McGowan’s 14.4% 2PP swing.
Former Party leader Bill Hassell submitted to the Committee that: “COVID and the response
to it was always going to make 2021 difficult for the Opposition and the Party, but it need
not have been such a devastating outcome if an upward trajectory had been established in
the days when Labor was not so popular and not doing so well, and if we had had a well-
reasoned program to sell”.
The staggering laziness of the Opposition and lack of action by the Party in creating and
‘selling’ acceptable policies much earlier than the advent of the pandemic were
contributing factors.
Vote Driver Analysis
Secondly, the post-election polling suggests there were definitely other factors in play to
explain why voters went to Labor in such huge numbers.
Following the election, a poll was independently commissioned to assess and verify vote
drivers. (KJC Research Polling 24-25 March 2021: Appendix 1 of this Report)
18
(n=621, conducted 24-25 March 2021 by KJC Research)
The post-election polling conducted by KJC Research revealed there were other vote
drivers which included, voters seeing Liberal candidates as having “extreme religious views
that didn’t represent them” (9%); what they regarded as the “unchecked influence of Party
powerbrokers” (3%); the New Energy Jobs plan (4%) and most significantly the “lack of
performance of the Liberal Party over the previous four years” (19%). Zak Kirkup’s
inexperience was of minimal concern at only 2% of respondents.
The poll found 73% of respondents had decided who they would vote for well ahead of the
State Election, with a further 16% deciding their vote early in the campaign - coinciding
with the February COVID-19 lockdown.
The Poll research showed that 44% of traditional Liberal voters and 70% of swinging voters
defected to the ALP. More Liberal voters cast their vote on polling day, which is reflected
in the results.
Overall, 54% of voters said Mark McGowan’s leadership during COVID-19 was the reason
they voted Labor – the single largest voter driver.
The reasons ‘traditional swinging voters’ gave for their voting decisions wasn’t much
different in all categories. Federal issues were not major factors for respondents.
19
In summary, the polling showed COVID-19 was the most significant issue that drove votes
to the Labor Party, however the respondents’ perception of the State Liberal Party’s
performance over the preceding years and pre-selection related issues when combined
were also significant.
While these issues may have gone unnoticed in a positive election cycle, COVID-19 and the
Premier’s personal popularity meant Liberal Party issues/negative perceptions were a
much larger focus for commentators and the public.
Performance of the Parliamentary Wing
Submissions to the Review Committee overwhelmingly confirmed that before the 2021
election the parliamentary party was not functioning effectively in many ways.
We were told that many senior parliamentary members did little, if anything, to develop
policies in anticipation of the election. Those that did, found it difficult to receive feedback.
Policy development appeared to rest entirely with the discretion of the leader, which was
how it had apparently operated from the time of the Barnett government.
It seemed that the office of the Leader of the Opposition (‘LOOP’) for the three years prior
to the start of the election campaign in 2021 was deciding policy with little, if any,
participation by senior members of the Opposition or in conjunction with the shadow
ministers, fellow MPs or the Organisational wing.
Despite their best efforts to catch up over the final 15 weeks, it was just too late to
effectively address the policy shortfall whilst ensuring a robust consultation framework
was followed.
Nevertheless, it was obvious that the Liberal Party had much difficulty in interesting the
media in its election policies and messaging. It was as if the media had effectively turned
away from the Liberal Party.
There may be many reasons for that. Perhaps the media saw no policies worth reporting,
no Shadow Ministers who had done their jobs or who looked competent. The media always
lean to the left, but not all of them, and they are not fools. The Liberal Party offered them
nothing of value to report, and it compounded the lack of penetration with voters.
Performance Indicators of Members of Parliament
The Review Committee has obtained access to the Liberal Party database, which amongst
other things records MP activity data. MPs log their campaigning and community activity
into a shared CRM database.
It tracks email and phone contacts and records such things as voter preferences. It also
acts as a check to current MP performance and manages data.
20
There is a national benchmark, which is the agreed level of activity required for an MP to
be performing effectively and efficiently, which is a target set by Federal HQ in Canberra.
A performance gap is assessed when compared to the National Benchmark. State MPs
were set benchmarks in a similar fashion by WA HQ. The schedule below records several
activities for the thirteen State MPs from 13 December 2020 to 13 March 2021.
The names of the MPs are known, but not published for privacy reasons. The data shows
that several of the MPs showed poor performance in the months leading up to the state
election.
MLA CRM Data September 13, 2020 – March 13, 2021

Data Type MLA 1 MLA 2 MLA 3 MLA 4 MLA 5 MLA 6
Email Addresses Added 41 30 16 99 468 416
Mobile Numbers 40 8 3 25 333 149
Added
State Vote Preference 28 5 6 233 724 872
Tagged
State Issues Tagged 145 2 40 22 1972 3610
Local Issues Tagged 3 1 81 66 235 338
Doors knocked 0 0 376 0 21 74
Sorry I Missed You 0 0 834 0 102 248
Cards Left
Total Calls 0 0 180 0 5863 5334
Data Type MLA 7 MLA 8 MLA 9 MLA 10 MLA 11 MLA 12 MLA

13
Email Addresses Added 522 26 34 14 70 10 112
Mobile Numbers 78 30 10 17 62 3 126
Added
State Vote Preference 336 143 47 895 64 243 0
Tagged
State Issues Tagged 1330 456 8 257 255 257 0
Local Issues Tagged 158 2 0 34 1 1 56
Doors knocked 269 1 198 1408 7 206 0
Sorry I Missed You 785 0 3269 1270 31 834 0
Cards Left
Total Calls 1847 1846 0 5364 300 2810 0
• MLA 5 was assisted by YL phone canvassing run out of HQ

• MLA 7 phone canvassing was run entirely out of HQ and conducted by YLs
• MLA 8 phone canvassing was run entirely out of HQ and conducted by YLs
21
MLC CRM Data September 13 2020 - March 13 2021
Data Type MLC 1 MLC 2 MLC 3 MLC 4

Email Addresses Added 503 0 16 7
Mobile Numbers Added 20 0 2 19
State Vote Preference
85 2 247 5
Tagged
State Issues Tagged 582 2 150 10
Local Issues Tagged 2707 0 34 0
Doors knocked 163 0 1053 8
Sorry I Missed You Cards
545 0 4024 0
Left
Total Calls 397 0 1329 0
Data Type MLC 5 MLC 6 MLC 7 MLC 8

Email Addresses Added 12 2 294 209
Mobile Numbers Added 2 7 39 10
State Vote Preference
132 424 1694 1
Tagged
State Issues Tagged 6 258 1138 1
Local Issues Tagged 65 0 1235 456
Doors knocked 612 733 604 0
Sorry I Missed You Cards
2154 2575 1769 0
Left
Total Calls 38 0 9403 0
• MLC 3 package used by three lower house seats

• MLC 5 package used by two lower house seats
• MLC 6 package used by two lower house seats
• MLC 7 package used by three lower house seats
It may be that activities were not recorded or maintained by MP staff members, but if so,
that just meant there was little supervision of staff activities, and it demonstrated a lack of
commitment to proper record keeping. The database for MLCs 3, 5, 6 and 7 was also used
by candidates and their campaign volunteers, evidenced by the significant amount of
community and campaign activity.
A comparison is worthwhile with Federal Members of Parliament. The Federal Members

also use the shared CRM database. This schedule relates to activity from 1 January 2021,
which for them wasn’t strictly a pre-election period.
22
WA Federal MP CRM Data September 13, 2020 -March 13, 2021
Data Type MP1 MP2 MP3 MP4 MP5 MP6

Email 458 382 96 411 260 475
Addresses
Added
Mobile 142 221 45 259 89 265
Numbers
Added
State Vote 329 173 3 243 31 170
Preference
Tagged
State Issues 279 1182 1 291 555 672
Tagged
Local Issues 555 36 2 19 22 787
Tagged
Total Calls 2165 0 0 246 0 0
Doors 0 0 0 0 0 0
knocked
Sorry I 0 0 0 0 0 0
Missed You
Cards Left
Data Type MP7 MP8 MP9 MP10 MP11

Email 318 218 441 247 265
Addresses
Added
Mobile 227 189 221 73 108
Numbers
Added
State Vote 50 432 160 13 44
Preference
Tagged
State Issues 564 1016 371 224 735
Tagged
Local Issues 91 335 59 3 45
Tagged
Total Calls 0 0 0 0 0
Doors 0 0 0 0 0
knocked
Sorry I 0 0 0 1 0
Missed You
Cards Left
There is a marked difference between State and Federal Members of Parliament. It may be
because Federal MPs are better resourced and staffed, as compared to State MPs, but it’s
the same software and relatively easy to input data that is helpful to MPs in assessing their
performance as against other MPs.
23
Finally, Head Office reports that it provided to all State MPs and candidates weekly KPI
targets for key seats. It was released with 150 days to go before the election.
It was a top activity plan, some of which were scaled back for safer and incumbent seats.
The kit identified such tasks as doorknocking, phone canvassing, letterboxing, social media,
community group engagement, feedback tagging and so forth. It suggested weekly targets.
It also provided a costings guide for these activities.
We are informed that no MP ever met their KPIs in total. Some met their social media
targets in the final week of the campaign, but only with Head Office’s input/budget and
assistance.
Leadership Issues
The Parliamentary wing was not functioning effectively at all in the four years leading up
to the 2021 election. It was consumed with leadership issues, which also meant there was
not a consistent message or set of policies to put to the voters.
Liza Harvey stepped down only 15 weeks before the state election, supposedly because of
bad polling. Zak Kirkup was elected unopposed in her place after Shadow Treasurer Dean
Nalder pulled out of the contest because he “didn’t have the numbers” amongst his
parliamentary colleagues to win the leadership.
Zak Kirkup’s election as leader so close to the state election was a desperate and ill-advised
move on the part of the Parliamentary wing. It should never have happened, and all
members of the Parliamentary wing who actively encouraged this move must take
responsibility for that, as they should for the election result.
It’s difficult to accept there were no other options available for a more senior MP to
assume the leadership. It may well have been that no senior MPs were prepared to take
over at a point in time when the Party was facing certain defeat. On the other hand, at
least one senior and experienced member of the Parliamentary wing was blocked by MPs
opposed to his election as Parliamentary Leader.
Former leader Mike Nahan described the leadership result as “an outcome of
powerbrokers rather than strength of the grassroots party” at the same time calling for
the resignation of Peter Collier and Bill Marmion: ABC News, Frances Bell and Jacob Kagi,
24 November 2020
Surely there were better choices for leader. The leader needed to be of sufficient calibre
and experience to compete with McGowan. It wouldn’t have prevented a serious loss, but
it may have saved a number of seats.
Polling undertaken by the Liberal Party in Bateman in late October 2020, less than five
months before the election, had Dean Nalder on 47% and Labor at 22%. On a two-party
preferred basis, he was sitting on 60% and Labor 40%.
24
At the election, Matt Woodall, the Tangney Divisional President, suffered a massive swing
of 14.5% against him. Dean Nalder’s pre-election margin of 60% was reduced to 43.3%.
Not only did the promotion of Zak Kirkup to Party leader result in the loss of Nalder to the
Party, and whatever benefit his leadership may have brought to the Party’s election
prospects, it almost certainly cost the Liberal Party Nalder’s blue ribbon seat.
Submissions from at least two parliamentarians suggested that Zak Kirkup wanted to be
elected leader, as if that was justification for his election. Surely, there needed to be other
factors such as suitability, experience, and capability.
Whatever the fact, Zak Kirkup was just too inexperienced and perhaps a little overwhelmed
by being thrust into the leadership role, for which he was understandably unprepared, and
senior members of the Parliamentary wing must take responsibility for that happening.
Some submissions were critical of Mr Kirkup’s public image, focusing on such things as
appearing in public unshaven and without a tie, even at the televised debate with the
Premier. One submission recalled Sir Charles Court saying: “Hippies don’t vote for hippies”
and “if you want to be Premier dress like a Premier”.
They also thought the Premier presented with a more conservative and reassuring image.
It wasn’t an issue of substance, but it was certainly something that concerned some
traditional Liberal voters. Some suggested it may have appealed to younger voters, but
that didn’t show in the polling.
Despite his experience in the Organisational wing, Mr Kirkup was a first-term

Parliamentarian, with limited experience in Parliament and who had never fronted an
election campaign as leader. Despite that, it must be said the polling showed that his
inexperience was a marginal negative factor in the mind of voters. (2% KJC Research
Polling)
The evidence suggests that leadership issues within the Parliamentary wing took
precedence over the effective conduct of the forthcoming election. Some MPs were
prepared to put their personal or factional interests before the welfare of the party that
had selected them to be members of parliament and to represent its best interests.
Politicians often forget that they are there for us, and because of us. It was in effect a
breach of the duty of loyalty they owed to the Liberal Party.
Having said that, not all MPs failed to work hard during the election campaign.
Submissions indicated that some campaigned vigorously, and also gave their time
mentoring first-time candidates.
Politics is a team game, not an individual race. It’s all about winning government by getting
the most seats. All parliamentarians had a collective responsibility to achieve that
objective. It’s not much good to say now, that this or that should have happened, when
each Parliamentary Member would have had a say in the party room.
25
This lack of performance may be the reason why a number of submissions put to the
Review Committee recommended key performance indicator (KPI) assessments be
introduced for members of parliament and that they not simply be endorsed if there is no
challenger, but still must face a formal pre-selection process.
Of more significance, was the lack of readiness on the part of the Parliamentary Party to
conduct an election campaign. The Party also lacked sufficient funding to mount an
effective campaign from opposition without the benefits of incumbency.
Mr Kirkup apparently had little assistance from his parliamentary colleagues, but
nevertheless brought an energy to the campaign that was previously lacking. He just
couldn’t match it with an experienced, mature and responsible Premier.
The other factor was the lack of coordination and cooperation between the LOOP Office
and the Organisational wing.
In 2021, Zak Kirkup successfully moved the LOOP Office to Head Office, which was a
positive move as it brought the two wings of the Party together to concentrate efforts. This
had not happened in 2017, and nor did it happen in previous elections under Colin Barnett.
Effectively, the running of the campaign was left in the hands of just a few people.
There was no equivalent to ‘Team Blue’, which had operated successfully in the past. The
campaign suffered from the lack of involvement of ‘seasoned campaigners’ in the strategic
planning of the election campaign. Their involvement would have benefitted the
campaign. Not to include them was a major mistake.
Policy Disconnect with Traditional Base
The Liberal Party has always given its Parliamentary wing much latitude in the presentation
of election policies. The leader is always central to deciding and promoting policies for an
election. Some will play a greater or lesser role.
With leaders such as Sir Charles Court and John Howard these policies were planned and
promoted well in advance of the election, usually with a handbook distributed at the
campaign launch and given to all candidates. Policy positions were within the orb of Liberal
Party acceptability – predictable and consistent.
There were submissions that criticised some statements made by Mr Kirkup during the
2021 election campaign. In particular, they focused on his concession the Party couldn’t
win the election and his declaration that he would leave politics if he lost his seat. He
justified his decision as a desperate attempt to connect with voters.
Other submissions complained that some policies promoted by the Party during the
election were not consistent with traditional Liberal policies. An example was the New
Energy Jobs plan, which promoted the closing of Government-owned coal-fired power
stations by 2025.
26
Political parties will at times promote ill thought-out policies to grab the attention of the
electorate, particularly when nothing seems to be cutting through. It rarely, if ever, works
and more often than not it becomes a negative factor.
Election Policy Costings
It’s traditional for political parties facing election to provide costings of their election
promises some weeks before election day. An incumbent government has access to the
public service and advisors to do that, but an opposition party needs to rely on private
entities to provide a due diligence or audit report, usually from an independent
accountancy firm.
The key issue is always fiscal responsibility. If an opponent can show costing errors or
exposes a ‘black hole’ in costings that can cause significant damage to that party
demonstrating that it can’t fund its election promises and be trusted fiscally.
The Opposition held a press conference just two days before the election on Thursday, 11
March 2021 to announce costings of its election promises.
It claimed that its promises over the four years of forward estimates totalled $2.736 billion,
but would only have a net debt budget impact of $1.442 billion, with savings to be found
elsewhere. The big-ticket items were the energy policy, social housing funding and sinking
the railway between Mitchell Freeway to Thomas Street, West Perth. The problem was
that shortfalls were exposed on the costing of each and could not be explained: Rhiannon
Shine and Eliza Laschon, ABC News, 11 March 2021
The situation was made worse when it emerged that accounting firm Hall Chadwick,
engaged to check the Opposition figures, had not been asked to analyse any assumptions
behind the party's costings. The firm was instead asked to simply tally up the figures
provided to them.
The Government jumped on the presentation saying that there was no detailed analysis of
key policies, with only the most basic of outlines of estimated costs. There was much
hyperbole, with the Treasurer Ben Wyatt saying: “It was like watching the three stooges
pass around a ticking time bomb. Sean L’Estrange didn’t want to talk about it, Zak Kirkup
didn’t understand it and David Honey threw himself upon it”. [ABC News 12, March 2021]
It wasn’t a good look for the Liberal Party and gave every indication of ineffective
presentation and the lack of a coherent set of policies. It added to the general perception
of the Liberals as incompetent and unfit for government, which was a perception fostered
by Labor in its advertising.
It should be recalled that under the leadership of Liza Harvey there was an Economic
Expenditure Review Committee (EERC) of which Dean Nalder was the Chair. The
Committee would assess the costing implications of any policy presented to it. Zak Kirkup
abandoned this Committee when he became leader. That was another mistake.
27
Dean Nalder had been shadow treasurer under Liza Harvey and one of the very few MPs
to have corporate and financial experience. One would have thought he would be a key
advisor on financial matters. Yet, under Ms Harvey he was the only person of the EERC that
was not on the Campaign Committee, which was the body that determined the policies for
the election. It is hardly surprising that the costings launch was a disaster.
The problem was three-fold. First, these policies would normally would have been the
subject of rigorous analysis and costing by the Economic Expenditure Review Committee
(EERC), but the committee had been abandoned by the leader, Zak Kirkup, with the LOOP
Office taking over this function. Secondly, Dean Nalder, the former shadow treasurer, had
been kept out of the campaign, so couldn’t provide necessary financial advice. Thirdly, the
new Shadow Treasurer had not been significantly involved in costing these policies and
was underprepared when he faced the media.
It may be that voters expect each major party to accuse the other of costing failures, and
because the voters have no way of knowing whether it is true or not just ignore it as part
of the traditional argy-bargie of politics.
Obviously, a long-term reputation for fiscal responsibility is more persuasive to voters. It is

a reputation traditionally enjoyed by Liberal governments that portray socialist
governments as fiscally reckless.
The Barnett government had shown itself to be profligate and reckless in its spending,
which partly trashed the conservative brand for ‘fiscal responsibility’, whereas the
McGowan government had created the impression that it was fiscally responsible by
comparison. It wasn’t true, but Labor got away with it.
Party Messaging
Independent polling shows the Liberals were effective in their messaging with 72%
identifying their message of not giving Labor total control compared to 9% saying they
didn’t have a message. The pollsters observed that “this may suggest that the mechanical
part of the Liberals campaign was effective”. (KJC Research Polling)
The Party was struggling to get its message to the community through the media, which
literally became disinterested in what it was saying. When the media did report it was to
ridicule the performance of the parliamentary team, which to some extent was self-
inflicted.
Zak Kirkup’s “we can’t win” announcement took everyone by surprise and critically had a
significant negative impact on most of the party candidates standing for election.
Whilst a number of candidates understood the reasoning behind this announcement, a

first-time candidate described it as a “throwing in the towel moment”. He said it caused
much anger and loss of morale amongst fellow candidates who were working as hard as
they could mostly with limited resources.
28
There seemed to be a policy disconnect from the Party’s traditional base. What that polling
revealed was that while the message was understood, it had no impact or effect on
electors voting intentions. It was simply the wrong message.
While the message not to give Labor too much control, was heard and surely understood
by voters, it didn’t translate into a campaign to elect Liberals.
There was a complaint from one Upper House MP that there was little, if any promotion
during the election campaign of the importance of the Legislative Council as a foil to Labor
Party domination of the Parliament.
The Review Committee has been told that Zak Kirkup and others did mention the Upper
House at press conferences and some media interviews, but that there was a deliberate
decision by the Campaign Committee not to confuse the messaging of “Don’t Give Labor
Too Much Power”.
It was thought that it would be confusing at the same time to promote the Upper House
as it would be “lost on average voters” and draw them away from the primary focus of
electing lower House MPs.
The Review Committee doesn’t find that explanation particularly convincing. Electors
aren’t so dim or uneducated that they cannot understand why, like the Senate, there is an
Upper House and how it could act as a bulwark against Labor’s power.
One would have thought it would have been an obvious political message to voters
particularly in circumstances where it was known that the Party’s prospects were grim.
Anyway, this is a judgment made in hindsight, and those who were running the election
campaign called it as they saw it at the time.
Perception of the impact of Christian Fundamentalists in the Liberal Party
Post-election polling found that 9% of people voted Labor because of the perception that
the Liberal Party candidates had ‘extreme religious views that didn’t represent them’.
That perception was obviously driven by media coverage of what is described as an

“evangelical incursion” into the Liberal Party by church groups to influence branches and
divisions of the northern and southern suburbs: Gary Adshead, The West Australian, 15
January 2019
Every State Division of the Liberal Party has seen religious conservative factions increase
their influence. That is hardly surprising given their advantages. They are well organised,
turn out to vote and they are coalescing against rapid social change.
There is a push by churches of many denominations who are disillusioned with their
political representatives to join the Liberal Party to counter such issues as abortion,
voluntary euthanasia and whatever they regard as radical social policies.
29
The Liberal Party is a secular organisation. But it should never discriminate against
members of the Christian faith, or indeed any faith. They should all be welcomed to our
‘broad church’ so long as they share our values.
The fundamental ethos of conservatism is to embrace diversity, not reject it. However, if
any individuals, or groups, whatever their association, act against the interests of the
Liberal Party or do not support its objectives or candidates then their behaviour should be
exposed and sanctioned, if necessary by expulsion.
That is not because they are identified by any label or group, but because of their
behaviour and lack of loyalty to the Liberal Party. If they don’t want to embrace Liberal
Party values and principles, they shouldn’t be members.
Do Liberal principles and values matter anymore?
Many of the submissions made to the Review Committee expressed the sentiment that
looking back over the last few parliamentary terms it was difficult to understand what the
Liberal Party actually believed in anymore. In other words, it no longer seemed to espouse
the values and aspirations of its supporters.
The Liberal Party has for most of its history been centre-right political party espousing
beliefs in individual freedom, free enterprise and secularism.
Sir Robert Menzies was a man of his time. Understandably, he saw the world in a traditional
way. Critics claim he was antiquated, and out of touch, but he steered Australia through a
huge transition from austere post-war years to modern times. He saw politics as a vehicle
for middle-class Australians to achieve their aspirations.
These were the people that some have called ‘the Howard battlers’, which really meant
‘aspirational voters’, and which included small-business owners, blue-collar self-employed
workers, all of whom were striving to get ahead for themselves and their families.
These were the same people who Menzies, in his speech delivered on 22 May 1942, called
the “Forgotten People”, and who he believed “best represented the values and
constituency of the Liberal Party…rather than the socialist view of the world embraced by
Labour relying on big government as the problem-solver”.
Menzies spoke of the middle-class as the “backbone of Australia” who had largely been
“taken for granted” by political parties and were effectively powerless because of lack of
wealth on the one hand and lack or organisation on the other.
Former Prime Minister John Howard delivered The Inaugural John Howard Lecture for the
Menzies Research Centre at Centenary Hall, Melbourne on Thursday 19 February 2009. In
discussing the nature of politics, he said:
“Ultimately politics is a battle of ideas. Those who triumph politically are those who have not only
superior arguments but also the capacity to present those arguments in a compelling fashion.
30
Consistency of philosophy as well as consistency in the narrative of a political party, whether it is in
government or opposition, are essential ingredients to success. A major reason why the former
(Howard) government remained in office for so long was that it governed in a predictable and
consistent fashion. Love us or loathe us, and there were plenty of both, the Australian people knew
what we believed in and what we wished to achieve for their country.”
The difficulty for the Liberal Party has been to establish a point of difference with its
opponents. Politicians rarely think long term; they just want flattering headlines now.
Politics has become the 30-second TV grab, with policy making becoming no more than
attracting voters with feel-good policies, and rarely in recent times do MPs speak of
policies consistent with Liberal values and principles.
Margaret Thatcher once said: “If you just set out to be liked, you will be prepared to
compromise on anything at any time and would achieve nothing”. Many people may not
have liked Sir Charles Court, but they knew what he stood for and respected him. They
even voted for him.
Putting aside the ad hoc way policies were developed for the 2021 election campaign, if
any proper thought was given to what we stood for, there was no consistency in the
narrative of the parliamentary party.
Howard’s point was that the former Federal Government remained in office for so long
because it governed in a “predictable and consistent fashion”.
The State Party lost its way because its members were more concerned about holding
power, than the power of ideas. It failed on both counts.
The State Parliamentary Party progressively lost the battle of ideas. It progressively failed
to articulate the polices and aspirational values shared by middle-Australia. It increasingly
failed to project a consistency and predictability of core Liberal Party beliefs and values.
The only conclusion that can be made is that the Liberal Party lost most of its voter base,
who deserted it, because of its leadership squabbles, factional activities and loss of
principles.
Are we still the ‘broad church’?
Unfortunately, the Liberal Party has increasingly ceased to be a ‘broad church’, as John
Howard would say, and has more and more become a party of apparatchiks like the ALP.
In other words, we were once a party represented by men and women of different working
and professional backgrounds. Tradies, lawyers, doctors, teachers, small business owners
and so forth, who brought a wealth of experience and knowledge to parliament.
Now it seems that Parliament is mostly populated by those who have worked their way
through the Party Organisation, then progressed to being staff in MPs offices, and finally
obtaining pre-selection for a parliamentary seat – and so the cycle continues.
31
A Communications Perspective
The Review Committee requested Casey Cahill and Simon Bailey of Counsel
Communications for their perspective on the Liberal defeat.
Neither are members of any political party, but jointly have spent time as media advisers
to both Labor and Coalition governments. They provided their views without payment, for
which we are most grateful. See Appendix 3 of this Report.
Having acknowledged the significant impacts of McGowan’s handling of the COVID-19

pandemic, the leadership turmoil coming into the election and the influence of
‘powerbrokers’ over policy and candidate selection, they thought there were also
underlying reasons, which included:
“… the inability to connect with the electorate including its own traditional supporters and the
undermining of the ‘underdog strategy’. While undoubtedly there were conservative voters who
switched to the ALP because of Mark McGowan’s first term record, others more worryingly could
not bring themselves to vote Liberal.”
They explained that:
“In our view this can be traced directly back to the Party’s messaging, its delivery and
communication tactics – including (as a generalisation) the inability of its sitting members and
candidates to communicate what the Party stands for and lack of demonstration to the electorate
that in the face of defeat it could be effective and strong in opposition”.
The paper should be read for its full context, but they concluded that:
“Without direct insight into the workings of the Party, from the outside it appeared that this
preparedness in key areas was either lacking; or decisions were made on the run, coming across as
desperate rather than strategic; and as the political underdog, critical public/media opportunities
to demonstrate the Liberal value proposition were mishandled or squandered”.
They gave as examples what they described as “clear contributors of the overall perception
of fractures and disorganisation within the party in the lead up to and during the election
campaign”.
These included:
(a) the release of the energy policy blindsiding its own MPs and key stakeholders;
(b) costings of the Party’s election commitments at the media conference;
(c) controversial candidates’ views on social issues; and
(d) the leader’s ‘pivot’ on the election outcome and his own future sending wrong
message to voters/candidates.
The authors pinpointed the ‘time of death’ of the campaign as:
32
“… the moment the Leader announced he would retire from politics if he were unsuccessful. Any
support gained deploying ‘the underdog’ strategy was obliterated simply because a true underdog
does not throw in the towel even before the first votes have been counted”.
They recommend that the Party now takes time to look at its structure, its personnel,
policies, and strategies.
Importantly, they say, it should be going back to basics and redefining or reconnecting by
addressing critical factors such as:
• What does the Party stand for?

• How can it best serve the people of Western Australia?
• What is the point of difference?
• What are its key policy objectives?
• Who are the critical stakeholders it needs to connect with?
They say that once these are agreed “the messaging and narrative to reflect and support
them need to be developed and socialised with members to provide direction and instil
belief, then shared with the broader community”.
Finally, they recommended as a prerequisite to preselection candidates should be more

carefully vetted and trained in the basics of campaigning. The analysis provided by Counsel
Communications was consistent with the information and opinions provided to the Review
Committee.
33
CHAPTER 7: POLICY DEVELOPMENT
It is a well-known fact that many people are drawn into political parties in order to express
their views on policy matters. Policy development is always a contentious issue between
the Organisational wing and Parliamentary wing of the Liberal Party.
Unlike the Labor Party, the Organisational wing does not dictate policy, but nevertheless
it’s expected the policies of the Organisational wing would be influential in that process.
Most friction occurs when the policies developed by members at State Conference are
seemingly ignored by the Parliamentary wing. Party members expect to be part of the
process of policy development because of their involvement in the Party.
The Parliamentary wing since 2008, has increasingly ignored the Organisational wing and
ceased to be accountable to it. That may not have mattered so much when in government,
but it continued into opposition.
The 2021 election exposed this disconnect, when policies were made on the run and
without consultation with interested parties. The LOOP office failed to advise shadow
ministers and candidates who would be most impacted by policy announcements.
For example, Jane Goff the candidate for the Collie-Preston electorate claimed Zak Kirkup’s
sudden announcement to close Government owned coal-fired power stations by 2025
“undermined” her campaign: Peter Law, The West Australian, 28 February 2021.
It seems that since 2008, party policy has largely been decided by the leader without much
consultation, if any, with either wing of the Party.
There was more consultation under the leadership of Mike Nahan, who was keen to
develop policies and promote Liberal principles and values, but his leadership was
undermined by his colleagues. It became more autocratic when Liza Harvey became
leader, which many attribute to her office staff.
Submissions to the Review Committee emphasised the disconnect between Ms Harvey and
her parliamentary colleagues. They say that she, and those who backed her for leader,
were concerned about potential rivals to her and that this fear led to the marginalisation
of Messrs Honey, L’Estrange and Nalder, much to the detriment of the Party.
Submissions made to the Review Committee state that Ms. Harvey’s chief of staff acted as
her ‘gatekeeper’ preventing direct access to her. Because of that some members of
parliament felt they were disrespected by the leadership, and their views ignored. It no
doubt affected their morale.
Sometimes, advisers or staff do act as ‘gatekeepers’, often denying or restricting access to

the minister or leader. That’s understandable to a degree because of the heavy demands
on their time.
34
Obviously, in Government, ministers have access to the bureaucracy, policy advisers and
the resources of incumbency. Depending on the experience and personality of the minister
he or she would have less or more reliance on such persons. Access is more available in
opposition when the resources of office are no longer available.
In so far as policy interaction between Parliamentary and Organisational wings is

concerned, it has been submitted that the minister or shadow minister respond within a
set period of time to State Council explaining why he or she has not implemented any
policies that have been endorsed by the Organisational wing.
Of course, it is accepted that other than long-term aspirational policies, like the completion
of Roe8, the Parliamentary wing, especially in opposition, should not be adopting fixed
policy positions too far out from an election.
During Sir Charles Court’s premiership (1974-1982), if after 3 months a motion of State
Council remained without response, then he would promptly call in the Minister for an
explanation.
One of the Review Committee’s recommendations is that shadow ministers should report
to State Council within a reasonable time (say 4 months) giving reasons why any substantial
policy proposed by the Organisational wing has not been adopted or at least considered.
While 4 months may seem a long time, it will enable the MP’s to thoroughly consider &
research all angles of the recommended policy, rather than just giving it lip service.
That shouldn’t be seen as an act of admonishment, but simply a means by which the
Organisational wing can be assured that there is some interaction between the wings of
the Party.
The Review Committee was informed that some senior ex-MPs have offered their services
to assist current MPs with advice about the legislation that comes before them. It’s a
generous offer, and hopefully we can only hope that ego will not prevent it being accepted.
Another proposal is to utilise the skills of the YLM in providing research resources, which
the Parliamentary wing surely lacks because of the reduction of members following the
election.
The Policy Committee still has a role to play within the Party. It provides a means by which
members can engage in dialogue with each other and the Parliamentary wing about
policies that matter most.
Since the election loss the Policy Committee has embarked on a programme to develop
policies, but it may be that these efforts do no more that create an environment of
participation, which of itself is something worthwhile.
35
However, it should also focus on addressing the more fundamental difficulty in the
relationship between the wings of the Party when it comes to policy development, which
is a more immediate issue to resolve.
Politics gives rise to the exchange of robust views. There was a time when State Council
was the forum of vigorous debate on policy issues and would occupy a whole day. It now
seems to be rushed through in a matter of hours, without reports and debate. It is
preferred that there be a civil dialogue between the Parliamentary and Organisational
wings, rather than it being an unnecessary point of conflict.
The views of each participant at State Council should be respected and dealt with in a
courteous way. In that way, it may promote a willingness of the different wings to
cooperate and assist each other.
RECOMMENDATIONS: Policy Development
1. The Parliamentary wing should work on developing a better relationship with the
Organisational wing on the formulation of policy.
2. One way of interacting with the Parliamentary wing is by providing research

resources to Liberal MPs. The Review Committee understands that former senior
Parliamentary Members have offered to provide advice to current MPs, which would
enable them to cope with the volume of legislation and policy they will have to deal
with.
3. Where possible, the Organisational wing should produce policies well in advance of
the next state election. There is an expectation that the Parliamentary wing will be
influenced by these policies in settling a platform to be incorporated into an election
booklet and provided to candidates and the media.
4. The YLM can make a valuable contribution to the Party by providing research
resources to Members of Parliament. It would also educate them in policy and the
way Parliament functions.
5. Shadow Ministers should report to State Council within a reasonable time (say 4
months) giving reasons why any substantial policy proposed by State Conference or
State Council has not been considered and adopted.
36
CHAPTER 8: FINANCE & FUNDRAISING
The Party is a membership-based organisation, yet only 10% of its revenue comes from
membership fees. As such the Party is dependent on fundraising to pay for its organisation,
activities and elections.
Party membership revenue is insufficient to fund the operation of the Party administration
and should be increased incrementally. We have recommended that the ability to increase
the membership fee should be removed from the Constitution and incorporated into the
Party rules. It’s a more flexible approach but will require a constitutional amendment.
Parliamentary Contribution
On both a Federal and State level, parliamentarians contribute towards the Party.
However, the method by which this contribution is made is significantly different.
The WA Federal Parliamentary team contribute to WA central fundraising for Federal

campaigns through FCAP. Annual targets are set by representatives from the WA Federal
Parliamentary team and then discussed with SME. Targets are scaled by both seniority and
margin, with Cabinet Ministers requited to achieve higher targets than back bench or
marginal seat members. FCAP payments are regularly transferred from a Member’s
campaign account to the WA Head Office Campaign Account.
This provides ongoing oversight and transparency as updates on FCAP balances are
provided by the State Treasurer to SME, and when appropriate to State Executive and State
Council. A benefit of the FCAP system is the ability to budget required key seat campaign
expenses over the full three-year term (e.g., employment of field officers, key seat polling).
On the other hand, the State Parliamentary team established a different system by which
members contribute via their salary to the State Parliamentary Party bank account that
was initially established to fund activities decided by the Party room.
Regular contributions were also made to head office in the form of an SCAP, originally as
progress payments.
Some years ago, SCAP contributions changed from being “progressive payments” to a lump
sum payment which was paid in the lead up to an election campaign The Party room
deliberated on the amount that they would contribute to Head Office together with what
additional donations they would make directly to marginal seat Members.
More recently, in opposition, The State Party decided to no longer donate to individual
Members through these contributions, but rather to donate the whole agreed amount to
Head Office.
The disparity in the execution of these two contribution systems is pronounced. As a

result, it is necessary that the State Parliamentary wing and Head Office work together in
order to align FCAP and SCAP structures and reporting.
37
This would include the appointment of SCAP representatives to work directly with SME to
manage and determine annual SCAP targets; the reporting of SCAP balance by the Party
Treasurer in conjunction with FCAP updates, and the payment of all SCAP payments to a
dedicated Head Office SCAP account.
Of course, the reduced number of MPS after the election means that the contribution from
the Parliamentary wing will be reduced significantly.
However, with a more structured and transparent system, both Members and the Party
will be able to better account and prepare for the spending of campaign funds in the lead
up to the elections, along with a greater ability to access any fundraising shortfall.
Fundraising
The financial base of corporate supporters has shrunk dramatically since 2016-17 and
unless that trend is reversed the financial viability of the Liberal Party is at risk.
Fundraising has largely become dependent on a few individuals, rather than the finance
committee that has demonstrably failed for a long time to raise any funds for election
campaigns or the functioning of the Party.
The Party has fallen out of favour with both ‘true believers’ and transactional supporters
because they do not see it winning government. Furthermore, the Party has not engaged
constructively with business in recent years, and revenue has declined.
Business can hardly be criticised because it supports parties which it knows it must deal
with to obtain a favourable and efficient environment for doing business.
The Liberal Party should not sit back and expect that government will fall into its lap
because of the inevitable mistakes of the Labor Government. It’s naive to think that will
happen any time soon.
Elections are expensive and must be funded. Information before the Committee is that
there were insufficient funds to wage an effective 2021 election campaign.
Given that any government enjoys the benefit of incumbency with media coverage and
setting the agenda, it means that oppositions need to spend large amounts of money.
Essential to that process is fundraising.
Public Funding
Like federal elections, political parties at state elections receive public funding based on
the number of votes they receive, but that doesn’t happen until after the election.
38
Information before the Review Committee is that the Party spent in advance what it
calculated it would receive and because of the low vote, it received less than half of what
was expected. It had no option because of the failure of the Party to raise election funds.
The loss of seats in the Legislative Assembly since 2017, then 2021, has significantly
reduced electorate resources available over the state electorate cycle to the Liberal Party.
It has transferred these resources in full to the Labor Party, which will be used in part to
support Labor candidates in the upcoming elections.
The WA Liberal Party will receive its lowest ever level of public funding and MP
contributions. This precipitous drop in revenue means efforts to elicit donations will
become increasingly important if the Party is to run an electorally competitive campaign
in 2025.
KJC Research Paper
KJC Research conducted an analysis of historical AEC returns to understand the number an
average size of donations over the last 20 years and used this material to develop
fundraising recommendations. The analysis is available at Appendix 2 of this Report. There
are a few salient observations made by the Report:
1. The Greens received more in donations than the Liberal Party in 2018-19, and the ALP
more than double.
2. Given the recent election results, public funding and MP contributions will be low over
the coming term, making it necessary to grow the donor base.
3. State MPs decided to dispense with their fundraising targets in favour of a percentage
contribution from their salary.
4. Donations are at their lowest ever levels from current regular donors.
5. Donations from corporates who have donated 5+ times in the last 10 years is at its
lowest ever. The number of regular donors is surprisingly small. Six companies who
used to donate regularly, have not since 2015.
6. Both size and number of large, one-off donations (more than $25,000) have been
falling since around 2013. For example, down from $250,000 in 2016-17 to $31,900 in
2017-18.
In summary, the financial support base of the Liberal Party has shrunk significantly to the
point that if it continues Head Office will struggle to meet its ongoing commitments.
Diminishing Financial Support of 500 Club
Of particular concern to the Review Committee is the rate at which donations have fallen
from the 500 Club over recent years. For example, from $425,000 in 2008/09 to $50,000
in 2019/20.
39
Inactivity of Finance Committee
The Party will obtain minimal funding support from memberships fees because of the small
amount of the fee - pegged at $25 and without the chance of it being raised because of
the constitutional requirement of 75% support at a State Conference.
Incredibly, the State Treasurer had to admit to a post-election State Council that the
Finance Committee had raised “zero” funds over the 12-month period before the election.
Apart from public-funding, the only money raised for the election was by individual
candidates, some senior party members hosting functions and the parliamentary team. If
that is so, then it was an appalling state of affairs.
The Finance Committee Chairman should have been held to account by State Council for
his abject failure to raise any funds, but it seems it just accepted it without any criticism.
In the past, the membership of the Finance Committee included prominent senior business
people who collectively raised millions of dollars, and which resulted in the Party owning
its own office building, real estate investments, shares and cash.
Other members were senior directors and managers of corporations. The Committee was
led by senior members of the Party with strong links to the business community, who
chaired such committees with great success.
Admittedly, it’s much tougher now because there are some members of the business
community who have to a large extent abandoned the Liberal Party. Instead of criticising
these people for doing so, and in some cases calling for their expulsion, the Party needs to
reflect on why this has happened and attempt to win them back.
The Finance Committee doesn’t have to set up a structure of multiple sub-committees to

target potential donors. That’s just being seen to be active. It’s simpler than that.
The reality is that the Party needs people of sufficient stature within the business
community who can go out and raise money. It was a winning formula in the past and will
prove so again.
The other major hurdle is that the Party critically needs to demonstrate to the business
community that it is worth supporting financially. That will only come if it believes that the
Party has rid itself of all of the problems that has plagued it in the past and caused it to be
rejected so overwhelmingly at the polls.
In other words, that it has faced all of these issues and genuinely implemented a
programme of reform to restore itself as a major political party to counter the socialists.
40
RECOMMENDATIONS: Finance and Fundraising
6. It is recommended that the State SCAP contribution to elections more closely mirror
that of the Federal FCAP system. Targets could be funded by the current salary
contribution system or through fundraising.
7. The position of Finance Chair should be a recommendation of the State Management

Committee (SME) and endorsed by State Council.
8. The Finance Chair should be responsible for appointing to his or her committee
between six and ten members.
9. The members of the Committee should have business experience and different
commercial backgrounds. Importantly, members should have links into the business
community.
10. The Finance Chair should no longer be a member of SME. When required the Finance
Chair may attend SME, with speaking rights only.
11. The Party should negotiate with the Divisions to implement some financial
arrangement to overcome or resolve the funding issues for Head Office so that it may
discharge its current financial obligations.
41
CHAPTER 9: ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE
The organisational structure of the Party isn’t very efficient and should be reworked into a
more sensible arrangement which avoids the duplication of decision making. It should be
restructured to bring it into line with modern and efficient corporate practice.
Obviously, that will require the willingness of members to embrace constitutional reform,
the failure of which always seems to impede the Party’s ability to function as a modern
corporate body. Of course, the Liberal Party is not just a soulless corporate body, because
it’s all about people, but it does have specific responsibilities governed by legislation.
Importantly, it is a voluntary organisation whose members must be respected and listened

to by its parliamentary representatives. It also has values and principles that deserve equal
respect.
State Management Executive (SME) should be able to co-opt non-voting members to

temporarily attend meetings to deal with specific issues, such as campaign, finances and
so forth as they arise.
State Executive
State Executive fulfills no essential role other than determining preferences at election
time and branch membership applications. It is meant to be an executive body, but
because of its size has become a representative body.
In its current form, it is an unnecessary level of administration and too big to be an effective
mechanism for decision making. There is no function that it performs that cannot be done
by State Council or SME.
The Review Committee recommends that State Executive be abolished.
Should State Conference decide that State Executive fulfills some useful role in the Party’s
administration it should be reduced in size to make it more effective and manageable.
State Executive could include its current members listed under s. 78 of the Constitution,
but without the Standing Committee Chairs elected by State Council. There is no apparent
reason why they should be members of State Executive when they can and should report
to State Council.
State Council Meetings
There is no need for State Council to meet every month. It diverts essential resources from
Head Office to prepare for each meeting. It should rather meet every two months or for
any special reason should the need arise. It makes sense for its meetings to alternative
with State Executive (should State Executive be retained).
42
Role of Immediate Past President
There seems to be no good reason by an ex-State President should continue in the role of
IPP for the entire term of his or her successor.
In the Tasmanian Division, the Immediate-Past President serves only one year in that
capacity at the expiration of his or her term, not the whole four years. That allows a
reasonable time for the transition and enables the new President to get some ‘clear air’
and not have the IPP looking over their shoulder.
The Review Committee recommends that we adopt the Tasmanian model.
Standing Committees
Committee Chairs are by virtue of their position full members of State Executive, State
Council and State Conference. At one point in time standing committees fulfilled a useful
role in contributing to such vital areas as campaign, finance, policy, membership and
services, and marketing and promotions.
We are informed that none of the Standing Committees are complying with their
obligations set out in the Party Rules (Part V, Rule 23) to report to State Executive as
required by s. 74(b) of the Party Constitution. It is a practice that has long fallen into disuse.
As such there is no way of assessing whether any of the standing committees are
functioning at all. It seems pointless to appoint people to positions if they are not required
to report to the body that appointed them. It they don’t report it indicates that their
positions mean very little other than to provide them with a vote at State Council and State
Executive. It is an illustration of a complete lack of accountability.
State Council has seeming abandoned its oversight of these Standing Committees and its
responsibility to all Party members to hold them to account. Once of importance to the
functioning of the Liberal Party, the role of these Committees has been overtaken to the
point where they probably lack practical relevance.
For example, the Finance Committee was exposed by a question asked of the State
Treasurer post-election as to whether it had raised any funds in the previous 12 months or
more.
If the question had not been asked, State Council would not have known that it had raised
“zero” funds and that he was not budgeting for the Finance Committee to raise funds in
the current financial year. Finances and fundraising are dealt with elsewhere in this Report,
but it is conceded that the Finance standing committee has been completely ineffective
The Membership Services Committee is required to provide advice to the SME on

achievable targets for membership growth for inclusion in the Party’s forward planning. It
is also required to develop recruiting techniques and develop programmes to make
membership meaningful and challenging; develop new opportunities to involve non-
43
members in Party activities and promote the Party’s objectives and several other terms of
responsibilities. It has apparently done none of those things.
There is no evidence this Committee has signed up any significant number of members, if
any, from its activities,
Policy and campaigning have effectively been taken over by the Parliamentary wing of the
Party at election time, although since the 2021 State Election the Committee has become
very active.
Again, as mentioned elsewhere in this Report, the priority at this stage is to improve the
relationship between the Parliamentary and Organisational wings on matters of policy.
Thought also needs to be given to how these two bodies might more effectively interact
and make effective the processes by which policy is developed.
Eligibility A&D – C&D
Given that the Liberal Party is governed by the Associations Incorporations Act 2015, it
must abide by the rules of governance imposed by that Act of Parliament. It also means
that decisions on constitutional matters, which essentially deal with the rights of members,
should be transparent, predictable and consistent.
There is no reason why these committees should be comprised mostly of lawyers.

Administrative bodies, such as the State Administrative Tribunal, even the Legal
Practitioners Complaints Committee, function with a mixture of both legal and community
members. It brings to these bodies experience and common sense, which may be lacking
in strict legal reasoning.
There is perception by Party members that the work of C&D and A&D is secretive and
factional. The Review Committee is of the view that the rulings of C&D and A&D should be
published, together with reasons for decision, and made available to the member or
members whose rights are being adjudicated upon.
If appropriate, rulings and reasons for decision could also be made available to State
Council. Publishing decisions of these Committees would build up a series of precedents
for the future, which members can rely upon. It also assists in promoting consistency and
predictability.
State Vice-Presidents
State Vice Presidents should continue to be allocated areas of responsibility to include

oversight of metropolitan, rural and regional Divisions. They should also have oversight of
the several standing committees to ensure they are functioning properly and efficiently.
44
Reduction of age limit for YLM
The Constitution provides that any member of the Liberal Party under 30 years of age shall
be a member of the Young Liberal Movement (Constitution s. 42). It is a sensible reform to
reduce the age limit for members of YLM from 30 years to 25 years.
The Review Committee is aware that the Federal Constitution of the Liberal Party provides
that membership of the YLM is open to persons between the age of 16 to 30 years (cl 21.1).
That doesn’t mean that the State Division is prevented from reducing the age range for
YLM. The WA Division is a separate incorporated body with its own constitution. If the
reform was implemented, it would only mean that members between 16-25 of the YLM
would fill the positions within the federal body.
Australian Young Labor members are aged between 15 to 26 years. WAULS imposes no
age range, but includes all ordinary members of university club branches, whatever their
age might be. (Constitution s. 48) Obviously, that is to capture all age groups, in particular
mature age students.
Payment of membership fees
The Review Committee has found that it has become the practice that multiple
memberships for these sections of the Party are paid by various persons in bulk. It is our
view that this practice is undesirable and that membership fees for the YLM, WAULS, ALSF
and university clubs should not be paid either directly or indirectly by any person other
than the applicant, except by a spouse or parent.
Eligibility for membership of State Council/State Executive
The Review Committee is of the view that family and staff members of members of
parliament should not be eligible to be members of State Council or State Executive.
They can still contribute to the workings of the Party, but it’s better that they be seen to
be at arms-length from decisions that direct impact upon an employer or family member.
Restructure of Branches
The Party has about 400 entities. These range from State Conference to local branches, to
all the other bodies that make up the organisation. The membership of the Party has fallen
by 80-90% over the last 30 years, but the number of branches has grown.
There are many small partially functioning branches, controlled by a few people, which
repel rather than welcome new members. People want to join active branches and soon
become disillusioned if a branch is hardly functioning, and has little, if any, social events
and limited participation within the workings of the Party.
45
People want to join active branches and soon become disillusioned if a branch is hardly
functioning, and has little, if any, social events and limited participation within the
workings of the Party.
State Council should consider whether branches should be amalgamated within a

Legislative Assembly electorate into a single branch. There are competing arguments over
such a proposal. It really is an argument about efficiency and decentralisation.
Proponents of amalgamation say that a single branch has the capacity to combine party
members into a more efficient structure. They say a single branch would be larger and
better equipped to organise functions, raise funds, establish party sub-committees and so
forth. Also, that a single dynamic and active branch is better than many small inactive
branches with few participants.
On the other hand, opponents of amalgamation say that to have a single branch leads to
smaller numbers of members and less opportunities for involvement. They say the Party is
about people and it's better to have multiple branches comprising local area members,
rather than one monolithic organisation offering less pathways for advancement. More
members, they say, are thus available for the traditional role to man polling booths, raise
funds and so forth.
The Review Committee does not recommend the amalgamation of branches.
Review Process for MPs
The current system allows Divisional Councils to wave through endorsements of

uncontested sitting MPs. It is simply an administrative short cut, which effectively
disenfranchises the local branches.
It may well be that the performance of a sitting member, irrespective of whether he or she
is opposed, is so poor that the branch might be moved to decline to recommend
endorsement and move nominations be re-opened and recalled. That opportunity should
be available for branches and Divisions, rather than a ‘once and forever’ endorsement.
It should be recalled that Sir Charles Court, even when Premier, was required during his
parliamentary career to attend before his electorate’s branches and account for his
performance over each term and to answer questions of branch delegates. A secret ballot
was then conducted. Why should it be any different for other sitting member?
There needs to be some degree of confidentiality, so that members are not subject to
attack by their Labor opponents, but these concerns should not absolve parliamentarians
from being held to account for their performance.
Incumbent Liberal members of the Legislative Assembly have not been held to account at
selection since 2013, having been re-endorsed by State Council in 2016 and again in
December 2019 if they were unopposed at the close of nominations. This is in contrast to
46
incumbent, unopposed Federal MP’s, Senators and MLCs who must take part in informal
divisional selections or full selections.
This “free ride” for MLAs has arisen as a means of reducing the administration burden on
Liberal Head Office, as the State redistribution cycle only allows pre-selections to occur in
the final 16 months of a four-year term. However, in retrospect it has sent the wrong
message and fails to call MLAs to account with Party members.
RECOMMENDATIONS: Organisational Structure
12. SME members should remain as currently listed in the Liberal Party Constitution,
with the exception of the Finance Chair.
13. The Immediate Past-President (‘IPP’) should serve a term of only one year in that
capacity on SME being the year following the expiration of his or her term.
14. The Treasurer should be responsible for providing financial updates to SME.
15. SME may co-opt members to temporarily attend meetings to deal with specific
issues, such as campaign, finances and so forth as they arise, but with no voting
rights.
16. Mobile phones, tablets and laptops should be banned at SME Meetings to maintain
confidentiality, except for Head Office staff.
State Executive
17. State Executive should be abolished.
18. Should State Conference decide that State Executive fulfills some useful role in the
Party’s administration, then:
(a) it should be reduced in size to make it more effective, manageable and less
susceptible to factional manipulation;
(b) Standing Committee Chairs should not sit on State Executive;
(c) State Executive should meet every two months;
(d) there should be a regular report of State Executive decisions to State Council;
(e) the Immediate-Past President should serve a term of only one year in that
capacity on State Executive being the year following the expiration of his or her
term; and
(f) mobile phones, tablets and laptops should be banned at State Executive
Meetings to maintain confidentiality, except for Head Office staff.
47
State Council
19. State Council to meet each two months. Special meetings can be held should the
need arise.
20. Standing Committee Chairs must give oral reports at each meeting of State Council.
21. Mobile phones, tablets and laptops should be banned at State Council Meetings to
maintain confidentiality, except for Head Office Staff.
Divisional Meetings
22. All Party members should be allowed to speak at general meetings of their Division,
while members of more than 12 months standing should be allowed to speak and
vote at those meetings.
A&D – C&D
23. Members of the Appeals and Disciplinary Committee (A&D), other than
Constitutional and Drafting Committee (C&D) members, should not be lawyers and
should be elected by State Council.
24. Rulings of C&D, together with reasons for decision, should be transparent and should
be made available to the person or persons affected by the decision.
Endorsement of MPs
25. All MPs – whether in safe seats or marginal seats – should not be endorsed
automatically but should rather go through the traditional preselection process
regardless of whether they are the only candidate.
26. MPs should be held accountable to agreed KPI’s with annual reports to Liberal Head
Office, to include fundraising targets, use of and reporting on electorate and travel
allowance, activities of electorate office and assistance provided to marginal seats.
27. Performance reviews are now standard procedure in the majority of companies. It is
strongly recommended that all Liberal Members of Parliament, both State and
Federal, be required to submit to periodic performance reviews.
28. These performance reviews would be conducted by a committee of three party

elders recommended by SME and approved by State Council.
48
CHAPTER 10: INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY (IT)
Before 2011, each Branch and Division was required to maintain its own membership
records. The OMMS system was software introduced to centralise membership
management.
OMMS allows the Branch or Division Executive (President, Secretary, Treasurer) to log into
the OMMS website 24/7 and view a true and accurate record of their members, upload
meeting minutes and send correspondence.
While OMMS centralised membership records, it has empowered local volunteers by

providing instant access to these records and services. It has been a significant net benefit
for the Party.
OMMS was later updated to include the Finance Module, which provided an option (opt-
in) for centralised Branch and Division Finances. Again, this was a very sensible move and
as electoral laws are updated it will be crucial, as this is mandatory.
By opting-in to the Finance Module, the reporting requirements such as Election Returns
are automated, reducing the burden on volunteer Treasurers, providing greater access to
financial reporting for Branch/Division Executive and introducing new security measure to
reduce unauthorised spending (it requires 3 signatories).
The most recent update to OMMS was Campaign Central, a tool to help local campaigns
manage their volunteers at Pre-Poll and on Polling Day. By linking to membership records,
it was supposed to be easier to identify and roster active members.
While the OMMS system performs its functions, it has been built on dated technology and
needs to be refreshed. The slow loading times and chunkiness of the old technology gives
the system a bad reputation.
The original contract with the service provided My-Electorate is also sub-standard and
Head Office pays exorbitant support fees.
As an example, if a member joins the wrong Branch and asks Head Office to amend their
application, the Membership Officer is required to contact the My-Electorate Help Desk.
The support fee is often greater than the membership fee paid to join the Party, so the
membership due is essentially wasted fixing a mistake.
The system needs to be upgraded. That is something that cannot be done at the last
moment and will require funding, and sufficient time for training and integration with
other systems.
Upgrading the system should be a priority after the Federal Election and before the next
State Election. While it has been on the agenda for some time, with the two State by-
elections, followed by the Federal Campaign and then State Campaign, it has been
49
impossible to undertake such a significant task. The two-year gap after the Federal Election
is the best time to undertake an upgrade.
RECOMMENDATIONS: Information Technology (IT)
29. The OMMS system should be upgraded after the Federal Election and before the
next State Election.
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CHAPTER 11: MEMBERSHIP
Members are the most important asset of the Liberal Party. The Party will only attract new
members when it becomes an organisation that people want to join. If they are excluded
from leadership roles, disenfranchised from selecting candidates for election, and with no
say or even input into policy, then there can be no incentive to join or stay.
Increasing Role of Head Office
Over the years the role of Head Office has increased at the expense of Divisions and
Branches. This has been necessitated by the strict legislative rules relating to membership,
financial management and fund raising.
It must be remembered that both the State and Federal Electoral Commissions now
require political parties to comply with very stringent reporting conditions, which is
something only a well-resourced and competent Head Office can deliver, which is why it
needs greater resources.
Membership in Decline
Party membership has been in decline for some years now with no apparent plan to
increase the size of membership. There are a number of reasons for membership decline.
Firstly, there are no longer membership drives to encourage people to join the Party. With
exceptions, branches don’t doorknock to encourage members of the community to
become involved in Party activities. It seems that door knocking for members has become
a thing of the past and happens only at election time.
Secondly, factions don’t want a large membership because it’s too difficult to exercise
control. It’s much easier to manipulate small numbers into positions of authority so as to
control pre-selections and make up for lack of members by transferring them from branch
to branch.
Thirdly, the community has changed from a time when there were high levels of
community participation in all organisations, including political organisations.
Whereas some years ago sporting clubs, social clubs and hotels were the main focus of
people’s social life, that is no longer the case. Party activities were a form of social
interaction, but social media has taken the central role in people’s lives.
The reality is that like social and sporting clubs, the membership of which has also declined
significantly over recent years, people are less inclined to belong to organisations that once
had huge memberships and were extremely active.
For example, Lions and Rotary memberships have declined over the years, and the burden
of their contribution to the community falls on less and less active and older members.
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By 2016, Rotary had lost 16% of its members and the average Australian Rotarian was then
aged 71. In May of that year, Rotary International Director Brad Howard, told a conference
of Cairns Rotarians that the organisation had failed to attract members in their 30s and
40s, who ironically were the ages of the persons who put together the organisation: The
Cairns Post, Roz Pulley, May 17, 2016
The Liberal Party has seen similar losses of membership, and the demographic of the Party
membership is much older than it was 30 years ago. The Party seems to have lost its
attraction for persons in their 30s and 40s. The decline in membership is illustrated by
examining the ratio of Liberal voters to Party members over the last 50 years: 6.25%
(1970s) to 0.71% (2020s).
The Labor Party can take no comfort in the Liberal Party’s membership decline because it
is itself facing the same problem. For example, recent polls in NSW have had the Party’s
primary vote at a historic low of 23.9% (ALP pollster Redbridge): Chris O’Keefe, SMH, 14
March 2021.
Apart from corruption scandals, it faces core structural problems of a shrinking, aging, and
almost completely disempowered membership: Ben Halliday, Jacobin, 30 May 2021
Finally, the major party vote has fallen significantly in relatively recent times. It isn’t only
at the Commonwealth level that the major party vote has declined, for these trends have
also been clearly seen in lower house selections in all States except Victoria: Parliament of
Australia, Decline in the Support for Australian Major Parties and the Prospect of Minority
Government, Scott Bennett, 16 February 1999.
That assessment was made over 20 years ago, but the decline, although fluctuating from
time to time, has continued on a downward trend.
The proliferation of small parties, and their relative electoral success supports that
conclusion. First preference voting support for minor parties was 22.7% at the 2016
Federal Election, although it was lower than the 26-28% forecast by opinion polls.
In the Senate, minor party support overtook Labor and rivalled the Coalition at about 35%:
Greg Earl, Australian Financial Review, ‘The Slow Decline of the Major Parties”, 9 July 2016
Major party first preference votes in State lower house elections
NSW Vic Qld WA SA Tas
1970s 93.1 90.5 93.0 93.9 91.7 95.3
1980s 91.4 95.8 96.8 94.6 89.6 85.4
1990s 84.5 92.1 85.0 84.0 80.8 82.5
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An example of the substantial decline in Party memberships is the appalling lack of

infrastructure in the North-West. That of the 69 branches in the federal seat of Durack,
just 14 are constitutional (at the time of writing) in the sense of having pre-selection
entitlements, while another three are otherwise constitutional. Given the constitutional
number of members for a country branch is ten, there is no excuse for this appalling state
of affairs.
The Review Committee has been told that there have been challenges in maintaining
regional membership with a steady general decline resulting in some patchy outcomes in
small regional towns.
This has meant some branches have had their membership fall away completely even
though others have been resurrected, depending on specific leadership in a specific town.
It has been suggested that promoting the Liberal Party could be achieved through a
combination of initiatives.
These initiatives could include developing stronger regionally focussed policies at a State
level; greater use of technology enabling meaningful involvement in party process at State
and Divisional meetings by linking delegates by video conferencing; and regular visits by
Liberal MPS to remote and regional areas of the State, particularly where there is no sitting
member.
Annual Membership Subscription
The Party’s annual membership subscription has for many years been frozen at $25 per
annum. It is at a ridiculously low rate that is certainly insufficient to support the
administration of the Party. Failure to increase the fee by even small amounts places great
financial strain on the Party.
Numerous efforts to increase the annual membership subscription have been made,
however, it has proved impossible to change because it requires a vote of 75% from State
Conference.
Of course, all political parties have different classes of membership other than standard,
which include concessions for pensioners, students, unemployed, Young Liberals, couples,
sponsor, gold and platinum membership and so forth.
Labor and the Greens have different rates for the type of membership based mostly on the
member’s level of income, and Labor provides discounts for unionists.
Below is a table which outlines the current fee structure for all State and Territory branches
of the Liberal Party for ordinary members only. It also includes party memberships for
Labor, the Greens and the Nationals.
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Liberal Labor Greens Nationals
NSW $100 $200 $120 $120
VIC $112 $50-$225 $180 $100
QLD $110 $50-$106 ($25 $120 $110
joining fee)
WA $25 $25 (additional $75 $80
amounts added
based on
income)
SA $80 $70 $60 $50
TAS $70 $120 $120 NA
ACT $65 $198 $90 NA
NT $120 $126 $90 NA
As can be seen, the WA Liberal Party is way below these other States and political parties.
The disproportion between them is ridiculous.
Payment of Membership Fees
Payment of membership fees is a long-standing issue for all political parties. There have
been many scandals about payments for mass memberships and phantom memberships.
Head Office has confirmed there are still instances of blocks of memberships being paid by
the same credit card.
That of itself doesn’t necessarily mean that the applications aren’t genuine, but why would
it happen in that way? It might equally be a matter of convenience or an indicator of branch
stacking. It might also suggest that the applicants don’t know they have been signed up as
members.
There must be a proper audit of membership records by a forensic accountant to establish

the extent of this practice and which branches and Divisions are obtaining the benefit of
these memberships.
The Victorian Experience
Branch stacking is not unique to the Liberal Party. It was made possible in Victoria for the
Labor Party because its active membership was so low that branches could be easily
swamped by those who were “stacked” into the party.
Pre-selections for safe seats in State Parliament were often decided by fewer than 50 votes
at local level. We have seen the same thing happening at WA Liberal Party pre-selections.
The Labor Party responded to what it called the “scourge of branch staking” by expelling
more than 1700 members after conducting a membership audit in late 2020.
54
The review of the Labor Party was conducted by former Premier Steve Bracks and former
Minister Jenny Macklin. They delivered a report making dozens of recommendations on
governance, party membership and local branches. The report slammed the party's
governance and called for reform of the powerful administrative committee, which is our
equivalent of State Executive. It resulted in the sacking of Labor powerbroker Adem
Somyurek from Cabinet.
The Report recommended that a party monitor be appointed who would oversee
membership record keeping and who would undertake regular integrity audits of the
membership. As part of the audit, questionable members, often with no phone number or
email address, were contacted to assess the legitimacy of their membership. If there was
no response, then their membership was revoked.
Some members were given an opportunity to show why they should not be removed, while
other members were expected to resign to avoid scrutiny of the ongoing probe.
The Bracks-Macklin Review made several recommendations to clean up the Party,

including only allowing one branch in each state electorate, with no more than 20 new
members allowed to join each month. In seats covering bigger geographic areas, more than
one branch would be permitted.
There had been a long-running push to have members pay their dues by "traceable
means", and the review recommended only credit or debit card payments be accepted:
Open Labor, ‘Macklin-Bracks hand over Administration of VIC ALP to Interim Governance
Committee’, 17 June 2021
In June 2020, the Victorian Liberal Party was itself exposed to have suffered from instances
of what was described as “industrial scale” branch stacking.
The Party’s Administrative Committee appointed independent forensic accountants to

conduct an examination of the records. It released a report in December 2020, finding that
170 members had not paid for their own membership, but were paid for by another
person’s credit card, which was against Party rules.
It was also discovered that a Liberal Party staff member’s login was used to access the
membership records on more than 1,237 times between 2017-2018, suggesting that party
membership details may have been downloaded and used improperly and false entries
made in party membership records.
The review also revealed 222 instances of ‘warehousing’ where members joined the party
through one electorate and then were moved to another within 6 months, even if their
address didn’t change.
The Victorian Division has responded by adopting the following reforms:
1. New members must join a branch where they are enrolled to vote.
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2. They cannot vote at pre-selections for 60 days but can vote in branch internal elections.
3. They cannot transfer to another branch for 60 days.
4. If they transfer to another branch outside where they are enrolled to vote they can
neither vote at pre-selections, nor branch internal elections.
Recruiting New Members
Apparently, door knocking for new members has apparently become a thing of the past
and doesn’t happen other than during election campaigns. Some submissions suggest that
it will not work in this day and age, particularly when people are reliant on social media.
In the past, not only did doorknocking bring in new members and establish new branches
and increase the membership of existing branches, even in strong Labor electorates, it was
also a way for MPs and the Party to connect with the community between elections. No-
one seems to be interested in doing this now.
Older members will recall that at one time the Party employed field staff, who were
attached to individual Divisions, who were particularly successful in signing up members
and canvassing small businesses. They worked on commission based on membership and
fundraising.
It should still be encouraged. For example, there is a vast untapped resource of small
businesses within the community that must be drawn upon by the Party. These types of
operations are feasible when the Party has sufficient funds drawn from fundraising and
membership, but it can’t happen if these activities are unsuccessful.
Welcoming New Members
New members are often ignored after being signed up for membership and have little
contact with branch officers, which is disheartening, discouraging and off-putting.
That problem is compounded when the branches meet sporadically and have little, if any,
social interaction. Non-factional new members are unwelcome when the branch is
engaged in factional fights and is devoted to anti-democratic activities such as branch
‘bombing’.
New members essentially want nothing to do with such activities, and as such, often let
their membership lapse.
Tenuous Links to Community
Branches and Divisions no longer represent the community in which they are based. They
have become little more than entities to promote the interests of the factions or the
individuals that control them.
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Some submissions have suggested that members are moved from branch to branch to prop
up defunct branches and once the branch has been made constitutional and the delegates
elected, they move onto another branch.
Furthermore, the Review Committee has examined data relating to some Divisions and
Branches, which are just a small selection to support the point about the ‘mobility’ of
members between these entities.
Stirling Division
In 2020, five of the seven branches in Stirling (North Beach, Karrinyup, Scarborough,
Doubleview, Balcatta and Hammersley) failed to hold AGMs and went into suspension.
North Beach-Karrinyup held an AGM in January 2021, as did Balcatta on 21 April 2021.
In May 2021 the Divisional President, with others, transferred to the Hammersley Branch
and called an AGM for 9 June 2021, enabling a dozen new members to qualify the
transferees to vote at that AGM. It meant that these persons were effectively able to vote
at two AGM for two different branches in the same year. This activity led to a dispute,
which resulted in the Hammersley Branch AGM being ruled as unconstitutional.
The Innaloo/Doubleview Branch was in suspension. Members of the Hammersley Branch,

after voting at the June 2021 AGM then transferred into the Innaloo/Doubleview Branch
to vote and run for committee positions. At the same time members from the Balcatta
Branch also transferred into the Innaloo/Doubleview Branch for the same purpose.
AGM It is just moving the same people around to prop up moribund branches so as to
obtain voting entitlements. It’s perfectly legal, but hardly in the spirit of the Constitution.
Pearce Division
At the time of writing, the Pearce Division has 87 members of the YLM, making up about
27% of the Division’s total membership. Ten branches are classed as ‘regional branches’ so
require just 10 members for branches to be constitutional.
The membership fee of the YLM is $10, rather than $25 for senior membership. It is a
student concession discount. Students must supply a valid concession/student card or
number to take advantage of the $10 rate.
The Young Liberals hold the following positions in Pearce Division: 2/4 Vice Presidents, the
Secretary, the Treasurer, 3/4 State Council delegates, 5/6 selection committee delegates
and woman’s presidency.
These positions provide the YLM with 9/14 positions of the Divisional Executive. Only two
of these office bearers live in Pearce Division. Young Liberals hold 3/14 branch
presidencies.
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Multiple Membership Renewals by a Single Credit Card
Head Office has informed the Review Committee that there have been instances of blocks
of memberships being paid by the same credit card.
Accordingly, a search was made of Party records, which shows a series of transactions
where that has occurred. The data is from 15 July 2020 until 15 July 2021. The credit card
system only allows the Party to search back for the previous 12 months, but we are told
this has happened before. For example, we are informed that this has happened in the
past with the Toodyay Branch.
There have been instances where multiple membership application forms have been
submitted to the Party using the same credit card and on occasions originating from the
same IP address. A public IP address is allocated per site or modem/router.
In one example, multiple membership applications to join a branch in an outer

metropolitan Division - from people living outside the Division - were sent from IP
130.95.160.131. That IP address is owned by the University of Western Australia (UWA),
which suggests the applicants were students or lecturers at that institution.
There are many examples of senior members, including office bearers, Divisional
Presidents, YLM members and others paying for multiple memberships. By way of
example, we identified 10 persons who each paid for between 7 to 15 memberships. In
two specific cases, we identified one person who paid for 68 memberships, and another
for 39 memberships.
It must be emphasised that there may well be legitimate explanations for the payment of
multiple memberships, so it shouldn’t be assumed that there is something improper about
it. These details are provided to demonstrate that the practice exists.
An examination of membership renewals for YLM and WAULS for 2020-2021 confirms that
a single person paying for multiple memberships is not uncommon.
As an illustration, the Review Committee identified two members who had paid for a large
number of multiple memberships for YLM and WAULS.
These payments relate to Pearce, Burt, Hasluck, Stirling and Canning Divisions for the
period 2020-2021. In the first example, the person paid for 28 YLM memberships and 19
ordinary memberships. In the second example, another person paid for 7 YLM, and 28
WAULS memberships.
Example 1
Date of Branch Division Membership Family

Payment
20/12/20 Darlington Hasluck Ordinary
28/12/20 Darlington Hasluck YLM
Lesmurdie Hasluck YLM
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Midland Hasluck YLM
Mundaring Hasluck YLM
Darlington Hasluck YLM Family
Darlington Hasluck YLM Family
Mindarie-Clarkson Pearce YLM
Lesmurdie Hasluck Ordinary x 2
29/12/20 Midland Hasluck Ordinary
Forrestfield-Kenwick Hasluck Ordinary
30/12/20 Darlington Hasluck YLM
Midland Hasluck YLM
Bullsbrook Pearce Ordinary
Midland Hasluck YLM
Swan View Hasluck Ordinary
Midland Hasluck YLM
Gosnells Burt YLM
Forrestfield-Kenwick Hasluck YLM
Pickering Brook Canning YLM
Gosnells Burt Ordinary
Ellenbrook Pearce Ordinary x 2
Forrestfield- Kenwick Hasluck Ordinary Family
Forrestfield- Kenwick Hasluck Ordinary x 2 Family
Darlington Hasluck YLM
31/12/20 Gosnells Burt YLM
3/1/21 Forrestfield-Kenwick Hasluck Ordinary x 2
18/1/21 Swan View Hasluck Ordinary x 2
29/4/21 Bullsbrook Pearce Ordinary
4/5/21 Bullsbrook Pearce YLM
10/5/21 Bullsbrook Pearce Ordinary
23/5/21 Gosnells Burt YLM
9/6/21 Mundaring Hasluck YLM
Example 2
Date of Branch Division Membership Family

Payment
30/6/21 Guilderton-Lancelin Pearce Ordinary
1/5/21 Mindarie-Clarkson Pearce YLM
28/4/21 Mindarie-Clarkson Pearce YLM
16/3/21 Murdoch WAULS WAULS
UWA WAULS WAULS
UWA WAULS WAULS
UWA WAULS WAULS
59
UWA WAULS WAULS
UWA WAULS WAULS
UWA WAULS WAULS
UWA WAULS WAULS
UWA WAULS WAULS
UWA WAULS WAULS
15/3/21 UWA WAULS WAULS
UWA WAULS WAULS
UWA WAULS WAULS
UWA WAULS WAULS
UWA WAULS WAULS
UWA WAULS WAULS
UWA WAULS WAULS
UWA WAULS WAULS
ND WAULS WAULS
Balcatta Stirling YLM
ND WAULS WAULS
ND WAULS WAULS
ND WAULS WAULS
Pickering Brook Canning YLM
Murdoch WAULS WAULS
Murdoch WAULS WAULS
Murdoch WAULS WAULS
Murdoch WAULS WAULS
1/1/21 ND WAULS WAULS
31/12/20 Lancelin Pearce Ordinary Family
30/12/20 Lancelin Pearce YLM
Lancelin Pearce YLM
Mindarie-Clarkson Pearce YLM
9/12/20 ECU WAULS WAULS
The person in Example 2 received a total of $3990 from the WAULS account in 2018-
2019, which is administered by Head Office. There were three payments: 30/03/2018 -
$1,500; 09/04/2018 - $510; and 27/05/2019 - $1980.
We couldn’t confirm what these payments were for, but Head Office thinks it was for
reimbursement of payments made by this person for memberships and expenses incurred
by them on behalf of WAULS. The records also revealed that another WAULS member was
paid $2,300.
If the payment or part of it was for reimbursement of membership fees paid by them, there
is nothing in the Party Constitution that prohibits third parties paying for memberships so
long as the ‘new members’ are aware that they are joining the Party and that payment is
being made on their behalf. Nevertheless, it should be prohibited because it has every
potential to be open to abuse.
The Review Committee recommends that there should be an accounting audit of

membership records, which is exactly what happened this year within the Victorian
Division.
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Multiple memberships at a Single Address
There are also records of multiple memberships at the same address who were not all from
the same family. For example, we have identified an address at Kingsley (8 persons) and
another at Canning Vale (11 persons). The Review Committee has chosen not to identify
the members or disclose any of the addresses for the sake of privacy.
In most cases, the ‘home address’ of the member is the same as the ‘preferred address’
even when there is no apparent connection between the members alleged to be living
there and in one case the home address was an office.
It’s one thing to give a preferred address for say correspondence and so forth, but another
to state it’s also the applicant’s home address, when that patently isn’t true if it is a place
where there are multiple applicants recorded, and in one case is obviously an office
address.
It is an undesirable practice that gives rise to the suspicion that the memberships are not
real or controlled by the person paying for them. It also means that the membership has
not been verified by Head Office in terms of identity and their willingness to renew or apply
for membership.
Again, there may be an explanation for these records, but it certainly indicates that greater
care needs to be given to record keeping. It further demonstrates the need for members
joining the Party to provide proof of identity and not let others pay for them, or on their
behalf.
Mobility of Memberships
The Review Committee has observed that membership can be fluid at times, in the sense
that members appear to frequently move from branch to branch within a short period of
time, as these statistics suggest.
The following is an example of that happening.
The person’s membership record dates from 26 June 2011 until 15 May 2022. During that
time, the member was an associate to nine branches. They were also an ordinary member
of the Murdoch University Club, Young Liberal Movement, WAULS, Pearce Division, Perth
Division, Durack Division, Trayning Branch, Karratha Branch, Harrisdale/Piara Waters
Branch, Whiteman Park Branch, St. George’s Branch, Subiaco Branch, and Geraldton
Branch.
We are not suggesting there is anything untoward about these multiple branch
memberships, but only to illustrate that it happens. It may come about because a member
has moved to live at another location or that it is more convenient to belong to one branch
as opposed to another, but some submissions suggest that it happens to prop up defunct
61
branches and once the branch has been made constitutional and the delegates elected to
positions within it, they move onto another branch to do the same.
Again, it may not be prohibited, but it’s not within the spirit of the Constitution.
The Victorian Experience
The Victorian Division of the Liberal Party has a mechanism to deal with single payments
for multiple memberships. Each month Party HQ carries out a review of the stream of
credit card payments. If payments are identified as coming from one person an inquiry will
be made of the new member and the card user to provide identification. If that is refused
twice, the transaction is reversed, and the moneys refunded.
Party HQ will only accept cash payments for memberships if the person paying for the
membership presents it and provides proof of identity, which is usually required in the
form of a motor driver’s licence or passport.
The Victorian Division is currently investigating the introduction of ‘facial recognition’ of

members. The cost is estimated to be $4 per member.
The State Director Sam McQuestin says that it will reduce queues of members waiting to
be admitted to Party meetings and pre-selections. It often happens that members
innocently turn up without identification, which causes unnecessary delay.
WA Labor Party
The WA Labor Party has a similar procedure. It requires that payments for memberships
“must be made using a personal credit card or debit card in your name or name of a family
member who lives at your address. Payment that does not meet these criteria will be
refunded”: walabor.org.au
There is no automatic renewal of membership. It further provides that to pay for a

membership by other means (direct debit, cheque) or by monthly contributions or annually
the person needs to complete a Membership Renewal Form and return it by email or post
to Party HQ.
Involvement of MPs in Branch AGM
Obviously, sitting MPS have a vested interest in promoting branch activity. Branches can
benefit from mentoring and support from an MP. It makes the branch members more
connected with their MP and usually better informed about the activities of the
Parliamentary wing. It also means an active branch is better able to offer resources at
election time to support the MP.
However, it is better if the MP keeps at arm’s-length from the branch organisation and
involvement in such things as AGMs because it may suggest that there is some
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manipulation, even when that is not so. A healthy branch is better able to conduct its own
affairs without any suggestion of interference by the MP.
The Review Committee has reviewed the venues for AGMs for various Divisions for 2020.
The majority are consistent with branches conducting their own AGMs.
However, in one Division, AGMs of six branches were conducted at the home of a Member
of Parliament. The records also show that the WAULS AGM for 2020 was held at a sitting
Senator’s office on 19 December 2020. In none of the other Divisions did an MP hold a
branch AGM at his or her private home or office.
The Review Committee is of the opinion that Branch or Divisional AGMs should not be held
at an MP’s private home or office.
It recommends that this practice should not continue as it may be misinterpreted and it’s
better for the branch to demonstrate its independence by choosing an alternative venue.
Proxies/Party Divisions
Recent Division Inaugural AGMs have revealed the substantial use of proxies in WA by
disinterested members.
At the recent Moore Division AGM, approximately 20 members told Head Office staff at
registration they did not know what branch they were in, yet still expected to be given
ballot papers to vote at the AGM.
Some of these members even became aggressive when asked to provide information or
documents before being allowed into the room.
To keep the registration process flowing, the known proxy-harvesters had to be asked to
move outside onto the street and ensure that the proxy forms were filled out properly
before attempting to sign in the proxies.
At the recent Curtin Division AGM, some delegate-appointed proxies arrived late, which
meant that because of their absence, ballot papers had been issued to rival President-
appointed proxies.
When the delegate-proxies arrived and disputed this allocation, the start of the meeting
had to be delayed so that ballot papers were removed from three President-appointed
proxies and handed to rival delegate-appointed proxies.
The winning margin in that ballot was 2 votes, leading to Head Office staff being criticised
and disputed despite the matter arising from the behaviour of proxy-harvesters.
In accordance with the plebiscite recommendation, all Party members living in the
63
Members of longer than 12 months standing should be allowed to vote at Divisional AGMs,
so long as they live in the corresponding Division’s electorate.
This in effect removes the need for unnecessarily complex delegates and kills off the need
for proxies.
RECOMMENDATIONS: Membership
Audit of Membership Records
30. SME should commission an audit of the membership records of the Liberal Party by
appointing a forensic accountant to carry out that task and report to it and State
Council.
Increase in Annual Membership Subscription
31. The annual membership subscription should be increased to bring it into line with
other social and political organisations and by doing so also bolster the finances of
the Party.
32. The provision relating to the fixing of the annual membership subscription should
not be in the Constitution, but within the Party Rules, which would make it much
easier to increase the fee incrementally to keep pace with inflation
Proof of Identity
33. When joining the Party new members must provide with their application form and
payment proof of identity, such as a copy of a motor driver’s licence or passport.
34. Payments made using a personal credit card or debit card must be in the name of
the applicant or the name of a family member (spouse or parents) who lives at the
applicant’s address. Payment that does not meet these criteria will be refunded.
YLM, WAULS, ALSF, and University Club Branches
35. The age limit for members of YLM should be reduced from 30 years to 25 years.
36. The annual membership subscription for the YLM, WAULS, and ALSF may not be paid
either directly or indirectly by any person other than the applicant, except by spouse
or parent.
Membership Survey
37. Head Office should as a matter of routine, send out a survey to lapsed and resigned
members asking why they have ended their membership.
64
Multiple membership applications
38. Multiple membership applications should not be accepted if paid for by the same
person, credit card, bank account or paid in cash.
Location of Annual General Meetings
39. Branch or Divisional AGMs should not be held at an MP’s private home or office.
Time Limits on Membership Transfer
40. New members must join a branch in the electorate where they are enrolled to vote.
67. New members cannot vote at pre-selections for a period of 12 months from the date
of joining a branch but can vote in branch internal elections.
41. New branch members cannot transfer to another branch for a period of 90 days after
joining the branch.
42. If new branch members transfer to another branch outside where they are enrolled
to vote they cannot vote at pre-selections or branch internal elections.
43. Branch members may only transfer to another branch once every 12 months.
Interaction with New Members
44. The Party website should not only promote Liberal beliefs and principles, but also
include the role that members play in the life of the Party, engaging with other like-
minded individuals to promote the objectives of the Party, the opportunity to meet
State and Federal MPs, and involvement in election campaigns.
45. New branch members should receive special attention from committee members
who should welcome them and their participation by providing information about its
activities.
46. Head Office should reinstate induction functions, say every quarter, supported by
Party office bearers and local MPs to welcome new members, and educate them
about the Party, its principles and functions.
47. More needs to be done to stimulate membership in the regions.
48. This can be achieved through a combination of initiatives to include developing

stronger regionally focused policies; greater use of technology enabling meaningful
involvement in party processes at State and Divisional meetings by linking delegates
65
by video conferencing; and regular visits by Liberal MPs to remote and regional areas
of the State to promote the Liberal Party, particularly where there is no sitting
member.
Proxies
49. In accordance with the plebiscite recommendation, all Party members living in the
50. Members of longer than 12 months standing should be allowed to vote at Divisional
AGMs, so long as they live in the corresponding Division’s electorate
66
CHAPTER 12: FEMALE PARTICIPATION IN THE LIBERAL PARTY
The Liberal Party ‘We Believe’ statement clearly states the belief:
“In equality of opportunity with all Australians having the opportunity to reach their full
potential in a tolerant national community.”
The membership and office-bearer data shows that the representation of women in both
the Organisational and Parliamentary wings of the WA Liberal Party is significantly less than
men. This is a clear indication that there are barriers to women fully participating within
the Liberal Party.
The WA Division as a whole must accept that the current representation is inadequate, is
detrimental to the full potential of the Party, is inconsistent with our values and must be
addressed. Until this is accepted by all members, nothing will change.
Women’s workforce participation is now higher than it has ever been and with that comes
added responsibilities and obligations at both work and home. Women of different ages
and at different stages of their lives have different needs, constraints and goals in what
they can and want to contribute. Women have become increasingly time poor and whilst
the Liberal Women’s Council has recently tried to address this fact, it is still not the forum
for them.
Throughout the Review, a significant number of submissions from party members, both
male and female, have recommended that Liberal Women’s Council be abolished. This is
not the view of the Panel but rather, that it needs a significant refresh. The Liberal
Women’s Council, much like other membership organisations, must be open to new
initiatives and ways of operating.
The Party needs to find new ways to encourage women to become involved, in whatever
way they wish. As Melinda Gates said, “when you lift up women, you lift up everybody”.
Surely this can only be of benefit to the Liberal Party as a whole.
The progress of Emergent Women is encouraging, but the programme must include the
full ‘buy in’ and support of State Council (or more specifically the factions) and, of vital
importance, the Liberal Women’s Council.
Emergent Women and similar mentoring programmes, have the potential to make a
significant difference to the numbers of capable women prepared to put themselves
forward for all Party positions, including preselection, but unless these programmes have
the full support and backing of the Party as a whole, they will fail.
The Party must want change. As long as the ‘want’ comes from the top down, the change
will happen from the bottom up.
Preselection of female candidates
It is true, that some women are attracted to the Party and interested in running for elected
office, but it is likely that more would put themselves forward for preselection if they were
67
seen as being competitive in selections for safe and winnable seats, rather than mainly
unwinnable seats.
Feedback from submissions to the Review clearly indicate that most Liberals believe in
selection based on merit, which includes the preference to set targets rather than quotas
for both State and Federal pre-selections.
Those targets should include a “target” number for the number of women putting
themselves forward in each preselection process (i.e., an “input” target as well as an
“output” target).
It is recommended that the final target of candidates be 40% women, 40% men with the
remaining 20% fluctuating based on availability of candidates at the time. Every effort
must be made in order to reach this target within the next two election cycles.
RECOMMENDATIONS: Female Participation in the Liberal Party
51. It is essential that the Party increase female participation in both the Parliamentary
wing and Organisational wing.
52. In order to bolster female participation in preselection, the following targets should be
set: 40% men, 40% women with the remaining 20% fluctuating based on availability of
candidates at the time.
53. These targets should be achieved as soon as possible, but certainly within the next two
election cycles.
68
CHAPTER 13: PRE-SELECTIONS
Impact of Factionalism
Factions are a traditional feature of political parties. It is no different in the ALP, except
that the Party factions are formalised. Factions can never be eradicated because people
will naturally align with friends, supporters or persons sharing common political views and
interests.
In some respects, factions can energise a political party because the recruitment of
members sometimes fills a vacuum or propels people into leadership positions or even
political office.
However, if factions use corrupt or unfair practices to seize and maintain power or secure
endorsement for political office that is anti-democratic. It has the effect of adversely
impacting upon the party’s good health in general. It weakens the membership and
functions of the party and more often than not represents the major source of conflict
between members.
The corrosive impact of factionalism still plagues the WA Liberal Party. It suggests that
Senior MPs, abetted by Party office bearers, continue to play an active role in the internal
affairs of the Organisational wing of the Party.
The membership fee has been kept low for some decades, and this has enabled factions
to exploit the recruitment of members for their own purposes.
Interference includes manipulating the Party rules to interfere with pre-selections and
bypassing the democratic role of Branches and Divisions to choose who might represent
them.
The complaint of many submissions is that none of the factions seem to operate in the best
interests of the Party, but purely from self-interest. One odious and indefensible practice
by factions has been that of ‘branch bombing’ whereby a branch loses its preselection
entitlement through the influx of new members living outside the electorate.
This has resulted in the number of actual delegates being ridiculously small at some pre-
selections. This has damaged the credibility of the selection process and has disheartened
committed Liberals who rightly feel that their voice has been ignored and devalued.
The most damaging consequence of rule by powerbrokers has been the selection of
inferior quality candidates for parliament over a long period of time, because as one
submission observed “selection was based on fealty, rather than ability”.
It is an anti-democratic practice that has not been sufficiently condemned by the Party
hierarchy. State Executive has effectively ignored this practice by inconsistent rulings and
overruling Branch committees and approving membership transfers.
69
The consistent message from most of the submissions to the Review Committee is that
factionalism has not only damaged the Party’s reputation with the public but has also
resulted in ordinary members not renewing their membership and discouraging potential
new members to join the Party or nominate for either pre-selections or Party positions.
Social Media Chat Group
Information was provided to the Review Committee in the form of social media messaging
covering the period 2016-2021.
The material on the face of it suggests that the parties to the conversations, who are
named, were members of a faction, and they identify themselves in the messaging as such.
The chat group purports to include senior members of the Party, including both State and
Federal MPs, and suggests they were engaged in manipulation of the Party processes for
their own benefit or the benefit of their faction.
If authentic, it’s very damning because it reveals how the factions work, who the members
are and how they interact with each other to further their power within the Party.
The Review Committee carefully considered whether to release the content of this chat
material. We concluded that its authenticity could not be established to our satisfaction,
and nor could the means by which it was obtained.
We also thought there were privacy issues, as it is certain it was not obtained with the
knowledge and authority of the participants.
Furthermore, we don’t know whether the material has been edited or not. Members of
the chat group may have left the faction over time or didn’t agree with all that was said or
done by some of the main participants.
As such, we decided that the material should not be incorporated into the Report.
Pre-selection composition
The Party’s Constitution specifies that a Pre-Selection Committee for the Legislative
Assembly, Legislative Council and House of Representatives shall consist of:
1. Branch Delegates
• LA – minimum of 6 delegates per branch (maximum of 12 per branch)
• 6 delegates for the first 50 members
• 1 additional delegate for each additional 25 members or part thereof
• LC – 2 delegates per branch
• HOR – 4 delegates per branch
70
2. Division Delegates
• 3 delegates if the division is not the only division eligible for the pre-selection
• 6 delegates if the division is the only division eligible for the pre-selection
3. Randomly Drawn from State Council

• 6 delegates or 20% of the number of entitled branch and divisional delegates
(whatever is higher applies)
4. Randomly Drawn Party Members

• 30% of the number of entitled branch and divisional delegates
• Party Members who have a home or work address registered with Head Office
that falls within the electorate being pre-selected for
Delegates must be a Party member for a minimum of 12 months, or they are deemed
ineligible.
Delegates deemed ineligible cannot be replaced, and their position is essentially lost.
Branch and Division Delegates can be proxied, but State Council and Party Member
Delegates cannot be proxied.
Random Party members cannot be swapped, even if they indicate they do not wish to or
are unable to participate.
If a member of State Council or Party Member is drawn who is already a branch or

divisional delegate, there is a re-draw to get an unpickled name.
Branch Eligibility Sample (Key Seats)
The Party’s Constitution specifies that branches are to be excluded for the following
reasons:
1. The Branch was under suspension as at the Closure Date or as at a date three months
prior to the Closure Date.
2. The Branch did not have a majority of its members within the electorate as at the date
three months prior to the Closure Date.
A Branch can be under suspension for a number of reasons, most commonly:
1. Membership is under 30 in the metropolitan area, or 10 in the regions.

2. Branch did not hold an Annual General Meeting in the calendar year.
3. It is uncommon for a Pre-Selection to include 100% of branches as branches can be
split across multiple electorates. A Branch is required to have a majority (50% + 1) of
members residing in an electorate to be eligible to participate in the Pre-Selection.
71
The Table above features the local branches included in a sample of ‘key seat’ pre-
selections. Branches with a strike through were deemed ineligible when the Party
constitutional requirements were applied.
The information included in this diagram was provided by Head Office.
’Bombing’ Branches
In years past, the objective of factions was to ‘stack’ branches with persons who would
vote for a particular candidate at pre-selection or for elected positions. It was said: “one
person’s stacking is another person’s membership drive”.
Increasing branch membership was relatively easy because of the low membership fee.
It allowed for the payment of multiple memberships and in some cases, allegations were
made that some of the members signed up in this way were unaware they had actually
joined the Party.
The practice of ‘bombing’ is apparently the new method of ‘stacking’ branches. It is to be

deplored. The Review Committee’s understanding is that factions are able to exercise their
power by dumping large quantities of people into a branch, most of whom live outside the
electorate, with the sole objective to disqualify the branch from voting at pre-selections.
72
It is a corrupt practice intended to deny local branches their democratic right to choose
their own candidates. It sometimes means that the number of people selecting a candidate
can be very small, and completely unrepresentative of the Party membership of that
electorate.
The definition of ‘branches’ is imprecise under the Constitution (Part IV), but surely means
that it should have links to the community in which it’s based and includes only people
living in that locality or at least a majority of local residents.
A recent illustration of branch memberships being swamped by non-resident applicants is

the Bullsbrook branch, which as of July 2021 had 34 registered members, but with only
two living within the branch locality. For that reason, the branch is hardly representative
of the community in which it is located. In that scenario, branches become no more than
instruments of power of the factions or individuals that control them.
Members should consider that there is evidence to suggest that democracy has failed
within the Party. It once boasted a membership of at least 30,000 members in the 1980’s.
There were branches in most country and north-west towns that were active and
sometimes the social hub of the town.
Admittedly, that was a different time, but it was built on grassroots participation. Of
course, there were factions, based mostly on personalities, and to some extent on genuine
philosophical differences. There is little evidence to suggest that the existing factions are
anything other than solely personality based.
The figures say it all. For the pre-selection for the seat of Bateman, the number of voting
delegates was ridiculously small. That is because a large number of members had been
disqualified by the factions dumping members on branches, which effectively disqualified
them from voting.
Pre-Selection by Plebiscite
It is always a concern when either a blue-ribbon Liberal seat or a highly winnable marginal
seat is decided by a small selection meeting. A most recent example is that of the seat of
Bateman, where there were only 29 voting delegates including the Chair of Committee
present at the pre-selection.
It is proposed that candidates for pre-selection for parliamentary seats should be chosen
by a plebiscite of Party members.
Every registered member of the Party should be entitled to attend the Selection
Committee in the State and Federal seat in which they are enrolled to vote on the electoral
roll, so long as they have been members of the Party continuously for at least 12 months.
To exercise the right to vote, when a Selection Committee is called, members would be
contacted by the State Director and asked to preregister with their intention to attend (as
73
currently happens in NSW and Victoria). The number of local members who register will
then make up the local component of the Selection Committee.
Once the number of local member attendees has been determined, the State Director will
randomly draw State Council delegates (as currently happens) to comprise 20% of the
entire number of eligible delegates.
The existing provisions allowing Divisional Delegates to attend Selection Committees will
also be maintained, recognising the important role that Divisional Conferences play in
supporting and promoting the Liberal Party.
So as to prevent branch manipulation at Divisional Conferences - which elect State

Councillors that in turn sit as Senate pre-selection delegates and random delegates to
other pre-selections - branch members who live outside their branch electorate should not
be eligible to vote for Divisional positions at Divisional Conferences and ineligible for
election as Divisional Conference delegates.
To ensure the integrity of the process and to ensure that each Selection Committee is
broadly representative of the Liberal Party, where the total number of eligible delegates
(after local delegates have nominated their attendance, and the State Council and
Divisional delegates have been selected) is less than 40, the State Director will randomly
select additional State Council delegates by ballot to round off attendance at a minimum
number of 50. In practice, this will only apply in circumstances where less than 33 local
delegates have nominated to attend.
State Council should retain the power of final endorsement of candidates. It should
continue to exercise its current role in the selection process.
This includes selection of Senate teams, the ratification of all pre-selections, and on
occasion acting as a selection committee for individual State and Federal seats.
The plebiscite recommendation, if adopted, would remove the need for the unnecessarily
complex process of choosing delegates, and kills off the need for proxies to attend pre-
selections.
Interstate Examples
Victoria has a hybrid version of a plebiscite. Of importance, is the ratio of local delegates
and State Council delegates, who are chosen randomly. The ratio is 2:1. It’s on a sliding
scale, so as the local delegates reduce in number, the number of State Council delegates
increase.
Where there are less than 40 delegates in total no pre-selection takes place and it is taken
back to the Administrative Committee (State Council), which can reject a candidate or
choose its own.
74
In Tasmania, the selection committee comprises all registered Liberal voters of 12 months
standing.
Eligibility of Delegates to Vote at Pre-Selections
Voting delegates at pre-selections should be restricted to members who live within the
boundaries of the relevant electorate.
The exception is the random delegates from State Council. That means that the community
within the electorate chooses who is to represent them.
In the past family members of MPs and staff have attended as voting delegates at pre-
selections. Their entitlement to vote effectively allows MPs to vote for each other through
the proxy of their staff and families of MPs.
It is the view of the Review Committee this practice is undesirable and that neither of these
groups should be entitled to vote at pre-selections.
Eligibility of Persons to Stand for Pre-selection
It is also recommended that staff members of MPs should not be eligible for pre-selection
for a parliamentary seat for a period of say 2 years after ceasing employment, unless
approved by SME.
This is hardly onerous because it encourages those who want to stand for pre-selection to
obtain valuable experience in the private sector. It enables them to develop skills and
contacts they wouldn’t ordinarily get in politics.
Applications in Form of Statutory Declaration
There have been reported instances where candidates for pre-selection have included in
their applications for selection information that in some cases is later found to be false or
deliberately misleading.
There is no means to sanction a person providing false information. The Review Committee
recommends that applications for pre-selection should be in the form of a statutory
declaration where the applicant must formally declare that the answers and information
provided in the application form is true to the best of his or her knowledge and belief
pursuant to the Oaths, Affidavits and Statutory Declarations Act 2005.
It is an offence under section 124 of the Criminal Code WA for a person to intentionally
make a false statement in a statutory declaration. The punishment is a maximum of 7 years
imprisonment.
It would certainly have the effect of making applicants more careful in what they say in
their application. It would also save the Party the inevitable embarrassment that always
follows when it’s discovered, usually by the media.
75
RECOMMENDATIONS: Pre-Selections
Plebiscite
54. Candidates for pre-selection for parliamentary seats should be chosen by a

plebiscite of Party members resident in each electorate and on the electoral roll for
that electorate who have been members of the Party continuously for at least 12
months. Once the number of local member attendees has been determined, the
State Director will randomly draw State Council delegates (as currently happens) to
55. Once the number of local member attendees has been determined, the State
56. State Council should retain the power of final endorsement of candidates. It should
continue to exercise its current role in the selection process. This includes selection
of Senate teams, the ratification of all pre-selections, and on occasion acting as a
selection committee for individual State and Federal seats.
Eligibility to Stand for Pre-Selection
57. Staff members of MPs should not be eligible for pre-selection for a parliamentary
seat for a period of two years after ceasing employment, unless approved by SME.
Eligibility to Vote at Pre-Selections
58. Voting branch delegates should be restricted to members who live within the
branch’s locality or within the boundaries of the relevant Division.
59. Family and staff of Members of Parliament should not be eligible to be members of
State Council or entitled to vote as delegates at pre-selections.
Applications for pre-selection to be in the form of a statutory declaration
60. Applications for pre-selection should be in the form of a statutory declaration where
the applicant formally declares the answers given and information provided is true to
the best of his or her knowledge and belief pursuant to the Oaths, Affidavits and
Statutory Declarations Act 2005
Prohibiting electronic devices at Pre-Selections
61. Mobile phones, tablets and laptops should be banned at all pre-selection meetings
to maintain confidentiality, except for Head Office staff.
76
CHAPTER 14: CANDIDATE VETTING & TRAINING
Recruitment of Candidates
The Party needs to recruit suitable candidates for pre-selection. These people should be
properly vetted. Training should include amongst other things dealing with the media, the
Party’s organisational structure, and Liberal principles and values.
The Review Committee has made several recommendations about this topic, including an
approved candidate list.
Approved Candidate List
One of the necessary requirements for success is selecting quality new candidates for
election. The Party as a whole does not have a programme to identify, recruit and train
talent. It needs to establish a recruitment and training programme, where talent is
identified, recruited to the Party, given tasks, training and introduced to branches and
membership.
In Victoria, an applicant for pre-selection completes a comprehensive form, of about 100

questions. The applicant is then subject to a review of their digital footprint, to look for any
negative issues. The application is then reviewed by the Participant Review Committee
(PRC), which comprises the Party President, State Director, member of the Federal Leader’s
staff and pre-selection chair.
If the applicant gets past that process, there is then a face-to-face interview with the PRC.
An edited version of the application form is then provided to the selection committee
Additionally, the Victorian Division has what is called a ‘Prospective Candidates

Programme’. So far it has had conducted two programmes, each of about 30 people, with
60 graduates.
The participants are equally mixed with men and women. Participating in the programme
is not a prerequisite to preselection.
The course takes about 6-8 weeks of intensive participation. It is conducted mostly by the
medium of Zoom (given lockdowns) and includes coursework, mock pre-selections and
participants are taken to Party functions as well. The identity of the participants is not
made public.
The recommendation of the Review Committee is that something similar seems

worthwhile. To that end, it recommends that the Party should establish an Approved
Candidate List (ACL) from which candidates for pre-selection are nominated.
This list should include candidates from previous elections who have demonstrated
commitment and ability and other prospects identified as having sufficient suitability.
77
The primary focus of the ACL should be on training, education and mentoring to prepare
candidates for the election campaign by equipping them with knowledge and skills
relevant to campaigning, fundraising, the workings of the party organisation, Liberal
principles, and dealing with the media.
The training and education process would become an integral part of candidate selection,
rather than being actioned only after a candidate has been endorsed.
Membership of the ACL should be recommended, but not be a mandatory requirement for
selection as there will sometimes be a practical need to recruit candidates for particular
seats on the basis of local suitability.
An ACL would allow there to be a proper vetting process of candidates, which should be
overseen by a ‘committee of Party elders’ to be chosen by State Council.
Membership of the ACL should not be publicly disclosed so as not to adversely affect the
member’s employment, profession, or trade.
There is no prohibition on disclosure once the person is endorsed as a candidate for

election.
RECOMMENDATIONS: Candidate Training & Vetting
Approved candidate List
62. The Liberal Party should form an Approved Candidate List (ACL) to select, vet and train
candidates in preparation for elections.
78
CHAPTER 15: IMPLEMENTATION OF REFORMS
The current Constitution is simply out-of-date. It needs sensible revision to accommodate

necessary changes that would make it less complex and more consistent with a modern
political party.
Some of the proposed reforms need constitutional change and will need to be approved
at a special general meeting of the Party.
The Liberal Party is an ‘incorporated association’, and subject to the provisions of the
Associations Incorporation Act 2015. Section 30(1) of that Act requires a 'special
resolution’ to amend the constitution of an incorporated body, such as the Liberal Party.
The special resolution must be passed at a general meeting and by a vote of not less than
75%. (s. 51(b)). That 75% majority is at times a major hurdle to constitutional reform.
Those opposed to change will exploit that requirement to prevent reform giving all sorts
of excuses and reasons, why it shouldn’t happen.
They will attack these recommendations, even members of the Review Committee, saying
all the time that change isn’t necessary.
It’s all about self-interest, rather than the interests of the Party. It will require a significant
amount of goodwill and the support of Conference delegates to reform the Party and
adopt the many recommendations set out in this Report.
They will attack these recommendations, even members of the Review Committee, saying
all the time that change isn’t necessary. It’s all about self-interest, rather than the interests
of the Party. It will require a significant amount of goodwill and the support of Conference
delegates to reform the Party and adopt the many recommendations set out in this Report.
RECOMMENDATIONS: Implementation of Reforms
64. The Constitution should be amended to reflect the reforms proposed by this Review
Committee or any other reforms proposed by State Council.
65. A special state constitutional conference should be convened in mid-2022 to deal

with any amendments, rather than the upcoming annual conference.
66. It is recommended that there should be a session at the 2021 Annual Conference
devoted to explaining the work of the Review Committee, its recommendations and
proposals for reform.
79
CHAPTER 16: CONCLUSION
The recommendations of the Review Committee are by no means binding, but are views
genuinely held by us after considering all of the submissions both oral and written. They
are intended to revive the fortunes of the Party.
The Liberal Party leadership and members simply haven’t done the hard yards in reforming
the Party. Failure to reform and adapt to modern times has surrendered the Party to the
factions that do nothing but promote their own self-interest.
It is for that reason that:

1. Voters have overwhelmingly abandoned the Liberal Party.
2. The Liberal Party has so few seats in Parliament that it is not entitled to the status of
being the formal Opposition but is reduced to being a junior partner to the Nationals.
3. The Liberal Party has lost most of its base and has seemingly abandoned its principles
and values.
4. The Liberal Party’s membership has continued to decline and at the same time is
finances have shrunk dramatically, even more so after the election loss.
We anticipate that many Party members will no doubt have strong views about several of
the recommendations made by the Review Committee. It is anticipated that the factions
will fight to defeat any reforms that threaten their power.
Perhaps the factions should reflect on what the exercise of their power over the last
decade or so has had on the fortunes of the Party, which has in part, but admittedly not
wholly, led to its near extinction. Decent people have abandoned the Party leaving what is
effectively a political waste-land devoid of Liberal principles and values. The Review
Committee has simply distilled the submissions made to it. It is now up to State
Conference, and indeed all members of the Liberal Party, to have the determination and
integrity to implement these necessary reforms.
The Way Forward
In order to facilitate the implementation of these recommendations, the Review

Committee suggests that State Council appoint suitable persons to be members of an
Organising and Drafting Committee.
The Committee’s responsibility should be to organise and conduct separate workshops on

policy development, finance and fundraising, organisational structure, information
technology, membership, pre-selections and candidate vetting and training.
80
The purpose of the ‘workshops’ is to discuss the recommendations made by the Review
Committee. These workshops should be open to all members of the Liberal Party, who
should be required to register their intention to attend with Head Office. A ‘party elder’
should act as ‘facilitator’ at each workshop.
The Committee should at the conclusion of these workshops set to work to draft
appropriate motions for discussion at the Special Constitutional Conference.
Danielle BLAIN AM (Chair)

Mark TROWELL QC
The Hon Michael KEENAN (until 21 July 2021)
28 August 2021
81

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REVIEW COMMITTEE REPORT: 28 August 2021

CHAPTER 1: TERMS OF REFERENCE 2

APPENDIX 1: POLLING REPORT APRIL 2021 (KJC RESEARCH)

• The Election Campaign

In undertaking this task:

The recommendations proposed by the Review Committee appear in a summarised form

1. Addressing cultural issues within the Party.

RECOMMENDATIONS: Policy Development

2. One way of interacting with the Parliamentary wing is by providing research

RECOMMENDATIONS: Finance and Fundraising

7. The position of Finance Chair should be a recommendation of the State Management

RECOMMENDATIONS: Organisational Structure

State Management Executive

17. State Executive should be abolished.

28. These performance reviews would be conducted by a committee of three party

RECOMMENDATIONS: Information Technology (IT)

Audit of Membership Records

Increase in Annual Membership Subscription

YLM, WAULS, ALSF, and University Club Branches

Multiple membership applications

Time Limits on Membership Transfer

Interaction with New Members

Membership in the Regions

48. More needs to be done to stimulate membership in the regions.

49. This can be achieved through a combination of initiatives to include developing

RECOMMENDATIONS: Female Participation in Liberal Party

Eligibility to Stand for Pre-Selection

Applications for pre-selection to be in the form of a statutory declaration

Prohibiting Electronic devices at Pre-Selections

RECOMMENDATIONS: Candidate Training and Vetting

Approved candidate List

RECOMMENDATIONS: Implementation of Reforms

65. A special state constitutional conference should be convened in mid-2022 to deal

2008 Election Results

Concessions included agreeing to 25% of mining proceeds going to regional projects

2013 State Election Results

2017 Election Results

State of the Parliamentary wing

It also recommended a continuous process of policy development; continuous fund-raising

Of course, it was essential that these recommendations be implemented by the Party in

The facts cannot be ignored that:

The Liberal Party simply wasn’t prepared to contest an election in 2021.

Vote Driver Analysis

Performance of the Parliamentary Wing

Performance Indicators of Members of Parliament

MLA CRM Data September 13, 2020 – March 13, 2021

Data Type MLA 7 MLA 8 MLA 9 MLA 10 MLA 11 MLA 12 MLA

• MLA 5 was assisted by YL phone canvassing run out of HQ

Data Type MLC 1 MLC 2 MLC 3 MLC 4

Data Type MLC 5 MLC 6 MLC 7 MLC 8

• MLC 3 package used by three lower house seats

A comparison is worthwhile with Federal Members of Parliament. The Federal Members

Data Type MP1 MP2 MP3 MP4 MP5 MP6

Data Type MP7 MP8 MP9 MP10 MP11

Despite his experience in the Organisational wing, Mr Kirkup was a first-term

Policy Disconnect with Traditional Base

Election Policy Costings

Obviously, a long-term reputation for fiscal responsibility is more persuasive to voters. It is

Whilst a number of candidates understood the reasoning behind this announcement, a

Perception of the impact of Christian Fundamentalists in the Liberal Party

That perception was obviously driven by media coverage of what is described as an

Do Liberal principles and values matter anymore?

Are we still the ‘broad church’?