Journal of Cleaner Production 17 (2009) 525–532

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Journal of Cleaner Production

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Reducing mercury pollution from artisanal gold mining in Munhena, Mozambique

Janis A. Shandro*, Marcello M. Veiga, Rebecca Chouinard
Norman B. Keevil Institute of Mining Engineering, 5th Floor, 6350 Stores Road, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada V6T 1Z4

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: Artisanal small-scale mining (ASM) is responsible for over 90% of gold production in Mozambique. In
Received 4 July 2008 2005, a 15-day pilot training project was held in the village of Munhena, a gold mining community. This
Received in revised form intervention aimed at raising awareness related to the environmental and health impacts of mercury
5 September 2008
amalgamation and introduced alternative practices to reduce mercury release and exposure. In 2007, a 9-
Accepted 13 September 2008
day evaluation of the pilot campaign was accomplished and knowledge in regards to mining methods,
Available online 21 November 2008
and the ASM government–community operating relations in Munhena were updated. Miners in Mun-
hena are organized in an association of over 3000 members, work on a 25 year Government granted
Keywords:
Artisanal gold mining 143 ha concession and generate a substantial income (producing over 5 kg of gold per month). There
Mozambique remain, however, serious barriers towards sustainable community development. ASM associated envi-
Mercury ronmental and health costs are high, as mercury continues to be used and lost to the environment, and
Interventions cyanide will be introduced soon. The Government of Mozambique has laid the foundation for supporting
Mining community sustainability this sector; however, resources are limited, and thus restrict ability to fully address these issues.
Importantly, malaria and HIV/AIDS are not diagnosed and/or treated effectively within the community,
and basic necessities are absent. This paper concludes with recommendations focused on enhancing the
ASM sector in Mozambique, and overcoming barriers to sustainability in the community of Munhena.
Ó 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction
Artisanal gold mining is a poverty driven occupation present in
over 70 countries [1]. Generally speaking, artisanal mining can be
legal or illegal, organized or disorganized, and small, medium or
large-scale in operation. An operation can involve one man, woman
or child, or tens of thousands of people. Women and children can
participate in mining directly or not, and the process can employ
techniques that range from manual panning to semi-mechanized
pieces of equipment. Common aspects of this sector include the
prominence of rudimentary mining techniques, the lack of support
by national and international governments, the misuse of
hazardous materials during gold extraction (including mercury,
cyanide, nitric acid, etc.), hard working conditions, the presence of
gender inequity, conflicts with large-scale industrial mining
companies, and a lack of education associated with mining and
environmental-health issues.
Estimates suggest there are 10–15 million artisanal gold miners
worldwide, with an additional 80–100 million people who are
directly or indirectly economically dependent on this sector [2].
With the rising price of gold (at 1002 USD/oz or 31.1 USD/g on
* Corresponding author. Tel.: þ1 250 954 5593; fax: þ1 604 822 5599.
E-mail address: janisjokinen@hotmail.com (J.A. Shandro).
March 17, 2008), the number of people involved in this activity is
increasing. The ASM sector contributes at least 25% to total global
gold production [3], and mercury amalgamation is the most
common method employed for gold extraction. This practice has
resulted in 1000 ton of mercury lost to the environment [4].
Mercury exposure amongst workers and community members
associated with artisanal gold mining is high, and has been well
documented.
Various additional problems have been associated with ASM
including child labour, gender inequity, severe environmental
degradation, and health and social concerns such as HIV/AIDS and
prostitution [2]. In sub-Saharan Africa, artisanal gold mining is
a prominent occupation, and as like in many countries, the sector is
vulnerable to international mining reforms [5], exposed to various
ineffective governmental strategies [6], and employees both men
and women in some cases at equal rates [7].
Mozambique is home to at least 60,000 artisanal gold miners
[3,8] (18,000 of whom are women and children) who produce over
90% of the country’s gold (Mondlane, Personal communication). In
2005, mercury use was assessed in the village of Munhena,
Mozambique by officers working for UNIDO’s (United Nations
Industrial Development Organization) Global Mercury Project and
the Blacksmith Institute. This project also involved raising aware-
ness with health and environmental hazards associated with
mining practices and introducing retorts to reduce the occupational

0959-6526/$ – see front matter Ó 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.jclepro.2008.09.005
526 J.A. Shandro et al. / Journal of Cleaner Production 17 (2009) 525–532
exposure to mercury vapour [9,10]. In 2007, an evaluation of the
effectiveness of training implemented in 2005 was made.
2. Artisanal gold mining in Munhena
In 2001, it was estimated that 10,000 people were directly and
indirectly involved in artisanal and small-scale gold mining activ-
ities in Manica, the capital of Manica Province, Northern Mozam-
bique [11]. The town is very close to the Zimbabwe border and is
located along the Beira Corridor, a major transportation route
linking Zimbabwe with the Beira port at the Indian Ocean. The
village of Munhena is located approximately 10 km west from the
town of Manica (Fig. 1). Travel between the two sites occurs along
a well-maintained dirt road. There are two main settlements in the
village of Munhena, both dispersed around mining activities. One
settlement is located directly within the mining processing areas;
reportedly, this is where people who have newly arrived first stay.
These homes are very rustic and consist of not more than a one-
room hut fabricated from scrap material. The second settlement
area surrounds the processing area. Homes made of mud and grass,
cement, or brick are standard. People residing in these homes are
reported to be longer-term community members.
Fig. 1. Location of Manica Town. Sources: Google map and US Dept of State: http://www.stat.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/7035.htm#econ
In 2007, approximately 5000 people were living in the village of
Munhena, with an additional 5000 people living within the nearby
area. Mozambique has 43 living languages but the main languages
spoken in Munhena are Portuguese, Manyika, Ndau, Sena, Tewe,
Shona, and English – mostly due to the immigration of Zimbabwean
miners. Munhena is very close to the Zimbabwe boarder, and so
long as the current political and economic situations in Zimbabwe
remain unstable (inflation equalled 150,000% per annum in 2008),
immigration to Munhena is expected to continue.
There is a single primary school in Munhena. A simple water-
well located in the centre of the village provides untreated water to
community members; however, there is no electrical supply. A
health post is also present, housing one attendant who lives and
works on site 24 h a day, 7 days a week. Common health concerns
include injuries, syphilis, malaria, and parasitic infections. The
country adult (aged 15–49) HIV rate in 2005 was estimated around
16% [12], but in the Manica region, the HIV rate has been described
to be one of the highest in the country (19% in 2005) [13].
Gold mining in Munhena began in 1999. Locals have been
crediting the discovery of the gold deposit to a young girl, who
spotted the deposit while walking her donkey along a small creek
near the village. A gold rush ensued after the girl brought home the
 J.A. Shandro et al. / Journal of Cleaner Production 17 (2009) 525–532
first gold nugget. Within weeks the village of Munhena was
developed to support gold mining activities. The young girl is
reported to be attending school in the nearby town of Manica, her
education and livelihood costs supported directly from local gold
production.
Gold mining is the main economic activity for this village,
although alternative livelihoods apart from mining, such as
farming, are present. Members from the village of Munhena have
established a small-scale mining Association with 3679 registered
members, and 10 board members as of May, 2007. They are strongly
represented by the President, Vice-president and Secretary of the
Association. The Association was successful in applying for a 25-
year small-scale mining concession on a 143 ha claim approxi-
mately 10 km west of Manica. During 2006, they worked closely
with the Government of Mozambique, which has supported the
development of an Association office, washing ponds, and latrines.
The Association also has promoted alternative economic initiatives
including poultry farming, sugarcane growing, and brick making.
All individuals involved in gold mining in Munhena are reported
members of the Association. Miners in Munhena extract on average
3 g of gold/miner/week. In 2005, gold production capacity was
estimated to be 50 kg per month, equalling over 1.6 million USD per
month at current gold prices (1002 USD/oz as of March 2008).
Considerable income was still being generated in 2007 although
production had decreased to approximately 10 kg/month (miners
had difficulties following the gold-hosted quartz vein). The Fundo
de Fomento Mineiro (a department within the Ministry of Mines)
purchases less than 1 kg of gold/month from miners who come to
Manica to sell their gold. The local government does not have
vehicles and human resources to be present at the mine. This, along
with the low price paid for the gold by the Government (60% of the
international price), push miners to the hands of local private
dealers. These dealers do not offer international gold prices to
miners either, they pay 56% of the international gold price;
however, they provide mercury to the miners for free. Furthermore,
they purchase the gold in Munhena, not in Manica where the
Government has an office. These gold dealers reportedly export
gold illegally from the country. There is no accounting for the exact
amount of gold leaving the country illegally, although local esti-
mates are high (over 30%).
Semi-weathered ore (saprolite) is manually mined at the top of
a nearby mountain. A small amount of ore is panned before being
mined and the gold grade is visually evaluated. The overburden and
waste rocks are dumped off the side of the cliff. The ore is trans-
ported in wheelbarrows down a steep path to the village (Fig. 2).
Fig. 2. Miners transport material from mining areas using wheelbarrows.
527
Two main dangers have been observed at this site. Firstly, the
miners dig deeper into one side of the mountain, creating an
overhang. In 2005, it was reported that two individuals had died as
a result of overhang collapse. Secondly, the individuals carrying the
ore for further processing have a very long and dangerous trail to
travel with the loaded wheelbarrows.
The main processing area is approximately 200 m downhill
from the mine. Ore is taken to this location where it is first
manually crushed with a steel mortar and pestle. Fine and course
materials are separated manually, with fine material passing
directly to the concentration step. The gravity concentrate is
amalgamated with mercury in the ‘‘batea’’, and the resulting
amalgam is roasted on an open bonfire. Course material is passed to
ball mills fabricated from gas cylinders. These improvised ball mills
are constructed using propane tanks, an idea that reportedly orig-
inated from a miner coming from South Africa years ago. The ball
mills have a capacity of 7–12 kg/ore. The millers turn the ball mills
manually for 15–45 min; they determine the rate and time of
processing according to the sound of steel balls grinding the ore:
when the sound changes, they stop the milling process. Trans-
formation of a gas tank into a ball mill costs 20.8 USD/tank. The
balls are forged of cast steel (1–3 inches in diameter). Millers add 14
balls in each mill, w10 kg (a tub) of ore, and 50% water. Although
processing methods are rudimentary, they seem appropriate to the
local conditions. The ball mill reduces the quartz particles to below
0.2 mm, providing reasonable liberation of gold particles. The
concentration process by panning is not the best but, when care-
fully conducted, provide very good results (H. Wotruba, 2007,
University of Aachen, Department of Mineral Processing, Germany
– Personal communication). Tailings are not discharged directly
into water courses; the gravity concentration process occurs in
excavated pools. Mercury is added at the very end of the processing
scheme (Fig. 3). The calculated Hglost:Auproduced ratio was
around 1 which is comparable with operations like this [14]. The
losses are mainly attributed to low recovery of mercury in the
waste
rocks Dumped down
Mining
the hill
ore
Transported in bags
down hill
Manual crushing
Ball mill grinding
concentrate tailing
Concentration by
new Hg
panning
Hg-Contaminated Tailing Dumped into
Amalgamation
excavated pools
Squeezing
excess Hg excess Hg
Burning in
Hg lost to the air
bonfire
Gold
Fig. 3. Flowsheet of Mining and Milling Operations in Munhena.
528 J.A. Shandro et al. / Journal of Cleaner Production 17 (2009) 525–532
panning process (a flouring effect), and volatilization of mercury
during amalgam burning in bonfires without retorts.
The operations in Munhena involve men, women and children.
Approximately 80% of the women and 30% of children who live in
Munhena are directly involved in the mineral processing duties
such as manually grinding, panning and amalgamation (Fig. 4). No
women and children were observed mining, although women have
been seen carrying sacks of ore down to the processing area and
roasting amalgams in bonfires.
In 2007, six newly built circular tanks, constructed of brick and
cement, were observed in Munhena. There was hesitation from the
miners when asked to describe the intended purpose of the tanks,
but their intended use is apparent. The tanks have been fabricated
for cyanidation processing. The use of cyanide to extract residual
gold from primary or amalgamated tailings has been increasing in
many artisanal gold mining locations. This practice has been wit-
nessed in Brazil, Colombia, China, Ecuador, Indonesia, Philippines,
Venezuela and Zimbabwe [15–19]. The cyanide solution dissolves
not only gold but also residual mercury left by the artisanal gold
miners in the tailings. Mercury cyanide is a chemically stable
compound. It is not easily destroyed by sunlight, chlorine or
peroxide, nor easily absorbed by activated carbon. This practice
results in leached tailings containing residues of mercury cyanide.
As tailings are poorly disposed, the soluble mercury cyanide
complex is easily mobilized by rainwater reaching water systems.
High levels of mercury in fish have been observed in areas where
cyanide is used to extract gold from Hg-contaminated tailings,
suggesting water-soluble mercury cyanide is either more bioavail-
able or can be biomethylated more efficiently than metallic
mercury [20].
Across the border, in Zimbabwe, miners transport gold ore to the
custom milling centers to be ground and concentrated. Custom
milling centers are desirable because they organize the artisanal
activity and minimize the use of mercury. Unfortunately, in Zim-
babwe the milling center owners allow miners to use their own
mercury at any step of the process and burn amalgams in bonfires.
The custom milling centers in Zimbabwe crush and grind, using
either wet stamp mills (three or five stamps with the capacity of
0.2–0.5 ton/h), or ball mills (with the capacity of 0.7–2 ton/h). For
gold concentration, some centers use Zimbabwe-made centrifuges
and other centers use copper-amalgamating plates to amalgamate
the whole ground ore. The centers charge the miners a symbolic
price between 2 and 4 USD/h of grinding and concentration
depending on the hardness of the ore. Using stamp mills, hard rocks
Fig. 4. A boy spends 45 min grinding gold ore in a ball mill made of propane-gas-tank
(photo: O. Savornin).
take 5 h/ton to be ground and concentrated, whereas soft ores take
1.8 h/ton. The center owners, locally known as millers, sell mercury
and let miners use their amalgamation barrels. Miners can add
whatever they want into the amalgamation barrels, including soap,
acid, and sodium cyanide tablets. The lack of gold liberation with
coarse grinding (0.6–0.8 mm of grain size) is the main reason why
miners recover less than 30% of the total gold by gravity separation
followed by amalgamation. Most of the gold is left behind in
primary tailings and millers apply vat-cyanidation to extract some
80% of the remaining gold. Miners receive no compensation for the
extra gold extracted by cyanidation. Most milling centers have 5–10
cyanidation tanks to extract residual gold using vat-leaching but
some millers have as many as 27 tanks. About 20–70 ton of tailings
from the gravity circuit and from the amalgamation process are
added to cement; each tank to be leached with 18 kg NaCN/tank
[21,22]. The importation of this procedure into the village of
Munhena is imminent and presents very serious environmental
and human health hazards. This practice may also lead to a source
of conflict between miners and millers, once it is evident who is
obtaining benefits from the poor gold recovery by gravity
processes.
3. Operating ASM framework
The artisanal gold mining sector in Mozambique is strongly
supported by the Federal Government. There are two departments
associated with this sector within the Ministry of Mines. The first is
the Fundo de Fomento Mineiro, a mining development fund whose
mandate is the enhancement and promotion of the artisanal
mining sector. This fund also enables local offices to purchase gold
from artisanal miners and assists in the development of mining
activities to those who have formed an Association. In Munhena,
the benefits of the Miners’ Association include the provision of
equipment such as shovels and wheelbarrows, and supplies
required to construct various facilities, including an office and
latrines. The second is the Federal Department of Small-Scale
Mining. This department, also based in the country’s capital city
Maputo, provides the means to obtain a legal mining concession for
small and artisanal miners. The Miners’ Association in Munhena
has obtained a legal concession to mine in this area exclusively for
25 years. An environmental impact assessment was required to
obtain the concession at a cost of approximately 2000 USD. This
sector is also supported by the Ministry of the Environment, which
has supported the training of artisanal miners in Munhena
regarding the hazards of mercury and the importance of retort use
during roasting.
4. The 2005 pilot intervention program
In 2005, the 9-day pilot intervention program involved several
educational workshops in Munhena, as well as field demonstra-
tions of cleaner and more efficient techniques to concentrate,
amalgamate and retort gold amalgams. These interventions also
made miners and authorities aware of the mercury hazards and
exposure pathways [9]. The participants in these workshops
included members of the mining association, community
members, and Governmental officials. Additionally, exposure to
mercury was measured by taking ambient air mercury concentra-
tion measurements at the processing location, and in the Munhena
region with the LUMEX mercury analyzer. The LUMEX is a special-
ized spectrophotometer able to quantify mercury concentration in
air samples. The level of mercury in breath samples provides
a strong indication of mercury exposure. Pogarev et al., in 2002 [23]
assumed that 7% of the dose received by a subject is released during
respiration. Results from exhaled air are obtained rapidly (within
seconds) and miners can visually compare the levels of mercury in
 J.A. Shandro et al. / Journal of Cleaner Production 17 (2009) 525–532
their expired air with the levels of the trainers, i.e. outsiders’ breath
(on average measures between 0.01 and 0.3 mg/m3; however, this
value depends on the number of dental fillings) (Fig. 5). In Mun-
hena, the average level of mercury in the miner’s breath was
8.23 mg Hg/m3. One individual, involved in amalgam burning
recorded 50.0 mg Hg/m3 in his exhaled air. In some locations where
amalgams had been previously roasted, ambient mercury concen-
tration was recorded to be 30 mg Hg/m3. In 2005, the roasting of
mercury amalgams occurred in many locations, and exposure and
contamination were noted to be wide spread and severe. A simple
Episodic Memory Test (Mini-Mental State Examination) [17,24] was
performed with miners and the level of intoxication became clear
to the miners when a large majority could not memorize and repeat
three specific words after 10, 20 and 30 min.
Natural Hg levels in air in rural areas usually range from 0.001 to
0.004 mg/m3 and in urban areas from 0.01 to 0.17 mg/m3. Typically,
Hg is found in air as elemental Hg but 1–25% can occur in the form
of Hg (II), depending on the type of emission source [25]. The World
Health Organization in 1991 [26] recommended health-based
exposure limit for metallic Hg is 25 mg/m3 for long-term exposure
(TWA).1 The American National Institute for Occupational Safety
and Health has established a recommended exposure limit (REL)
for mercury vapour of 50 mg/m3 as a TWA for a 10-h workday and
a 40-h workweek [27]. Malm, in 1991 [28] measured up to
60,000 mg/m3 of Hg in air when miners burn amalgams in open
pans. The WHO has indicated that an individual exposed for some
time to Hg levels in air above 80 mg/m3 has a high probability of
developing symptoms of Hg intoxication [26].
In addition to mercury awareness campaigns, innovative
methods to improve gold concentration using different types of
carpets (instead of panning) were demonstrated to the Munhena
miners. A simple electrolytic procedure to activate mercury using
two radio batteries and a spoon of table salt (to form sodium–
amalgam) was also demonstrated [29]. This technique enhances
the coalescence of mercury and improves the contact between the
sodium–amalgam and gold particles, increasing the overall gold
recovery from the gravity concentrates. ‘‘Dirty mercury’’, i.e.
‘‘oxidized’’ after burning, can also be cleaned and recovered with
this simple procedure. This avoids the usual mercury discharges
when miners perceive that their mercury becomes ‘‘sick’’ and no
longer amalgamates gold particles.
Retorts to condense mercury vapour were not utilized in Mun-
hena during amalgam burning as community members had no
knowledge regarding the dangers of mercury vapour exposure. In
2005, two different types of retorts were fabricated in Manica and
demonstrated to miners: the kitchen-bowl retort (cost of 3.30 USD
including service for cutting the metallic bowl) and the homemade
water pipe retort (cost of 4.8 USD) [30]. All materials were acquired
in street markets and/or with local plumbers. The main principle
passed to miners is to heat the amalgam in a closed structure and
condense the mercury in an air-refrigerated part of the system (a
glass cover in the case of the kitchen-bowl retort and a steel pipe in
the water pipe retort). The retorts allow the miners to burn the
amalgam without being intoxicated by the mercury vapour and
assist miners in the recovery and re-use of mercury. The kitchen-
bowl retort consists of two salad bowls (one bottom and one top)
and a small stainless steel cup inside where the amalgam is intro-
duced. The top cover, usually a glass bowl, where evaporated
mercury is condensed, is sealed with wet sand. The whole process
is visible and eliminates the miner’s perception that gold is lost
during the retorting process. Mercury can be recovered after the
1
TWA ¼ Time weighed average means the time weighed average concentration
for a normal 8 h day and 40 h workweek, to which nearly all workers can be
repeatedly exposed without adverse effect.
529
Fig. 5. Miners breathing in the LUMEX; measuring the Hg level in a miner’s expired air.
retort use by panning the condensed mercury droplets and re-
activating it using the electrolytic process described above.
A miner loaned his amalgam for the demonstration and the
bowl retort was placed in a bonfire. Miners could inspect the result
of the amalgam decomposition by visual observation of the color
change of the amalgam ball. They indicated, based on this prelim-
inary test, that the time taken to burn the amalgam and cool down
the retort was longer than expected (20 min for 2 g of amalgam). It
was demonstrated that a kerosene burner (stove) could speed up
the retort-burning time and a steel bowl cover drastically reduced
the cooling time. The retorting and cooling process for 6 g of
amalgam took 10 min under these conditions. The initial use of
a retort cover made of transparent glass is important to show the
miners how the retorting process works. After showing the miners
the retort process with a glass cover, it is advantageous to switch to
a metallic cover as it cools more rapidly [9]. The miner’s exposure to
mercury vapour was reduced considerably when retorts were used.
Before starting the retorting process, the measured level of mercury
in the ambient air was between 0.30 and 0.60 mg/m3. This is already
100 times higher than levels observed in a non-contaminated rural
area, although still below the maximum levels of 1 mg/m3 recom-
mended by the World Health Organization for public exposure [31].
When a kitchen-bowl retort was in operation, the air surrounding
the retort measured on average 0.622 mg Hg/m3 at the miner’s nose
(w2 m from retort) [10].
As a side initiative, two representatives from the Munhena
Mining Association were sponsored by UNIDO to visit a nearby
mining site in Zimbabwe where a pulley system had been devised
to bring down ore from the hills to the processing plant. The
purpose of this visit was to give the Munhena miners ideas on how
to construct a similar apparatus to increase processing capacity, and
improve safety of ore transport in Munhena.
5. Evaluation of the interventions 2 years later
The objective of the 2007 visit to Munhena was to evaluate the
successes from the 2005 project. It appeared as though the miners
had stopped burning mercury amalgams in several locations;
instead burning of amalgam was occurring in a single specified
location as had been advised in 2005. All of the Association
members interviewed stated that retort use was a normal practice.
The use of retorts was observed, however, the process used was not
entirely correct. The amalgam was covered and the mercury vapour
was trapped during roasting, but the cover was prematurely lifted
before the retort had cooled down. This results in the escape of
530 J.A. Shandro et al. / Journal of Cleaner Production 17 (2009) 525–532
some mercury vapour. This situation has also been described in
Venezuela, where miners are anxious to see their recovered gold
that has been covered by steel retort lids [32]. In the Mozambi-
quean case, this is supposed to be avoided as the glass cover allows
the visual inspection of the retorted gold. With use, the glass
becomes dirty and loses its function and advantage. Mercury, as of
2007, was not being recycled or reused, although information
regarding the electrolytic process was passed to the miners and was
demonstrated in 2005. Once the mercury is condensed and
captured in the wet sand, miners simply discharge the contami-
nated sand. This results in a continued mercury loss to the aquatic
and/or terrestrial environment. Additionally, no pulley system had
been developed for ore transport, although the Association still
seemed interested in developing one. These observations indicate
a moderate level of success of the 2005 awareness campaign and
training program. Knowledge of mercury dangers exists amongst
some members of the community, retorts are reportedly used
(although the observed practices were not entirely correct resulting
in continued exposure), and amalgam burning was isolated to one
area within the community.
Technological interventions are prevalent occurrences within
the artisanal mining sector. Interventions have taken place in many
countries with hopes of improving practices and reducing mercury
exposure and emissions. Unfortunately, many strategies have been
unsuccessful as introduced technology has lacked appropriate
design (multi-compartmental sluice box designed by the British
Geological Survey) [33], is expensive (such as the UNIDO ThermEx)
[34] and/or is only suitable for specific deposits (such as the
Cleangold sluice) [35]. Retorts introduced in Munhena, Mozambi-
que are readily fabricated from locally available common household
items, inexpensive, and are easy to use.
The effectiveness of the Mozambiquean intervention made in
2005 could be stronger if local authorities were equipped with
resources to work with miners in order to encourage cleaner
techniques in their daily practices. Miners in 2005 reported the
UNIDO/Blacksmith intervention activities marked the first occasion
a technical group discussed mercury pollution and demonstrated
equipment to improve gold recovery. The efforts from UNIDO and
Blacksmith to implement a ‘‘safe-life’’ programme [9] in 9 days
were noble but unsustainable due to a lack of local mechanisms to
support a structured awareness campaign to demonstrate simple
techniques to safely work with mercury. Any intervention in arti-
sanal mining areas must start with the dissipation of suspicion
about the intention of the trainers in order to create deep links of
trust among miners [14]. It is clear that this was a very short-term
intervention but the impression left to the miners, as described by
the Mining Association, was very positive. When the presence of
the trainers is not sustained by the local authorities or by the
leaders of the Mining Association, the implemented measures tend
to be forgotten. A short intervention does not take into consider-
ation the economics, power structures, cultural traditions, and
knowledge systems that can affect the miners’ behavior [36]. ‘‘A
single piece of equipment such as a retort or centrifuge will not
bring about the desired improvement in health or safety’’ [37]. As
stated by Hilson in 2006 [38], the ‘‘long-term sustainability of
educational and technological initiatives in the area of mercury
management in the small-scale gold mining sector depends
essentially on the local ownership [of the ideas being imple-
mented]’’. Apart from two or three members of the Mining Asso-
ciation, the local miners in Munhena did not have decision power in
the elaboration of the pilot program. Miners have also received the
pieces of equipment from the visitors with the promise of more
gold production and better health. It is simplistic to believe that all
problems related to gold production can be resolved with better
processing techniques. The poor understanding of the technical
issues related to mining and processing, along with the inadequate
assessment of miners’ needs, make any imported solution futile
and susceptible to failure [39]. An educational intervention must be
preceded by a ‘‘careful analysis of the mining community dynamics,
organization of activities, operators’ needs and local geological
conditions’’ [40]. Furthermore, the poverty driven diseases (e.g.
intestinal parasite infection, dysentery, tuberculosis, malaria,
sexually transmitted diseases, AIDS, etc.) in Munhena are much
more evident than mercury intoxication. This has been widely
recognized by international experts and institutions as well as by
the group of four experts that visited Munhena in 2005. However,
the UNIDO/Blacksmith 2005 mission had the objective to assess the
technical situation of the mining activities and leave seeds of
awareness about mercury intoxication in that place. This indeed
was successful. In fact in 2007, UNIDO was asked by the Federal
Government of Mozambique to put together a 1-year plan to start
a technical-environmental-health intervention in the Munhena
area.
6. Socio-economic, environmental and health impacts
Social, environmental and health impacts associated with arti-
sanal gold mining have been well documented over the past decade
and can be both positive and negative in nature, depending on the
scenario [35,38–53]. Positive social contributions associated with
the presence of artisanal gold mining can include increased
employment opportunity, increased income generation, overall
enhancement of the local economy, and enhanced community
development. Negative impacts can include health and environ-
mental effects such as contamination, erosion, siltation of water
bodies, a decrease in community cohesion resulting from the
regular influx of new individuals, a decrease in community stability
as many communities have been abandoned once reserves have
become depleted or inaccessible, and the loss of agricultural land.
Violence, alcoholism, prostitution, STDs, additional infectious
diseases (such as malaria), and drug abuse are also prevalent in
artisanal mining communities.
In Munhena there is increased income generation, employment
opportunity, and supportive businesses in comparison with other
rural African communities. Considering that a miner in Munhena
makes on average 6–8 USD/day (using March 2008 gold price and
60% of discount, as paid by gold dealers), this is already much
higher than the 0.9 USD/day or 310 USD/a, which is the 2006 Gross
National Income of Mozambique [54]. This is a simplification for the
sake of comparing mining with the major economic activity in the
country – agriculture. There is little evidence of community plan-
ning or development, and it is not known how incomes are
distributed. It is also plausible that the community may be unstable,
as many community members have moved to this location to mine
gold. If gold production becomes infeasible, Munhena may be
abandoned. In May 2007, the nearby community of Manica held
a gold fair that was financially supported by the Ministry of Mines.
Interestingly, gold, and gold processing methods on demonstration
were all a product of regional artisanal mining operations. The
showcasing of artisanal gold mining efforts by this community with
the support of the Government indicates a social and political
climate capable of further enhancing this sector. The main limita-
tion is the financial situation of the Government. If the Government
increases its presence in the field buying gold from miners, this can
be a substantial source of income to sustain a permanent educa-
tional program, not only in Munhena but also in the whole country.
Mercury use and release presents a major environmental
concern. Although tailings and waste are not deposited directly into
watersheds, transport is possible during the rainy season when
flooding occurs. This can lead to potential mobilization, trans-
formation and bioaccumulation of methylmercury in fish [2].
Importantly, the lack of potable water, and the lack of sanitation
 J.A. Shandro et al. / Journal of Cleaner Production 17 (2009) 525–532
and waste disposal is a major concern for many rural African
communities. Rapid population growth in a rural community
without addressing these concerns exacerbates the health prob-
lems. Mercury amalgamation and burning presents a substantial
health hazard to not only workers but also to other members of the
community and nearby settlements. Ambient mercury levels in
Munhena have been recorded to be as high as 30 mg/m3. The use
and misuse of mercury with cyanide presents additional impacts as
already observed in nearby Kadoma, Zimbabwe. Small carnivorous
fish in Kadoma averaged 1.05  0.88 ppm Hg and urine analyses
combined with the neuropsychological and clinical exams
concluded that 70% of miners were intoxicated with mercury [15].
The problem of mercury bioavailability and transformation into
methylmercury has not been assessed in Munhena. However,
regionally, there are large rivers crossing the valley and small
creeks coming from the amalgamation tailings discharge large
amount of Hg-contaminated particles. The local workers explained
that the valley is flooded at least once a year in February. Thus, the
tailings wash over along with the other parts of the processing
centre (including the Hg), and they are spread into the surrounding
grounds and rivers.
In the case of Munhena, the extraction and transport of ore
presents additional health hazards. Numerous injuries including
broken legs, arms, and ankles, lacerations have been reported
resulting from this phase of the operation [9].
The increasing numbers of sex traders were a concern
mentioned by community members, in particular those coming
from Zimbabwe. Malaria, HIV, and the lack of basic life require-
ments overwhelm mercury exposure and pollution. There is a small
clinic located 3 km from the Munhena village, and it was reported
that the hospital is in great need of a first aid box and training. One
worker who had been treated for malaria explained that the
treatment is available at the nearby clinic for less than 0.10 USD.
Initiatives must be holistic; strategies targeting mercury
reduction in artisanal gold mining must also incorporate all other
aspects of community health and development. In addition, assis-
tance must be given to national, provincial, and local governments
in regards to the promotion and development of policies associated
with this sector. Education is a powerful tool, and miners and
communities have been very receptive to training.
7. Conclusion
The miners in Munhena, Mozambique are well organized – this
is a critical pre-requisite for any successful technical intervention to
adopt cleaner gold extraction techniques. Although many risks to
human and environmental-health exist, the miners, through the
Mining association are legalized and receptive to improve their
working methods in order to produce more gold and reduce
mercury emissions and exposure. In some respect, miners in
Munhena are still innocent and do not understand the risks of
current practices occurring in nearby Zimbabwe. The use of cyanide
for gold extraction will be introduced soon, and impacts will be
extreme if amalgamation and cyanidation are used together.
Munhena is a small community, welcoming of newcomers, and is
economically dependent on gold mining. Although income gener-
ation from this industry is high relative to other rural African
communities, funds have not been used to support community
development and impoverished conditions remain. The prevalence
of poverty-related diseases within this community needs attention
and should be a priority for community health interventions. The
continued use of mercury, mostly by women, requires further
attention.
The implementation of a 2005 pilot training campaign focused
on reducing mercury vapour exposure and evaluation of gold
processing practices (financed by UNIDO/Blacksmith Institute) has
531
provided important insight towards the development of future
capacity building efforts. Strategies focused on enhancement of this
sector in Mozambique must be holistic, flexible, and constant. In
order for this process to be effective, the intervention strategy
should be designed to involve miners, community members, and all
levels of Government. Effective projects will involve long-term
commitments to mining community members. Community
sustainability remains a difficult topic to address, as many mining
communities around the world are abandoned after the mine life.
Aside from environmental and economic initiatives, sustainability
focus must also incorporate the enhancement of community
health, and should account for socio-cultural traits of mining
community members.
Acknowledgements
This study was conducted with the support of the United
Nations Industrial Development Organization, the Blacksmith
Institute, the NSERC – Natural Sciences and Engineering Research
Council of Canada Discovery Grant 217089-04 and the Government
of Mozambique. The authors would like to thank the small-scale
mining association of Munhena, Mozambique and the Community
of Munhena for their hospitality and patronage. Importantly, the
author’s express their sincere gratitude to Dr. Salvador Mondlane Jr.
and Mr. Pius Raphael for their time and support.
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