[CIS 020-001 (2005) ‫ إ‬.

‫ ]إ‬Comparative Islamic Studies ( ‫ إآﺗﺎ‬11، ‫ ر‬ISSN 1740-7125

Comparative Islamic Studies (online) ISSN 1743-1638

Tradition, Innovation, and Authentication:

Repiicating the “/ ‫ا‬//‫ م‬as-Sunna wa Jamaat” in Britain

RONGEAVES
University College Chester

The article will argue that the normative definition referring ‫؛‬٠ Sunni
Muslims, “A hl as-Sunna wa Jamaat” has become highly contested since
usedas a strategyfor legitimization by South Asian Sufi tariqas. Critiquing
arguments that link scripturalist reform movements within Islam ‫؛‬٠
urbanization, the author demonstrates that contemporary Sufi resistance ‫؛‬٠
the reformers in Britain has welded together both rural ‘f o l k ’practice and
‘high ’ Sufism into a potentially politically mobilized union. Rather than a
separation ofulam a and saints as proposed by Gellner, the South Asian
M uslims met the Reform critique with a powerful and erudite opposition
consisting ofbothpirs andm aulvis which defended their cultic beliefs and
practices as normative. The article concludes that the British experience
demonstrates not so much the demise oftraditional Sufism in the face ٠/
Wahhabi ٠٢ Salafi scripturalism, but rather that theformer are learning the
lessons o fth e revivalists and creating innovative ways that authenticate
tradition in the new urban environments ofth e West.

Introduction
In recent writings, a number o f authors have drawu our attention to
religious groups as “imagined” communities framed within discourses o f
power and with “competing narratives.” Pnina W erbner argues that
struggles for legitimacy take on a new poignancy in diaspora situations
where representation becomes more significant, and, in fact, titles her
analysis o f Manchester Muslims as “imagined diasporas."' The competition
between rival movements provides us with fascinating insights into the
fraught relationship between sacred texts and contemporary belief and
practice. In this context, Julia Leslie also notes that competing diaspora
discourses lay claim to authoritative interpretations o f scriptural traditions
in order to assert themselves as “mainstream.”2 Leslie’s study explores a
dispute in Birmingham that took place in 2002, when a South Asian radio
station broadcaster offended the Valmiki community primarily constituted
o f untouchable [dalit] membership by referring to a time-honoured
traditional Hindu legend concerning the origins o f their founder-guru, the

Equinox Eublishing Ltd 2005, Unit 6, The Village, 101 Amies street, London SW11 2JW.
2 Ron Geaves

sage Valmiki. The ensuing conflict drew the author ¡ato “unanswerable”
questions concerning “who speaks for Hinduism?”
The question “who speaks for Islain‘.'" is no less disputed in the British
diaspora eontext. Although not restricted to diaspora discourse, as can be
seen in David Siagh's exploration o f similar strategies to lay elaan to
authoritative “ownership” ofthe authentic voice ofthe Quran in his study of
the Mahdiyya in India, this paper will show that attempts to lay elaan to be
the authentic voice o f Islam in the British context, have increasingly
focused around "seripturalist" discourses. These discourses are located in
competing factions which attempt to establish themselves around the elaan
to represent the “AM as-Sunna wa Jamaat,” a highly emotive emic identity
m arker, which in normative etic discourse means nothing more than a label
to denote allegiance to the Sunni or dominant grouping ofM usliins.
Although the title is also claimed by Wahhabi and Salafi groupings, this
article will explore recent strategies by traditionalist and Sufi-orientated
movements in Britain originating in South Asia to sueeossfully utilize ‫־‬A M
as-Sunna wa ‫؛ﺳﺎم‬ ” in an increasingly globalized and politicized context.
In the process they have borrowed creatively froin their religious opponents
in the areas o f organization, education and seripturalist orientations in
defense oftruth-elaiins but without surrendering the fuadain ،‫ت‬1‫ آ‬tal elements
o f Sufi belief and practice. While exploring the phenomenon, I adopt the
approach ofJerem y €arrette and Mary Kellertowards the usage ofthe label
“AM as-Sunna wa Jamaat, ” that it is an “orientation” adopted in “the
localized struggles o f religious lives.”3
Writing in 1996, I drew upon the ideas o f Ernest Gellner^ and W alter
Schiffauer5 to analyze transformations ill the British Muslim eoininuiuty.'
Geliner had distinguished between urban and rural Islain. positing that each
has its distinct characteristics. In the case ofthe form erthese are a strict and
puritanical monotheism, stress on scriptural revelation and literacy,
egalitarianism ainongst believers and therefore an absence o f huinan
mediation and its saintly or cosmic hierarchies, a minimization of elaborate
ritu al ٠٢ mysticism and a focus on sobriety, and finally a focus on law rather
than ،nnotional states. The latter set o f characteristics directly contrast those
listed in which monotheism is moderated by pantheistic influences, a
tendency towards this-world and other-world hierarchies ofsaerod beings.
For example, these include, both living and deceased saints, angels, spirits
aiid jiiui. a multiplicity o f ritual practices hallowed by tradition and loeal
custom in addition to the universal rites o f Islain. and finally loyalty
towards charismatic personalities believed to have an inner connection ©٢
experience o fth e divine rather than the rules oflslain negotiated through
the ulama.7

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Tradition, Innovation, and Authentication 3

Gellner considered that the uh*nra-led scriptural version oflslam , defined

by him as urban, to be the same throughout the Muslim world, whereas
rural Islam. he argued, was fragincutcd and discontinuous.8Gellnerutilizes
an argument similar to those found to explain the Protestant Reformation
within (]hristiauity. iu that he asserts the lack of literacy to be the primary
cause between the two polarized Muslim positions. Rural Muslims are
denied the opportunity to enter the world o f abstract reasoning and
jurisprudence which is the province o f the trained and literate ulama.
whereas urban Muslims are far more likely to be able to read and write and
thus access the Quran, Hadith and other sacred texts for themselves.9
Fanny Colonna, writing in 1984 on the history ofthe Maghreb provides a
similar argument with regard to the political impact ofthe Sufi tariqas. He
states that after initial resistance to invading colonial powers, "salutly tribal
leaders” lost ground as an influential force and were replaced by scholar
/reformers who shifted the location ofthe struggle to the cities.10
Although both these analyses may work iu the c o û tâ t ofthe Middle-East
and Algeria, circumstances were very different in South Asia where the
Sufi-tarlqas remained dominant and organized.
In the diaspora situation, Schiffauer essentially draws 1‫اﻫﺘﺎا‬ Gellner’s
divisions ofurban and rriral Islam as a m،raus o f analyzing transformations
in Muslims diasporas in the West. Researching the Turkish Muslim
community in Germany, he argues that the process ofurbanization iu many
parts o fth e Mrisllm world results in rural Muslims who have migrated to
the cities chauglug their religious allegiance to rediscover both new emotive
ties and enhanced status by affillatlug themselves to Islamic revivalist or
reform movements. Thus he continues Gellner’s basic premise that the
revivalist movements provide a new form ofgem einschaft relations in the
more impersonal and individual life o fthe city dweller.11
Schiffauer argues that economic migration to European cities is a process
o f intensified urbanization that exaggerates the processes sccu within
internal migrations o f Muslim villagers to til ،nr respective urban areas.12
Therefore transformations o f religious cousclonsuess arising from shifts
from rriral to urban environments will inevitably be accentuated by
migration to tlic urban centers o fth e M/'cstcrn world. Schiffauer explains
that when Muslims move to the city, religious practices are 110 longer an
obligation, part o f the everyday ritualizatlon o f village life, but rather
become part o f a process o f “Islamicizatiou of the Self.”13 In the new
ciiviroiiincnt. freed o f the close scrutiny o f emotional networks and
traditional loyalties given automatically to the im m u n ity , the new migrant
chooses a religious group on the basis o f how com nicingly Islam is
represented.'^

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4 Ron Geaves

I was drawn to the above analyses as they seemed to confirm my own

findings from 1990 to 1996 investigating urban areas o f Britain with large
subeoiitiinmt Muslim populations, often with substantial migration from
rural areas o f Pakistan aud Bangladesh. Not only were m 11‫آﺗﺎ‬،‫ ت‬،‫ت‬11th and
twentieth century reform and revivalist organizations srieh as Deoband and
its offshoots oxJam aat-ilslam i related organizations better organized, their
support among yoring Mnsiims bom ٠٢ educated ill Britain was not
proportional to the baekgrounds o f their parents ,١١١٦٠ originating iu rnml
areas were pmdoininaittly
In addition, yoring
BarelwiMrislims
in origin
‫ ؟‬.'
belonging to the former movements, especially those o f Jamaat-i Islam
influenced 1nov،m 1 ،mts. wem far mom able to articulate a self-conscious
Mrislim identity over and above their ethnic identity, often critical o f the
latter, than their Barelwi ‫ةﺳﺎى؛آاﻫﻢ‬ The latter were mom likely to cite .
family tradition for their masons for attending mosques with Barelwi ©٢
Suf'i-tariqa loyalties and often ١١٠٢٠ not able to answer my qricstions on the
formation o f a British Islam as a means o f fulfilling sceond and third
generation identity quests. At a practical l،1v،d. there was little in the way of
introducing fnglisli as a vchielc for promoting Islam ©٢ any sign o f a
sec©nd generation leadership emerging. My overall iinpmssion led me to
.fear for the fritrim o f traditional Barelwi Muslims in Britain
This was in spite o f the faet that in the last fifty y،1ars Britain's Muslim
presence has been traiisfornmd by the arrival o f various ‫ اﺗﺎﻫﺘﺎ‬1‫ اه؛ آه‬1 ‫ ة‬.
predominantly ۴٢٠٨٦ Malaysia, Pakistan and Bangladesh, but also ۴٢٠٨٦
Turkish Cyprus, Irau.Ycmcm North, W est and East Africa. These are all
plaecs ١١١٦٠٢٠. either historically ©٢ as a liviug faith tradition, Sufism is
significant. Although ‫ ة‬1‫اه‬ to organize thcinselves in،١٦٠ British Muslim
diaspora, the last twenty years have SCCH ،١٦٠ transplantation o f several
prominent Sufi-tariqas‫ ﺀآا؛‬1‫ ﺟﺂا؛ ﻛﺎا‬,various of'f'shoots o f the Naqshbandis
Chishtis, Qadiris, Mevlevis, Alawis, Shadhilis and Tijanis. The
establishment o f these tariqas has ‫ كﺀك؛ أﻣﺂدا‬organizational a series ٠۴
structures to،١٦٠ prevailing tendency towards0 ΙΝ 'Τ ©٢' popula^' Islam iu"
the above ‫ اﺗﺎﻫﺘﺎ‬1‫ ةآاه؛ آه‬١١١٦٠ rural areas. The tariqas mostly originated ۴٢٠٨٦
have capitalized on،١٦٠ strong empathy with،١٦٠ tcaeluugs o f traditional
Islam as embodied within Sufism and in ٢٠٢٠٨٦ ٠٨٢١ ( have ١٦٠٠٨ ©، able
provide a uiuf'ylug Islamic ‫ﺀةآاﻫﻤﺔ؛ك‬ based on ‫ﺀﻋﺂدا‬،‫ﺀﺀ؛‬ and ‫ﻳﻪ؛اﻫﻂ‬ and '
drawing ٢٦١٦٠٦٦ the traditional ‫اع<ﻣﺎ‬ o f the above ،<‫ه؛ﻣﺤﺎاﺗﺎﻫﺘﺎ‬ 1‫ ةآ‬،٠ ،١٦٠
leadership ‫ه‬،'‫ ةآ؛ ﺗﺎ‬and shaykhs ‫ﻫﺂ‬،‫ آﻫﺂل‬،١٦^ ٦٦،١٦٠ ulam16. a
The arrival oftraditional Muslims from ٨٦ ٨^ parts of'،hc Muslim world {
with allegiance ،© either a tariqa ©٢ ،٠ rural-based ‫آﻋﺎ]اداﻫﺪا‬ Islam with
loyalties ،© the hierarchy o f living and dcecascd holy men (and ١١٠٨٦٠٨(
generated by Sufism stimulated dialogue and hastened a proeess already

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Tradition, Innovation, and Authentication

under way among subcontinent Musliins to lose the epithet o f “Barelwi,”

seen as open to criticism as a sectarian label and not accessible to Musliins
from elsewhere outside South Asia, and introduce the label A hl as-Sunna
w aJam aat.17
The title A hl as-Sunna wa Jamaat, referring to Suiun Muslims, is thus
highly contested. A number o f movements and strands oflslam use the title
to detine themselves, not in the neutral sense o f Sunni identity, but in a
highly charged atmosphere o f claiming legitimacy, auth،mtieity and a sense
o f specialness. The appropriation ofthe title as a religious identity label also
serves to fix rival movements as “other,” at best deviant or guilty o f
innovation [bida], at ^orst. to be branded by the tool o f fatwa as non-
Muslim or even idolatry |shirk|. It should be noted in evidence o fth e
contestation, that though in the last twenty years traditional Muslims in
Britain with allegiance to the Sufi-tariqas have preferred to eall themselves
by the epithet A hl as-Sunna wa Jamaat so does Omar Bakri. the British
founder o f Hizh Ut-Tahrir and present leader o f al-Muhajiroun, self-
espoused supporter o f Osama Bin Laden and radieal ‫ﺳﺎ؛إ‬ against W estern
secularism.
In spite o fth e attempt to elaiin legitimacy by contesting the right to be
the A hl as-Sunna wa Jamaat, traditional Muslims in Britain were under
threat froin the better organized nineteenth and twentieth reform
movements whose rhetoric coincided with various needs o fth e younger
generation British-born Muslims. The rofoon movements were far from
presenting a uiuted front as they were themselves divided between
nineteenth century movements sueh as Deoband, historically the opponents
ofthe Barelwis, who were inclined towards isolationism as the main tactic
for dealing with W estern eulturo and education; Jamaat-i Islami based
organizations with their rh،rtorie o f an Islaaue state, and the new critics o f
traditional Islain represented by movements such asHizb Ui-Tahrir '' and al-
Muhajiroun who id،mtify themselves as Salafi or neo-Wahhabi.
All these movements share a looking-back to an ideal Islamic past and
reconstituting this past in the present as the means to ensure a utopian
vision for an Islamic future. The ideal past may be found in the period o f
the Prophet in Medina as coastitutiag a perfect Islainic state in which
politics and religion merged seamlessly, or as in the case ofthe Salafis who
call upon Muslims to rotura to a pure faith as practiced by the Salaffthe
first three generations o f Muslims cited in Hadith as the most devout and
correct in their practice and belief). This idealization o fth e past and the
hope for its rocoastructioa at some future poiat is by definition, critical of
the period in-between. Muslim history is judged to be a deviation ۴٢٥٨٦ the
truth ©‫ ؛‬the revelation, either through harmful innovation [bida], c©ntact

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6 Ron Geaves

with W estern culture, ©٢ ¡[٦the case ©fsubc©ntinent Muslims. influence ©۴

Hinduism. Thus all the movements are critical o f Sufism and Sufi-
influeneed traditional Muslims who refer to tradition as their claim for
authentieity. Many blame Sufism itselfforthe decline ofthe Muslim umma,
predating the colonial supremacy o f die Europeans but nevertheless the
primary cause for Muslim loss ofsuperlorlty and political power because of
their apparent departure from the norms o fth e Quran and Suiuia. A less
vigorous critique does not blame Sufism per se but rather a corruption and
degeneration ofthe tariqas to superstitions foeused on shrines and eharlatan
miracle workers.
The call for a purified Islam freed from outside influcnecs and various
eultural accretions strikes a chord with British-bom Muslims as they
struggle with their own Identity formation. Taught between British, ethnic
and Muslim identities, many see their parents’ version o f Islam as
e©mpletely eompronuscd by loeal eustoms originating in the villages ofthe
place o f origin. Instead they attempt to eoiistruet an Islamic identity that is
part o f imagined international umma that seeks to loeatc itself in the
universals o f Islam as diseovcrcd in the Quran and Sunna. At tills stage my
investigations in the field seemed to eoiti'irm T cllncr's and Schiffauer’s
analyses.

The counterattack
Thus I found niysclfpcsslnilstie about the ability o f customs and traditions
located in the Barelwi tradition and often identified with places o f origin
being able to survive in the British contcet. The subcontinent Sufis, with
their custoiu-ladcii version o f Islam foeused on the Intercession o f saints
and the Prophet, shrines, the power to bless |baraka|. powers, nuraelcs and
the performance otdhikr maintained within the shaykh/iuurld relationship,
had never been able to organize themselves nationally in Britain in spite of
their liuiucrieal superiority
The arrival o f a number ofeharlsm atle Sufi ‫ ةآ؛ﺗﺎ‬and shaykhs from the
subcontinent provided the impetus for greater eohcslon as they formed
^©wcifol groups o f Sufis able to construct mosqiics and produce
promotional literature to eountcrthe reform mov ement 's criticisms.19 The
traditional loyalty of each group ofmurlds to their own shaykh counteracted
this push towards a stronger and more assertiv e identity, how ev er. In spite
©f these dev elopments throughout the 1980s, there remained huge hurdles
to ©vere©me before the A hl as-Sunna wa Jamaat eould S1‫؛‬eecssf 1‫؛‬lly
compete with the reform movements' ability to organize thciusclvcs.
promote their message and rcerult from British-bom Muslims.
Unfortunately the shaykhs ١١١٦٠ had eomc to Britain continued to promote

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Tradition, Innovation, and Authentication 7

allegiances that were narrowly confined to ethnic identity, and even more
problematic forthe development ofthe British Muslims returned to projects
in South Asia with the fiiuaucial resources collected whilst preaching iu
Britain. Whereas Saudi Arabian oil wealth was utilized to create Wahhabi-
sympathetic institutions including mosques, thus briugiug valuable
resources to Muslims trying to establish Islam iu Britain, mauy South Asian
shaykhs visitiug from Pakistan or Bangladesh seemed to be more inclined
to exploit the situation ofthe migrants by taking their financial support back
to building Muslim schools and mosques in their place o f origiu. In
additiou. although some shaykhs were aware ofthe uccdto create a national
consciousness ^]noug traditional Musluns they were not able to succeed,
because local orgauizatious o f Muslims duplicated loyalties formed over
hundreds o f years in a particular rcgiou o f origin.
The ethnic and religious rivalries that dominate the rc-orgauizatiou ofthe
Barelwis as A hl as-Sunna wa Jamaat prevent the possibility o f unity cvcu
amongst the Pakistani-origin Muslims Ictalouc any kind of framework that
brings together tariqas from other parts o f the Muslim world. Several
daunting problems uccd to be overcome in order forthe proclaimed “Ahl
as-Sunna w aJam aat” to successfully compete with the reform ]novcuicuts
and ensure its survival at the heart o fthe British Muslim community. The
primary challeuges are (i) to win the loyalty ofBritish-bom Muslims who
are alienated from the ethnic and religious divisions brought by their
parcuts from the place o f origin (ii) to develop a systematic doctrinal
challenge based on the Quran and Hadith that counteracts the tcachiugs o f
the reform ]novcuicuts (iii) to develop an education system in Britaiu that
rivals the dar al-ulums established by the reform movcmcuts and (iv)
develop organizational structures that compare with the tight-kuit
movements found amongst the reformers.
ITiliziug W erbner’s metaphor, “stamping the earth with the uamc o f
Allah”, a number o f shaykhs succeeded in introducing iuto the British
context a number o f strategics which not ouly functioned to sacralize
territory in the uauro oflslam , but also provided rallying or focal poiuts for
such traditional Muslims to gather around familiar affective symbols. Sufi
Abdullah, the British leader o fth e Ghamkolvia Naqshbandis and other
dom inent British pirs introduced the processions [julus] on the birthday o f
Muhammad, publicly held on carefully selected routes in British iuucr
cities, they functioned uot only to sacralize British space in the uauro o f
Islam, but perhaps more importantly they made a statcmcut to Muslims in
high population areas that the Ahl as-Sunna wa Jamaat was asserting its
primacy by fccliug strong enough to introduce traditional practices in the
streets o fth e ue^ environment.20

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8 Ron Geaves

In addition to the celebration ofthe Prophet’s birthday [maulid al-nabi]

and high profde processions, other groups were to bring ¡ato Britain relics
believed to belong to Muhammad liimsclf. Thus a hair o fth e Prophet’s
beard is maintained in a terraced house iu Nottingham and another in a
mosque in Lancaster. At this time, other groups o f Muslim Sufis are
seeking to bring a pair o f sandals believed to have been ١١٥٨٦ by
Muhammad to Britain. In countless mosques across the country, Dhikr
groups cougrcgate to chant the names o f God on Thursday or weekend
evenings, remembering to call upon the blessings o f famous Sufis
associated with their places oforigiu. Sacredjoumeys began to be made to
shrines o f Sufis in Pakistau and Bangladesh creating a network o f sacred
space that linked Britain to sacred sites in villages aud towns ofthe places
o f origins.
All these re-creations o f traditional avenues o f expression were not
sufficient to provide the means ofinaiutaiuiug the younger generation and
prevent them from either leaving their religious traditions o r‫؛‬o‫؛‬n‫؛‬ng the
new reform movements. Some movements from among the Barctois and
Sufi tariqas were mom far-sighted and went beyond these traditional
practices to make innovations that were able to appeal to the yonug and
provide a mom effective cement to boud the tradition and provide it with a
national identity.

The Haqqani Naqshbandis

From ‫ وا‬7 ‫ و‬. Shaykh Muhammad Nazim Add al-Haqqani an-Naqshbandi
began to visit Britain regularly from Cypms. Shaykh Nazim and his Khalifa
in the USA, Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani, are intensely aware of
the need for mom cooperation between the tariqas and in this context have
organized a series o f high profile conferences in which international
gatherings o f shaykhs and their murids come together with each other.
Shaykh Kabbani has also written a seven volume Encyclopaedia oflslam ic
Doctrine that provides an analysis and defence ofthe beliefs and practices
o f traditional Snuu¡ Mrisbms. identified as Ahl as-Sunna wa Jamaat and
links them firm ly to Sufi-0 ricutatcd traditions.21 The book functions as a
scholarly and erudite criticism ofW ahhabi and Salafi beliefs and accuses
them ofdcstroyiug Islamic consensus o f belief aud practice by inviting
Muslims to f o l l o w a heretical innovation. Til IIS tlic Wahhabi critique of
Siifism was turned 1‫ اﻫﺘﺎا‬itself. Shaykh Kabbani has used the iutcruatioual
conferences to announce the idea o f ¡illad against these Wahhabi
imiovatious in belief and practice. This has also served as a strategy to
divert the radicalism and activism found amongst the youth o f Barely¡
parentage towards the traditional enemies o f the tariqas as opposed to

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Tradition, Innovation, and Authentication

resisting western politieal domination, more prevalent amongst those

attraeted to Salafi or W ahhabi organizations.
Kabbani has certainly developed a systematie doctrinal challenge based
on the Quran and Hadith that eouHteraets the teachings o f the reform
movements and has isolated the key issues taught by the W ahhabi and
Salafi reformers that cause conflict between them and the Sufi-friendly
M u s l i m s as:

1. the affirmation that God literally has a face, hands and a spatial
direction;
2. the denial o f consensus o f the community |ij ma| as a means to
arrive at legislation;
3. prohibiting the emulation o f the judgments o f the four imams
who founded the schools o f law;
4. declaring Muslims who contradict W ahhabi or Salafi doctrine
as disbelievers or even 11011-Mrislims:
5. prohibiting the rise oftlic Prophet's name or the intervention o f
saints when petitioning God;
6. prohibiting the rise of tombs o f prophets and saints;
7. declaring Muslims who make a vow to someone else other than
God at a grave to be 11011-Mrislim:
8. applying principles derived from narration o f Hadith prior to
those derived from reason.22
To each o f these, he has prepared doctrinal criticisms o f the
Wahhabi/Salafi positions and staunch defenses oftraditional practices such
as tassawul, dhikr, tabarruk, istigatha aud the prc-cinincncc o f tlic
Prophet.23 The rigororis defenses oftlicsc positions are based on a thorough
exploration o f soiirocs drawing 1‫اﻫﺘﺎا‬ the Quran and Hadith for
authentication.

Edueation
The education o ftlic yormger generation has long been a concern o f all
diaspora communities, including Mrislims. The older generation o f male
elders o f tlic Barelwi were never as advanced ill establishing religious
education as the Dcobandi reformers nor wcro their young successors as
erudite and sophisticated as the younger generation that had joined the
twentieth century revival movements such as Jamaat-i Islami based
movements or the more radical jihad moi cmciUs claiming allegiance to
Salafi or licoW'ahhabi ideology. Deobandi Muslims had succeeded ill
reproducing tlicir madrasas and Dar al-Ulums ill Britain, beginning with

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10 Ron Geaves

the effective establishment o f an institution in Bury that has ]٦٥١١ produevd

the first generations o f British ¡®‫؟‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻞ؛‬ . Bury graduates have gone on to
establish their ٠١١١٦ small schools, rcplicatiirg the system o f reproduction
th a t ‫ ة^ا‬able to generate over 9,000 schools in the subc 01 rti 1r،mt ۴٢٥١٦٦ the
original institution ofDeoband.
There is still 1‫ < آه اآ‬to be done in this area by the followers of Barelwi
traditions but there are signs 0 ‫ ؛‬development. There is a small college in
Nottingham and a new projeet to open an educational Islamie centre in
Manchester, now in its infancy with premises purchased and four teachers
employed who are ‫ اع <ﻣﺎ‬to a branch o f the Qadiri-tariqa. In addition, the
students o f Manchester University who use the evittral mosque in Victoria
Park and who are loyal to various Sufi-tariqas. have formed an A hl as-
Sunna wa Jamaat society in the Um icrsity. the first to my knowledge to
counteract the overwhelming doiniuaueo ofthe Salafi movements to recruit
and organize themselves on British university campuses.
But so far the most sueeossful and intriguing venture is at Hijaz College
in Nuneaton, where the four sons o fP ir Abdul Siddiqi have succeeded in
pursuing their father’s dream to establish the first British Muslim
university. Educated at British universities in law and medicine, the ‫؛‬our
brothers are the first Br‫؛‬t‫؛‬sh-born Muslims to inherit leadership o f a
traditional subcontinent Sufi-tariqa.
The college is now functioning successfully but is innovative. Although
still based on the traditional dars-i nizami curriculum, students are taught in
English with efforts made to introduce British ideals 0 ‫ ؛‬analysis and
questioning. In addition, it is possible to study Islamic law and
jurisprudence by distance learning, h is, however, the first course in the
country where it is possible to undertake studies in the traditional Sufi
science ofrcincinbrancc o f God [tassawuf]. These particular courses are
taught in the evenings using premises hired from Manchester University.
Perhaps the most exciting dcvclopincitt is the establishment in the
grounds o‫ ؛‬the college, the first British shrine containing the body o f a
deceased Sufi leader. The shrine is constructed on traditional patterns and
every IIlly, thousands gather at the urs to worship in the time-honoured
fashion. But yet again the young leaders have innovated. Although the older
generation can still find all the expected paraphernalia oftradition, the usual
lectures in Urdu by members ofthc ulama have disappeared to be replaced
by summer camps ‫؛‬or the young held in English where "correct" doctrine
[aqida] is taught, h would be foolhardy not to recognize that the discovery
o‫ ؛‬such camps was not indebted to similar camps across Britain pioneered
by the W ahhabi and neo-Wahhabi movements for training youth.

Ei^inox ?ublishing Ltd 200 ‫ئ‬.

Tradition, Innovation, and Authentication ١١

In addition to these institutional attempts to educate the young in the

teaehiags and practices o f the sub-continent Barelwi traditions, other
initiatives are significant. Syria has itself undergone a revival o f its Sufi
traditions centered in Damascus. Young British Muslims are visiting the
eitym akiag contact with Syrian Siifls. Yomig and extremely erudite Syrian
Shaykhs are also beginning to visit Britain, touriag and holding weekend
camps. This is serving to internationalize the inward-looking subcontinent
Barelwis and offer the possibility o f asserting the A hl as-Sunna w aJam aat
label as normative throughout the Muslim world. In addition, African
Muslims originating in Nigeria, sub-Saharan and North Africa but living or
studying in Britain, all places where similar struggles are takiug place, have
become aware o f the British activity. All o f this has provided the same
trausuatioual dimension that was already a feature o f W ahhabism aud
linked the British revival o f the tariqa-influenced Islam to trans-global
movements throughout the Muslim world. All o f the above are aware ofthe
implications o f defining themselves as Ahlas-Sunna waJamaat. The title is
not used by Muslims to differentiate themselves from other Muslims, but
rather to lay elaiiu to being the normative belief and practice ofSunni Islam
affirmed by tradition. Within this discourse, is the iiuplieit claim that their
opponents amougst the nineteenth and twentieth century reform movements
are sectarian and ^ o u te in p o ra ry innovation.

Organisational Forms
The Idara M inaj ul-Qur ’an, whose guiding light is Muhammad Tahir ul-
Qadiri, displays organizational features that bear a strong resemblance to
thejam aat structures found in the twentieth century revivalist movements.
These borrowed strueturcs appearing in a Sufi movement require a
reassessment ofthe tradltloual organization o fa ta riq a and may provide a
model for futurc movements that is more appealing to young Muslims. The
IdaraM inaj ul-Qur ’an has not only borrowed the organizational form but
also some o f the rhetoric o f the twentieth century Islauue revivalist
movements yet this has been achieved without compromising Ahlas-Sunna
wa Jamaat belief and praetieo On the contrary, the lessons learned from the
more organized Islauue movements such as Jamaat-i Islam are being used
to provide a platforiu for a rigorous defense o f traditional Muslim views
concerning the Prophet’s significance and status within Islam and the role
o fthe awliya. I have decided to label tills new development arising out o f
the Qadiri-tariqa as “reformed Sufi organizations,” and it may indicate a
new development among the tariqas having to transform themselves as a
rcsult o f external pressures coming from a rapidly changing Muslim world
and the sueeoss o f the reform m ovement’s rhetoric and organizational

© E ^ in o x Publishing Ltd 200 ‫ئ‬.

12 Ron Geaves

structures to attract younger g c a c ^ t‫؛‬oas. If so, It is similar to tire reforms

that took place in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries whentariqas such
as the Naqshbandis and the Tijaniya responded to Wahhabi criticisms and
moved closer to orthodoxy, resulting in 1‫ اس‬organizational structures
rritlriir Autism.
IdaraM inhaj ul-Qur ’an perceives itself as ajihad movement to establish
justicv and equality based upon the tenets ofthe Quran and Suinra. Itplaced
itself on a firm financial foundation through membership fees as well as
donations. The movement is highly conscious ofthe position ofwom en and
youth and has established subsidiary organisations: the M inhaj ul-Qur ’an
Women ’s League and the M uslim Youth League. In Pakistan the youth
movement is active in stud،mt politics through the M ustafavi Students ’
Movement. Internationally, both organizations are involved in setting up
summer camps and providing vehicles for increasing literacy. This
awareness ofthe need to provide educational opportunities is manifested in
the Minhaj University in Lahorc which combines religious education with
degrees in business administration and computer sciences. In addition, the
movement demonstrates its position in regard to the need to combine
traditional Islamic knowledge with the discoveries o f modem science and
technology so that Muslim society can progress materially as well as
spiritually. In this regard, a number o f affiliated organizations have been
created such as €OM ET (Council ofM uslim Engineers and Technologists).
The organizational forms developed by the IdaraM inhaj ul-Qur ’an owe
a substantial debt to the work achieved in this arena by the revivalist
jamaats. Also akin to the Islamic revivalists movements is the emphasis on
social and political activity and the assertion that Islam is a complete way of
life that involves active participation from all Muslims to transform all
areas ofpubhc and private human ngcractlom In the ideas o f its founder can
be seen the influence o f Muhammad Abduh. the ideologue o f the
contemporary Salafi movement and Maulana Mawdudi, the great exponent
o fth e conviction that an Islamic state is essential to practice Islam.
There are a number of crucial differences that place IdaraM inhaj ul-
Qur ’an firmly within the camp ofthe Sufi movements, first and foremost,
the organization views itself as a modem form o f tariqa given both
legitimacy and spiritual blessings by its claimed connection to Abdul Qadir
Gilani, the founder ofthe Qadiri tariqa. The training camps used to educate
members into the spiritual values o f Islam are based on tasawwuf. The
syllabus includes remembrance o f God |dhikr|. optional night prayer
|tahajjud|. recitation ofthe Quran [tilawat] and seeking God’s forgiveness
[istighfar]. The document written to proclaim the movement’s aims states,
“to keep the soul intact, purify the mind and cleanse the heart o f all ill

© Equinox Eublishing Ltd 200 ‫ئ‬.

Tradition, Innovation, and Authentication 13

morals and alike, ١١^ have to put pure, dynamic and intact Islamie Sufism o f
the early centuries back ¡ato action.”24 For the opponents o f Sufism in the
Muslim world, there is a certain irony in an organization arising out o f
traditional Sufism that claims to lead the recovery o f the Muslim world
from the decline o f the least two and a half centuries by changing both
Mrislim thought and aetiom To their opponents, the tari ،!as are blamed for
the decline o f the Mrislim umma. Idara M inaj ul-Quran rises both the
rhetoric and the organizational forms o f these same opponents while
proclaiming the orthodoxy o f the traditional doctrines and practices o f the
A hl as-Sunna wa Jamaat, especially those in regard to the elevated status of
the Prophet.

Conelusion
Recent developments suggest that the multitude ofmovcmcirts and mosques
that represent traditional Islam, laying claim to their beliefs aird practices as
normative o f the A hl as-Sunna wa Jamaat, are beginning to respond to the
challenges presented to them by the reformist critique.
A number o f factors are contributing to the revival ofSufi-urtlucirccd
Islam in Britain. Prominent amongst these is the common desire o f
traditional Mnslims to win the loyalty oftheir children in orderto secure the
future o fth e ir tradition. In orderto achieve this they realize they have to
match the efforts ofthe reform movements in the arena o f education. Even
more important, is the need to counteract the criticisms made against
traditional belief and practice and reclaim the position ofMuslim orthodoxy
based on the Quran and Sunna. To this end the efforts o f erudite ^ a y k h s
such as Muhammad Hisham Kabbani and Muhammad Tahir ul-Qadiri are
essential. In addition, the tariqas are learning from their critics how to
successtirlly rise tracts, publications and, more recently, websites to
promote their message. Ironically, the lnultimational and multi-ethnic
nature o fth e British Muslim community is also serving to overcome the
revivalist critique of the B arcto‫؛‬s as Hindu-influenced superstition.
Although Malaysian and South African Muslims can be accused by
Wahhabi and Salafi critics o f allowing thcinsch cs to be influenced by
South Asia migration, Syrians, Turkish-Cypriots and North and sub-
Saharan Africans have had little ©٢n© eontaet with traditional South Asian
Islam but find thcinschcs engaged in struggles over the legitimacy ofthe
same beliefs and practices.
Efforts by some tariqas. especially the Haqqam Naqshbandis, to promote
conferences that bring together traditional Muslims from many parts ofthe
world have undermined the criticism that Srifi beliefs and practices rcsrih
from contact with non-Muslims. These conferences have enabled traditional

© Equinox Eublishing Ltd 2005.

14 Ron Geaves

Muslims to pcrecwc the unity ofbeliefand practice that extends across the
Muslim world in spite o f minor regional differences. In Britain, the shaykhs
are beginning to argue successfully that it is their aqida which is the norm
o f Islam, and it is the Wahhabi/Salafi critique that is the aberration from
traditional belief and praetieo. This discovery o f unity ofbeliefand practice
is able to provide an antidote to the traditional divisions based on ethnic
loyalties.
The new organizational forms found in Idara M inhaj ul-Quran,
influenced by the revivalist movements themselves, are proving sueeossful
in attraetiag the younger generation and will provide a serious rival to the
reformers. Above all, they will provide a more effective way o f promoting
the message untainted by accusations from the young that accuse the
traditional tariqa strueturcs ofbelonging to the past. There are still a number
o f problems that will bedevil attempts to proclaim an A hl as-Sunna wa
Jamaat identity. These are to be found in traditional loyalties to individual
shaykhs and ethnic identities that aro used in a negative and competitive
manner to proclaim superiority over others. There aro increasing signs in
Britain, however, that the tariqas and the mosques loyal to traditional Islam
are learning the lessons provided to them by their erities and are regaining
the support o f younger Muslims while at the same time undergoing their
own revival leading to new organizational forms as well as new
manifestations o f traditional forms.
The adoption o f a political agenda by Idara M inhaj ul-Quran, often
echoing the themes favored by the rcform 1nov،an،mts. places them in direct
competition with these forms oflslam . but provides in addition the spiritual
and contemplative frain،‫ة>اآﻫﺎات‬ o f Suf'ism to counteract alienation from
western foeus on consumerism. It is hard to ascertain w hetherthe events of
1 ‫و‬/‫ ا‬and its aftermath will increase recruitment to the reformist movements
with their radical political agendas oflslam ie statehood. On one hand, the
increasing legendary status o f Osama Bin Taden, the failure to resolve the
?alestinian problem, the impending eoitiliet between India and Pakistan
over the sovereignty o f Kashmir, and the perceived eoitiliet between
western and Muslim civilization may draw larger numbers o f disaffected
young Muslims to seek radical solutions. On the other hand, there may be a
reaction to extremist rhetoric and a search for more moderate and traditional
ways o f expressing Islamic solidarity and piety. If the latter scenario is
correct, organizations like Idara M inhaj ul-Quran stand to benefit at the
expense oftraditional tariqas as they can offer Muslim youth in Britain the
organizational structures and rhetoric o f dissent that they have been used to
seeking among the W ahhabi and neo-Wahhabi revivalists.

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Tradition, Innovation, and Authentication 15

”It is.uulikcly that the old traditional practices associated with rural “folk
.and “popular” religion can survive beyond the first generation m igrants
Their children will seek to adapt Islainie belief and practice to the life in
Britain; in this context reformed Sufi organizations will be able to compete
with the revivalists o f the Isiamie movement by drawing upon traditional
family allegiances to theAM as-Sunna »‫ا‬،‫ أ‬Jamaat but also match them in
providing a form o f organization more suited to the needs and aspirations of
the British context. Ah o f this has to be placed in the contexts o f shifts
taking place in the wider Muslim world. The W ahhabi teachings were able
to move sueevssfully across the globe meeting loeal needs for rcform partly
as a rcsult o f the Hajj's ability to bring Muslims to one place where they
can discover new trends and movements. In this context, Fuad N ahdi’s
account o f the participating in the Hajj in 2004 eould be very significant 25.
He reports that the atinosphcrc o f the Hajj was more spiritual than in
previous years and the pilgrims wcro less harassed by the Saudi Arabian
authorities, previously keen to maintain doctrinal purity along Wahhabi
:lines. He states
Every where 1 find well-produced Icuflcls focusing oil the spiritual
speets o f the Hajj. The literature is more inclusive and more tolerant‫(؛‬
than one used to expect. In the past,،Iris kind o f spirituality would have
beeiibuiiiied or erased from the ‫ااﺗﺎ‬1‫؛ﺗﺎ‬،‫ ة‬The arerr in rutifonrr are looking .
l<ers and no lorrgerbotlrertofor harass
political
Muslims
،roublerrr
who‫(؛‬
l practices have
the official
b rougir،
royal
withscholars‫(؛‬
them
ti،iorr‫)(؛‬
،r
ble
rrrelsuelr
chants.
as religious
Fire
eorrsieler
religious‫؛‬
sorrgs،‫(؛‬
reeep‫؛‬
urr
Irou^a-pollcc. once ah powerful and perfectiy able to adurtiris،cr a ،
,caning if they overheard a religious poem they considered improper
seemed subdued and disheartened. Everyone, in consequence, was
having a good time, within an atmosphere o f prayer and meditation 25.

Reading between tire lines ofN ah d i’s earefully crafted words, one can
perceive that he is srrggestlug that tire W ahhabi lutlrreuee. at least on the
.rest o f the Muslim world, as represented by the pilgrims, is in decline
,Those familiar with tire praetiees o f the AM as-Sunna wa Jamaat
influenced by tire Sufr-tariqas, would recognize in N ahdi’s deseriptioustlre
songs and poems that praised the Prophet and aroused tire ire o f the
Wahhabi cftrics o f Saudi Arabia. The Sufis wcro always at the Hajj, but it
seems that in 2004 that tlrcir presence captured tire Zeitgeist. It will take
time to discover whether the Sufi revival has been given impetus by tire
events o f 9/11 and its aftcrinatlr ٠٢ whether it was already in progress and
this year reached a poiut where it was able for tire first time to ‫ ة‬1‫ اﻫﺂ‬itself
opculy at the Hajj, unafraid ofits traditional opponents, sensing tlrcir r،ucasc
towards w©rld opinion ,

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16 Ron Geaves

Regardless o f these ponderings 0 ‫ آأ‬the future, the theses ofG ellner and
Schiffauer require reassessment in the diaspora context. The diehotoin} o f
rural and urban remains too simplistic and draws upon discredited ideas
concerning “high” and “low” Islam. Sufis have been sigiuf'ieaat scholars
and often found in the urban centres ofthe Muslim world. Major shrines are
located in the cities and visited by local populations as much as visitors
from rural areas. If there is any elaim to reality in Schiffauer’s thesis
regarding Muslim migrant populations, it would suggest not so mueh the
demise oftraditioaal Sufism in the face ofW ahhabi or Salafi scripturalism,
but rather that the former are learning the lessons o fth e revivalists and
creating innovative ways that authenticate tradition in the new urban
environments o fth e West. Rather than embrace rcform Islam as part o f a
process 0 f"lslam ieizati 0 H o fth e S e lf”, the revival and globalizing ofthe
traditional Suf'i-tariqas in the new environment, provides a serious
competitor to the migrants choosing a religious group on the basis o f how
eoaviaeiagly Islam is represented. Schiffauer was, o f course, writing in the
context o f Turkish migration to Germany, where the history o f secular
suppression o ^ r k e y ’s Sufi orders needs to be borne in mind. It is possible
that for Turkish Muslims, urbanization may result in increased allegiance to
the rcform movements with the ehoieos perhaps being simpler. This does
not reflect, however, the history ofthe relationship between urbanization,
rcform movements and Sufi-ori،mtati0 HS in South Asia.
The diaspora location in Britain brings together diverse communities of
Muslims from around the world who would aormally not be in sueh close
contact with each other. In Britain, the Salafi and Wahhabi reformers have
used this to their advantage, promoting a “de-culturalized” Islam that
apparently eoiiforms to sacred text. Effectively pointing 0 ‫ آا‬that the
differences are caused by the variety o f euhrircs in which Islam has
installed itself, tlrcy call to young British Muslims to seek unity based on
til ،‫ت‬Quran and Suiuia and to destroy the "biela" o f cultural aeerctioiis. Yet
the same strategy is possible forthe Barelwis. In South Asia, the rural/urban
divide was never as neat as Geliner supposed. As pointed out by Werbner,
til ،‫ت‬link between til ،‫ت‬pirs and til ،‫ت‬ulama created both a 1‫ اص اﻫﺘﺎ‬rural and
urban movement. She goes on to elalm that “it created organic links
between towns and village, and its lodges and mosques provide welcoming
havens and communal centres for migrant travelers.”27 Rather than a
separation o f ulama and saints as proposed by Gellner, the South Asian
Muslims met the Reform critique with a powerful and erudite opposition
consisting o f both pirs and maulvls which defended tlrclr cultic beliefs and
practices as normative. Although I cannot fully agree with W erbnerthatthis
defence formed a “single organization”2‫ ؟‬it provided the common identity

E ^ in o x Eublishing Ltd 2005.

Tradition, Innovation, and Authentication 17

ofBarelwi to sub-ontinent Muslims, linking both rural “folk” pmetiee and

“high” Srtftstn ¡ato a potentially politically mobilized union. 1 do agree with
W erbner that in the Muslim diaspora space o f Britain, local leaders
“globalize their local predicaments.”29 The British post-eoioiuai
environment and official policy o f multi-faith integration rather than
assimilation provides a diapora space in which the Barelwis eau meet with
their fellow-travellers from around the Muslim world within r e l a t i v e l y
small urban enclaves o f migration. The rcsuit is the globalization o f the
Barelwi rcsistaiieo linking tariqas, mosques, cities and villages in South
Asia, urban centres o f Britain and a variety o f sigiiri'ieaiit centres in the
Middle East, Afriea and South-East Asia. Thus the political imaginarias o f
diaspora come to be theories that travel.30 In this sophistieated interaction o f
global and local, the title “Barelwi” is inadequate. It encapsulates the local
but cannot reach out to the global. Thus the highly charged and eontested
eiaim to “AM as-Sunna wa Jam aat” opens up a new battleground between
traditional rivals.

Notes
1. PninaW erbner, Im agined Diasporas among M anchester M uslims (Oxford:
James Currey, 2002).
2. Julia Leslie, Authority and M eaning in Indian Traditions (Aldershot: Ashgate,
2003), 21.
3. Jeremy ti’‫>؛‬rre،،e and Mary Keller. “Religions, Orientation and Critical
Theory: Race, Gender and Sexuality at the 1998 Lambeth Conference,”
Theology and Sexuality 11 (1999): 21. The authors define orientations as
“embodied knowledges” existing w ithin systems o f power relations which
allow one to come to ternis w ith one's place in the world and ،‫؛‬١١)، serve
particular interests (27-31).
4. E. Gellner, “The Pendulum Swing Theory o f Islam,” in Sociology o f Religion,
cd. Roland Robertson (Harmondsworth: Penguin. 1968).
5. Schiffauer, Walter, “M igration and Religiousness,” in The New Islamic
Presence in Western Europe, cd. Tomas Gerholm and Yngve Lithman
(Lo^dom Mansell, 1988).
6. Roil Geaves, Sectarian Influences within Islam in Britain (Leeds: C’oninimiity
Religions Project, 1996).
7. Gellner, “The Pendulum Swing Theory 130 ". ‫ة] آه‬1‫ا( ا؛‬.
8. Gellner, “The Pendulum Su ing Theory 1.3.3 ". ‫ة] آه‬1‫ا( ا؛‬.
9. Gcltiicr. “The Pendulum Swing Theory ‫ ا(ا(؛ اة] آه‬."
10. f ‫؛‬١١١١١١ Colomta. " 1 ‫ا؛آاا ﺀ‬ Resistance and Religious Lcgitinu)ey inColottial
Algeria,” ¡V Islam in Tribal Societies, cd. Akbar Ahmed andD avid Hart, 106-
26 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1984).

© Equinox Publishing Ltd 2005.

18 Ron Geaves

‫إل‬. Schiffauer,
o a a"M
gra‫؛‬
n^€
d،‫اةاه؛ج؛ا؛‬ € ‫ةة‬ 156 .."
Schiffauer, "M gra‫؛‬
.12”،‫؛‬
.oa and Religiousness
Schiffauer,
01 1 and iReligiousness‫(؛‬،
"M igr .13 155 .”,
oa
Schiffauer,
and Religiousness،‫؛‬
"M 154
gra‫؛‬
.14
.”,
The so-called Barewli ،rdi،ion‫(؛‬ .15 ١١٤١^ articulated
oa to as reform،‫؛‬
a rc
c‫<؛‬
n. especially movement
emanating‫؛‬$[
crc‫؛‬،‫؛‬٢٢٥١١٦ Deoband, by the di،c‫؛‬ crr
‫ا(ةآاﺧﺎﻫﺎﻣﺢ‬ ‫ ﺗﺎ؛‬and charismatic pcrso!1 ali،y o f Ahmed Riza Khan ofR ae Bareilly
Ahmed Riza K han was able to mobilize the tariqas .)1921- 1856 ( ‫ﻫﺎا(خ‬
،‫؛ ﻫﺎﺧﺂ‬،‫ةا؛اةاب اﺧﺎاه؛‬ who
1 )i11 n 11cd،‫(؛‬
i 1‫ ا؛ اه‬1،‫ ا‬to them, by ‫ا؛آه‬ ‫ةاإ‬ ‫ ﺗﺎا‬0 ‫ ا‬the
rcsoamcs o f the ‫ ا‬1‫ ا؛اص؛‬to asc their ‫ة‬،‫ اخ‬،‫ا(ةآاﺧﺎﻫﺎﻣﺢ ﻫﺎا(خ ةا‬ ‫ ﺗﺎ؛‬to consciously
0 d‫(؛‬c‫؟‬ n ^0 1dc‫(؛‬،
y‫(؛‬،
i‫<؛‬
. ‫ ةاﺀ‬،‫ اه‬1- ‫ﻫﺎخ‬€ ‫ ا‬1‫ة‬1‫ا؛‬ eloscl<‫ كﺀﻳآل[؛ا‬،‫ ه‬the im cm cssio^ot
the Prophet and shrine-based/>/'r5both living and dead. My ow nresearchinto
rc ln‫آ(؛‬0 ‫ ﻫﺎا‬iu Geaves, Sectarianlnfluenceswithinlslam in
B srl،lshB
canbe‫؛‬
Britain ٤١ad ^ o u Geaves, Sufis ofB ritain (Cardiff: Cardiff Academic Press ,
2000(.
16. 1 ١١٤١١٥ ascd ،he ،crm ”،rad
oaa‫؛‬،‫؛‬
]<
‫ ة‬1‫ااخ‬ 1،
‫اﻫﺎا"ﺟﺎاﻫﺂا‬ he chapterto،‫؛ه‬،‫ ة‬،‫ ة؛ اةا؛‬1‫ا‬
‫ا؛‬ ad‫(؛‬
01
br]‫ ة‬1‫ اص؛‬that acknowledges 1400 <٥٤١٢٤ of،rad
oa as‫؛‬،‫؛‬‫ األ‬1‫؛ آﻫﺂ‬،‫أل‬،‫ﺀ أ؛‬
alongside the ،cachings of Quran ‫ ﻫﺎا<؛‬٤٢١٢١١٦٤١‫ ﻫﺎا(خ‬recognizes the ‫اهﺀ‬،‫ اط؛ آ‬،‫اه؛‬
of Sufi ‫؛ آ؛ﺗﺎة‬،‫ ا؛ ا‬1‫؛‬،‫ا‬ io^s
l ¡mcrprc‫(؛‬
the
of the،‫(؛‬،
lcg٢١.١٤١١١١٤٦‫ ﺀارا إﺀآ[أل‬toar ‫ ﺀة‬1‫ةاﻫﻬﺎ‬
of I‫؛‬١١١ bcl ofThis
،rad‫(؛‬
oaa‫؛‬،‫؛‬l<. ١٤٦١١٦١^ opcr-‫(؛‬، cs iu opposition to neo
orthodoxies that d^uy the above ‫ ﻫﺎا(خ‬sscr، that‫ةا؛اةاب(؛‬ ١١٤٦١٥ dcgcacr cd‫(؛‬،
^¡١٦٥٥the ‫ﺀآا؛ا‬ o f the tirs، ،hrcc gcacr
ioas‫(؛‬،
.
١?. Elsewhere ١١١٤١١٥ positedioa ،١١٠١. /?/ as-Sunna w a J a m a a tiu
cgori‫(؛‬،
aocf/‫(؛‬،
Britain as ‫ اﻫﺂ‬0 ‫ة ا‬: i) an) ‫؛‬١٦١٦٥٢٥١٢٥١٥o t ١١١١١٢‫؛‬ds aronad a ‫ زاﺧﺎاة ةا؛ ا؛ ا‬1>‫ا‬ scd‫(؛‬
b
iu a mosque; (h (٤١١٦outer ‫ﺀاﺀآ؛ﺀ‬ o f amrids who cx،cad the،٤١‫؛ آ‬، ٤١‫ا‬to other
centers ‫اﺗﺎﻫﺘﺎا؛اةاب آه‬ ‫ا؛‬،‫آص؛ اﻫﺈ‬0 ‫ةة‬ he country،
)‫(؛؛؛‬
٤١‫ﺀاﺀآ؛ﺀآﺀا;ﻫﺂﺀاالآاآ‬ of
non-initiated ‫ةا؛اةاب‬ who
w a are
to the‫(؛‬
dr ‫ﺀاإﺀ^ﻫﺄال‬ because o f the ‫ة‬،‫ ا؛‬،‫ةا‬
presence o t،h c ‫ زاﺧﺎاة‬1>‫ ا‬n h o s c ‫ ﺀﺀ؛ آﻛأل‬،١١٩١ seek ٥١١ rclou‫؛‬g‫ ﺀاﻟأل ؟؛‬aoa-rcligious 1
‫األأال‬،‫آﺀ‬ )¡١^: another outer (‫ ﺀاﺀآ؛ﺀ‬that asc the ٢١٢
١١٦
٥٥^ to visit the ‫ زاﺧﺎاة‬1>‫ا‬
because o1f‫ة؛ ا‬ access to1>‫ ا؛ ا؛ آا؛‬This group ،.١١١١١ ‫ﺟﺄا؛ﻳﻠﻤﻬﺎ‬ for ‫األأام؛ ا؛ﻛألآا‬
sacred ‫اﻫﺔ‬،‫ةاه؛‬ to ١١٢٥ problems and crises; (v (٤١١٦ ou،cnnos ،‫ ﺀاﺀآ؛ﺀ‬that uses
the ٢١٢
١٦٥
٠^ usc it
bce
is‫(؛‬١٠٥٤٦١to ‫ آ؛ﺀآا‬homes bu، docs ‫ آس‬١٦٢٥٤٦٥١١a W ahhabi
or^ ٤١١٤١٢‫؛‬orthodoxy (Geaves, Sufis o fB ritain (.
///
18‫ت‬ . /‫ﺀ‬،/‫ﺀ‬-'/ ‫اج‬/?‫ أ‬/< ١١٤١٤touadcd ¡١١ I ٠٢٩١٦¡١١‫اه‬-‫ةﻫﺎام‬ )^٥٢٢٦^٤٦١٥١١٦( ‫ﻛﻜﺎا؛إﺀألآ‬ ‫ آا؛‬٤١١-
blu)]h. A ccording‫(؛‬ K ‫آ‬0 ‫إ‬،‫ ة‬٠١١١٦‫¡؛‬١٥٢٤١١٢١٢٥. the ‫اأم؛اﻟﻠﺔﺟﺂه‬ ،‫ اﻟﻪ؛‬exists t o ‫ ﺀ أ؛ أﺀآ‬the
١١١١١١١١٤١١١ ٢٢١٦١١١ a ‫؟‬١٢١١١٦ o f serious ‫ﺀآا؛اﺀﻫﻚ‬ ‫ ﻫﺎا(خ‬to ٢٢١١١١٦١٥ all ١٢٤١٢٢٩ o f ¡dc‫؟(؛‬.
oaa> s،mGmes،‫؛‬orgaa
za‫؛اﻫﺘﺎ ﻫﺎا(خ ؛‬،‫اخﺀ؛‬ ‫اﺧﺎاآﻫﺂ‬،‫ةاه؛‬ that ١١٤١١٥ ‫ ألأا؛ ج؛آم‬،‫ﺀﺀ‬1 ٢٢٥١١٦
the ١٧٥^، )Kufr) rather than from the ٠٢٢٢٤١١٦‫ ^ ﻫﺎا(خ‬٢١١٦١٦٤٦. The ١٦٤٦١ ٢‫؛‬ vcobce‫؛‬
is،‫؛‬
the res،ora oa،‫ آه؛‬he، ‫ اﻟﻠﺔآﻟﺔا؛ ال>ا‬٢٤٦١١١٥٢١١١٤٦١٦the series ‫ آه‬independent ‫ا؛اةاب‬
s، iu the thatpresent‫؛‬cxc‫؟‬،‫(؛‬،
‫ﺀأال؛ا؟‬ is .1،
،‫ا‬1‫ ة؛‬that ١١٦٤١٢٢٤ ١١١٥١١٦ ٠٢١، from
Jamaat-Islami
oas suchwhich،‫؛‬ as oq
aza‫؛‬ a‫؛‬ ، 0 overthrow‫؟‬
ccl< c ellar‫ ةاب؟‬1‫ا؛‬
states ‫ ﻫﺎا(خ‬replace ١١٦٥١١٦‫؛ا‬،(‫ا‬ ]‫ة‬1‫أاﺀاألاآﺀ آﻫﺞ ﺀ؛ اخ‬،‫ة‬ ١١١٦٠ dc byrirody
the‫؛‬
b‫(؛‬
sharia1.‫اﺳﻬال‬ ‫اه؛ة؛‬ herecric‫؟‬
is a، ‫ ؟‬٠٢ ‫ ﺀآاﺀداﺀﻛﺎل؛‬1‫ة] آاﺀ‬،1‫ﺀ؛ اخ‬ toc‫؟‬،‫(؛‬،
‫؟‬٢٥٣١٤١٥٥
the existing ‫ ةاب‬1‫ اﺧﺎا؛‬،‫اه؛‬ in the o th e rc‫؟‬،‫(؛‬، ‫؟ا‬.‫ اه؛ ة؛‬. ‫ اﺧﺎا‬،‫اه؛‬ disappearc‫؟‬،‫(؛‬، ‫؟‬

Equinox Publishing Ltd 2005.

Tradition, Innovation, and Authentication 19

to be replaced byIlizh ut-Tahrir defines i،$elf

a Khilafah. poli،ic‫(؛‬$‫(؛‬
l‫ آا؛ﺗﺎ(؛‬،‫ا‬
whose ideology is Islam and which works w ith the M uslim ummah to restore
l) (http://www.hizb-ut-tahrir.org/english/definition/messages.htm
thel<l)h,‫(؛‬
f‫(؛‬
)p - l
For a detailed analysis o f die impact o f the arrival o f pirs .19‫ ا؛‬1‫ه‬ yl<l)s iu(‫(؛‬sl
Britain see R on Geaves, “Cult, Charisma, Community: The Arrival o f ٤١١٨
Pirs and their Impact ou Mnshms in Britain,” Journal ofM uslim M inority
A ffairs 169-193
1996)
16.(:
Sufi Abdullah, the British leader o f the Ghamkolvia Naqsl)baml s. based.20
in‫؛‬
Birmingham has been extensively s،11dicd by Geaves (Sufis ofB ritain) and
W erbner {Imagined Diasporas among M anchester M uslims) ; “ Stamping the
Earth w ith the Name o f Allai): Z ik ran d Sacralisingof Space amongst British
Muslims." inipnbllshcd paper. University ofM anchester, 1990. InW erbner’s
new work,Pilgrims ofL ove ) ‫ ا‬0 ‫ا‬1‫ ه‬0 ‫ا‬Hnrs،. 2004), in which she provides an :1
ethnographic dargah
analysisofo fSufi
،he Abdullah's p r. Zindapir, she‫؛‬
provides updated material oil ،he u^w position o f،١١٠BrIOsh khalifa since his
.m aster’s death
HislianilGibbaih. The Encyclopaedia o f Islamic Doctrine, Vol. 1-7 As-Sunna .21
Foundation o f America (Chicago: K azi 1998
Press(..
The Encyclopaedia o flsla m ic Doctrine, V o l.l
Kabbani, 196-197
.22.,
It would seem .23 ،١١‫(؛‬،to c a ll ‫ اﻫﺘﺎا‬the pre-eminence of،l)c Prophet would be the 1
norm for all M uslim s , ‫ اط‬1 ‫ ا‬the A h l as-Sunna wa Jam aat critique o f ،I)C
Wahhabi and Salafis “disrespect” for M11l(‫ [(؛‬11 d is based on a special‫(؛‬ m
religions ‫؛ ةﻫﺘﺎ‬،‫ اه؛‬iu regard to pr0 ]ti)c،l)0 0 d. Tltis is most explicitly expressed 1
in notions o f ،I)C Prophet’s continuing life s role
af،cr
sh. dc(‫؛‬
in(‫؛‬
I‫(؛‬،
l
0 )r1 s prc-cxis،c)^c and as to ^hc،l)cr he can still continue h)،cmcssi
to guide(‫؛‬
individuals by appearing in m)s‫؛‬ drc.‫؛‬md visions
Document o n iticd TehreekM unhaj ul-Qur ’an .24 , 6 .
FuadN ahdi is E dilor-in-C hicfof(/ Ycni’.v. a promincn، Muslim magazine read .25
xt^usri^ly by younger generation M nshms in Britain. TI)C article was firs ^ ،
‫ة؛اﻃﺎاﺗﺎ‬ 1‫ س‬iu the Guardian newspaper and is reproduced on ،I)C Home page of
I)C، ‫ ج‬/ ‫ اﻣﻢ‬.’‫ آ‬cbsi،c http://www.q-news.com/special.htm m)dcr ،I)C ،itic of^ ■
special report“ ٢٢٥١١٦ ”.Arafat
http://www.q-news.com/special.htm m)dcr the title o f “special report .26 ٢٢٥١١١
”A rafat
Werbner, Im agined Diasporas among M anchester M uslim s .27 , 178.
Werbner, Im agined Diasporas among M anchester M uslim s .28 , 173 .
Werbner, Im agined Diasporas among M anchester M uslim s .29 , 256 .
Edward Said. “Opponents, Audiences, Constituencies and .30 ‫ﺀ’اه‬.(‫؛ اا( ا‬،‫ ا‬in ."
P ostM odern Culture, cd. B l Fos،cr. 135-159 (Loi)doi): Pinto 1983
Press‫(؛‬
(..

Equinox Publishing Ltd 2005.

 Ron Geaves

References
Carrette, Jeremy and Mary Keller. “Religions, Orientation and Critical Theory: Race,
Gender and Sexnaliiy at the 1998 Lambeth Conference.” Theology and Sexnaliiy
11 (1999): 27-31.
Colonna, Fanny. “Cultural Resl^ance and Religious Legitimacy in Colonial Algeria.” In
Islam in Tribal Societies. Ed. Akbar Ahmed and David 126-106 ‫ آه‬. London:
Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1984.
Geaves, R.A. Sectarian Influences within Islam in Britain. Leeds: Community Religions
Troject, 1996.
Geaves, R.A.. “Cult, Charisma, Community: The Arrival of Sufi Pirs and their Impact on
Muslims in Britain.” Journal o f Muslim Minority Affairs 16 (1996): 169-193.
Geaves, R.A. Sufis ofBritain. Cardiff: CardiffAcademic Press, 2000.
Gellner, E. “The Pendulum Swing Theo!y of Islam.” In Sociology ofReligion. Ed. Roland
Robertson, 127-138. I^mondsworih: Penguin, 1968.
Kabbani, Hisham. The Encyclopaedia oflslamic Doctrine, ¥01.1-7. A s-Sunna Foundation of
America. Chicago: Kazi Press, 1998.
Leslie, Julia. Authority andMeaning in Indian Traditions. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003.
Said, Edward. “Opponents, Audiences, Constituencies and Community.” In Post Modem
Culture. Ed. Hal Foster, 135-159. London: Pinto Press, 1983.
Schiffauer, Walter. “Migration and Religiousness.” In The New Islamic Presence in Western
Europe. Ed. Tomas Gerholm and Yngve Lithman, 146-158. London: Mansell,
1988.
Werbner, Pnina. “Stamping the Earth with the Name ofAllah: Zikr and Sacralising of Space
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Werbner, Pnina. Imagined Diasporas amongManchesterMuslims. Oxford: James Currey,
2002 .
Werbner, Pnina. Pilgrims ofLove. London: Hurst, 2004.

© E ^ in o x Publishing Ltd 2005.

 ‫آلﻣﺂورلم؛‬

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