University of Texas Press

The Rhetoric of Development in Joseph Conrad's Nostromo
Author(s): Luz Elena Ramirez

Source: Texas Studies in Literature and Language, Vol. 42, No. 2, Border Crossings (SUMMER
2000), pp. 93-117
Published by: University of Texas Press
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ofDevelopmentin
The Rhetoric
JosephConrad'sNostromo
Luz Elena Ramirez
EdwardSaid writesofNostromo (1904)that"AllConradcan see is a world

dominatedby theWest,and- of equal importance - a world in which
everyopposition to the West only confirms itswicked power"(Harpers,
70).ButinNostromo, CostaguanaoppositiontotheWestconfirms neither
the BritishEmpire'sweakness nor its strength. The novel continually
shiftspower betweenmestizorebels like the Monteros,presidential
figureheads likeRibiera,and opportunists likeSirJohnof theRailway.
Conradcomplicatesfacilegeneralizations aboutEuropeanimperialism,
forNostromo exposestheinternaldivisionsofand externalthreatsto the
BritishEmpire.Morespecifically, JosephConraddescribesforeign devel-
opmentoftheLatinAmericanrepublicfromthe1880sto1903.He does so
in a characteristically
modernist formofwriting, withthreebookswhich
maintainseparatepointsofview.Thesebooks,and thenonlinearnarra-
tivetheypresent,workto underminethe foundationalideologiesand
practicesof a Westernhistoriography, a historiography voiced by the
novel'sCaptainMitchell.
My readingofNostromo departsfromSaid's arguments becausethe
practiceof Orientalism thatinspired them assumes are
empires relatively
coherent structures and self-perpetuating, thatimperialists communicate
witheach otherto achievetheirgoals,thatinteraction withand repre-
sentationof"theother"is based on inescapablehegemonies.As a point
ofcontrast, Nostromo, as whatI call Americanist exposesand
literature,
centralizesthefrailties and contradictions of empire,thecracksin "the
masternarrative." Tobegin,Americanist literature compelsreaderstore-
evaluatetheirconfidence in historyand to reconceptualize thestandard
geographical divisions of East and West in light of North,South,and
continentalcontingencies. Justas importantly, Americanistdiscourse
asks us to examineBritishrhetoric aboutLatinAmerica.Conradseems
to have thisrhetoric in mindwithhis invention, Costaguana.The literal
translation,"coast of guano" illustratesthe multinational natureof its
commerce;we are remindedthatguano was an important nineteenth-
century to
export Europe used forfertilizer. But the novelbeginswiththe
TexasStudiesin Literature
and Language,Vol. 42, No. 2, Summer2000
© 2000 by theUniversityof Texas Press,P.O. Box 7819,Austin,TX 78713-7819

94 Luz Elena Ramirez
movement awayfromagriculture(guano,ox hides,indigo)tominingthe

resources(silverforcurrencyand lead forbullets)foran industrial
economy.Whenmoreaccurately as "coastofbirddroppings/'
translated
Costaguanasuggestsa rathercourseand compositenationalcharacter
and setsup one ofthemanybinariesthatNostromo willinvestigate.
Allegory, and Deconstruction

History,
Whatwe findin thenovelare contemporary aspectsofLatinAmerican

and Britishrelationsthat upset the optimismof development.Like
HeartofDarknessand LordJim,two novels thatdemonstrate the vul-
nerabilityof the BritishEmpire, Nostromo commences with an ironic
celebrationofcapitalismand technology.Modernindustry plows intothe
coastofCostaguanawiththeBritishsteamer, that
indicating neitherthe
nativerevoltscoursingthrough thecountrysidenorthemestizomilitary,
whichhas invadedtheportcityof Sulaco,threatens England'sempire.
Instead,timeitselfdictatestheempire'sagenda:
The OceanicSteamNavigationCompanyhad thrownovertheshal-

low partofthebay soon aftertheyhad resolvedto makeSulaco one
oftheirportsofcall. . . . Yearafteryeartheblackhullsoftheirships
had goneup and down thecoast,in and out,pastAzuera,past the
Isabels,past PuntaMala- disregarding but thetyranny
everything
oftime.(Conrad,39)
Here,"thetyranny oftime"- thecondemning natureand slipperiness of

-
history perplexes theBritish.
Time simultaneously reflectsthe capitalist
imperative to snatchopportunity whileitavails itself,as well as thetyr-
annyof fate,thepredictableend to empireslikethoseof Englandand
Spain.Ultimately, Nostromo offerscompetingphilosophiesaboutforeign
involvement in Costaguananaffairs,whilethreemajorpatterns in recent
scholarshipcontemplate Conrad's heavy and broad implementation of
sourcematerial.1 Thesepatterns areusefulbecausetheyconfirm theByz-
antinenatureofConrad'swriting; theyalso providea pointofdeparture
foran Americanist analysis(ofmore shortly).The firstcriticalapproach
allegorizesConrad's use ofhistory to make connections betweenyoung
LatinAmericannationsand developments throughout western civiliza-
tion;thesecondattempts to disentangle Nostromo's historicalmatrix;the
thirdtheorizesthatConrademployedhis own "deconstruction" in writ-
ing thenovel.
Allegoricalreadingsof Nostromo presupposethecyclesof political
change and, that
by extending argument, assumetheinevitability ofthe

Conrad'sNostromo 95
end ofempires - Roman,Spanish,and ofcourse,England'sown.Forthis

approach,theworkofPeterSmith,RobertHamson,and WilliamBonney
is useful.2Smith,in particular, contendsthatCostaguana"embodiesa
littleEuropewithitshistoryintactbut memoriesgone" (73). However,
allegorytendsto shiftthenovel's focusaway fromits distinctly South
Americansettingand to thefamiliarterrainof theEuropeanWest.Al-
ternatively,Americanism recognizesthe allegoricalnatureof Conrad's
writing, but creditsIan Watt's insightsaboutNostromo' s directengage-
mentwithmaterialconditions.
Thoughhistoricalcontextualization is sometimesmisleading,com-
parisons between Costaguana and turn-of-the-century republicssuch
as Venezuelaand Colombiahave been made sincethenovel's earlyre-
ception - indeed Conrad's lettersadmit open borrowingsfromLatin
Americansources.Ian Wattoffersperhapsthebestreviewofhistorical
sourcesand literary influencesin "Originsand Originals,"a richintro-
to
ductorychapter Joseph Conrad: Nostromo (1988).AlongwithIan Watt,
EloiseKnapp Hay analyzesthehistoricalnatureofNostromo - bothas a
recordofcultureand as a narrativeexperiment. In ThePoliticalNovelsof
Joseph Conrad Knapp Hay observes thatPart I, "The Silverof theMine,"
roughlyrelatesthe past, its sequel Part II, "The Isabels," relatesthe
present, and PartIII, "TheLighthouse," revealsSulaco's troubledfuture
(200-201). Yet Knapp Hay understands thatConrad disengageswith
straightforward chronology. Thus evenhistorical readingsadmittheau-
thorialchallengeto theteleologyofEuropeanpower.
Deconstruction perhapsbankruptsthepoliticalnatureof Nostromo
in its critiqueof historicalcontextualization; thisapproachconstitutes
thethirdbrandof scholarshipon Nostromo. In the criticism of Pamela
Demory and Linda Anderson, we encounter an interrogation one-to-
on
one correlations betweenfictionand history.3 Demory's"Nostromo and
theMakingofHistory"(1995)examines"Originsand Originals"to con-
cludethatIan Watt's
scrupulousattention to puttingeventsin the "right"orderand to

locatingthe "true"historical
referents
obscureswhat seems to me
tobe theintendedfunction ofthechronological ofthe
discontinuity
novel- toforceus intoawarenessofthechaoticnatureofhistoryas it
happens.(Demory, 321)
Demory'sargumentastutelyassesses the unpredictability of eventsas

theyunfold. Yet whileI agreewithher thatNostromois formallyuntidy,
Watt'sresearchin "Originsand Originals"successfully exposesthein-
of factfromfiction,and the compellingqualitiesof both,
extricability
particularly a readingstrategy.
as

Thatsaid,Americanist discoursepursues,withIan Wattand Eloise

KnappHay,Nostromo's Americanspecificity.
Latin WhileConradstereo-
typesLatinAmericansas loan-grubbing rascalsor rebellious
fugitives, he
drawson veryrealBritish investments, that
on a miningindustry contin-
ues today,and on turn-of-the-century military leadersin suchcountries
as Colombia,Venezuela,Paraguay,and Chile.Americanism also allows
for Nostromo's disruptivenarrationas a sign of empire'sown self-
dividingnature.Butratherthangeneralizehistorical etiologyas Demory
does,we shoulduncoverthestrategies employedby theBritishEmpire
forthisspecificLatinAmericanchallenge.Conrad barragesthe reader
withpoliticalschemesand alliances,domesticintrigues, nationaland in-
ternationalplotsand counterplots as well a confusing hostofnationalist,
expatriate,immigrant, imperial, and colonized characters.Americanist
analysistakes these dynamics into consideration notas exceptions butas
norms.A readingstrategy and a g^nre,Americanist literatureis typically
writtenfroma Britishor Europeanperspectiveand thuscelebratesthe
introduction oftechnology, theuse ofadministrative personnel,theem-
ployment of local labor,and the of
justification pre-emptive strikesin the
name ofprogress.However,Americanist discoursediffers dramatically
from,say,thatofOrientalism in thatitshowsthatLatinAmericanswere
equallyeagertodeveloptheircountries and thatthevictimhood so often
ascribedtothecolonizedin imperialcontestslosesitspersuasivepathos.
MaterialConditions
In evaluatingConrad'sinterest in materialconditions, I have mentioned

thatIan Wattdoes an admirablejob of excavatingspecificparallels.In
what follows,I would like to supplementWatt'sworkby addressing
Conrad'sAmericanist concernwithtechnological programs.More spe-
the
cifically, Sulaco
fictional to
testifies the use of Britishinfrastructure
throughoutSpanish American republics, while the San Tomé mine
a
represents common,thougheconomically uneven, nineteenth-century
industry.As readers,we gainaccesstotheminingeconomyfirst fromthe
sea- a narrativemomentannouncingEnglishnaval power.This entry
intoSulacointroduces Conrad'sstoryofsilver,corruption, and regenera-
tion.Withits communication and transportation systemstheportcity
signifies
very realBritish and
enterprises technological activity.
Nostromo's NationalCentralRailway(NCR) doublesfortheveryreal
PanamaRailway,whichopenedin1855and connectedColombia'sPacific
and Atlanticcoasts. Designed forinternational trade (and ultimately
owned by the U.S.), this line enabled merchantsto transportgoods
betweentheAmericasortosendthemofftoEurope(Bushneil, 309).Simi-
the
larly, Britishmail and courier fleetsof the1800s provide models for

Conrad'sNostromo 97
Conrad'sOceanic SteamCompany(OSN). But Conrad's moststriking

exampleofenterprise intheAmericasis CharlesGould'sSan Tomésilver
mine.TypicalofBritish miningcompaniesin Colombia,Mexico,Hondu-
ras,and Venezuela,4the San Toméminesurvivescivilwar because of
Britishmanagement, U.S. finance,and the Latin Americandesirefor
modernization. An emblemofa capitalistinvasion,themineand itsprov-
enance figurewithina longerchain of eventsincludingCostaguanan
concession, revolt,and regeneration.
To be sure, Costaguana's technologicaltransitionfromSpanish
colonialismtoBritish capitalismprovidesa majortension, and thistransi-
tionis voicedbyConrad'simperialpersonnel.CaptainMitchell, Charles
Gould, and Sir Johnare Nostromo's rhetoricians of developmentwho
regardtheirown presencein Costaguanaas a drasticimprovement on
Spanish colonialism.For,"in thetime of theSpanish rule,and formany
yearsafterward, thetownofSulaco . . . had neverbeencommercially any-
thingmoreimportant thana coastingportwitha fairlylargetradein ox
hides and indigo" (Conrad,39). Britishloans and technologyupdate
Sulaco'sagrarianeconomybecausetheSulacoRepublic,CaptainMitchell
informs potentialinvestors,developedfroma backwaterofSpanishcolo-
nialismintothebenchmark ofindustrialism. Playingtheroleofwhiggish
historian, one who sees progressthroughtime,Mitchellattributes to
CharlesGould an unassailableentrepreneurial ethicand readsin these-
cessionof Sulaco thetriumphof Britishorderoverthechaos of native
affairs.These interpersonal dynamics,in turn,workwithinthegreater
schemaofthemine'sconflicts, conflictstakenverymuchfromthehistory
ofminingin LatinAmerica.
Mining
ThefactthatConradchosethe"GouldConcession"(also calledImperium
in império,government withingovernment) as a narrativeanchorindi-
cateshis understanding of mining'simportance in a colonialeconomy,
one thatpaved thewayforBritishimperialists ofthe1880sand 1890s.At
thistime,miningfueledEuropeanenterprise inLatinAmericaandAfrica;
diamondand mineraldiscoveriesmadesomeindividualsand families -
such as the De Beers- quite wealthy.The realityof mining,however,
resultedin lossesto a good deal ofempire'srepresentatives - including
Conrad, who writesabout the subject from his own dealings,havinglost
part ofhis inheritancein 1896 from bad investments. Contemporary Brit-
ish newspaperaccountslamenthow newlyliberatedSpanishAmerican
republicsencouragedforeigners likeConradto speculate.Butit is diffi-
cultto be too sympathetic to Britishlosses,as thedisastrousexploitsof
colonialSpanishAmericashouldhavewarnedpotentialinvestors.

ReviewingthehistoryofPeru in SevenInterpretative
EssaysofPeruvian
Reality(1928),socialcriticJoséMariáteguiexplainsthattheSpanishma-
nia forgold and otherpreciousmineralsresultedin a precariousmining
economyat theexpenseof thepre-existing agrarianone. Undoubtedly,
miningwas a riskyventureand notan efficient use oflabor.(As a basisfor
comparison,Mariáteguiinformsus thatthe Inca effectively employed
roughlytenmillionpeople withtheirfarming, whiletheSpanishbarely
sustainedthe healthof one millionlaborers,one tenthof the original
Peruvianpopulation,withtheircolonialexcavations.)
Conrad'snarrator comments on thisabuse oflaborin describing the
earlyyearsof Costaguana.Whensilverwas foundit was "workedin
theearlydays mostlyby meansoflasheson thebackofslaves,itsyield
has beenpaid forinitsownweightinhumanbones.WholetribesofIndi-
ans had perishedin theexploitation" (Conrad,75). Indeed,throughout
thehistoryofmining,menriskedtheirlivesin excavatingmineralsand
mappingoutnewveins;candlesilluminated a fewfeetofspace,hardlyan
entirecavern.5 Shiftslastedeighttotenlonghours,and eachload,weigh-
ingroughlyfifty pounds,was carriedon one'sbackbeforeanimalscould
be used fortransport above ground.Withtheadventof electricity and
hydro-drills in thetwentieth century, mining became less hazardous,but
only relative to the life-threatening conditions of earlier And
times. yet
foreigncompanies,particularly thoseof theBritish, continuedto fund
thesekindsof operations,largelysatisfiedwiththe seeminglyendless
supplyoflabor.
In additionto theabuse oflabor,theactualmanagement and financ-
ing of mines presented serious to
problems English investors.Unlikeits
enterprises in the Caribbean,Asia, and Africa, politicalsystemin
the
LatinAmericawas not England'sown, but ratherthatof the Spanish
colonialsand laterthenineteenth-century caudillo- themilitaryleader.
Even withtheirimpressiveloans and imperialstrength, theBritishhad
a difficult timeoverseeingtheirAmericanist affairs.Simplyput,loans
could notcreatestability or reversepoliticalupheaval.For example,in
the 1820s severalLatinAmericangovernments defaultedon loans to
European and British lenders; thisdefault caused a widespreadpanicthat
provoked London financiers to sell offtheir miningsecurities. According
to HistorianDavid Bushneil,oncethefinancialmarketbecameunstable,
Londonbusinessmen werereluctant to investin SpanishAmericanmar-
ketsuntilthemiddletolate1800s(43).Bysellingtheminingsecurities so
cheaply, English financiers jeopardized their entrepreneurial counterparts
in theAmericas.Nostromo's loan history, whileseemingto safeguardin-
vestments, insteadupsetsthebalanceofpowerbetweenCostaguanaand
England, betweenCostaguanaand theUnitedStates.
and

Conrad'sNostromo 99
Loans and theRhetoric

ofDevelopment
Conrad'suse of theloan is centralto Costaguana's(and laterSulaco's)

autonomyand speaks to the complexitiesof developmentin Latin
America.Drawing on Edward Eastwick'sThe Historyof theLoan of
1864(1868),Conradexploresthedebatesofauthority and agencythrough
Sir John,the head of the railway,the Monterobrothers,Découd the
Secessionist,and Holroyd,the U.S. financier. Like Eastwick,a British
commissioner whosecuredmoneyforVenezuela'sdevelopment, SirJohn
obtainsa loan forlocal technologiesto facilitateBritishenterpriseon a
"grand scale." SirJohn embodies the who,
aristocrat-capitalist ratherthen
letting affairs take care of themselves,personallysurveys the rough
Costaguanacountryside. GeneralMonteroand hisbrother Pedro,at one
timealignedwiththeEnglishand theRibieragovernment, culltogether
theworsttraitsofEuropeanand nativeculture.GeneralMontero, we are
told,is a mestizoupstartwhosefather was rumoredtohavebeen "noth-
ing but a charcoalburnerin the woods" and whose motherwas "a
baptizedIndianwomanfromthefarinterior"(65). Aligninghimselfat
a fortuitous timewiththe Blanco party(the "White"party)and their
figurehead president Ribiera,GeneralMonteroenvisionscontinentalcon-
quest and a hand in Britishfunds.
Thin,balding,and takinga backstageto his brother'saggression,
PedroMonteroquietlyschemeshisplans,recognizing theimportance of
hiscountry to foreigners:
Sulacowas theland offutureprosperity, thechosenland ofmaterial

progress, and the onlyprovince in the Republicofinterest to Euro-
Pedrito
pean capitalists. Montero,following example theDue
the of
de Morny, meant to have his shareofthisprosperity ... he meantto
in -
demanda share everyenterprise railways, mines,in sugar
in in
estates,in cottonmills,in land companies,in each and everyunder-
taking.(329)
None of theseoperationswould be possiblewithoutforeignfinancing
and locallaborand resources.GeneralMonteroalso sees thisclearlyand
thus organizesthe "Afro-Costaguana" workersto overthrowGould's
The
supporters. problem forGould and his Creole,U.S., and European
counterpartsis how to temper the Montero claimto developmentmon-
eys;thus Conrad invents Découd - thejournalistturnedsecessionist.
Decoud's use ofFifty YearsofMisrule(indeed,Conrad'smentionofit
in theforeword) tellsus muchaboutCostaguana'shistory fromindepen-
dencetonationhood.In BookII Découd treatsthetextas a handbookfor

themodernimperialist and statesman, a troubleshootingguide forne-

gotiatingbribery, extortion,and destructionof foreignproperty. When
GeneralMonterothreatens toinvadeSulaco,Découd explainstoAntonia:
"A man likeMonterois bribed.It's thepracticeof thecountry. It's tra-
dition- it'spolitics.Read FiftyYearsofMisrule"(174).Decoud's position
and classaccountforhiseasydismissalofMontero.
Of Costaguana'sCreolesociety,Découd sees his own countryas a
terriblyfaileddemocratic experiment. He regardsthepoliticalmachinery
as patheticimitation ofEurope'sown and tellshisassociatesin Paris:
Imaginean atmosphere ofoperabouffeinwhichall thecomicbusiness
ofstagestatesmen, brigands,etc.,etc.,is done in dead earnest.It is
screamingly funny, theblood flowsall thetime,and theactorsbe-
lievethemselves tobe influencing thefateoftheuniverse.Ofcourse,
thegovernment in general,anygovernment anywhere, is a thingof
exquisitecomicality to a discerningmind; but reallywe Spanish
Americasdo overstepthebounds.(Conrad,152)
GeneralMontero,as thebrutishcaudillo,has inspiredDecoud's vitriolic
and sarcasticaccount.ButDécoud also has in mindanotherclassofelite
statesmen who in his mindare notmuchbetter.Indeed,Conrad'schar-
acterization of theLatinAmericanpoliticianscomesfroma numberof
competing influences- conservativeand liberal,electedofficials,and
military dictators,thosewho admiretheU.S. and Europe,and thosewho
hateforeigners.
Forexample,Venezuela'sPresidentAntonioGuzmanBlanco(recall
theBlancopartyin thenovelwhichsupportstheEnglish-loving Ribiera)
helpedtoadvancetheconstruction ofroads,railroads, ports,and telegraph
lines in the 1880s.Guzman called himselfthe "IllustriousAmerican,"
and dedicatedtheseprojectstohimself. Thisis onevain,thoughrelatively
progressive, of
image politicians availableto Conrad.Butthereputation
of one of Guzman'ssuccessors,GeneralCiprianoCastro,supportsDe-
coud's attack.London'spublicationofTheReviewofReviews followedthe
careerofCastrofromthe1880sto 1903,notingwheneverhe seized mili-
tarycontrolor blockedforeigninterventions. Two cartoonsfromthis
periodrepresent opposingpoints of view. In the monkeyson the
first,
shoreofVenezueladiscussDarwin'stheoryofevolutionwhileEngland
and Germany sinkeachother'sshipsinthehastetotakeoverthecountry.
In thesecondone,Englandand Germanyare held at bay by "little
Ajax";a closelookat thehatrevealstheidentity ofCiprianoCastro.The
secondcartoonis especiallyimportant becauseitreinforces Castro'sbad
reputation among Britishreaders. Indeed, unlike Guzman, Castroused
nationalloansto supportan extravagant lifestyleand surveillance ofpo-
tentialrivals.A columnistin TheReviewofReviews states:

Conrad'sNostromo 101
Figure 1. La Silhouette,Paris. T/zeMonkeysin Venezuela(watching over

the Britishand Germanfleets):"And theysay we are a lowertypeof
mankind!"
Largesumsofmoneythatwould go farto pay theforeigndebtare

beingused by him [Castro]to debauchColombianpoliticiansand
pay hisspies.. . . Castrois a ... verybad man,buthe is a verygreat
man in his own way.... He is a bitofa Bonaparte. . . and sees his
futurein realpower,and theconquestand unionoftheneighboring
states.(582)
Here the columnistsimultaneouslycritiquesand celebratesCastro's

politicalcareer.On one hand,the"Andino"presidentis portrayedas a
crasspoliticianand spendthrift; of course,are not
thesecharacteristics,
Castrois an "Equatorial
acceptableto thefrugalEnglish.Alternatively,
Bonaparte"whose "conquest"of neighboringstatesis admirableor
at least remarkable.Castroseems to be one historicalcounterpartin
Nostromo IfConradmodelstheMonterosafter
fortheMonteroBrothers.6

Figure2. MinneapolisJournal.The VenezuelanCrisis:A littleAjax defying

thelightning.
Castro,he does so to dramatizethe threatof revoltand the complex

relations
betweenemerging republicsand foreigners.
Indeed,material interests bound withambiguous
are inextricably
notionsofproperty,as thename "San Tomé"suggests.Thisname rein-
forcesthemine'sviolenthistoryofownershipbecause,as literary critic
CharlesRossmanexplains,Tomémeans "I took."The pun helps to ac-
countfortheinternationaland nationalbattlesinSulaco,as theutterance
ofitsnameis a proprietaryand defiantstancetowardothers.Indeed,be-
foreCharlesGould administrates the San Tomé,workershad revolted
againsttheir"English chiefs"and "murderedthemto a man" (75). The
decreepublishedin theDiárioOficialofSantaMartaproclaims:

incensedat thegrindingoppressionofforeigners
Justly actuatedby
sordidmotivesofgainratherthanby love fora country wherethey
comeimpoverished, to seektheirfortunes, theminingpopulationof
theSan Tomé. . . [has resolvedthat]themine,whichby everylaw,
human,and divine,revertsnow to theGovernment
international as
nationalproperty, shall remainclosed 'til thesworddrawnforthe
sacreddefenseofliberalprincipleshas accomplisheditsmissionof
securingthehappinessofourbelovedcountry. (Conrad,75-76)
A localrebelliontakesplace and succeeds,butitsSulaco representatives

thesameauthoritative
reiterate rhetoricthatcreatedthepreviousgovern-
ment.Afterthisrevolt, we findthatCostaguanansabandontheSan Tomé
untilone "ordinary"administration of mid-century decidesit could be
made profitable if "conceded"to Gould Senior.Twentyyearslaterand
muchpoorerforhisconcession, GouldSeniorpleadswithhissonCharles
notto reopentheSan Tomébut to stayin Englandand away fromhis
birthland.GouldSeniortakeshiseconomiclossespersonally, as a matter
soilinghis honor, but we might remember that on a broaderlevel his di-
sastrousexperiencewithLatinAmericavalidatestheclaimsoftheLittle
Englanderswho privilegednationalissuesoverthoseofBritishinterests
The minein Nostromo
and territories.7 represents thetypicalfailedbusi-
ness and waste of resources.YetCharlesGould- of a new generation,
indeed,"American born"- defieshis father'sadviceand accommodates
thepartiesofsecession,regeneration, and foreignintervention. Indeed,
ignoring the lessons of historyseems to reap itsreward.UnderCharles
Gould's management theSan Tomécompany"foundso richa veinthat
neitherthe extractions of successivegovernments, nor the periodical
raidsofrecruiting officers upon thepopulation paid minerstheyhad
of
created,could discourage theirperseverance"(75). CharlesGould sur-
vivestheoutrageouspoliticsofSulaco,indeed,risesabove them.Young
Gould seeminglyachievedtheimpossible:he createdhis own Imperium
in impérioin a place whereonlygreed,disorder, and violenceweresup-
posed to be.
Imperiumin Império
Conrad'srecurring theme,Imperium in império,
theminingoperation, re-
flectsBritain'sself-conscious
encroachment on newlyliberatedsoil and
raisesconcernsabouttheshiftfromSpanishpaternalism tothebrutaleffi-
ciency ofGould's mine.In thebook entitled
"SilveroftheMine,"which
localizesCostaguana'shistorythroughtheGould home,EmiliaGould
and SirJohnengageina quietdebateaboutlocaldevelopment. Whenshe

surveystheirremediable changesto thelandscapeand theabuses ofthe

existinggovernment, Mrs.Gould becomesappreciativeofSpanishrule.
Thehead oftherailwayassuresherthatwhilehe cannotgivethecolonial
past back, "you shall have moresteamers,a railway,and a telegraph
cable- a future inthegreatworldwhichis worthinfinitely morethanany
amountofecclesiasticalpast.You shallbe broughtin touchwithsome-
thinggreaterthanthetwoviceroyalties" (63). ForSirJohnCostaguana's
pastcan be summedup withtheabuses oftheCatholicChurchand the
two Spanishcolonialgovernments; England'swisdomin thisnew age
is to avoid theevangelical.Indeed,themantraImperium inimpériorepre-
sentsa relatively peacefulengulfing of theSpanishAmericaneconomy
by England'stechnological empire.Imperium in império
also underlines
the important differences
betweenEuropeanand U.S. developmentof
LatinAmerica,especiallygiventhenovel'sthinlyveiledreference to the
MonroeDoctrineand U.S. protectionism under PresidentsCleveland
and Roosevelt.
MonroeDoctrine
Holroyd,theSan Franciscanfinancierofthenovel,articulates
common
attitudesabout"theheathen"Americas.Yetdespitethefront,
hisdesireto
convertCostaguanansto Protestantism onlyexposesa phonyevangeli-
calism. Holroyd'sspeeches are rarelyconcernedwith salvation,but
insteadwithmaterialdealings.In a meetingwithCharlesGould,who
needshimto financethemine,Holroydobserves:
Now, what is Costaguana?It is thebottomlesspit of ten-percent

loans and otherfoolinvestments.Europeancapitalhas been flung
intoitwithbothhandsforyears.Not ours,though.Wein thiscoun-
tryknowjustenoughto keep indoorswhenitrains.We can sitand
watch.Of course,some day we shall stepin. We are bound to. But
there'sno hurry.
(Conrad,96)
In thispassage,thefinancier learnsfromthemistakesof his European
counterparts while invoking principleofManifestDestiny:"We are
the
bound"to"stepin."In thenextbreath, HolroydinvokestheMonroeDoc-
trineto play on Gould's Americanallegiance.The financier warnsthat
Europe "must be keptoutof this and
continent, for
proper interference
on
ourpartthetimeis notyetripe,I daresay" (96).Thisscenecouldbe taken
froma numberofarticlesin London'sTheReviewofReviews, liketheone
shownbelow.Here,cartoonists demonstratehow theMonroeDoctrine
was a sourceofheateddisagreement fromthe1880suntiltheturnofthe
century, when competing nationslikeEnglandand Germanyconfronted
U.S. policy.

Figure3. ByspecialpermissionoftheproprietorsofPunch.CorneringHim:
"Yah!You big bullies!You daren'tget overthatfence."
LittleVenezuela:
EnglandandGermany "Allright,
(together): youngman,we can wait."
Holroydis anothersortofcaricature.
As theU.S. watchdog,Holroyd
maintainsa wait-and-seepolicyforall partiesby allowingthemining
disputeoverGould's San Tométo runitscourse;he explainsto Charles
Gould:
Butwe here- we are notthiscountry'sgovernment, neitherare we

simplesouls. Your affair
is all The
right. main questionforus is
whetherthesecondpartner, and that'syou,is therightone to hold
his own againstthethirdand unwelcomepartner, whichis one or
anotherof the highand mightyrobbergangs thatrun the Costa-
guanagovernment. (Conrad,96)
Holroyd'strenchant remarksaboutintervention reflectthefactthat,by

the 1890s,the UnitedStateshad shed its own statusof an emerging
republicand was becomingan active,aggressivenation.(By 1898 the
U.S. had acquiredthePhilippines,Hawaii, PuertoRico,and Cuba, and
had targetedotherterritories as well.) One provocativeelementin the
articulationof U.S. power is the label he applies to the Costaguanan

government.The term "robbergangs" delegitimizesnewly formed

SpanishAmericanrepublicswhichHolroyd,and his associates,view as
disordered,violent,and arbitrary in theirformation. But if Nostromo's
idealsof"progress"ringhollowlywithHolroyd,thenConradshowsthe
LatinAmericansto equallydevalue thewords"liberation," "freedom,"
and "therightto government."
The thirdbook ofthenovel,"The Lighthouse," triesto suggestthe
archetypalSpanish Americanrepublic.Perhapsknowinghis English
readerswould have a difficult timekeepingthenamesstraight, Conrad
mixesand matchesrealand fictional LatinAmericanfiguresto illustrate
theabsurdityofhistory. He uses detailsfromtherealcareersof Carlos
AntonioLopez, presidentcaudilloofParaguay(1840-62);his son Fran-
cisco Solano Lopez's controversial reign(1862-70);the dictatorship of
GuzmanBlancoofVenezuela(1870-88);and theflight ofSantiagoTriana
fromColombia(1893).
AccordingtoIan Wattand EloiseKnappHay,Conradreadand emu-
lated GeorgeMasterman'sSevenEventful Yearsin Paraguay, an account
of a land-owningEnglishmanwho suffered harassmentand witnessed
torture underLopez's rule.Masterman'sexperience, in turn,predictsas-
pects ofDr. Monygham's torture in Nostromo under Guzman Bento(271).
However,ifwe considera morerecentlook at CarlosLopez, we finda
radicallydifferent perspectiveon his and his son Francisco'sadminis-
trationfrom1840 to 1870. HistorianE. BradfordBurnsoffersa more
complex,ifnotcontrary, viewoftheLopez administration thanConrad's
critics(1990). The Lopez administration developed Paraguay under
popular caudillo governments into a successful economicand social
statefromthe 1840suntilthe 1870s.But neighboring countriesfeared
and
Paraguay'sgrowth actually united againstitin the War oftheTriple
Alliance(Brazil,Argentina,and Uruguay,1865-70).Significantly, this
war effort was financedin partby Englishloans;Englandwas eager,it
appears, to capitalizeon a now vulnerablenation (Burns,121). Yet
Mastermanand Wattomitthispertinent information in theirrepresenta-
tion of Lopez rule, thoughtrue to its criticalform,The Manchester
Guardian exposedEngland'scrushingofa new republic.A columnistar-
gues thatwiththehelp ofBritishfunds,theTripleAlliancedestroyeda
"remarkablesystemof government" and "overturnedthe only South
AmericanstatewhereinthenativeIndianraceshowedanypresentlikeli-
hood ofattaining or recovering suchstrengths or organization as to fitit
forthetaskofgovernment" in
(as qtd. Burns,121). If fora moment this
accountof theWarof theTripleAlliancecan serveas one of themany
backdropsforthenovel,theBritishconcernforstability in Sulaco loses
credibility.

Fortheirpart,LatinAmericanwritersrecognizedthesophisticated
publicrelations maneuvers necessary toattractand maintain foreignfund-
ing.ModelsforNostromo' s politicaleconomycanbe seeninthewriting of
Conrad'scontemporary SantiagoPerezTriana(1858-1916).PerezTriana's
Down theOrinocoin a Canoe(1902) recountsthe author'sflightfrom
Bogotáto Venezuelaaftera majorantiliberal coup. In theworkand life
ofPerezTriana,Conradsaw a view ofpoliticsthat,in Nostromo, assumes
a less thanfavorablerepresentation. According to Ian Conrad
Watt, re-
castsPerezTriana'sfatheras thepresident-stooge Don VincenteRibiera
(Watt, 9). PonderinghisacquaintancewithPerezTriana,Conradwritesto
fellowAmericanist writer, R. B. CunninghamGrahame,that"I am com-
punctious as to theuse I've made oftheimpression producedon me by
theEx.Sr.Don PerezTriana'spersonality. Do youthinkI havecommitted
an unforgivable faultthere?"(Conradin Hay,171).Conrad'scompunc-
tioncamefromRibiera'sescapeon a lamemuleandperhapstheease with
whichhe embeddedaspectsofPerezTriana'sideologyintothenovel.
To be sure,bothwritersconsiderLatinAmerica'srawresourcesas a
prospectformaterialwealth,a prospectdimmedby local rebellions.In
DowntheOrinocoin a Canoe,flightand exilefromColombialend them-
selvesto PerezTriana'ssurveyoftheAmazon.PerezTrianaadvertisesa
wealthofresourcesfora Europeanaudience,contending thatwithtech-
nology and commitment, many of the Amazon's riverscould be made
navigable, and certain benevolent indigenous tribes"undergood guid-
ance mightbe taughtto gatherthenaturalproductsaboundingin the
forests,and cultivatethesoil systematically" (118).CaptainMitchellin
Nostromo performs a similar role in his guidedtoursofSulaco,pointing
outtheport'snew technologies, wherethemineadministrator lives,and
theindicesofa bustlingeconomy.
At the same time,DowntheOrinocowarnsits readersof potential
pitfallsofnewlyliberatedrepublics.PerezTrianacriticizestheSpanish
Americanpracticeofconscription, and interestingly Conradsatirizesthis
practice with Costaguana's rebel and liberalgovernments, bothofwhich
taketurnsin their"recruitment" of armypersonnel.Perez Trianacon-
demnsthemilitary, whichdeploysitspowerto destroydemocratic rule,
while Conrad,in turn,parodies democraticrhetoricwith the slogan
"Militarismis the enemy"(Conrad,140). In Nostromo, freshlyelected
presidents condemn the military, but then theyeventuallyrelyon the
to in
army stay power. The reverse is truetoo,as GeneralMontero'svie
forthepresidencythrougha coup reveals.Monterois thestereotypical
LatinAmericancaudillowho triestoseize Ribiera'spoweraftertheWars
ofIndependence - preparing, in particular,to claim(or in his mind,re-
claim) Gould's silvermine.

withand againstHistory
Writing
Takentogether, Conrad'streatment oftheMonroeDoctrine, thecaudillo,
the figureheadpresident,the rhetoricof development,and the im-
portanceof miningemphasizeNostromo's engagementwith material
conditionsin LatinAmerica.It is oftenan incongruouscorrelation be-
tweenCostaguanaand countrieslikeColombiaand Venezuela,but this
is theway Conradunderscoresthemessinessof history, and by exten-
sion the constructed natureof his own sources.Indeed,criticscan set
Costaguanatoo firmly in one place,suchas Colombia,as ElaineJordan
does in "Conrad'sSpanishAmericanAdventure: An Obscureand Ques-
tionableSpoil,"orVenezuela,as CedricWattsdoes in "Nostromo and Wild
ScenesAgain."Conradextendshis imperiallensbeyonda particular ge-
ographyorevent(or,arguably, imperialperiod,forSan Thomewas also a
Spanishsettlement sackedby theEnglishin 1618).Costaguanaoscillates
betweenallegoryand materialspecificity, drawingon bothCentraland
SouthAmericanhistorybecause Conrad seems to view independence
and revoltin ambiguousterms.
Indeed, revolutionaries behind independencewere not entirely
againstforeign aid. The Wars of Independence,led by SimonBolivar
in Venezuelaand Miguel Hidalgo in Mexico and arguablyJoséMarti
(1853-95)in Cuba, soughtto remedyracialand class inequalities,but
liberators werenotnecessarily or entirelyhostileto foreign investments.
Theirprimary goal was to avoid colonialbureaucracy so that theycould
be self-sufficient.MiguelHidalgo (1753-1811) and Simon Bolivar (1783-
1830) voiced different, thoughnot polar, positionsin the fightfor
liberation.In 1811HidalgomarshaledMexicanstofightSpainand trium-
phantly unified disparatelabor forces:miners,farmers, and artisans.
in
Bolivar, turn, conceived of a Spanish America in which disparatere-
gions and countrieswould communicate, collaborate,and be governedas
one; he conceived of a federation thatwould be a formidable forceagainst
aggressors.8 BothHidalgoand Bolivarenvisioneda completely neworder
fortheirrespectivecountries;but whileHidalgo wantedto enfranchise
ethnicand isolatedpopulations,and while Bolivarsympathizedwith
theirplight,the"GreatLiberator" courtedforeign favor,recognizing that
countrieslikeEnglandand theUnitedStatesneeded cheap workforces
and resources.
Nostromo highlights theassociationbetweenBolivarand theEnglish
toelevatetheGouldfamilyand enterprise. First,CharlesGould'sgrand-
father "fought in the cause of independence underBolivar,inthatfamous
Englishlegion which on the battlefieldofCarabobo had beensalutedby
the GreatLiberatoras Savioursof his country"(71). Second,Charles
Gould's unclehad been theelectedpresidentof "thatveryprovinceof

Sulaco (thencalled a State)in the days of the Federation"(71). Third,

Viola,one indexofuncorrupted democraticvalues,heroizestheEnglish:
"Everywhere he had seen Englishmenfighting in thefrontrankof the
armyof freedom"(59). Nostromo's referencesto Carabobo,9the Great
Liberator,theFederation,and thefightforfreedomheroicallyflavorthe
Britishpresencein SpanishAmerica;in thismoment,the Englishare
heroeswho offset Conrad'srepresentation of arrogantimperialism em-
bodied in Captain Mitchelland Sir John.This love of freedomgives
Conradentryintoa greaterdiscourseofLatinAmericanwriting. Indeed,
as contemporariesfromradicallydifferent writing Marti
situations, and
Conradpose thesamequestion:whatis thefutureofa hybridizedSpan-
ishAmerica - a continentofEuropean,African, and indigenouspeoples?
HistoricalTensions:FormsofGovernment
Cuban StatesmanJoséMartiand Argentinepresidentand polemicist

DomingoSarmiento (1811-88)offerantithetical
viewsforLatinAmerica's
future - oneorganic,theotherEurocentric;and yet,as Nostromo suggests,
neithervisionhas triumphed. Conrad'sbrilliancelies in identifyingthe
elementsofthesediscoursesand incorporating them,forNostromo's poli-
ticsmay be read as thebattlebetweenthe conservatism of Sarmiento
and theprogressiveness ofMarti,betweentheconservative landholding
class jealouslyguardingits privilege,and revolutionaries claimingna-
tionaland civicrights,betweenthe Creole and Mestizo.Accordingto
Marti's"OurAmerica,"SpanishAmericanshave to celebrateethnicand
historical and rejectforeignformsofgovernment
complexities and edu-
cation(1891):
To governwell,one mustsee thingsas theyare.And theable gover-

norinAmericais nottheonewhoknowshowtogoverntheGermans
orFrench;he mustknowtheelementsthatcomposehisowncountry,
and how to bringthemtogether, using methodsand institutions
originating within the to
country, reachthatdesirablestatewhere
each man can attainself-realization
and may enjoytheabundance
thatNaturehas bestowedon everyonein thenationto enrichwith
theirtoiland defendwiththeirlives.Thegovernment mustoriginate
inthecountry. Thespiritofthegovernment mustbe thatofthecoun-
try.Its structure
mustconformto rulesappropriateto thecountry.
Good government is nothingmorethanthebalanceofthecountry's
naturalelements.(Marti,87)
"Naturalelements"refersto one oftheprevailingmetaphorsofMarti's

essay: the treeof "American-ness,"
forhe rejectsEuropeanformsof

any kind- governmental, or historiographie

literary, - unless theyare
" onto the trunkof America. The of vali-
grafted" concept Americanness
dates the local, the immediate,and the mestizaje,and protectsLatin
Americafromcorrupting influences,whichflowedwithimperialtech-
nologiesintotheislandsand continent. ForMarti,mestizosrepresent the
essenceof SpanishAmericaas the offspring of richlydiversecultures.
PostcolonialtheoristHomi Bhabhamightcall themestizoa displaced,
splitsubject,a personwho is neitherpartoftheOld WorldnortheNew.
In Bhabha'sLocationofCulturehybridity is a universaltermthatgen-
eralizesLatinAmericanmestizosand those of India, Africa,and the
Philippines.But Marticentralizes and celebratesCuban hybridity as a
uniquely American He
experience.10 also seems to such
anticipate liberal
but nearlymeaninglessreadingsof culture,perhapsin responseto the
viciousstereotyping ofnativesin theworkofSarmiento, workthatde-
niedArgentina's own inheritanceofmixedblood.
HistoricalTensions:Race and Ethnicity
A prolificwriter,Domingo Sarmiento(1811-88)governedArgentina
from1868 to 1874 and welcomedforeignideas and influences.Most
strikingly,Sarmientolauded theUnitedStates,Valuingitsclaimsto de-
mocracy, freemarketsystem,
the use oftechnology,and itsextermination
ofindigenouspeoples(ofwhichmorelater).He writesin 1888,"Weshall
catch up to the United States.. . . Let us become the United States"
(Sarmientoin Retámar, 24). His mostfamouswork,Facundo:Civilization
andBarbarism (1845),critiquestheRosasdictatorship bytracingthecareer
ofFacundoQuiroga(1790-1835),a gauchoturnedmilitary leaderofthe
Republic.Known primarily as and
Civilization Sarmiento's
Barbarism, trea-
tiseis consideredby some themostimportant book to be publishedin
nineteenth-century LatinAmerica.Its chapterheadingsalone parallela
good deal of Nostromo, includingtitlessuch as "Rule of theStrongest,"
"NativeIndolence"(considerConrad'sMonterobrothers and theupris-
ing of the miners),"The Gaucho Outlaw" (Nostromo'stheft), and "An
of
EasyWay Paying Debts" (Costaguanan extortion
from the Goulds).
Sarmiento'srancortowardthenativepeoples ofArgentinais most
disturbing, and readersof Europeannineteenth-century literaturewill
not be surprisedto see him echo ethnographic and eugenicsupposi-
tions- these,by theway,maybe theverykindofcorrupting influences
Martiwould abhor.In anycase,Sarmiento'sConflict andHarmony among
theRaces,explainstheeffects ofcolonialismin thefollowing way:
It maybe veryunjustto exterminatesavages,suffocate
risingcivili-
zations,conquerpeopleswho arein possessionofa privilegedpiece

of land. Butthanksto thisinjustice,

America,insteadof remaining
abandonedto thesavages,incapableofprogress,is todayoccupied
by the Caucasian race- the mostperfect,
the mostintelligent,
the
mostbeautifuland mostprogressive ofthosethatpeople theearth.
(Sarmiento in Retámar,24)
America,here,refersto theUnitedStates,whoseefforts to subjugatena-
tivesand to thwartretaliationare clearlylauded. On a wider,regional
level,Sarmientovalidatestheextermination ofChile'searlyheroes.More
he
specifically, writesabout Ercilla's on
poem Chileanresistance that
Colocolo,Lautaro,and Caupolicán,notwithstanding
thenobleand
civilizedgarbwithwhichtheyare adornedby Ercilla,are nothing
morethana handfulof loathsomeIndians.We would have them
hanged today were theyto reappearin a war of the Aruacanos
againstChile,a countrythathas nothingto do withsuch rabble.
(Sarmiento in Retámar,
24)11
AlthoughConrad doesn't elaborateon colonialism,he does echo
Sarmiento'ssentiments in Nostromo. CaptainMitchellcalls Costaguana
resistancefigures"deserters," "revolutionary rabble,"a "rascallymob,"
and a "murdering mob" (45-46).The pairingof dark-skinned ethnicity
and mobviolencejustifiestheBritishuse ofNostromo - a dark-skinned
Europeanimmigrant whoseappearanceand demeanorarereminiscent of
theArgentine gaucho - to quell theSulaco populace.Here, Conrad blurs
class and race lines,which makes for an interesting readingof the
Genovese.Nostromo'sexcellent horsemanship on thecamposand hisfree
spiritcapture theessence of gaucho But
life. as a Genovese immigrant, a
cargador bearingthe burden of theOld World and theNew, Nostromo
belongsneitherto theCreolesocietynorto thenativistcultureofSulaco.
At timeshis indeterminate statusis beneficial,forhe can play to Latin
cultureas a sortof Valentinowho sweeps Paquita offherfeetand val-
iantlypluckssilverbuttonsoffhis coat forherpleasure.At othertimes,
his characterassumesa sinisteraspectas he subjugateshis darkercoun-
terparts.Thus,Nostromois a showcaseof Englishmanagement. Teresa
Viola,astutein herabilityto read imperialrelationsofpower,sees this
factwell beforehe does: "Avanti!Yes! Thatis all he caresfor.To be first
somewhere - somehow- to be firstwith these English.They will be
showing him toeverybody. Thisis ourNostromo!"(53).
Nostromo'sundefinedpowers in an emergingrepublicbringup
(again) theissue of foreignauthority. Reflectingon the orderand effi-
ciencyoftheOSN, CaptainMitchellis a self-congratulatory mouthpiece
of empire.However,even Mitchellhas to admitthe limitsof imperial
administration and theubiquityoflocaluprisings:

[He] pridedhimself on hisprofound knowledgeofmenand thingsin

thecountry - cosas de Costaguana.Amongsttheselasthe accounted
as mostunfavorable to theorderlyworkingofhisCompanythefre-
of
quentchanges government broughtaboutby revolutions of the
military The
type. politicalatmosphere ofthe Republicwas generally
stormy in thesedays.The fugitive patriotsofthedefeatedpartyhad
theknackofturning up againon thecoastwithhalfa steamer'sload
ofsmallarmsand ammunitions. (Conrad,44)
The technologiesof empire - steamships,the port,ammunition - are
therefore turnedagainstBritishenterprise, and the revolutionaries to
whomthenarrator hererefersare thosewho aim to nationalizeforeign
and oligarchicproperties.Nostromo constantlyvacillatesbetweenthe
idealsofBritishimperialism and thoseofcivicrebellion.Imperialists are
pittedagainstone another, justas nationalfactionsare,and administra-
torslikeCharlesGould and SirJohnfindenduringallegiancesdifficult.
BeforeMontero'scoup, the OSN, NationalCentralRailway,San Tomé
Mine, and National Telegraphsystemsall collaboratedto support
Ribiera,thepuppetpresidentofCostaguana.ButtheRailwayabandons
RibierawhentheRibierist cause is lostand insteadconsidersan alliance
theMonterorebelsand theirrepresentatives, Fuentesand Gamacho.In
thiscase,theRailwayboardbecomescharacteristically apolitical;as the
ChiefEngineerexplains:"We are nota politicalfaction.. . . And we are
notgoingtogiveournewrulersa handleagainsttherailway"(268).This
scenepointstoConrad'sconcernwiththehazardofmaintaining political
alliancesand thenearimpossibility ofhistoricalprogress.
ProblemswithPostcolonialism
In his complextreatment of power relationsbetweenCostaguanans
and foreignimperialists, Conradrepeatedlyconfoundstheheroicsup-
positionsof nineteenth-century historiography. In the destructionof
Decoud's newspapermachinery on
(attack printculture)and theinva-
sion of theCustomsHouse (attackon trade),we findthatantagonisms
brewin Sulacoto dismantlethestatusquo. Nationally, British enginesof
development - trains,steamers, and telegraphs- redirectCostaguana's
revolts;theydo notpreventthem.Rebelsmaintaina home-court advan-
tage that frequently,too often for Mitchell and Gould's liking,allows
themto use Britishtechnology - forexample,Sotillo'sappropriation of
thesteamer - orsabotageitat will- the"rabble's"destruction oftherail-
wayyard.
Overall,thepassageoftimeand itsrecorddo notsignify progressin
Nostromo. Instead,theconstantstruggle betweenan imperialorderand a
revolutionary one suggestthathistory is circular,
redundant, orboth.The

thattheBritish
infrastructure createinSulacois no lessinvolvedinpillage
and greedthantherevolutionary governments theyperiodicallydestroy.
EmiliaGould'sbeautifulwatercolor pictureofSulaco,drawnduringher
yearsin thecity,reinforces
first thesenseofloss we willultimately expe-
rience,fortechnology has ravagedthelandscape.Perhapsthecharacter
mostdrawnto thecustomsofcoloniallife,Emiliaquietlycondemnsthe
enginesofprogressthatCharlesand his cronieshave fueledand in sur-
veyingtheland,findsthat:
Thewaterfall thathad luxuriatedin
existedno longer.The tree-ferns
itssprayhad diedaroundthedried-uppool,and thehighravinewas
onlya big trenchhalffilledup withtherefuseof excavationsand
dammedup above,sentitswaterrushingalong
tailings.Thetorrent,
theopenflumesofscoopedtreetrunksstriding to the
on trestle-legs
turbines the
working stamps on thelower -
plateau themesa grande
oftheSan Tomémountain.(Conrad,116)
Certainly, too,Mrs.Gould'spersonallifepointstoan overwhelming feel-

ing ofboth empire'sgreatanonymity and intrusiveness.As the wifeof the
mine'sadministrator, she enduresalienationin hermarriage, separation
fromherhome,and a generalsenseoflonging,forshe and Charles,con-
traryto herwishes,neverdo conceivea child.Instead,herhusband's
impotenceand herown deracination constitute thefuture.
Emiliais depictedas theangel of theimperialhome,as I imagine
criticAnneMcClintockmightread her.She keeps thingstogether with
herethicaljudgmentand untarnished reputation, while her beautyand
whitenessinsulateherfromtheoutbreakof rebellion.Ultimately, how-
ever, her fateis one of broken family tiesand nationalrelationships- an
orphanlikeso many of thecharacters not only in Americanist discourse,
but moregenerallyin imperialliterature as well. For thisreason,she
is neitherpre-imperial nor postcolonial,but an in-betweenfigurethat
waversbetweenthepossibilities and valuesofboth.Wefindthatthepos-
sibilityof new American originsand growthinherentin the Gould
marriage replacedbyexpansionoftheSan Toméoperation.
is
Nostromo, finally,hinges upon the absurdityof Charles Gould's
rescuenarrative. He proposesto keeptheSan Tomémineoutofthecol-
lectiveclutchofbandits,rebels,and corruptpolíticos, evenwhilehisown
"Concession"partakesin Costaguana'shistoryofcolonialand imperial
appropriations. The term"concession"legitimizesthishistory, but the
mine'sprovenance,as arguedearlier,remainscontestedand its status
ambiguous.Nevertheless, Gouldseeshimself as a purveyor ofprosperity
and order:hisminingoperationis,all at once,a religion, civicorder,and
politicaleconomy. To wit:

Whatis wantedhereis law,good faith,order,security. Anyonecan

declaimaboutthesethings,but I pin myfaithto materialinterests.
Onlylet thematerialinterests once geta firmfootingand theyare
boundtoimposetheconditionson whichtheyalonecan continueto
exist.That'show yourmoney-making is justifiedherein thefaceof
lawlessnessand disorder.It is justified
becausethesecurity whichit
demandsmustbe sharedwithan oppressedpeople.A betterjustice
willcomeafterwards. That'syourrayofhope.(Conrad,100)
Gould's promiseofdemocracyassuresforeign investorsthattheirinter-

estsaresecure;hisvalue layinhisfaithinmodernindustry. Butthisfaith
is lost in the novel's stormof nativistrevolt,amidstpeople refusing
to wait forprofitsfromtheirown resources.The novel's polyphonyof
voicesand perspectives as well as Conrad'suse ofBritishideologyand
LatinAmericanhistorychallengethe heroicnarrativeof empire.The
threereadingstrategiesI mentionedeitheroversimplify or exaggerate
Conrad'snontriumphant The
history. concept of Americanism revealsthe
competingideologies that he invokes in his novel: the consistent chal-
lenge to or of
disruption technology, the use of rebellion to disruptor
appropriate foreigncommercial the
interests, self-doubtof the Britishen-
trepreneur, and thenarrator's of
cynicalsurvey foreign involvement in
LatinAmericanaffairs in thenameoforder,prosperity, and progress.12
ofNew York
StateUniversity
Oneonta,New York
NOTES
1. One studythatincorporatessomeofthesestrategies in
and readsNostromo
termsofits"westering"motifs GoGwilt'sTheInvention
is Christopher oftheWest:
JosephConradand theDoubleMappingofEuropeand Empire.
2. Forexample,RobertHamsonin "Conradand theFormation ofLegends"
uses thenexusbetweenfolkloreand SpanishAmericanminingto discussGreek
and Judeo-Christianmythology WilliamBonneyin "Conrad's
(172). Similarly,
Nostromo:Money and on
Mystification theFrontier"readsCostaguanaas a mod-
ernembodiment oftheRomanEmpire(214).
o. JJemory perhapsdeals most centrallywith the problemor Historyin
Nostromo. ButLinda R. Andersonoffersa fascinatingaccountof theimperma-
nenceof thelandscape,attestingto thefaultyperceptionof thenarrator in his
viewingofhistory (196).
4. Formoredetailsaboutthesecompanies,see J.FredRippy'sBritish Invest-
mentsin SpanishAmerica:1822-1949.For discussionof development, also see
MarvinBernstein's Investments
Foreign inLatinAmerica.
5. This accountcomes frommy own toursof the Valenciasilvermine in
Guanajuato,Mexico,and salt and coal mines outside of Bogotá,Colombia.

Tourismseemsto have ignoredlocal lorethatwomenwill ruina mineifthey

enteritspassages.
6. Othercounterparts could be theVenezuelanMoragasbrothers who alter-
natedtheirpresidencies in thenineteenth century.
7. Correspondence withMia Carter(Summer,1997).Carterpointsout that
empire'sdealingsabroadcreatedcontroversy at homebecauseEngland'surban
centerswerestruggling economically sociallywiththeiremerging
and working
classes.Violence,slums,and diseasecontinuedto risein industrialcities,while
nationalmoneysfedempire'senterprises in thelate1800s.
8. Bornin Caracas in 1783to a wealthymerchant family, Bolivarbecamea
nationaland international herofamedforhis courage,military and en-
strategy,
durance.RidingthousandsofmilesacrosstheAmazonand theAndes,hebattled
Spain's loyalisttroopsin Venezuela,Colombia,Ecuador,Peru, and Bolivia.
Bolivarthenmoved thecapitalof VenezuelafromCaracas to Angostura,and
fromtherehe plannedtheFederationoffivecountrieshe liberated.His Federa-
tionfellapartdue to internalconflicts, and he died a politicalexilein Colombia
in 1830.
9. Carabobois in thenorth-central partofVenezuela.
10.On hybridity, see "Dissemination:Time,Narrative,and the Marginsof
theModernNation,"in TheLocation ofCulture (1994).HomiBhabhawrites:"The
people are neither the beginning nor the end of the nationalnarrative;they
the
represent cutting edge between the totalizing powersofthe'social' as homo-
geneous,consensualcommunity, and theforcesthatsignifythemorespecific
addressto contentious, unequalinterests and identities withinthepopulation"
(146). In this case, liminality stems from Spanish America's colonialhistory,
emerging nationhood, and confrontationwith modernity.
11.From1553to 1557Lautaro,an Araucana,led a nativistuprisingagainstthe
Spanishconquistadors in Chile.Chileansnow considerhima nationalherowho
symbolizestheirindigenousheritageand fightforfreedom. AfterLauturodied
in battlewiththe Spaniards,Caupolicán,an indigenouschief,organizedthe
Auracanstofightagain.Forcedtoretreat inbattle,Caupolicánwas capturedand
tortured; he died in 1558.Thesefigures areall in "La Araucana,"a famousnarra-
tivepoembyAlonsode Ercillay Zúniga.
12.1 would like to acknowledgereadersand colleagues who helped me
to clarifymy thinking about Conrad over theyears.Paul Beston,Mia Carter,
Christopher GoGwilt,BarbaraHarlow,Carol MacKay,Leah Marcus,Joseph
McNicholas,Neil Nehring,CharlesRossman,BenignoTrigo,and theeditorsat
TexasStudiesinLiterature andLanguage have offered In ad-
excellentsuggestions.
dition,theBensonLatinAmericanCollectionand thePerryCastanedaLibraryat
theUniversity ofTexasat Austinhavebeeninvaluableformyresearch.
WORKS CITED
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Bhabha,Homi."Dissemination: Time,Narrative,and theMarginsoftheModern

Nation."In TheLocation ofCulture.New York:Routledge,1994.
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Cliffs, Hall, 1990.
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EuropeandEmpire. Stanford: StanfordUniversityPress,1995.
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Western Vol.1. Boulder:EastEuropeanMonographs,
Perspectives. 1992.
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Conrad:A CriticalStudy.Chicago:
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test.New York:Routledge,1995.
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1902.
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ofMinnesotaPress,1989.
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The Rhetoric of Development in Joseph Conrad's Nostromo

Author(s): Luz Elena Ramirez

This content downloaded from 185.44.77.40 on Sun, 22 Jun 2014 22:40:42 PM

EdwardSaid writesofNostromo (1904)that"AllConradcan see is a world

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movement awayfromagriculture(guano,ox hides,indigo)tominingthe

Allegory, and Deconstruction

Whatwe findin thenovelare contemporary aspectsofLatinAmerican

The OceanicSteamNavigationCompanyhad thrownovertheshal-

Here,"thetyranny oftime"- thecondemning natureand slipperiness of

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end ofempires - Roman,Spanish,and ofcourse,England'sown.Forthis

scrupulousattention to puttingeventsin the "right"orderand to

Demory'sargumentastutelyassesses the unpredictability of eventsas

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Thatsaid,Americanist discoursepursues,withIan Wattand Eloise

In evaluatingConrad'sinterest in materialconditions, I have mentioned

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Conrad'sOceanic SteamCompany(OSN). But Conrad's moststriking

This content downloaded from 185.44.77.40 on Sun, 22 Jun 2014 22:40:42 PM

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Loans and theRhetoric

Conrad'suse of theloan is centralto Costaguana's(and laterSulaco's)

Sulacowas theland offutureprosperity, thechosenland ofmaterial

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themodernimperialist and statesman, a troubleshootingguide forne-

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Figure 1. La Silhouette,Paris. T/zeMonkeysin Venezuela(watching over

Largesumsofmoneythatwould go farto pay theforeigndebtare

Here the columnistsimultaneouslycritiquesand celebratesCastro's

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Figure2. MinneapolisJournal.The VenezuelanCrisis:A littleAjax defying

Castro,he does so to dramatizethe threatof revoltand the complex

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A localrebelliontakesplace and succeeds,butitsSulaco representatives

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surveystheirremediable changesto thelandscapeand theabuses ofthe

Now, what is Costaguana?It is thebottomlesspit of ten-percent

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Butwe here- we are notthiscountry'sgovernment, neitherare we

Holroyd'strenchant remarksaboutintervention reflectthefactthat,by

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government.The term "robbergangs" delegitimizesnewly formed

This content downloaded from 185.44.77.40 on Sun, 22 Jun 2014 22:40:42 PM

This content downloaded from 185.44.77.40 on Sun, 22 Jun 2014 22:40:42 PM

This content downloaded from 185.44.77.40 on Sun, 22 Jun 2014 22:40:42 PM

Sulaco (thencalled a State)in the days of the Federation"(71). Third,

Cuban StatesmanJoséMartiand Argentinepresidentand polemicist

To governwell,one mustsee thingsas theyare.And theable gover-

"Naturalelements"refersto one oftheprevailingmetaphorsofMarti's

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any kind- governmental, or historiographie

HistoricalTensions:Race and Ethnicity

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of land. Butthanksto thisinjustice,

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[He] pridedhimself on hisprofound knowledgeofmenand thingsin

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Certainly, too,Mrs.Gould'spersonallifepointstoan overwhelming feel-

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Whatis wantedhereis law,good faith,order,security. Anyonecan

Gould's promiseofdemocracyassuresforeign investorsthattheirinter-

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