1

2 Routledge Handbook of
3
4
South Asian Politics
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19 The Routledge Handbook of South Asian Politics examines key issues in politics of the five
20 independent states of the South Asian region: India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and
21 Nepal. Written by experts in their respective areas, this Handbook introduces the reader to
22 the politics of South Asia by presenting the prevailing agreements and disagreements in the
23 literature.
24 In the first two sections, the Handbook provides a comprehensive introduction to the
25 modern political history of the states of the region and an overview of the independence
26 movements in the former colonial states. The other sections focus on the political changes
27 that have occurred in the postcolonial states since independence, as well as the successive
28 political changes in Nepal during the same period, and the structure and functioning of the
29 main governmental and non-governmental institutions, including the structure of the state
30 itself (unitary or federal), political parties, the judiciary, and the military. Further, the
31 contributors explore several aspects of the political process and political and economic change,
32 especially issues of pluralism and national integration, political economy, corruption and
33 criminalization of politics, radical and violent political movements, and the international
34 politics of the region as a whole.
35 This unique reference work provides a comprehensive survey of the state of the field and
36 is an invaluable resource for students and academics interested in South Asian Studies, South
37 Asian Politics, Comparative Politics, and International Relations.
38
39 Paul R. Brass is Professor (Emeritus) of Political Science and International Studies at the
40 University of Washington, Seattle. His most recent books are Forms of Collective Violence: Riots,
41 Pogroms, and Genocide in Modern India (2006) and The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in
42 Contemporary India (2003).
43
44
45
46
47
48
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
 1
2
3
Routledge Handbook of
4
5
6
South Asian Politics
7
8 India, Pakistan, Bangladesh,
9
10
Sri Lanka, and Nepal
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
Edited by
21 Paul R. Brass
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
 1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
16
11
17
12
First published 2010
by Routledge
18
13
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN 19
14
20
15
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge 21
270 Madison Ave, New York, NY 10016 22
23
This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2010.
24
To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s 25
collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.
26
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business 27
© 2010 Editorial selection and matter, Paul R. Brass; individual chapters, 28
the contributors 29
30
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now 31
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in 32
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing 33
from the publishers. 34
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data 35
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library 36
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data 37
Routledge Handbook of South Asian politics : India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, 38
Sri Lanka, and Nepal / edited by Paul R. Brass. 39
p. cm. 40
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. South Asia—Politics and government. I. Brass, Paul R., 1936– 41
JQ98.A58R68 2009 42
320.954—dc22 2008047362 43
44
45
ISBN 0-203-87818-3 Master e-book ISBN
46
47
48
ISBN 10: 0–415–43429–7 (hbk)
ISBN 10: 0–203–87818–3 (ebk)

ISBN 13: 978–0–415–43429–4 (hbk)

ISBN 13: 978–0–203–87818–7 (ebk)
 1
2
3
4
5
6 Contents
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19 List of Illustrations viii
20 List of Abbreviations ix
21 List of Contributors xiii
22
23 1 Introduction 1
24 Paul R. Brass (editor)
25
26
Part I Colonialism, Nationalism, and Independence in South Asia:
27
India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka 25
28
29
2 India and Pakistan 27
30
Ian Talbot
31
32
3 Sri Lanka’s Independence: Shadows over a Colonial Graft 41
33
Nira Wickramasinghe
34
35
36 Part II Political Change, Political Parties, and the Issue of Unitary
37 vs Federal Forms of Government 53
38
39 4 Political Change, Political Structure, and the Indian State since Independence 55
40 John Harriss
41
42 5 State-level Politics, Coalitions, and Rapid System Change in India 67
43 Virginia Van Dyke
44
45 6 Pakistan’s Politics and its Economy 83
46 Shahid Javed Burki
47
48
v
C O N T E N TS

7 Party Overinstitutionalization, Contestation, and Democratic Degradation 1

in Bangladesh 98 2
Harry Blair 3
4
8 Politics and Governance in Post-independence Sri Lanka 118 5
Neil DeVotta 6
7
9 Nepal:Trajectories of Democracy and Restructuring of the State 131 8
Krishna Hachhethu and David N. Gellner 9
10
10 The Old and the New Federalism in Independent India 147 11
Lloyd I. Rudolph and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph 12
13
14
Part III The Judiciary 163
15
16
11 India’s Judiciary: Imperium in Imperio? 165
17
Shylashri Shankar
18
19
12 Balancing Act: Prudence, Impunity, and Pakistan’s Jurisprudence 177
20
Paula R. Newberg
21
22
13 Confronting Constitutional Curtailments:Attempts to Rebuild
23
Independence of the Judiciary in Bangladesh 191
24
Sara Hossain
25
26
14 Executive Sovereignty:The Judiciary in Sri Lanka 203
27
Shylashri Shankar
28
29
Part IV Pluralism and National Integration: Language Issues 211 30
31
15 Politics of Language in India 213 32
E.Annamalai 33
34
16 Language Problems and Politics in Pakistan 232 35
Tariq Rahman 36
37
38
Part V Crises of National Unity 247
39
40
17 Crises of National Unity in India: Punjab, Kashmir, and the Northeast 249
41
Gurharpal Singh
42
43
18 Communal and Caste Politics and Conflicts in India 262
44
Steven I.Wilkinson
45
46
19 Ethnic and Islamic Militancy in Pakistan 274
47
Mohammad Waseem
48
vi
 C O N T E N TS

1 20 Ethnic Conflict and the Civil War in Sri Lanka 291

2 Jayadeva Uyangoda
3
4
Part VI Political Economy 303
5
6
21 The Political Economy of Development in India since Independence 305
7
Stuart Corbridge
8
9
22 The Political Economy of Agrarian Change in India 321
10
Jan Breman
11
12
23 Economic Development and Sociopolitical Change in Sri Lanka since
13
Independence 337
14
W. D. Lakshman
15
16
17 Part VII Comparative Chapters 349
18
19 24 The Militaries of South Asia 351
20 Stephen P. Cohen
21
22 25 Corruption and the Criminalization of Politics in South Asia 364
23 Stanley A. Kochanek
24
25 26 Radical and Violent Political Movements 382
26 Sumanta Banerjee
27
28 27 International Politics of South Asia 399
29 Vernon Hewitt
30
31 Glossary 419
32 Bibliography 423
33 Index 451
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
vii
 1
2
3
4
5
Illustrations 6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
List of figures
19
7.1 Bangladesh Freedom House democracy scores, 1972–2006 101 20
7.2 Bureaucracy + one ally, NGOs outside, 1972–1991 109 21
7.3 Military distracted, bureaucracy subordinated, NGOs likewise?, early 2000s 109 22
7.4 Military in charge, others subordinated, 2007 109 23
24
25
List of tables 26
4.1 Prime ministers of India 58 27
4.2 Presidents of India 63 28
5.1 Party composition of state governments in India, 1998–2007 69 29
5.2 Election results in India by state: number of seats won by largest party 30
or coalition, 2003–2008 72 31
6.1 Political periods in Pakistan’s history 85 32
6.2 United States’ assistance to Pakistan 85 33
6.3 Economic performance in various political periods in Pakistan, 1947–2008 90 34
7.1 Votes and seats in Bangladesh elections, 1973–2001 100 35
9.1 Political party positions in the first, second, and third parliamentary elections 36
in Nepal 136 37
9.2 Governments of Nepal, 1990–2005 137 38
9.3 Population breakdown of Nepal (2001 census) (total: 23.15 million) with 39
figures for hill minority language loss 138 40
9.4 Presence of different groups in leadership positions in Nepal, 1999 138 41
16.1 Educational institutions in Pakistan by medium of instruction 238 42
16.2 Expenditure on cadet colleges in Pakistan 239 43
16.3 Differences in costs in major types of educational institutions in Pakistan 44
(Pakistani rupees) 240 45
16.4 Income and expenditure of educational institutions in Pakistan 241 46
25.1 Index of Democracy for South Asia, 2006 365 47
25.2 Corruption Perceptions Index for South Asia, 2006 366 48
viii
 1
2
3
4
5
6 Abbreviations
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19 ACC Anti-Corruption Commission
20 ADAB Association of Development Agencies in Bangladesh
21 AIADMK All-India Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
22 AITC All India Trinamool Congress
23 AL Awami League
24 ANP Awami National Party
25 ASEAN Association of South East Asian Nations
26 B-C Pact Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam Pact
27 BCS Bangladesh Civil Service
28 BCS (Admin) Bangladesh Civil Service (Administration)
29 BHT Baloch Haq Talwar
30 BILIA Bangladesh Institute of Law and International Affairs
31 BJP Bharatiya Janata Party
32 BLA Baloch Liberation Army
33 BNP Baloch National Party; Bangladesh National Party
34 BPL below poverty line
35 BRAC Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee
36 BSP Bahujan Samaj Party
37 CA constituent assembly
38 CBI Confederation of British Industry
39 CC Constitutional Council (Sri Lanka)
40 CFA ceasefire agreement
41 CHA Cessation of Hostilities Agreement
42 CHT Chittagong Hill Tracts
43 CIC Ceylon Indian Congress
44 CII Confederation of Indian Industry
45 CJ chief justice
46 CJI Chief Justice of India
47 CP Communist Party
48 CPA Comprehensive Peace Agreement

ix
A B B R E V I AT I O N S

CPI Communist Party of India; Corruption Perception Index 1

CPI (M) Communist Party of India (Marxist) 2
CPI (Maoist) Communist Party of India (Maoist) 3
CPI (M-L) Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) 4
CPN-M Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) 5
CSDS Centre for the Study of Developing Societies 6
CSP Civil Service of Pakistan 7
CSS centrally sponsored schemes 8
CWC Ceylon Workers’ Congress 9
DDC district development council 10
DMK Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 11
DWC Democratic Workers’ Congress 12
EFC Eleventh Finance Commission 13
EPDP Eelam People’s Democratic Party 14
EPRLF Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front 15
EPW Economic and Political Weekly 16
EROS Eelam Revolutionary Organization of Students 17
FICCI Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry 18
FNB Federation of NGOs in Bangladesh 19
FP Federal Party 20
FRBM Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management Act 21
GDP gross domestic product 22
GOI Government of India 23
GRC Gram Rajya Committee 24
HDI human development index 25
HSS Halpati Seva Sangh 26
IAS Indian Administrative Service 27
ICES International Centre for Ethnic Studies (Sri Lanka) 28
ICS Indian Civil Service 29
ILO International Labor Office 30
IMF International Monetary Fund 31
IPKF Indian Peace Keeping Force 32
IR international relations 33
ISGA interim self-governing authority 34
ISI Inter-Services Intelligence Agency; import-substitution industrialization 35
IT information technology 36
JD(S) Janata Dal (Secular) 37
JHU Jathika Hela Urumaya 38
JI Jamaat-I-Islami 39
JKLF Jammu & Kashmir Liberation Front 40
JMB Jamaat ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh 41
JUI Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam 42
JUI (F) Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (Fazlur Rehman) 43
JUP Jamiat Ulema Pakistan 44
JVP Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna 45
JWP Jamhoori Watan Party 46
KHAM intercaste alliance in Gujarat of Kshatriyas, Harijans,Adivasis, and Muslims 47
KKC Krantikari Kishan Committee 48
x
 A B B R E V I AT I O N S

1 LSSP Lanka Sama Samaj Party

2 LTTE Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam
3 MCC Maoist Communist Centre
4 MDG millennium development goal
5 MGP Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party
6 MJF Madhes Janadhikar Forum
7 MMA Muttahida Majlis Amal
8 MP member of parliament
9 MQM Muhajir Qaumi Mahaz
10 MRD Movement for Restoration of Democracy
11 MRPS Madiga Reservation Porata Samithi
12 NAP National Awami Party
13 NC Nepali Congress
14 NCA normal central assistance
15 NCEUS National Commission of Enterprises in the Unorganized Sector
16 NCG neutral caretaker government
17 NDA National Democratic Alliance
18 NGO non-governmental organization
19 NL National List
20 NPC National Planning Committee
21 NPT non-proliferation treaty
22 NREGS National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme
23 NRI non-resident Indian
24 NRO national reconciliation ordinance
25 NSCI (Isak-Muvia) National Safety Council of India
26 NSS national sample survey
27 NWFP North-West Frontier Province
28 NWS nuclear weapons state
29 OBC other backward classes
30 OECD Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
31 OIC Organization of the Islamic Conference
32 PA People’s Alliance
33 PCO provisional constitutional order
34 PCs provincial councils
35 PDB Power Development Board
36 PDP People’s Democratic Party
37 PDS Public Distribution System
38 PIL public interest litigation
39 PLA People’s Liberation Army
40 PLOTE People’s Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam
41 PLQR permit-license-quota Raj
42 PML (N) Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz)
43 PMO Prime Minister’s Office
44 PNE peaceful nuclear explosion
45 PPP Pakistan People’s Party; purchasing power parity
46 PQLI physical quality of life index
47 PR proportional representation
48 PSUs public sector units
xi
A B B R E V I AT I O N S

P-TOM post-tsunami operational mechanism 1

PWG People’s War Group 2
RSS Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh 3
SAARC South Asian Regional Cooperation Council 4
SAD Shiromani Akali Dal 5
SC scheduled caste(s) 6
SLFP Sri Lanka Freedom Party 7
SLMC Sri Lanka Muslim Congress 8
SLMM Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission 9
SMP single member district plurality system 10
SPA Seven Party Alliance 11
SSP Sipah Sahaba Pakistan 12
SU Sinhala Heritage Party 13
TADA Terrorist and Disruptive Activities Act 14
TC Tamil Congress 15
TDP Telugu Desam Party 16
TFC Twelfth Finance Commission 17
TMLP Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party 18
TMVP Tamileela Makkal Viduthalaip Pulikal 19
TNA Tamil National Alliance 20
TULF Tamil United Liberation Front 21
US (or USA) United States 22
UCC Uniform Civil Code 23
UK United Kingdom 24
ULFA United Liberation Front of Assam 25
UML Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) 26
UN United Nations 27
UNF United National Front 28
UNMIN United Nations Mission in Nepal 29
UNP United National Party 30
UP Uttar Pradesh (formerly United Provinces) 31
UPA United Progressive Alliance 32
UPFA United People’s Freedom Alliance 33
WTO World Trade Organization 34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
xii
 1
2
3
4
5
6 Contributors
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19 Editor
20
21 Paul R. Brass is Professor (Emeritus) of Political Science and International Studies at the
22 University of Washington, Seattle. His most recent books are Forms of Collective Violence: Riots,
23 Pogroms, and Genocide in Modern India (2006), The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in
24 Contemporary India (2003), and Theft of an Idol (1997). His current research is on a multi-
25 volume history of north Indian politics from 1937 to 2007.
26
27
28 Editorial board
29
30 Harry Blair, Yale University, US
31 Stephen P. Cohen, Brookings Institution, Washington, DC, US
32 David Gellner, Oxford University, UK
33 John Harriss, Simon Fraser University, Canada
34 Gary Jacobsohn, University of Texas, Austin, US
35 Tariq Rahman, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan
36 Gurharpal Singh, University of Birmingham, UK
37 Ian Talbot, University of Southampton, UK
38 Jayadev Uyangoda, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka
39
40
41 Contributors
42
43 E. Annamalai was Visiting Professor at Yale University and Director of the Central Institute
44 of Indian Languages, Mysore, India. His research areas include language policy and planning
45 and language diversity and contact. He is currently working on the modernization of languages
46 in India and the impact of English on them. His recent publications include Managing
47 Multilingualism in India: Political and Linguistic Manifestations (2001).
48
xiii
C O N T R I B U TO R S

Sumanta Banerjee is an independent researcher based in Dehradun, India, specializing in 1

the areas of contemporary Indian Left politics and the popular culture and social history of 2
nineteenth-century Bengal. His publications include Crime and Urbanization: Calcutta in the 3
Nineteenth Century (2006), The Parlour and the Streets: Elite and Popular Culture in Nineteenth- 4
Century Calcutta (1989) and In the Wake of Naxalbari:A History of the Naxalite Movement (1980). 5
6
Harry Blair is Professor (Emeritus) of Political Science at Bucknell University and presently
7
serves as Associate Chair, Senior Research Scholar and Lecturer in Political Science at Yale
8
University. He currently works on democratization, focusing in particular on civil society
9
and local governance in South and Southeast Asia, and the Balkans.
10
Jan Breman is Professor (Emeritus) of Comparative Sociology at the University of Amsterdam 11
and Fellow at the Amsterdam School for Social Science Research. He has conducted 12
fieldwork-based research since 1961, mainly in India and Indonesia. Some of his recent 13
books are The Jan Breman Omnibus (2007), The Poverty Regime in Village India: Half-a-Century 14
of Work and Life at the Bottom of the Rural Economy in Gujarat (2007), and The Making and 15
Unmaking of an Industrial Working Class: Sliding Down the Labour Hierarchy in Ahmedabad, India 16
(2003). 17
18
Shahid Javed Burki is former Vice-President of the World Bank and former Finance
19
Minister of Pakistan. He is currently Chairman of the Lahore-based Institute of Public Policy.
20
His most recent book is Changing Perceptions,Altered Reality: Pakistan’s Economy under Musharraf,
21
1999–2006 (2007).
22
Stephen P. Cohen is Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institution,Washington, DC. His most 23
recent books include Four Crises and a Peace Process (2007), The Idea of Pakistan (2004), and 24
India: Emerging Power (2002). He has taught at the University of Illinois and also at universities 25
in India, Japan, and Singapore. He was a member of the US Department of State Policy 26
Planning Staff from 1985 to 1987. He is currently writing a book on Indian military 27
modernization. 28
29
Stuart Corbridge is Professor of Development Studies at the London School of Economics
30
and Political Science. His most recent books are Seeing the State: Governance and Governmentality
31
in India (2005, with Glyn Williams, Manoj Srivastava, and René Veron) and Reinventing India:
32
Liberalization, Hindu Nationalism and Popular Democracy (2000, with John Harriss).
33
Neil DeVotta is Associate Professor of Political Science at Wake Forest University. He is 34
the author of Blowback: Linguistic Nationalism, Institutional Decay, and Ethnic Conflict in Sri 35
Lanka (2004), co-author of Politics of Conflict and Peace in Sri Lanka (2006), and co-editor 36
of Understanding Contemporary India (2003). 37
38
David N. Gellner is Professor of Social Anthropology at the University of Oxford. His
39
publications include The Theravada Movement in Twentieth-Century Nepal (2005, with Sarah
40
LeVine), The Anthropology of Buddhism and Hinduism: Weberian Themes (2001), and the edited
41
books Local Democracy in South Asia:The Micropolitics of Democratization in Nepal and its Neighbours
42
(2008, with Krishna Hachhethu), and Resistance and the State: Nepalese Experiences (2003).
43
Krishna Hachhethu is associated with the Centre for Nepal and Asian Studies (CNAS), 44
Tribhuvan University. His publications include Nepal in Transition: A Study on the State of 45
Democracy (2008), Party Building in Nepal: Organization, Leadership and People (2002), and the 46
edited book Local Democracy in South Asia:The Micropolitics of Democratization in Nepal and its 47
Neighbours (2008, with David Gellner). 48
xiv
 C O N T R I B U TO R S

1 John Harriss is Professor of International Studies at Simon Fraser University, Canada, having
2 previously researched and taught at the universities of Cambridge and East Anglia and the
3 London School of Economics. His publications include Depoliticizing Development:The World
4 Bank and Social Capital (2001) and Reinventing India: Economic Liberalization, Hindu Nationalism
5 and Popular Democracy (2000, with Stuart Corbridge). His current research concerns India’s
6 social policy in the context of liberalization.
7
Vernon Hewitt is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Politics at the University of
8
Bristol, UK. His most recent books include Political Mobilisation and Democracy in India: States
9
of Emergency (2008), and Development and Colonialism: The Past in the Present (forthcoming,
10
co-edited with Mark Duffield).
11
12 Sara Hossain is a barrister practicing at the Supreme Court of Bangladesh. Her recent
13 publications include “Honour”: Crimes, Paradigms and Violence against Women (2005, co-edited
14 with Lynn Welchman). Her main areas of research and activism concern public interest law,
15 access to justice, women’s rights, freedom of expression, and the religious right.
16
Stanley A. Kochanek is Professor (Emeritus) at Pennsylvania State University, University
17
Park. His most recent book is India: Government and Politics in a Developing Nation (2008).
18
He is currently working on a comparative study of business and politics in India, Pakistan,
19
and Bangladesh.
20
21 Professor W. D. Lakshman is Professor (Emeritus) at the University of Colombo. A former
22 Vice-Chancellor of the University of Colombo, he currently serves as Senior Economic
23 Advisor to the Ministry of Finance, Sri Lanka. His edited publications, Sri Lanka’s Development
24 since Independence: Socio-Economic Perspectives and Analyses (2000) and Dilemmas of Development:
25 Fifty Years of Economic Change in Sri Lanka (1997), are among widely consulted recent studies
26 in the economic development of Sri Lanka.
27
Paula R. Newberg is the Executive Director of Georgetown University’s Institute for the
28
Study of Diplomacy, and is a specialist in governance, development, and democracy in transition
29
and crisis states. She is a former special advisor to the United Nations, a regular contributor
30
to Yale Global, and The Globe and Mail. Her publications include Double Betrayal: Human
31
Rights and Insurgency in Kashmir (1995) and Judging the State: Courts and Constitutional Politics
32
in Pakistan (1995).
33
34 Tariq Rahman is Distinguished National Professor of Linguistic History in the National
35 Institute of Pakistan Studies, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad. His best known book is
36 Language and Politics in Pakistan (1996). Other books include Denizens of Alien Worlds: A Study
37 of Education, Inequality and Polarization in Pakistan (2004) and Language, Ideology and Power:
38 Language-learning among the Muslims of Pakistan and North India (2002).
39
Lloyd I. Rudolph is Professor (Emeritus) of Political Science, University of Chicago. His
40
recent books, co-authored with Susanne Hoeber Rudolph, include Making U.S. Foreign Policy
41
towards South Asia: Regional Imperatives and the Imperial Presidency (2008) and Postmodern Gandhi
42
and Other Essays: Gandhi in the World (2006).
43
44 Susanne Hoeber Rudolph is the William Benton Distinguished Service Professor (Emeritus)
45 of Political Science, University of Chicago. She is co-author, with Lloyd I. Rudolph, of
46 Explaining Indian Democracy: A Fifty Year Perspective (2008) and Reversing the Gaze: The Amar
47 Singh Diary, A Colonial Subject’s Narrative of Imperial India (1999).
48
xv
C O N T R I B U TO R S

Shylashri Shankar is a Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for Policy Research, New 1
Delhi. She is the author of Scaling Justice: India’s Supreme Court, Anti-Terror Laws, and Social 2
Rights (2009). Her current research includes the medical jurisprudence of torture claims by 3
detainees under criminal and anti-terror laws, and a study of district and village-level politics 4
underlying an employment guarantee scheme in India. 5
6
Gurharpal Singh is the Nadir Dinshaw Chair in Inter-religious Relations at the University
7
of Birmingham. His recent publications include The Partition of India (forthcoming, 2009,
8
with Ian Talbot), and Sikhs in Britain (2006, with Dashan S. Tatla). He is currently working
9
on a volume on India’s democracy. He is the Deputy Director of the UK Department for
10
International Development-funded Religions and Development research program.
11
Ian A. Talbot is Professor of British History at the University of Southampton. He is the 12
editor of The Deadly Embrace: Religion, Politics and Violence in India and Pakistan 1947–2002 13
(2007) and the author of Divided Cities: Partition and Its Aftermath in Lahore and Amritsar 14
1947–1957 (2006). His current research is on Partition and violence. 15
16
Jayadeva Uyangoda is Professor and Head of the Department of Political Science and
17
Public Policy, University of Colombo, and Founder-Director of the Centre for Policy
18
Research and Analysis. He has written extensively and authoritatively on the civil war in
19
Sri Lanka for many years and on ethnic conflict, minority rights, and conflict resolution.
20
His most recent major publication is Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka: Changing Dynamics (2007).
21
Virginia Van Dyke is currently teaching in the South Asia Center, University of Washington, 22
Seattle. She was formerly an Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of 23
Wisconsin-Milwaukee. She has published on the topics of religion and politics, religious 24
violence, and electoral politics. Her current research project is a comparison of coalition 25
politics in four Indian states. 26
27
Mohammad Waseem is Professor of Political Science at the Lahore University of
28
Management Sciences (LUMS) Lahore. His most recent book is Democratization in Pakistan:
29
A Study of the 2002 Elections (2006). His current research is on political conflict in Pakistan,
30
covering electoral, civil-military, ethnic, religious, and sectarian conflicts.
31
Nira Wickramasinghe is Professor of Modern South Asian Studies, Leiden University. Her 32
most recent book is Sri Lanka in the Modern Age: A History of Contested Identities (2006). She 33
is presently a research fellow at the Shelby Cullom Davis Center for Historical Studies where 34
she is writing a history of the reception of the Singer sewing machine in colonial Sri Lanka. 35
36
Steven I. Wilkinson is Associate Professor of Political Science and Chair of the Committee
37
on Southern Asian Studies at the University of Chicago. He is the author of Patrons, Clients
38
or Policies (2007, co-edited with Herbert Kitschelt) and Votes and Violence: Electoral Competition
39
and Communal Riots in India (2005). His current research interests include colonial legacies
40
for democracy, governance and conflict, and the causes of the Partition violence.
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
xvi
 1
2
3
4
1
5
6 Introduction
7
8
9
10 Paul R. Brass
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19 Part 1: Colonialism, in this volume, has remained an independent
20 nationalism, and Independence protectorate of India.
21 in South Asia: India, Pakistan, So, the differences are profound, but, at
22 and Sri Lanka the same time, the striving for open politics,
23 civil liberties, and parliamentary rule has
24 The states of the South Asian region are often remained alive, active, and renewable in every
25 thought to have shared a common colonial state in the region.The similarities and differ-
26 experience through British rule and/or domi- ences in these and every other respect are
27 nance, which has since profoundly influenced brought out in every section of this volume,
28 their political trajectories. Most notably, from which has been organized to encourage com-
29 a political standpoint, is the adherence, at least parison. With regard to most topics, the
30 in form, and in some measure in actuality as differences among the several countries are
31 well, of the leaders and the public in India so great that a separate chapter on each topic
32 and Sri Lanka to the basic principles of parlia- has been required. In other cases, where there
33 mentary rule through competitive elections, are important similarities or where differences
34 and the repeated striving, less successfully in have arisen despite a common heritage, the
35 the other states, towards the same end.Yet, it relevant topics have been analyzed in com-
36 should be obvious by now that the differences parative chapters.
37 in these respects are profound. First of all, of With regard to the transition from British
38 the five independent states in the South Asian rule to Independence, Chapter 2 (Talbot)
39 region, only three—India, Pakistan, and Sri addresses directly the similarities and diffe-
40 Lanka—arrived at Independence through a rences in the inheritances and legacies that
41 transfer of power from the British. A fourth, derive from British rule, the nationalist move-
42 Bangladesh, achieved its Independence only ment, and the partition of the subcontinent.
43 a quarter century later after a traumatic civil Among those inheritances and legacies,
44 war that left countless numbers of its citizens the catastrophe of Partition that occurred
45 dead. As for Nepal, it never experienced direct simultaneously with the achievement of
46 British rule and has followed a quite different Independence for both states stands out. It
47 trajectory in the 55 years since its termi- remains a living legacy that has affected both
48 nation. Bhutan, touched on only very briefly the internal development and the external

1
PAU L R . B R AS S

relations of both states, persistently endanger- At the same time, all three countries 1
ing the peace of the region and retarding its arrived at Independence with shared commit- 2
common development. It is a common legacy, ments to slogans of “democracy” and “secular- 3
but even here there is a profound difference ism,” although they differed on other 4
in its meaning for the two countries. For fundamentals. The latter included, for 5
India, Partition destroyed the dream of its example, the centrality of the state in 6
leaders for a unified subcontinent. For development: greatest in India; least in Sri 7
Pakistan, Partition signified freedom from Lanka where the state commitment was not 8
Indian and Hindu dominance. to development in the Indian sense, but, as 9
Also profound were the differences in the Wickramasinghe notes in Chapter 3, to “social 10
nationalist movement that brought Indepen- welfare”; and Pakistan, lacking any ideology 11
dence to each country upon the withdrawal of state development, rather more concerned 12
of the British. In this case, there are three with building an army capable of confronting 13
trajectories: the non-violent Congress move- India as needed. But, all states in the South 14
ment built over three quarters of a century Asian region, in common with most states 15
on the base of a strong, nearly subcontinent- everywhere, share an unshakable determina- 16
wide organization and led by Mohandas K. tion to retain at all costs the boundaries 17
Gandhi during the quarter century preceding bequeathed to them at Independence in the 18
Independence; the militant Pakistan move- face of several movements demanding separa- 19
ment led by Mohammad Ali Jinnah, with a tion. Only in the case of Pakistan—and there 20
history of a mere decade of organization, and only because of the intervention of India— 21
with very weak roots in the politically domi- has the division of a South Asian state 22
nant, western parts of the country; and the occurred. 23
peaceful granting of Independence to Ceylon Moreover, in all states in the region, the 24
that limited the building of a strong nationalist original commitment to secularism as an 25
movement. ideology has been battered and largely 26
Further, the nationalist movements in displaced with the rise of Hindu nationalism 27
the three countries suffered from different in India, recognition of Islam as the state 28
degrees of noninclusiveness. The Indian religion and the rise of Islamic movements 29
National Congress, the broadest of the three, in Pakistan, and Buddhist demands for official 30
did not have equal strength in all regions of recognition in Sri Lanka, accepted soon after 31
the country, and had little or none in some. Independence. Gellner, however, notes that: 32
Pakistan, of course, was created out of two “Nepal, on the other hand, which was an 33
entirely different cultural regions, united only officially Hindu state from 1962 to 2006, has, 34
nominally by the predominance of Islam in with the establishment of a secular republic, 35
both. Moreover, within the western region gone in the other direction.”1 36
of the country as well, as in India, there were 37
major regional, cultural, and ethnic diffe- 38
Part II: Political change, political
rences. Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) arrived at 39
parties, and the issue of unitary
Independence with a thin veneer of elite 40
vs federal forms of government
cooperation—which soon collapsed—among 41
the predominant Sinhala population; the 42
India
minority, regionally concentrated Tamil 43
population; and yet another minority group In the years since Independence, dramatic 44
of Tamils of relatively recent South Indian changes have taken place, affecting all the 45
origin, most of whom the new government countries of the region in substantially 46
promptly sought to disenfranchise and expel different ways. India has passed from a political 47
from the country. order dominated by the Indian National 48
2

1 Congress through a brief period of emer-
2 gency authoritarian rule under Indira Gandhi
3 to a functioning multiparty system. Moreover,
4 all these periods have been marked by intense
5 political activity, involving an array of political
6 parties across the entire spectrum of ideo-
7 logical differences in competitive elections
8 based on universal franchise, with large voter
9 turnouts in virtually every election. India, it
10 can be safely said, has long ago passed the
11 conventional tests of a stable, functioning
12 democracy, namely, frequent passing of power
13 to alternative political formations, complete
14 and unchallenged civilian control over the
15 military, and massive popular participation in
16 electoral politics. Moreover, the forms of party
17 mobilization and popular participation have
18 been distinctive in India, building on and
19 extending the many forms of nonviolent
20 protest against government policies and
21 actions that were developed during the
22 movement for Independence. Further, these
23 developments have also been accompanied by
24 the gradual incorporation of the middle and
25 lower castes into the electoral process and, in
26 recent years, the capture of political power
27 in several states by parties based on their
28 support.
29 These changes have been brought about
30 through the agency of vibrant, but highly
31 fragmented, political parties and the struggles
32 for power among them, in the course of
33 which both the predominant parties and the
34 relations among them have changed drama-
35 tically. The national one-party dominant
36 system under the Indian National Congress
37 prevailed from Independence until the late
38 1980s, since when it has been replaced by a
39 multiparty system reshaped into a three-front,
40 but dual coalitional system with the Congress
41 and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) the
42 principal protagonists.The rise of the militant
43 Hindu party, the BJP, has been the driving
44 force in this competitive realignment.
45 But the national system is not simply
46 replicated in the several states. Rather, most
47 state party systems have a distinctive character.
48 Indian politics at both state and national levels
I N T R O D U CT I O N
also have adapted to various forms of coalition
politics (Virginia Van Dyke, in Chapter 5) on
which there is an increasing literature. At the
same time, there has been a general movement
in most states towards forms of bipolar com-
petition, that is to say, predominantly two
party or two front.
Beneath the veneer of conventional parlia-
mentary democracy in India lie several other
features: a political-electoral order increasingly
based on money and muscle in which the
primary aim of most elected representatives
is to gain control over public institutions in
order to enrich themselves; in many states
also, a further degradation of the political
order through the outright criminalization of
politics; the move away from nonviolent
protest movements to mobilizations that lead
to considerable violence, often intended;2 the
continued, indeed in some ways increased
reliance of politicians on what Harriss
(Chapter 4) calls the social “identities of caste
and religion” to garner votes; and, most
importantly, the still limited ability of the vast
population of miserably poor people to
benefit from the political process, even to
achieve a measure of dignity and self-respect.
The literature on electoral politics in India
is fast becoming one of the richest in the
world that elucidates the great changes that
have taken place in popular participation and
the composition of the electorate.3 Not only
has there been a considerable increase in the
voting population (with variations over time
and from state to state), but whole new groups
of voters have been incorporated into electoral
politics through a process that I have described
elsewhere as “caste succession.”4 Whereas, in
the early years after Independence, upper castes
dominated as candidates and voters (often
bringing their lower caste dependents along
with them), the “backward” and “lower” castes
now are well represented by persons from their
own groups and dominate state governments
in many of the Indian states. Moreover, despite
occasional literature to the contrary, it is not
the case that the importance of caste voting
has declined.
3
PAU L R . B R AS S

Far from it, for the drive to garner benefits country as a reluctant ally in the fruitless war 1
of all sorts, available from state agencies, on in Afghanistan. Neither has American inter- 2
the part of caste groups, and the increased vention changed at all the primary focus of 3
capture of state power by leaders from castes the Pakistan military towards confrontation 4
newly incorporated into the political process, with India. 5
has been so central to the politicization of At the same time, it deserves mention that 6
the Indian population that one scholar has in Pakistan, as everywhere else in South Asia, 7
characterized India as a “patronage democ- there is a mass base that rejects military rule 8
racy.”5 Although the term is one that applies and supports parliamentary government 9
to many states in the past as well as the that has twice been decisive in altering the 10
contemporary world, its distinctive character country’s history: the first time in the mass 11
in India is the extent to which it implies a movement that led to the resignation of Ayub 12
high degree of cohesive voting on the part Khan in 1969 and the second occasion in 13
of particular caste groups for persons from 2007–08 that brought down the military 14
their own caste, who alone can be relied on regime of Pervez Musharaf and reinstituted 15
to accommodate their needs and demands. civilian government. However, the crux of 16
the problem of the failure of civilian rule in 17
Pakistan, apart from the persisting virtual 18
Pakistan
independence of the military from civilian 19
Pakistan’s post-Independence political history control, has been, as Burki notes (Chapter 6), 20
has been markedly different from that of India. the inability of “the civilian leadership, when 21
Whereas in India there was marked continuity exercising power . . . to institutionalize the 22
of political leadership under Nehru—and base of their support.” 23
even beyond under both Indira and Rajiv 24
Gandhi—Pakistan lost both its founding 25
Bangladesh
leaders, Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan within 26
a few years after Independence, the former Like Pakistan, Bangladesh belongs in the 27
through natural causes and the latter by category of a society in which aspirations for 28
assassination. Neither did the political parties the establishment of a democratic political 29
have any substantial base in the electorate at order based on free, competitive elections 30
Independence that would enable the firm have remained, but have been repeatedly 31
establishment of parliamentary government or undermined by violent conflict, including 32
even, for that matter, the promulgation of a assassinations of heads of state, repeated 33
constitutional framework. In contrast to India, military takeovers, and deep hatreds between 34
therefore, it is the military that has been the the leaders of the two principal contending 35
predominant political force in Pakistan since parties, the surviving spouses of former 36
the initial displacement of the parliamentary assassinated heads of state. Aspirations for 37
regime by Ayub Khan in 1958. independence and democracy arose in 38
A further profound difference between Bangladesh initially during one of undivided 39
these two polities has been the deleterious Pakistan’s longest periods of military rule. 40
influence of the United States that has The movement was crushed by the Pakistani 41
repeatedly and disastrously influenced the army, but ultimately prevailed through the 42
course of Pakistani politics by supporting and military intervention of India in 1971. 43
feeding successive military regimes with But none of the elected regimes in 44
massive “foreign aid,” most of it used by the Bangladesh has lasted long. Even in the case 45
military to fortify its armaments and wage of the country’s first leader, Sheikh Mujibur 46
wars against India over Kashmir. Moreover, Rahman, who had nearly total electoral 47
latterly, the United States has been using the support, democratic rule did not prevail. 48
4

1 Mired in corruption, soon losing respect and
2 support while attempting to shore up his rule
3 by building his own military force, Mujib and
4 most members of his large family were finally
5 slaughtered in 1975 during a military coup.
6 However, one daughter was left alive, Sheikh
7 Hasina, who was abroad at the time, and who
8 ultimately matured into one of the principal
9 contenders for power in Bangladesh politics
10 up to the present day.
11 One of the leaders of the military coup,
12 General Ziaur Rahman, emerged at the head
13 of a new military regime, which lasted only
14 until his own assassination in 1981. Since the
15 killing of Sheikh Mujib and General Zia, it
16 can be fairly said that politics in Bangladesh
17 has been a form of vendetta, in which Sheikh
18 Hasina, Zia’s wife, Khaleda, and successive
19 military leaders have struggled for power and
20 the support of the people of the country
21 through a series of competitive elections,
22 coups, countercoups, and military takeovers
23 that have persisted up to the present. At the
24 same time, these struggles have often involved
25 the mobilization of large numbers of people
26 from all walks of life in mass movements that
27 continue to testify to the aspirations in
28 Bangladesh society for popular government
29 or, at least, for competitive elections and “civil
30 liberties”(Harry Blair, in Chapter 7).
31 Indeed, one of the shared characteristics of
32 political behavior in the three states that were
33 formerly part of British-ruled India has been
34 the centrality of mass mobilizations as vehicles
35 for political change, transformation, and even
36 overthrow of military regimes to reestablish
37 elections as the proper mode of achieving the
38 power to rule. It is a curiosity, however, of
39 Bangladesh politics that, although elections
40 are considered the only valid means of
41 attaining power, the losers invariably cry foul,
42 insisting that the elections were marred by
43 fraud or even rigged, often protesting the
44 results by a return to the streets, as Blair puts
45 it. Moreover, no matter which party wins
46 power, the winner takes all the spoils that
47 include especially the corrupt income and the
48 control over the police to protect one’s friends
I N T R O D U CT I O N
and harass one’s enemies. Indeed, both Blair
and Kochanek (see Chapter 25) point out that
Bangladesh has most often sur-passed all other
countries in the world in Transparency
International’s corruption index. Yet, public
faith in the idea of popular rule through
elections continues to be high in Bangladesh
as elsewhere in South Asia, where turnout
rates consistently surpass anything in the
United States, self-reputedly the world’s
“greatest democracy.” Indeed, parliamentary
government was again restored and elections
called for December 2008. Sheikh Hasina and
the Awami League emerged triumphant in a
“landslide” victory in an election with more
than 80 percent turnout in which the party
won a two-thirds majority in parliament,
Throughout all the dramatic changes in
Bangladesh politics, however, there has been
one persistent feature, namely, the predomi-
nance of the bureaucracy in policymaking.
This partly reflects the common experience
of the pivotal role of the bureaucracy during
British rule that has carried over to some
extent in all three states. But it also reflects
the fact that the parties and the politicians
actually have little interest in policy, their
primary concerns being in amassing corrupt
income for themselves and distributing
patronage to their supporters. Moreover, as
in Pakistan, the bureaucracy maintains cordial
relations with the military whenever the
military reasserts its dominance in Bangladesh
politics. But, the military in Bangladesh has
by no means the power or the resources of
its counterpart in Pakistan.
Sri Lanka
Like India, Sri Lanka has had an unbroken
post-Independence history of civilian govern-
ment in which, despite repeated changes in
the constitution of the country, popular
elections have always determined which
parties and leaders are to govern the country.
In fact, Sri Lanka was the first country in
South Asia to pass the conventional test of a
nonviolent change of government from one
5
PAU L R . B R AS S

party or set of parties to another. Moreover, contest elections. For, as in India and the other 1
it passed that test repeatedly in election after countries of the region as well, it is the desire 2
election between 1948 and 1977 (DeVotta, for a ministerial portfolio or the directorship 3
Chapter 8). Moreover, despite the existence of a public corporation that motivates politi- 4
in earlier periods of a multiplicity of minor cians, who will barter their votes in parliament 5
parties, the basic pattern over time in Sri to the party that will provide them the 6
Lanka has been alternation between two main portfolios or directorships from which they 7
parties, the SLFP and the UNP, plus their will garner corrupt income.The scramble for 8
allies. At the same time, repeated changes in such opportunities provides an edge to politics 9
the constitution of the country have shifted both in Sri Lanka and elsewhere in the region 10
the balance of power in the political system that encourages as well resort to violent means 11
to the president rather than to parliament. to win elections and gain power. 12
Further, DeVotta has argued that, despite the Also of note is the fact that in none of 13
façade of a model democratic state, Sri Lanka the countries of South Asia, despite bows to 14
has not been a liberal democracy, but rather secularist ideals, has there been a separation 15
an “illiberal democracy,” in which the basic between religion and politics. In Sri Lanka, 16
rules of democratic governance have been Buddhism has been declared the state religion 17
repeatedly violated. The violations have and Buddhist monks have been active in 18
included refusal on the part of the ruling numerous political movements, including that 19
party “to hold scheduled elections in 1975,” for the establishment of Sinhalese as the sole 20
extending its rule by two additional years; official language of the country in the 1950s, 21
the use and abuse of the Prevention of for the suppression of the Tamil revolt, and 22
Terrorism Act of 1979 to victimize “innocent for strengthening the “unitary state.” 23
Tamils” as the government sought to suppress The consequences of the failures of Sri 24
the rise of ethnic separatism and “manifold Lankan politicians to accommodate the diffe- 25
human rights violations” justified by the need rences among the several ethnic groups on the 26
to defeat the Tamil rebellion led by the island have been great: 70,000 people killed, 27
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE); nearly 600,000 “internally displaced, between 28
“voting irregularities” and “malpractices” 800,000 and one million Tamils” fled from the 29
during elections, including the outright country during the past quarter century culmi- 30
“rigging” of a national referendum in 1982 nating in a humanitarian disaster with the vic- 31
by which the government of the day tory of the Sri Lankan army terminating the 32
extended its rule “for another term”; and the civil war and, in the process, adding thousands 33
“disappearance” of “over 40,000 Sinhalese” more killed and perhaps another 300,000 34
during the suppression of an “uprising” by persons displaced in its wake. Neither are these 35
the militant JVP. As in all the other South figures exceptional for the countries of South 36
Asian countries as well, nepotism, favoritism, Asia, where slogans of national unity and ethnic 37
corruption, and “gangsterism” have been supremacy justify the carnage and appear quite 38
prevalent features in governance in Sri Lanka. compatible with competitive regimes that 39
In addition, in common with all the other proclaim their devotion to the ideals of demo- 40
countries of South Asia, dynastic competi- cratic participation and governance. 41
tion among prominent families for succession 42
in power has been a recurrent aspect of 43
Nepal
politics. Also, as in Bangladesh, the com- 44
petition between dynasties provides the basic In a region where the unexpected is ordinary 45
core of political opposition in a system in and fundamental changes have been taking 46
which there is otherwise little loyalty of place everywhere, recent events in Nepal stand 47
politicians to the parties on whose labels they out, namely, the overthrow of the monarchy 48
6

1 through the success of a Maoist revolution
2 after a ten-year war from 1996 to 2006; the
3 victory of the Maoists in a free, competitive
4 election; and the elevation of Prachanda, the
5 leader of the Maoists, to the position of prime
6 minister. In the process, Nepal has moved
7 dramatically, as Hachhethu and Gellner note
8 (in Chapter 9), from a state whose leaders
9 proudly proclaimed that they were the only
10 true Hindu state left in the world to a “secular
11 state,” towards the transformation of the gov-
12 ernment from its unitary form to federalism,
13 and towards an “inclusive democracy” in con-
14 trast to the high-caste dominated polity that
15 preceded it. Proposals for a mixture of ethnic
16 and territorial federal units are currently (2008)
17 under lively and controversial discussion.
18
19
Federalism and center–state
20
relations
21
22 Most postcolonial states have opted for
23 unitary rule by a central government, which
24 has often turned into nothing more than
25 military rule. However, the enormous cultural,
26 linguistic, ethnic, and religious diversity of the
27 states of South Asia has naturally led to
28 demands from many groups for constitutional
29 arrangements to accommodate and mediate
30 actual or potential conflicts among them.
31 Federalism, combined with various forms of
32 local self-government, has been the method
33 of choice for India, but it has been resisted
34 in all other states in the region. Pakistan early
35 discarded federalism in favor of a unitary state
36 with two wings, east and west, in order to
37 counter the much greater unity of the eastern
38 wing of the country compared to the western
39 part comprised of several major ethnic and
40 linguistic groups.The failure to adopt a federal
41 solution as a means of accommodation,
42 however, was an important factor in the
43 ultimate breakup of the country, with the
44 separation of the eastern wing and the
45 formation of Bangladesh. The latter state has
46 felt no need for federalism since the principal
47 minority group is the remnant population of
48 Hindus who remained there after Partition,
I N T R O D U CT I O N
then fled during the civil war and returned
again after the division of Pakistan.They have
no significant regional concentration. Neither
would any demands from that quarter for any
special institutional recognition be likely to
be accepted. Further, no government of
Bangladesh has expressed the wish to make
significant concessions for institutional change
to the small minority of hill tribal peoples
who live in the southeastern parts of the
country. As for Sri Lanka, various forms of
so-called devolution have been discussed and
even partly implemented in the northern and
eastern provinces as a solution to the civil
war that raged there from 1983 to 2009.The
government of Sri Lanka steadfastly resisted
a federal solution to the conflict in favor of
military suppression of the Tamil rebels.
Neither was federalism ever seriously con-
sidered by the king in Nepal, a situation that
has changed dramatically with the victory of
the Maoists and the proposed adoption there
of a federalist framework.
India has been exceptional in this regard,
and has developed distinctive forms of
federalism, in which state and national politics
have been intertwined and in which the
balance of powers between what is called
in India, the “center,” and the states has
undergone significant changes over time. In
fact, federalism in India, perhaps more than
in any other federal system, has involved
“continuous negotiation” (Rudolph and
Rudolph, in Chapter 10) concerning the
relations between the center and the states.
India began as a unitary-biased federal
system, with a strong center and weak states.
That bias was especially evident in two
respects: the center retained and used the
powers “to create, abolish, divide, or combine
states” (Rudolph and Rudolph). It also
(mis)used regulary and increasingly, in the
first several decades after Independence, its
powers to take over governance of the states
directly from the center under the constitu-
tional provision known as the imposition of
President’s Rule. Moreover, during the heyday
of Indira Gandhi, the governing Congress
7
PAU L R . B R AS S

party at the Center virtually controlled the which allows it to distribute funds for, and 1
selection of Congress candidates to contest monitor development programs in the states. 2
state legislative assembly elections, selected While a return to the days of central govern- 3
the chief ministers of the Congress-ruled ment dominance of the policy process and 4
states, and dismissed those who in any way state politics is unlikely, the relations between 5
became troublesome to Indira Gandhi herself the Center and the states continue in “flux” 6
and to the dominance of the Congress. (Rudolph and Rudolph) and continue also 7
Nevertheless, the predominant pattern of to be based on negotiation, bargaining, and 8
shift over the past half century has been the relative political weight of particular states 9
towards pluralism, regionalism, and decentral- in national political coalitions. 10
ization.6 With the shift in the balance of 11
central and state powers, as well as inter- 12
vention from the supreme court, the imposi- Part III: The judiciary 13
tion of President’s Rule has been much less 14
frequent. That tendency has been reinforced Chapter 11 on the Indian judiciary (by 15
in the last two decades with the decline of Shylashri Shankar) documents a further aspect 16
the Congress as the sole ruling party at the of political change and development of Indian 17
Center and its decline as well into permanent institutions, namely, the gradual assertion and 18
minority status in most of the states. Multi- reassertion of the authority of the supreme 19
partism nationally and multipartism in the court to oversee and limit, albeit rarely to 20
states—or forms of bipolar competition with invalidate, laws passed by parliament.Although 21
parties that differ from state to state—have it does not in this respect approach the powers 22
been largely responsible for these changes. of the US Supreme Court, yet, after many 23
The fragility of ruling coalitions at the Center setbacks, including strong efforts to control, 24
has increased the power of parties based in suppress, and overturn its judgments and 25
particular states at times—now regularly— interfere in its functioning, especially during 26
when they have sufficient members in parlia- Indira Gandhi’s years in power, it has emerged 27
ment to bring down the central government, with a stable, authoritative position in the 28
quite the opposite situation from the days Indian political order and has carved out 29
of dominance by Nehru and his daughter. niches for itself in several areas of public law, 30
Additionally, the gradual shift since 1991 from in which it has adopted assertive positions, 31
a “command economy” directed by the notably, as Shankar has pointed out, in areas 32
Center and its planning commission to a involving “social and economic rights.” 33
liberalization regime—which, in India as the Once again, the contrast with Pakistan is 34
Rudolphs describe it, has become a “federal stark, illustrated clearly by Newberg (Chapter 35
market economy”—has also reduced the 12). Whereas, in India, the supreme court 36
levers of control formerly held by the center has gradually asserted its separate domain of 37
to influence state governments. The more authority against attempts to undermine it, 38
enterprising and energetic leaders in the states in Pakistan, in contrast, the supreme court— 39
have also used the opportunities opened up and the judiciary in general—continue to 40
by the liberalization regime to directly solicit struggle to formulate a set of criteria that 41
investments in their states by global cor- would enable it to challenge effectively and 42
porations. consistently the repeated assertions of exe- 43
It is not the case, however, that the central cutive power. Successive political regimes, 44
government lacks significant power to influ- whether under military or civilian control, 45
ence state powers and politics. It still controls have dismissed judges and/or packed the 46
vast resources as a consequence of its con- courts with their own, compliant judges.The 47
tinued dominance in revenue collection, court, for its part, has repeatedly bowed to 48
8

1 executive authority through decisions justify-
2 ing authoritarian rule and/or dubious trans-
3 fers of executive authority from the military
4 to civilian leaders and vice versa on the
5 grounds of such doctrines as “necessity” and
6 “revolutionary legality.” It has also repeatedly
7 accepted the legality of granting immunity
8 from judicial judgment and indemnity for the
9 repeated abuse and misuse of power by the
10 executive authority or, contrarily, has accepted
11 the legality of the execution of a former prime
12 minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, ordered by his
13 successor, General Mohammed Zia ul Haq.
14 Yet, even in Pakistan, the striving for
15 legitimate authority not only of the courts
16 but of all state institutions has continued from
17 time to time to involve intense conflict, mass
18 movements, and violence. The current crisis
19 of authority in Pakistan (2007–08), as yet
20 far from definitively resolved, has put the
21 supreme court at the very center of the
22 struggle for power and legitimate authority
23 of all its institutions (except the Army, which
24 continues to maintain—in reserve at the
25 moment—its separate and often decisive role
26 in the course of political change).The current
27 struggle for power in Pakistan has placed the
28 courts, especially the supreme court, in an
29 extraordinary position. President Musharraf
30 dismissed the chief justice and packed the
31 courts with his own men. However, the
32 dismissed chief justice then succeeded, along
33 with his colleagues in the judiciary and the
34 bar, and with the support of a mass public,
35 in launching a movement that led to the
36 restoration of free elections, the participation
37 of previously banned leaders and parties, and
38 the marginalization of Musharraf himself, and
39 finally (2008) his forced resignation. Yet,
40 neither Musharraf nor the country’s prime
41 minister, brought to power by the movement,
42 or even the new president, Benazir Bhutto’s
43 widower, Asif Ali Zardari, wished to see the
44 power and authority of the judiciary restored.
45 Musharraf was forced to retire as president
46 under threat of impeachment, but Zardari
47 resisted the restoration of the judges until
48 March 2009.
I N T R O D U CT I O N
The position of the supreme court—and
the judiciary in general—in Bangladesh since
the achievement of Independence from
Pakistan has been similar to that of Pakistan.
Despite the assertion in the Constitution of
1972 of the “principle of judicial Indepen-
dence” (Hossain, in Chapter 13), and periodic
assertions of that principle by the court itself,
it has experienced politicization during
parliamentary periods, on the one hand, and
subordination during alternating periods of
military rule, on the other hand. Attempts to
reassert the independence of the judiciary
have relied on a stance articulated first in
India, namely, asserting that certain features
of the constitution (in this case, judicial
independence) cannot be altered by parlia-
ment since they affect the “basic structure”
of the constitution itself. However, the upshot
of the struggles for judicial independence in
Bangladesh has been the reduction of the
independence of the judiciary and its politic-
ization by both “full-blown military govern-
ments” as well as “autocratic presidents and
elected parliaments.”
The authority and performance of the
Sri Lankan judiciary are intermediate between
the respective positions of the courts in
India, on the one hand, and Pakistan and
Bangladesh, on the other hand, but rather
closer to India than to Pakistan and
Bangladesh.The three successive constitutions
of Sri Lanka have, in several ways, limited the
powers of the judiciary, especially with regard
to judicial review of laws passed by parlia-
ment and the powers of the president.
Not surprisingly, therefore, the judiciary in
Sri Lanka has accorded “deference to the
other state institutions,” and avoided direct
conflict with the executive and parliament
(Shankar) and has not been free from
“politicization.” Nevertheless, it has not
subordinated its decisions to the whims of
the ruling power. Neither has it engaged in
“judicial activism” in the manner of the
Indian Supreme Court. In practice, however,
its deference to other state institutions has
also meant that it has provided no protection
9
PAU L R . B R AS S

to the Tamil minorities in the country against also been accommodated through the federal 1
discrimination and harassment by the state. system in a process that began with the 2
Similarly, its decisions on religious freedom reorganization of states in the 1950s and 3
have been biased in favor of Buddhism and 1960s, but continues in some respects up to 4
against the interests of Christians and Muslims the present. Various other accommodations 5
especially, for example, with regard to the have also been made, including recognition 6
right to proselytize. Most important, in of all regional languages as media of examina- 7
common with all institutions, policies, and tion for entry into the central government 8
procedures of the Sri Lankan state, judicial services and the addition of other languages 9
decisions on matters of human rights, into the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution 10
including the right not to be tortured, have of India, which grants their speakers certain 11
been negatively affected by the debilitating rights and privileges. Problems remain, 12
civil war, which has moved Sri Lanka’s polity nevertheless, with regard to minority language 13
increasingly towards “executive sovereignty.” speakers within the reorganized states, parti- 14
cularly concerning the provision of educa- 15
tional facilities for such speakers. Further, 16
Part IV: Pluralism and national there is also a considerable differentiation 17
integration: language issues with regard to status and possibilities for 18
advancement among the speakers of the 19
Issues concerning pluralism and national various languages of India such that English 20
integration have been at the forefront in remains the preeminent language of the 21
virtually every multiethnic, multilingual, educated elite of the country, who dominate 22
multicultural postcolonial state. They have the central government bureaucracy while 23
been especially difficult and longlasting in speakers of the principal vernacular languages, 24
India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. Bangladesh who do not know English, remain confined 25
itself was created as a consequence of the to opportunities available within their home 26
politicization of linguistic issues concerning states. In effect, although there remain move- 27
the official language of the state, which, in ments for recognition of several language 28
turn, overlay conflict over broader cultural groups, the language issue in India as a whole 29
differences between Bengalis and West has become less a matter of official recog- 30
Pakistanis. Equally extreme in its conse- nition and more a socioeconomic and status 31
quences has been the civil war in Sri Lanka “issue of differential access to English edu- 32
between the Sinhalese-dominated state and cation” (Annamalai, in Chapter 15). 33
the territorially concentrated Tamil minority. Pakistan’s solutions to the problems posed 34
For their part, India and Pakistan, far more by a multiplicity of languages were initially 35
diverse in all respects than the other states in quite different from India’s and had disastrous 36
the region, have had to confront multiple results. Initial attempts to impose Urdu as the 37
issues concerning the status of ethnolinguistic national and official language for the entire 38
and religiously distinct groups. country derived from the symbolic impor- 39
The Indian state has been largely successful tance of the rivalry between Urdu and Hindi 40
in coping with demands for recognition on language promoters in India before Inde- 41
behalf of the multiplicity of language groups pendence, even though in Pakistan itself only 42
comprised within its boundaries. India’s the refugees (mohajirs) from India spoke Urdu 43
leaders resolved the issues of official language as their mother tongue. Lacking any other 44
for the central government through a com- language that could make a claim as the 45
promise between Hindi and English as the “national” language of the country, Jinnah 46
two official languages of state. Moreover, all chose Urdu on the mistaken belief that it 47
the major regional languages of India have would unite rather than divide the country. 48
10

1 However, the attempt foundered against
2 Bengali opposition and provided the symbolic
3 basis for the secessionist movement that
4 ultimately resulted in the Independence of
5 Bangladesh.
6 The 1973 Constitution of Pakistan,
7 however, provides a similar solution to that
8 of India for the question of the national/
9 official languages of the country, namely,
10 Urdu formally declared as the “national
11 language,” while allowing for the indefinite
12 use of English “for official purposes” in the
13 country as a whole and for the provincial
14 languages in the several provinces (Rahman,
15 in Chapter 16). Yet, movements demanding
16 greater recognition of the regional languages
17 of West Pakistan, such as Sindhi and Balochi,
18 have persisted. Why? In most cases, language
19 is the emblem for uniting ethnic collectivities
20 against other ethnic groups perceived as
21 dominant in a province (such as the Urdu-
22 speaking mohajirs in Sindh) or against the
23 Pakistani state itself (as in Balochistan). In
24 other words, as Rahman has put it, in such
25 cases language “serves as an identity symbol”
26 for movements that have other ends beyond
27 development and promotion of the use of
28 the language itself.
29 But there has also been a curious twist in
30 the symbolic and instrumental uses of
31 language identification for political ends in
32 Pakistan, namely, the preference of elite
33 Punjabis—who form the largest and the
34 dominant ethnic collectivity in Pakistan—for
35 English and Urdu, including their resistance
36 to the teaching of their own mother tongue
37 in the primary schools of the province. It is
38 a curious twist that has a parallel in the post-
39 Independence Indian province of Punjab as
40 well where, in order to resist the demands of
41 Punjabi-speaking Sikhs for a separate province
42 in which Sikhs would have a majority,
43 Punjabi-speaking Hindus disowned their own
44 language in favor of Hindi to such an extent
45 that an entire generation switched their
46 language both of identification and actual
47 practical usage.7 These two cases in themselves
48 provide the most striking evidence for the
I N T R O D U CT I O N
proposition that language movements may
be, and often are, symbolic representations of
other interests than the protection of the
language itself. Those interests everywhere
concern primarily power (Rahman) and
economic advantage.
One further issue of identity concerns the
question of “national language” itself. India
has wisely avoided using that term for either
Hindi or English, which conveys a sense of
superiority for one language among many,
preferring instead to characterize all the
widespread and predominant regional langu-
ages as “national languages,” with those given
preference being designated only as “official
languages.” Pakistan, however, less sure of its
own national identity, made the mistake of
attempting to assert it by elevating one
language to the emotively powerful status of
“national language.” The obvious solution,
however, as Rahman points out, is essentially
an Indian one for Pakistan, namely, designat-
ing “five national languages in the country
with Urdu as a language of inter-provincial
communication and English for international
communication.”
The feature of language use that is most
clearly shared by both Pakistanis and Indians
is the high status associated with English and
the class differentiation in its adoption. It is
in both countries the language of the domi-
nant elites in “private sector employment” and
in “the upper echelons of Pakistani society”
(Rahman).This, indeed, has become the most
important consequence of language policies
in both countries in the context of “a failed
educational system,” that is to say, one that
relegates the vast mass of the populations of
both countries to utterly inferior, decrepit,
and poorly funded government schools while
the rich and well-born attend English-
medium schools of high standard, the latter
even subsidized in Pakistan by government.
In Pakistan, there is yet a further consequence,
namely the spread of madrasahs as alternatives
to totally inadequate government-funded
vernacular schools. Although there is no
evidence that these madrasahs are producing
11
PAU L R . B R AS S

more anti-American “terrorists” than the Further, in the case of Jammu and Kashmir, 1
ordinary government schools, they are most where support or safe haven has been pro- 2
obviously producing generations of persons vided to insurgents against the Indian state 3
for whom religion provides their primary by Pakistan, India has gone to war to put a 4
loyalty while the dominant English-educated stop to its intervention, notably after Indepen- 5
elites constitute a “secular” governing minor- dence in 1947–48 and again in 1965 and, for 6
ity. Rahman concludes his chapter with the different reasons, in the short Kargil war of 7
very powerful statement that “the present 1999, fought at an altitude of 16,000 feet 8
language policies have the cumulative effect over the issue of the “line of control” in 9
of increasing inequality and polarization in Kashmir. It also intervened directly to bring 10
the country.” That polarization would seem about the secession of Bangladesh from 11
to place those who have political power, Pakistan in the 1971 war. While India’s 12
economic security, and secular values on one intervention might, on the face of it, appear 13
side in contrast to those disempowered, to undermine its own adherence to the 14
economically insecure, and oriented towards principle of the virtually sacred unity of 15
religious values as a primary identification. postcolonial states, from another point of view 16
it is wholly consistent with that principle, for 17
it has never accepted the legitimacy of the 18
Part V: Crises of national unity
original partition of the subcontinent, and 19
especially its basis in religious separatism. Its 20
India
intervention against Pakistan in that case, 21
All the countries of the region have, to greater therefore, was propelled in part by the 22
or lesser degree, faced crises of national unity, opportunity to demonstrate the illegitimacy 23
greatest, of course, in the case of the of the original partition and of a state whose 24
disintegration of Pakistan. But all have had creation was based on such a claim. 25
to confront, placate, or crush by military Indian leaders never tire of making claims 26
means demands for secession made by militant for their status as the “world’s largest democ- 27
organizations on behalf of minority ethnic, racy.” As indicated already, there is much to 28
linguistic, or religious groups. In the case of sustain such a view of India’s democratic 29
India, aside from a secessionist demand long politics, but it is a rare kind of democracy 30
ago abandoned in Tamil Nadu in south India, whose military forces have killed so many of 31
there have been three regions where violent its own people, perhaps 25,000 in squashing 32
secessionist movements have either continued the Punjab insurrection and another 25,000 33
since Independence or have recurred from in Kashmir, and perhaps 100,000 altogether 34
time to time, namely, Jammu and Kashmir, against all insurrectionary movements since 35
Punjab, and the northeastern states. In all Independence. As Gurharpal Singh notes (in 36
cases, the government of India over the past Chapter 17), this is a democracy that uses 37
60 years has made it abundantly clear that it what he calls “hegemonic control,” including 38
will not tolerate any demand whatsoever for “cooption, accommodation and symbolic 39
secession from the country while, at the same agreements” in dealing with secessionist 40
time, always being open to considering movements, but will also resort to “violent 41
demands that fall short of secession, including control” whenever necessary. Nowhere has 42
the creation of separate states and/or autono- this alternation been more apparent than in 43
mous regions within the Indian Union.Those the northeastern region of the country where 44
movements that persist in making secessionist agreement after agreement has been reached 45
demands, however, have met with massive through compromises with rebel groups that 46
violence at the hands of the various military never hold and are inevitably followed by 47
and paramilitary forces of the Indian state. renewed violence and the unbending resolve 48
12

1 of the government of India to use in response
2 the utmost force to suppress secessionist
3 movements.
4 Secessionist movements have not been the
5 only types that have led to strident and often
6 violent conflicts in Indian politics. More a
7 part of everyday politics, in fact, have been
8 issues pertaining to the status, political power,
9 and access to state resources of caste forma-
10 tions, on the one hand, and the place of the
11 two principal religious communities, Hindus
12 and Muslims, on the other hand. In the latter
13 case, the issue has also increasingly become
14 one not of secession, but of the definition of
15 the Indian state, whether it is to be defined
16 as a Hindu state or a secular state. While
17 intercaste conflicts have from time to time
18 led to intercaste violence, such violence has
19 been sporadic and mostly local in character.
20 Communal conflicts, in contrast, while often
21 arising out of local conflicts, have frequently
22 been magnified deliberately for political
23 purposes, and have been responsible for many
24 thousands of deaths since Independence up
25 to the present in what are labeled Hindu–
26 Muslim “riots.” These riots have been
27 produced or instigated by politicians from
28 many political parties for local advantage in
29 electoral contests since Independence. In the
30 past 15 years, however, the BJP and its sister
31 organizations in the RSS family of organ-
32 izations have been the principal promoters
33 of such violence in calculated efforts to
34 demonize the Muslim population of the
35 country and mobilize the Hindu population
36 in order to capture power in the several states
37 and in the Indian Union itself. It has had
38 substantial success in doing so in the past,
39 notably in the massive mobilization that led
40 to the destruction of the mosque at Ayodhya
41 in 1992. It has also been responsible for the
42 pogrom against Muslims in the state of
43 Gujarat in 2002, under a BJP government
44 that deliberately instigated and promoted the
45 violence for the purpose of shoring up its
46 electoral base in the upcoming state election.
47 Wilkinson (Chapter 18) and others have
48 demonstrated clearly that the strategy did, in
I N T R O D U CT I O N
fact, work to produce “a crushing victory”
for the BJP in the December 2002 elections.
The government, and the chief minister who
orchestrated the violence, remain in power
to this day (2008).Wilkinson, however, argues
that communal politics in India have only
limited and sporadic uses whereas caste
politics are central to Indian politics on an
everyday basis and, one should add, remain
the most important factors in most elections
in most states of the country up to the
present.
Indeed, there have been innumerable
movements based on caste solidarities and
caste antagonisms over the past century,
ranging from the non-Brahman movements
in southern and western India to the
movements of so-called “backward classes” (a
term commonly used for the middle status
castes) throughout the country, and the more
recent rise of “dalit” (“oppressed”) and other
movements of low caste groups for recog-
nition, government employment, and access
to state resources and political patronage.
Indeed, the preferred method of advancing
the interests of all the less privileged caste
groups in Indian society has been to demand
“reservations” of places for designated caste
groups in the legislatures and in government
service. As a result, various forms of reserva-
tion for such groups have been adopted both
in the central government and in most, if not
all the Indian states.While intercaste conflicts
have, as noted, sometimes led to violence, for
the most part the jockeying has taken place
through the political process, with bidding
common among political parties for the
support of the more numerous caste groups
during elections.
It should not, however, be imagined that
the status hierarchy that has always pervaded
Indian life will soon be eliminated in con-
sequence of such policies for the benefit of
the less privileged classes. In fact, the rise of
a vibrant private sector economy associated
with the economic liberalization process has
made it possible for the upper castes, displaced
from positions of power in many Indian states,
13
PAU L R . B R AS S

to retain their eminence in Indian society, to consider seriously any kind of settlement 1
for it is the upper castes who get the lucrative in Jammu and Kashmir that would involve 2
jobs in the fast developing private sector while significant concessions to Pakistan, and the 3
government jobs—especially at the lower United States, by its bungling, inadequate, and 4
levels—and the lower status accompanying incompetent intervention in Afghanistan that 5
them are reserved for the less privileged. has added to the destabilization of Pakistan 6
It is also important to note that the pri- and, as any knowledgeable South Asian speci- 7
macy of caste politics in India has an effect alist could have predicted, to the intensification 8
on communal politics, mainly to undermine of the hostile relationship between the two 9
it. The BJP’s use of communal politics in major South Asian countries. 10
elections has been designed to consolidate But, Pakistan’s issues of national unity are 11
the Hindu vote in areas where there is a large not at all the creations of other countries— 12
Muslim population that can be demonized which merely exacerbate them—but arise 13
and blamed for the riots that are, in fact, from the very conditions that led to its 14
produced by BJP or BJP-recruited Hindu foundation and its failures to accommodate 15
activists. But such unification of the Hindu successfully regional, ethnic, and Islamic 16
castes cannot be sustained indefinitely even movements and their demands. The status of 17
in particular electoral constituencies and is the Pakhtun population in the North-West 18
untenable most of the time in most con- Province was a problem from the beginning 19
stituencies in most states in the country. since its predominant leadership preferred to 20
Further,Wilkinson notes that, in states where remain part of India, but, in the midst of the 21
there are highly competitive electoral contests turmoil of 1947, could only boycott the 22
in which Muslims hold the potential balance referendum, which resulted in a favorable 23
in determining the outcomes, the benefits of vote for Pakistan, although with a low 24
polarizing Hindu and Muslim votes turn turnout. The Khudai Khidmatgars then 25
negative for the political parties, thereby demanded a semi-autonomous status for the 26
decreasing the likelihood of Hindu–Muslim region, which was denied.8 Many Balochistan 27
riots produced for political reasons. tribal leaders, for their part, have never 28
accepted the legitimacy of Pakistan’s rule 29
over the province, which has been a site of 30
Pakistan
unending insurgency since the creation of 31
The scale and intensity of violence in Pakistan Pakistan, although this huge territory also is 32
has sometimes seemed to threaten the viability internally divided by conflicts between the 33
of the state itself, which, after all, was one of Baloch and Pakhtun groups.Waseem (Chapter 34
the very few states in the world to split apart 19) attributes the persistent conflict there and 35
during the period of bipolar political domi- elsewhere in Pakistan to the general 36
nance by the United States and the Soviet preference of all ruling parties and the military 37
Union, when it was in the interest of neither for “coercive strategies for unification across 38
great power to allow such dramatic political ethnic divisions” that stand in sharp contrast 39
changes.Yet, it remains in the interest of none to the general policy in India of accom- 40
at this time, with the exception of al-Qaeda, modation of all ethnopolitical movements 41
to allow such a development in Pakistan.The that stop short of demanding secession and 42
paradox in all this is that powerful forces independence. In contrast to India, for exam- 43
remain at work internally and externally to ple, Pakistan has never seriously considered 44
undermine Pakistan’s stability and unity, federal solutions as a means of accommo- 45
including those two states that have the great- dating ethnonationalist demands. Banned, 46
est interest in maintaining it, namely, India jailed, and otherwise disrupted by the new 47
and the United States: India, by its refusal even Pakistan state, the secular, pro-India Pakhtun 48
14

1 movement was ultimately displaced in the
2 NWFP by Islamist movements. Islamist
3 movements have also been supported in
4 Punjab and Sindh by the mohajirs, migrants
5 from India, and their offspring.
6 Further problems have arisen as a con-
7 sequence of the very basis for the creation
8 of Pakistan, namely, the idea that it was to
9 be a homeland for the Muslims of India.
10 Although its founder, Mohammad Ali Jinnah,
11 never wished for a homogenous Muslim state,
12 that was the result of the Partition violence
13 that led to the total transfer of the Hindu
14 and Sikh populations from western Punjab
15 to India and of the entire Muslim population
16 from Punjab to Pakistan. Despite Jinnah’s
17 declaration that Pakistan was to be a secular
18 state, not a Muslim state, the result has
19 been the opposite. Although, in fact, most
20 Pakistanis, like most Indians, do not wish to
21 see Pakistan become a state based on religion,
22 the circumstances of Pakistan’s creation have
23 enhanced the influence of the ulema in policy
24 formation and encouraged the proliferation
25 of intolerant Islamist political movements.
26 A further difference from India has been
27 the predominance of one province and one
28 ethnic collectivity, Punjab and the Punjabis,
29 with 58 percent of the country’s population.
30 In India, in contrast, although the north
31 Indian Hindi speakers constitute the largest
32 single linguistic conglomeration, they have
33 never been able to consolidate into a unified
34 political force that would dominate the rest
35 of the country. It never emerged “as the
36 power base” (Waseem, in Chapter 19) of the
37 country as has Punjab, which is also the most
38 economically dynamic region of the country.
39 There is, however, in all this a commonality
40 between India and Pakistan in one very
41 important sense, namely, the drive in both
42 countries to find a basis for achieving a
43 political majority to rule in countries that are
44 multireligious, multiethnic, and multilingual
45 and lack an overarching sense of cultural
46 identity. In India, that drive has been most
47 strongly articulated by the Hindu nationalist
48 movement of the BJP. In Pakistan, it takes the
I N T R O D U CT I O N
form of Islamist movements that seek to over-
ride or suppress regional, linguistic, religious,
and other cultural identities— including the
Islamic faultline of Sunni-Shi’a difference—
and are especially favored by those groups that
lack an indigenous identity, namely, the non-
Punjabi mohajirs, most of whom settled in
Sindh where “they remained unassimilated
in the host community” (Waseem). Their
numbers were later increased by a second
influx of so-called Bihari migrants from
Bangladesh after its separation from Pakistan.
Sri Lanka
The longevity and scale of killing that has
arisen out of ethnic, communal, and interstate
conflicts in South Asia—including the states
conventionally classed as “democracies,”
namely, India and Sri Lanka—should give
pause to their apologists. In the sorry tale of
seemingly unending violent conflicts in South
Asia, the civil war in Sri Lanka requires
attention. The civil war itself was a direct
consequence of the nationalist idea that has
overtaken the world especially in the past two
centuries, namely, that every territory has its
rightful nation and every nation has a
territory of its own. Since there are no
territories in the entire world that fit such a
description, this nationalist idea requires that
those who do not fit the ethnic definition
of the rightful owners of a particular territory
be defined as minorities who are either
allowed to remain on that territory at the
sufferance of the rightful owners or must be
evicted, if not destroyed.
The ideological backdrop to the conflicts
that arise from this exclusivism are usually
ignored in favor of interpretations that stress
their origins in inequalities that favor one
group over another or in religious or ethnic
or other antagonisms. But such differences
become irresolvable mainly when the issue
of “right” comes to the fore, namely, who
has the right to the resources and the
privileges and the status of equal citizens of
a common territory.
15
PAU L R . B R AS S

In Sri Lanka, conflicts that arose in part the fears of the Sinhalese leaders that any 1
out of resentments—or better, the creation such concession would be but a prelude to 2
of resentments by a political elite—against secession, with the unstated fear that the party 3
the alleged inequalities in Sri Lankan that allowed such a compromise would be 4
society that favored Tamils over the rightful wiped out in the next election. By the same 5
indigenous owners of the island, the Sinhalese token, the Tamil leaders proclaimed their 6
people, became irresolvable not because the insistence on the right of “national self- 7
issues themselves could not be resolved, but determination” (Uyangoda) which, of course, 8
because the dominant Sinhalese elites of all fed the Sinhalese fears. 9
parties found it politically helpful to make India’s failed intervention in the conflict 10
use of them to gain power through elections. in the mid-1980s was itself tarnished by the 11
That there were concrete ways of resolving same brush. Intervening in reality to protect 12
the conflicts was evident very early in Sri the Tamil population of the island in order 13
Lanka’s post-Independence history in the to satisfy the feelings of the Tamil politicians 14
agreements reached between Tamil and and people in Tamil Nadu itself, it evolved 15
Sinhalese leaders to resolve the language issue into a failed effort to crush the armed Tamil 16
that was the surrogate for the dispute. Those revolt in Sri Lanka.The effort itself, however, 17
agreements, especially in 1957 and 1965, was motivated by cross-purposes: protecting 18
however, were never implemented because Tamils while absolutely rejecting any 19
they immediately became hostage to the cries secessionist ideas that might also cross the 20
of opposing political formations that the waters and thereby revive the long ago 21
rightful place of the Sinhalese as the dominant abandoned dream in Tamil Nadu for secession 22
people on the island was being undermined. and independence from India. 23
So, what began as an “ethnic conflict” over That all such dreams of ethnonational 24
language rights—and behind that access to homogeneity of a people and a territory are 25
government jobs—in Sri Lanka ultimately chimeras is evident in the course of the civil 26
turned “into a civil war between the state war itself. In every such situation, there are 27
and Tamil nationalist groups . . . in the late inevitably small or large groups of people 28
1970s” (Uyangoda, in Chapter 20). In the interspersed in the contending groups, but 29
intervening years, so-called ethnic riots in who do not belong to either. Such is the 30
which mostly Tamils were killed, often with case of the Muslims in parts of Sri Lanka, 31
the complicity of state leaders, prepared the including especially the Eastern Province 32
ground for the final transformation of the where they have sizable populations, but also 33
conflict. But the progression, Uyangoda notes, in parts of the Northern Province. The 34
arose on account of the “inflexibility of conflict between the Sri Lankan state and the 35
Sinhalese nationalism in responding to Tamils thus led to a further demand, 36
minority ethnic grievances” and was fed in now from the Muslims, forced, in effect, to 37
a political process whose central feature was discover their “ethnic and political identity” 38
“ethnic outbidding.” (Uyangoda) as well. As Rupert Emerson 39
The failure to end this civil war through put it many years ago: “Who can say the 40
negotiations continued to founder on the nations nay, and yet who can say what nations 41
issue of whether or not the Sinhalese people are and when and how they may assert 42
own the entire island. Its specific form themselves?”9 In the meantime, the Sri 43
revolved around whether or not the war Lankan civil war continued at the highest 44
could be ended by transforming Sri Lanka level of intensity yet seen until the Tamil 45
into a federal state or agreeing to regional insurrection was finally crushed with huge 46
autonomy in the Tamil regions.The possibility loss of life and displacement of Tamil civil- 47
of agreement, however, always foundered on ians, “with life going on pretty much ‘as 48
16
 I N T R O D U CT I O N

1 normal’ in most of the Sinhala-dominated Most observers would probably find little
2 parts of the island.”10 to disagree with these statements. What is
3 mainly contested are the reasons for the new
4 growth and the means for extending its
5 Part VI: Political economy benefits to the population as a whole. Outside
6 India, it is generally assumed that it is
7 Discussion of issues of politics and economic economic liberalization, the freeing of the
8 development in the South Asian countries Indian economy from the constraints of state-
9 have been handled differently by the several directed, planned economic growth that is
10 contributors to this volume. As a result, there responsible for these changes. Within India,
11 are two chapters specifically concerning the however, where the Left is not dead, it is
12 political economy of India (Corbridge, argued that the earlier stage of planned
13 Chapter 21, and Breman, Chapter 22) and economic growth laid the basis for the current
14 one on Sri Lanka (Lakshman, Chapter 23), surge, which would not have been possible
15 but the discussion of economic issues in without the previous public investments.
16 Pakistan (Burki, Chapter 6) and Bangladesh The argument itself may appear academic,
17 (Blair, Chapter 7) have been included within but it carries forward to the present in policy
18 the chapters on the politics of those two debates concerning the second issue of
19 countries, referenced briefly later in this extending the benefits of the new growth.
20 chapter. Can it really be believed, in the jargon of the
21 acolytes of Milton Friedman, that the rising
22 tide of growth and prosperity will “lift all
23 India boats,” that public spending on health, edu-
24 Major transformations are occurring in the cation, and other forms of welfare cannot do
25 the trick and that all these matters are best
political economy of India, heralded in the
26 left for the private sector to resolve?
press and business magazines as the latest
27 In fact, these are issues of ideological belief
addition to the new global capitalist world
28 that cannot be resolved theoretically. What
of high growth. In India itself, the former
29 can be shown are the specific consequences
BJP government adopted the slogan of “India
30 of past and present economic policies for
Shining” to proclaim its entry into that new
31 categories of people.Who benefited and who
world. Corbridge (in Chapter 21) examines
32 lost or were left behind by the developmental
33 these claims as well as the explanations policies of the first decades after Indian
34 for the changes that have occurred. That Independence and what groups in the popu-
35 the Indian economy (before the current lation are benefiting or losing now from the
36 (2008–09) world economic crash) had been new liberalization policies? There is a con-
37 growing at a high and steady pace not sensus that crosses ideological dispositions that
38 previously seen since Independence is clear. the beneficiaries of the developmental regime
39 That its benefits have not reached in were the “richer farmers,” the “industrial
40 significant measure the poorest of India’s bourgeoisie,” and “the country’s leading
41 citizens—several hundreds of millions by bureaucrats” who profited from the corrupt
42 any measure—who continue to live in the income generated through the “permit-
43 utmost poverty and degradation is also clear. license-quota Raj” (Corbridge). The losers
44 That the changes have increased, rather than and those who gained little or nothing were
45 lessened, inequalities in a society historically mainly the poor and landless in the country-
46 based on one of the most rigid hierarchical side. With regard to the present, under the
47 systems the world has ever seen is not liberalization regime, it is clear enough already
48 surprising. that the main beneficiaries are the global
17
PAU L R . B R AS S

corporations, the high caste English-speaking while those, the vast majority, who have 1
Indians who find jobs in those corporations, remained in the countryside, continue to live 2
indigenous entrepreneurs freed from the a bleak subaltern life of labor for pay insuf- 3
restraints of the development regime, a loosely ficient for decent nourishment of themselves 4
defined urban middle class with rising and their families while faced with physical 5
incomes that enable them at last to obtain beatings from their overlords should they dare 6
easily the cherished goods of modernity— to protest or demand higher wages or even 7
refrigerators, TVs, automobiles for the richer the legally mandated wage. Many of those 8
among them, and the like. The losers remain who leave the land do not migrate to the 9
the same: the poor, the landless, the “lower” city, but to backbreaking “unskilled jobs such 10
castes, those displaced from their land by land as digging, hauling and lifting work” for 11
grabs supported by the state to construct which they get paid little more than the 12
large dams or to benefit entrepreneurs and prevailing wage for agricultural labor 13
corporations, safely ensconced in “special (Breman). 14
economic zones.” In brief, as Corbridge Yet, however wretched the contemporary 15
summarizes the matter: “The net effect of existence of the landless, there has been some 16
the reforms has been to widen the gulf improvement in their condition from the 17
between rich and poor people in India, and 1960s and 1970s: marginally better living 18
between rich and poor regions, but that was quarters and nourishment, some elementary 19
always going to be the case.” education, and some improvement in health 20
Another way of putting the matter is to care. Many of these improvements, however 21
say that the varna system is constantly repro- minimal, have come about through the 22
duced in India, that the benefits of economic political process as the Congress, especially 23
growth will go virtually exclusively to the during the heyday of Indira Gandhi, provided 24
upper castes, that the political order will specific benefits for the landless laborers, 25
become increasingly marginalized with the including tiny plots of land on which to build 26
economy dominated by the ruling classes and their homes. In Uttar Pradesh, where the 27
the vast majority of rural and urban poor BSP, under the leadership of Mayawati, has 28
experiencing marginal benefits and continued provided considerable funding for the 29
grinding poverty. improvement of the lives of the lowest castes 30
In this context, Breman (Chapter 22) in the villages as well as employment oppor- 31
provides a reality check. What really are the tunities in government service (including 32
conditions of life in “Shining India” for the most significantly in the police) the status 33
wretched of the earth, the poorest of the poor, and assertiveness of the lowest castes has 34
the laborers in agriculture? Agricultural policy decidedly increased. 35
in India in the post-Independence period Yet, the bulk of the population classified 36
focused primarily on eliminating the domi- as living below the famous “poverty line” 37
nant tax farmers in the countryside and continues to come from this class of land- 38
replacing them with a countryside dominated less poor. How then to summarize the 39
by a self-sufficient middle peasantry.Very little improvement in living conditions for the 40
was done to improve the living and working poorest compared to their past wretchedness? 41
conditions of the landless poor. Instead, they In a word, however much conditions have 42
were offered a chapati in the sky of a bright improved, the gap between the poorest and 43
future as factory laborers in a soon to be those who live a comfortable—or luxurious— 44
developed urban economy. In fact, however, life has increased so that there is “even greater 45
most of those who have moved to the cities inequity than before” (Breman). Not only 46
have merely shifted their underclass status to that, the Indian countryside continues to 47
an equally wretched urban environment, harbor large “landless colonies” whose popu- 48
18

1 lations consist of paupers and lumpen ele-
2 ments, living a “sub-human existence” without
3 hope of any improvement for themselves or
4 their children. Neither can the statistics of the
5 government of India concerning the reduction
6 in poverty in India be taken at face value for
7 two reasons: first, they ignore the question of
8 how decent life is, in fact, just above the
9 poverty line. Second, as Breman has suggested,
10 it is very likely that the data are being cooked
11 to fit the image of “Shining India.” Finally,
12 Breman argues very strongly that a combina-
13 tion of a policy of “market fundamentalism”
14 in a society with “an ingrained ideology of
15 social inequality are a deadly combination”
16 that offers little or no improvement in any
17 near future for the poorest of the poor.
18
19
Sri Lanka
20
21 The political economy of Sri Lanka has
22 differed in many ways from that of India and
23 the other countries in the South Asian region.
24 For one thing, a small island republic, it
25 was, during British rule, a classic “tropical”
26 export economy, “an export economy par
27 excellence” (Lakshman, Chapter 23) based on
28 estate tea cultivation and “other primary
29 commodities” such as coconut and rubber.
30 Sri Lanka’s social economy has also differed
31 significantly from that of India in its emphasis
32 on “social expenditures programs,” namely,
33 education, health, and food subsidies. In
34 consequence, Sri Lanka, in sharp contrast to
35 the rest of South Asia has had a very high
36 PQLI (Physical Quality of Life Index), as
37 high as 82 in the early 1980s.
38 In other respects, however, Sri Lanka has
39 followed a somewhat similar track to that of
40 India and other developing economies,
41 namely, a movement from “import substitu-
42 tion” to liberalization. Throughout the post-
43 Independence period, however, the perform-
44 ance of the Sri Lankan economy has been,
45 as Lakshman puts it, “lackluster.” Meanwhile,
46 however, there has been a significant reduc-
47 tion in the share of the economy contributed
48 by primary agricultural production, although
I N T R O D U CT I O N
it remains relatively high even now in both
percentage of GDP and total employment in
the country. The social consequences of the
shift to liberalization policies has, of course,
increased income inequalities, enriching the
already rich and the newly rich and con-
centrating wealth in the hands of entre-
preneurs, politicians, and high level bureau-
crats. Contrariwise, the poverty ratio has
hardly changed during the past 20 years,
remaining at “around 20–25 percent.” Overall,
however, the Sri Lankan combination of a
liberalization regime with significant social
welfare benefits stands in sharp contrast to
the tremendous inequalities and degradation
of life for the poorest in most of India, a
contrast that is starkly visible in the obvious
differences in the quality of human life to
anyone who spends some time in both
countries. That the same combination could
work in India is evident also in the Indian
state of Kerala, where the quality of life is at
least equal to that of Sri Lanka, if not even
better.
Pakistan
In Chapter 6, Burki has noted that, in the
repeated alternations of power between the
military and the politicians in Pakistan,
the latter have failed miserably to promote
either responsible government or economic
development. All the political leaders of the
last several decades, from Bhutto père to
Bhutto fille to Zardari and Nawaz Sharif have
amassed enormous wealth and property by—
to put it mildly—quite dubious means. Burki
has placed great importance on the failures
of the regimes led by the politicians to
produce economic results as favorable as those
produced by the military regimes (with, of
course, American economic aid) as a factor
in the acceptance by the public of the
repeated interventions by the military.
19
PAU L R . B R AS S

Bangladesh minimal. Sri Lanka had only very small military 1

forces. However, in the latter cases, the military 2
Throughout all the political changes, at least
have vastly expanded in size, power, and 3
since the 1990s, and despite the instability
importance since Independence, decisive in 4
and corruption, the Bangladesh economy, still
politics in Bangladesh in fact, although firmly 5
overwhelmingly dominated by the agri-
under the control of the civilian power in Sri 6
cultural sector, has done well, a paradox (Blair,
Lanka. Moreover, the two largest countries in 7
Chapter 7) for which there is no easy
the region, India and Pakistan, have been 8
explanation, although clearly massive foreign
engaged for many years in a nuclear arms race, 9
aid has had a great deal to do with it.
subterranean for decades, but marked by blatant 10
Whatever the reasons, Blair notes that there
displays of their existence from time to time, 11
has been a significant rise in foodgrain
beginning with the travesty of India’s first 12
production during the past two decades,
“peaceful nuclear explosion” in 1974 and 13
which translates into greater “food availability
culminating in the successive nuclear explo- 14
per capita” at reduced prices; some movement
sions by both India and Pakistan in 1998. 15
in “off-farm” sectors such as “transportation,
Neither have the two enemies shrunk on 16
construction, [and] retailing,” leading to some
several occasions from making outright nuclear 17
upswing in wages; and a significant overall
threats (Cohen). 18
drop in “the proportion of rural workers
The dispersion of military forces in South 19
whose primary occupation was in agri-
Asia has, moreover, gone far beyond tradi- 20
culture.” Blair attributes these favorable
tional forms in Weberian states that maintain 21
results to a combination of policy changes
a monopoly of the legitimate use of force. 22
towards a liberalization regime, fortified
There has been, in addition, a proliferation 23
initially by massive foreign aid, both of
of paramilitary forces, some under the control 24
which overrode—providing the paradox—
of the state, others maintained surreptitiously 25
the obvious “misgovernance” in the country
by the state, and still others engaged in 26
since Independence.
rebellion against the state, and in some cases, 27
especially Sri Lanka, in the form of outright 28
civil war. In Nepal, a Maoist insurrectionary 29
Part VII: Comparative chapters
force succeeded in 2007 in holding their 30
own11 against the weak and “ineffective” 31
Civil–military relations
(Cohen) Royal Nepal Army, thereby bringing 32
The similarities and differences among the about the downfall of the king and the 33
states of South Asia are brought out especially transformation of the political regime towards 34
clearly in the comparative chapters in this parliamentary rule. 35
volume. One of the most distressing features Although India has experienced the 36
of “development” in virtually all postcolonial proliferation and dispersion of various military 37
countries has been the growth in importance elements, it has maintained absolute and 38
of the military, not only or even especially unchallenged civilian control over the state 39
to prepare for battle with foreign enemies, military forces. Sri Lanka, too, has largely 40
but for the purpose of controlling their own maintained civilian control over the military, 41
populations and quelling protest movements with the exception of one farcical near coup 42
amongst them. d’état attempt in 1962 that was “called off ” 43
India and Pakistan inherited substantial at the eleventh hour.12 At the same time, the 44
military forces (Cohen, Chapter 24), including very extensive use of the military in dealing 45
considerable elements with experience in battle with “domestic violence” (Cohen) in both 46
in the Second World War. The Bangladesh these countries and the very considerable 47
component of those forces, however, was quite military expenditures lavished on the military 48
20

1 forces in them is part of the common pattern
2 in the region. Moreover, it is rather a well-
3 kept secret that Sikh forces posted in northern
4 India engaged in outright mutiny at the time
5 of the Indian army’s assault on the Golden
6 Temple in Amritsar in 1984 and had to be
7 rounded up as they sought to head towards
8 Amritsar.13
9 mental state, the corruption system promotes
10
Corruption and criminalization
11
12 The differences among the South Asian
13 countries with regard to corruption and the
14 criminalization of politics are rather less than
15 their differences with regard to the role of
16 the military. All countries in the region rank
17 high on the various indexes of global corrup-
18 tion, although Pakistan, Bangladesh, and
19 Nepal persistently rank higher than either
20 India or Sri Lanka.The literature on corrup-
21 tion in South Asia differs in its assessment of
22 its consequences. Kochanek (Chapter 25)
23 argues that it has negative consequences for
24 economic growth, while others suggest that
25 corruption has it uses, not merely in greasing
26 palms, but in greasing the wheels of
27 government to speed up economic develop-
28 ment projects.Thus, the term “speed money”
29 has been used in South Asia, as elsewhere, to
30 summarize its positive effects.
31 Right-wing and laissez-faire economists,
32 of course, blame the developmental state for
33 the high incidence of corruption in post-
34 colonial societies. Kochanek agrees. Further,
35 the stakes have become sufficiently high in
36 the developmental states of South Asia, where
37 control over the distributional resources of
38 the state has become the primary aim of
39 nearly all politicians, so much so that the
40 political process itself has become increasingly
41 criminalized.
42 Any assessment of the state of democratic
43 politics in South Asia that fails to note the
44 pervasiveness of corruption and criminality
45 that permeates all levels of the state and the
46 electoral process itself must be considered
47 deficient. In Bangladesh, criminality and
48 violence are integral to ensuring success in
I N T R O D U CT I O N
elections. In Pakistan, several of its heads of
state have had well-established records of
massive corruption. Even India, where most
heads of state have had reputations for
honesty, Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi, and
Narasimha Rao all had dubious records in
these respects.
Like all other features of the develop-
inequality. The principal beneficiaries are
those who have “money, status, and connec-
tions” (Kochanek). Those who cannot pay,
the poorest, are unlikely to receive even those
benefits that are specifically designated for
them.
Radical and violent political
movements
The states of South Asia, in common with
other postcolonial states, have all faced, and
continue to face violent insurrectionary
movements that challenge the authority,
legitimacy, and/or the boundaries of the
existing states. The parliamentary systems,
India and Sri Lanka—as the chapters on
pluralism and national integration illustrate—
have been no different in this regard from
the others. But there have been other forms
of violent challenge to the states of South
Asia, common primarily to India and Nepal,
namely, challenges to state authority coming
from radical leftist and Communist move-
ments, called in India “Naxalites” and also,
in both India and Nepal, “Maoists.” Nor, as
Banerjee points out in Chapter 26, has India
been able “to resolve them through a demo-
cratic process,” whereas, in Nepal (2008), such
a process is already underway (Hachhethu and
Gellner; see Chapter 9).
But the rebellions against state authority
in India do not threaten the authority and
power of the Indian state to anything like
the extent they have in Nepal. In fact, the
earliest rebellions, including especially those
promoted by the Communist parties in
Telangana and elsewhere, were either defeated
by Indian armed force or their leadership was
21
PAU L R . B R AS S

integrated into the parliamentary process. of rebels and “their sympathizers” in what 1
Both the earlier and the current anti-state are euphemistically called “encounters,” but 2
violence has come from “the most desperate in which the gunfire is only in one direction. 3
segments of the population who have The Indian government has also perfected a 4
remained deprived of the benefits of deve- tactic in the northeast that was used by the 5
lopment following Independence, and who United States in Vietnam: village “pacifica- 6
find that the prevailing ruling system has tion,” which, of course, translates into “razing 7
failed to fulfill its promises” (Banerjee). They of tribal hamlets,” just as the US burned 8
have also drawn support disproportionately Vietnamese villages to the ground. For these 9
from the most marginal segments of society— and so many other reasons noted by Banerjee, 10
especially tribal populations living in the more the Maoists in India cannot achieve the 11
remote areas of the country—while success of their counterparts in Nepal. 12
articulating the broader “demands of the poor 13
and landless peasantry” in general (Banerjee). 14
International politics of South Asia
Reports are periodically published by 15
various groups showing that a large swath of Perhaps the most striking feature of inter- 16
territory down through the middle of the national politics and interstate relations in 17
country has been experiencing or is South Asia is the extent to which they 18
continuing to experience violent insur- arise and are overwhelmingly influenced by 19
rectionary movements, including the assertion domestic considerations. That is to say not 20
of control over isolated pockets.There is even that popular domestic opinion influences 21
a weekly death count for the states of Andhra policy so much as that issues concerning the 22
Pradesh, Bihar, Chattisgarh, Jharkand, and sovereignty and boundaries of the states of 23
Orissa—areas said to be infested by “left-wing the region are all contested. It is also to say 24
extremism”—published by the right-wing, that even relations between the states of South 25
authoritarian online journal, South Asia Asia and extra-regional actors during most 26
Intelligence. Banerjee also asserts that the of the period since Independence have 27
current leading organization promoting revolved around domestic issues. Although 28
“guerilla war” against the Indian state Nehru and his successors sought to formulate 29
maintains effective control over large swaths a distinctive foreign policy in relation to the 30
of Indian territory, exceeding even the area world system, namely, nonalignment, even 31
under the effective control of rebel groups these efforts turned into another aspect of 32
in the northeastern part of India discussed interstate relations in the region. For, whatever 33
by Gurharpal Singh (Chapter 17). As yet, India did, Pakistan did the opposite, in this 34
however, these violent, mostly agrarian case turning towards outright alignment with 35
movements, pose no serious threat to the the United States in the Cold War. This in 36
stability and power of the Indian state, which turn influenced India’s own policies, which 37
retains the capacity, if it chooses to exercise increasingly then “tilted” towards semi- 38
it with full force, to decimate, if not crush alignment with the Soviet Union, culminating 39
them all.The government of India also retains in the 1971 Friendship Treaty, which also 40
the nonviolent ability, successfully exercised arose at a time when India was about to go 41
from time to time, to adopt “reformist to war to dismember Pakistan. 42
measures” (Banerjee) that undercut move- The states of the region, the least integrated 43
ments against its authority. At present, region in the world, where even trade 44
however, the tendency on the part of the relations and travel from one state to the other 45
GOI is more towards the use of increased have often been highly restricted, have sought 46
force that includes the tried and tested Indian external relations and alliances not only or 47
police tactic of cornering and killing groups even primarily for their own sake, but to 48
22

1 counter the moves of regional enemies and/or
2 dependencies.
3 The linchpin around which so much has
4 turned in South Asian history and inter-
5 national politics is, of course, the unending
6 conflict between India and Pakistan over the
7 status of Kashmir, which, in turn, has been
8 so bitter because it reflects the fundamental
9 conflict over the very definition of the two
10 states and even—in the eyes of many in
11 India—not just who should have sovereignty
12 over Kashmir but whether Pakistan itself
13 even has the right to exist.This conflict alone
14 has spawned four wars between the two
15 countries, including one that led to the
16 breakup of Pakistan and the creation of
17 Bangladesh as an independent state.
18 Further, the policies of the states are heavily
19 influenced by internal domestic conflicts such
20 as those described in several chapters in this
21 volume, and discussed earlier. As Hewitt has
22 put it: “The states of South Asia . . . must be
23 concerned as much with securing the state
24 from its own populations as from other states,
25 and from competing sub-nationalist claims
26 and ethnic separatism” (see Chapter 27).
27 Moreover, the interplay between domestic
28 and international considerations in South
29 Asia, most especially between India and
30 Pakistan, continues to be reflected in the
31 current “War on Terror,” which, like the older
32 Cold War, draws into its net states around
33 the world that make use of it to pursue their
34 own interests. So, India now seeks to tar
35 Pakistan with the brush of support for
36 “terrorists” in what its leaders describe as
37 cross-border attacks in Indian-held Kashmir
38 and bomb attacks within India itself while
39 Pakistan, as always, supports American
40 interests largely for the sake of feeding the
41 insatiable demands of its army, whose eyes
42 are always turned primarily towards India and
43 Kashmir and preparation for the next war
44 with India. In this contest, the “subtext,” as
45 it were, in America’s war against terrorism
46 in Afghanistan is the struggle between India
47 and Pakistan for influence and control in that
48 country.
I N T R O D U CT I O N
Neither has this interpenetration of
domestic concerns and regional interstate
relations been restricted to Indo-Pakistan
relations.They affect as well relations between
these two countries with the other states of
the region, each of the two large states
opposing whatever action the other takes in
Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan or even
in the Maldives. However, in relation to all
these states, India remains the predominant
power, far overshadowing Pakistan, despite
the fact that relations between India and
Bangladesh have deteriorated considerably
since the halcyon days of India’s support for
Bangladesh’s Independence and that India’s
dominance and intervention have also been
resented in Nepal and Sri Lanka from time
to time.
Notes
1 Personal communication.
2 Especially important in this regard have been
the movements launched by the militant
Hindu organizations that are ostensibly non-
violent, but are in fact deliberately provocative
and generally productive either of violence
between Hindus and Muslims or outright
victimization and killing of Muslims, with the
aid of the police.
3 The leading source of such writings is the
Center for the Study of Developing Societies
(CSDS) in Delhi, and especially those of
Yogendra Yadav.
4 Paul R. Brass, Caste, Faction, and Party in Indian
Politics, Vol. II: Election Studies (New Delhi:
Chanakya, 1985).
5 Kanchan Chandra, Why Ethnic Parties Succeed,
Patronage and Ethnic Head Counts in India
(Cambridge: University Press, 2004).
6 Paul R. Brass, “Pluralism, Regionalism and
Decentralizing Tendencies in Contemporary
Indian Politics,” in A. Jeyaratnam Wilson and
Dennis Dalton (eds), The States of South Asia:
Problems of National Integration (London: Hurst,
1982), pp. 223–64; revised and updated in Paul
R. Brass, Ethnicity and Nationalism: Theory and
Comparison (New Delhi: Sage, 1991),
pp. 114–66.
23
PAU L R . B R AS S

7 Paul R. Brass, Language, Religion, and Politics Nepal army, “but they were not capable of 1
in North India (Cambridge: University Press, overrunning it—and it was the realization that 2
1974). military victory was not possible, along with 3
8 Mukulika Banerjee, The Pathan Unarmed strong pressure from India, which persuaded 4
(Oxford: James Currey, 2000). the Maoist leaders to join the parties in
5
9 Rupert Emerson, From Empire to Nation: The overthrowing the King.”
6
Rise to Self-Assertion of Asian and African Peoples 12 Donald Horowitz, Coup Theories and Officers’
(Boston: Beacon, 1960), p. 297. Motives: Sri Lanka in Comparative Perspective 7
10 Comment from David Gellner. (Princeton, NJ: University Press, 1980). 8
11 In a personal communication, Gellner notes 13 Personal interview. 9
that the Maoists “held their own” against the 10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
24
 1
2
3
4
5
6 Bibliography
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19 Abbas, Sohail. Probing the Jihadi Mind. Islamabad: Ahmadi, A. M. “Federalism Revisited,” in Pran
National Book Foundation, 2007. Chopra, The Supreme Court versus the
20
Adams, Vincanne. Doctors for Democracy: Health Constitution: A Challenge to Federalism. New
21 Delhi: Sage, 2006.
Professionals in the Nepal Revolution. Cambridge:
22 University Press, 1998. Ahmed, Feroz. Ethnicity and Politics in Pakistan.
23 Adeney,Katharine.“What Comes after Musharraf?,” Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1998.
24 Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. 6, No. 1 Ahmed, Feroz. Ethnicity and Politics in Pakistan.
25 (Fall/Winter 2007), pp. 41–9. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999.
26 Adeney, Katharine. Federalism and Ethnic Conflict Ahmed, Ishtiaq.“The Concept of an Islamic State.”
27 Regulation in India and Pakistan. New York: Ph.D. dissertation, University of Stockholm;
28 Palgrave Macmillan, 2007. published by Edsbruk, 1985.
29 Afzal, Rafiq. Political Parties in Pakistan: 1947–1958. Ahmed, Ishtiaq. State, Nation and Ethnicity in
30 Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Contemporary South Asia.London and NewYork:
Cultural Studies, 1998. Pinter, 1996.
31
Aggarwal, S. Three Language Formula:An Educational Ahmed, Munirm. From Jinnah to Zia. Lahore:
32 Vanguard, 1980.
Problem. New Delhi: Gian, 1991.
33 Agnihotri, R. K.“Identity and Multilinguality:The Ahmed, N. and Sheikh Z. Ahmad, “The
34 Case of India,”in Amy B.Tsui and James Tollefson Parliamentary Elections in Bangladesh,October
35 (eds),Language Policy,Culture,and Identity in Asian 2001,” Electoral Studies, Vol. 22, No. 3 (2003),
36 Contexts. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, 2007. pp. 503–9.
37 Agrawal,Arun.“The Indian Parliament,” in Devesh Ahmed, Naimuddin. “The Problems of the
38 Kapur and Pratap Bhanu Mehta (eds), Public Independence of the Judiciary in Bangladesh,”in
39 Institutions in India:Performance and Design.Delhi: Bangladesh Institute of Law and International
40 Oxford University Press, 2005. Affairs (BILIA), Human Rights in Bangladesh: A
41 Ahluwalia, Isher J. and Wahiduddin Mahmud (eds). Study of Standards and Practices. Dhaka: BILIA,
“Economic Transformation and Social 2001.
42
Development in Bangladesh,” Economic Political Ahmed, Nizam. “Bangladesh,” in Dieter Nohlen,
43 Weekly,Vol. 39, No. 36 (4 September, 2004), pp. Florian Grotz and Christof Hartmann (eds),
44 4,009–52. Elections in Asia and the Pacific:A Data Handbook,
45 Ahmad Khan, Hussain. Re-thinking Punjab: The Vol. 1: Middle East, Central Asia, and South Asia.
46 Construction of Siraiki Identity. Lahore: National New York: Oxford University Press, 2001, pp.
47 College of the Arts, 2004. 515–52.
48
423
B I B LIOG RAPHY

Ahmed,Nizam.“From Monopoly to Competition: Albright, David. “India’s Military Plutonium 1

Party Politics in the Bangladesh Parliament Inventory, End 2004,” Institute for Science and 2
(1973–2001),” Pacific Affairs, Vol. 76, No. 1 International Security, 7 May, 2005. 3
(2003), pp. 55–77. Ali, Chaudhri Muhammad.The Emergence of Pakistan. 4
Ahmed,Raisuddin.“Rice Economy of Bangladesh: New York: Columbia University Press, 1967. 5
Progress and Prospects,” Economic and Political Ali, Fazal et al. Report of the States Linguistic
Weekly, Vol. 39, No. 36 (4 September, 2004), 6
Reorganization Commission. New Delhi:
pp. 4,043–52. Government of India, 1955.
7
Ahmed, Raisuddin, Steven Haggblade and Tawfiq- Ali,Imran.The Punjab under Imperialism,1885–1947. 8
e-Elahi Chowdhury (eds), Out of the Shadow of Princeton, NJ: University Press, 1988. 9
Famine: Evolving Food Markets and Food Policy in Ali, Tariq. Can Pakistan Survive? Harmondsworth: 10
Bangladesh. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Penguin, 1983. 11
University Press, 2000. All India Judges’Association v Union of India (2002) 4 12
Ahmed,Samina.“The Fragile Base of Democracy in SCC 247. 13
Pakistan,” in Amita Shastri and A. Jeyaratnam Amarasinghe,Y. Ranjith. Revolutionary Idealism and 14
Wilson (eds),The Post-colonial States of South Asia: Parliamentary Politics:A Study of Trotskyism in Sri
Democracy, Development and Identity. New York:
15
Lanka. Colombo: Social Scientists Association,
Palgrave, 2001, pp. 41–68. 16
1998.
Alailima, Patricia.“Social Policy in Sri Lanka,” in W. 17
Ambedkar, B. R. Thoughts on Linguistic States.
D.Lakshman (ed.),Dilemmas of Development:Fifty Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1955. 18
Years of Economic Change in Sri Lanka. Colombo: Amin, Tahir. Ethno-national Movements of Pakistan: 19
Sri Lanka Association of Economists, 1997. Domestic and International Factors. Islamabad: 20
Alailima, Patricia. “The Human Development Institute of Policy Studies, 1988. 21
Perspective,” in W. D. Lakshman and C.A.Tisdell Amnesty International.India:Torture,Rape,and Death 22
(eds), Sri Lanka’s Development since Independence: in Custody.London:Amnesty International,1992. 23
Socio-economic Perspectives and Analyses.NewYork: Anand, S. “Sanskrit, English and Dalits,” Economic 24
Nova Science, 2000. and Political Weekly,Vol.34,No.30 (24 July,1999),
Alam, Javeed. Who Wants Democracy? Delhi: Orient 25
pp. 2,053–56. 26
Longman, 2004. Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities:
Alam,Muzaffar.The Crisis of Empire in Mughal North 27
Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism.
India:Awadh and the Punjab, 1707–1748. Delhi: 28
London and New York:Verso, 1983.
Oxford University Press, 1986. Anderson, Perry. Lineages of the Absolutist State. 29
Alam, S. M. Nurul. Whose Public Action? Analysing 30
London: New Left Books, 1974.
Inter-sectoral Collaboration for Service Delivery. 31
Annamalai, E. “Language Choice in Education:
Dhaka:International Development Department, 32
Conflict Resolution in Indian Courts,”Language
2007. Available at: http://www.idd.bham.ac.
Science,Vol. 20, No. 1 (1998), pp. 29–43. 33
uk/service-providers/downloads/Bangladesh
Annamalai, E. Managing Multilingualism in India: 34
History.pdf (accessed 12 August, 2007).
Political and Linguistic Manifestations. New Delhi: 35
Alavi, Hamza. “Pakistan and Islam: Ethnicity and
Sage, 2001. 36
Ideology,” in Fred Halliday and Hamza Alavi
Annamalai, E. “Medium of Power: The Question 37
(eds), State and Ideology in the Middle East and
of English in Education,” in James W.Tollefson
Pakistan. London: Macmillan, and New York: 38
and Amy B. M.Tsui (eds), Medium of Instruction
Monthly Review Press, 1987. 39
Policies:Which Agenda? Whose Agenda? Mahwah,
Alavi, Hamza. “Politics of Ethnicity in Pakistan,” 40
NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2004.
Pakistan Progressive, Vol.9,No.1 (Summer 1987), 41
pp. 4–25. Annual Report of the Sindh Provincial Muslim League
for 1943–4, Shamsul Hasan Collection 1:24 42
Alavi,Hamza.“Authoritarianism and Legitimacy of
(private collection held in Karachi). 43
State Power in Pakistan,” in Subrata Mitra (ed.),
The Postcolonial State in South Asia. London: Anonymous. “Is the Union Budget a Federal 44
Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1990. Budget?,” Economic and Political Weekly,Vol. 43, 45
Alavi, Hamza and John Harriss (eds). Sociology No. 10 (8 March, 2008), p. 5. 46
of Developing Societies. London: Macmillan, Ansari, Massoud. “Between Tribe and Country,” 47
1989. Himal (Kathmandu),Vol. 20, No. 5 (May 2007). 48
424
 B I B LIOG RAPHY

1 Ansari, Sarah. Life after Partition: Migration, Banerjee, Mukulika. The Pathan Unarmed. Oxford:
2 Community and Strife in Sindh 1947–1962. James Currey, 2000.
3 Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2005. Banerjee,Sumanta.In the Wake of Naxalbari.Calcutta:
4 Arab Ahmadhia Abdulla v Arab Bail Humuna Subarnarekha, 1980.
Saiyadbhai, AIA (1988) Guj 141. Banfield, Edward C. The Moral Basis of a Backward
5
Arasaratnam, Sinnappah. Review of Sri Lanka: Society. New York: Free Press, 1958.
6
From Dominion to Republic, by Lucy M. Jacob, Bangladesh,cases,Aftabuddin v Bangladesh 48 (1996)
7 Pacific Affairs,Vol. 47, No. 4 (Winter 1974–75), DLR HCD 1.
8 pp. 567–8. Bangladesh, cases, Aftabuddin v Habibul Awal, Writ
9 Ashton, S. R. British Policy towards the Indian States, Petition No. 6219 of 2007, judgment dated 18
10 1905–1939. London: Curzon Press, 1982. February, 2007.
11 Associates in Rural Development (ARD). Bangladesh, cases, Anwar Hossain Chowdhury v
12 Bangladesh: Knowledge, Attitudes and Practices: Bangladesh,Jalaluddin v Bangladesh,Ibrahim Shaikh
13 National Survey Covering Democracy and v Bangladesh (1989) BLD (1) Special.
14 Governance Issues. Burlington, VT: ARD, for Bangladesh, cases, Bangladesh v Idrisur Rahman
15 USAID/Bangladesh, 2004. (1999) BLD (AD) 1.
Austin, Granville. The Indian Constitution. Oxford: Bangladesh, cases, Commissioner of Taxes v Justice S.
16
Clarendon Press, 1966. Ahmed 42 DLR (AD) 163 (exemption of Supreme
17
Austin, Granville. Working a Democratic Constitution: Court judge’s salary from payment of tax).
18 The Indian Experience. Oxford: University Press, Bangladesh, cases, Dr.Ahmed Hossain v Shamsul Huq
19 1999. Chowdhury 48 DLR 155.
20 Azad,Maulana.India Wins Freedom.London:Sangam Bangladesh, cases, Idrisur Rahman v Bangladesh
21 Books, 1988. (1999) BLD 29.
22 Bailey, Frederick G. “Politics and Society in Bangladesh, cases, Idrisur Rahman v Bangladesh,Writ
23 Contemporary Orissa,” in Cyril Phillips (ed.), Petition No. 1543 of 2003.
24 Politics and Society in India. London: Allen & Bangladesh,cases,Idrisur Rahman v Secretary,Minister
25 Unwin, 1963. of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs, Writ
26 Bailey, Sydney D. Far Eastern Survey,Vol. 17, No. 21 Petition No. 1543 of 2003, judgment dated 17
(3 November, 1948), pp. 251–54. July, 2008.
27
Bakht, Farid. “Army Entrenches Itself in Bangladesh, cases, Masdar Hossain v Bangladesh
28
Bangladesh,”Economic and Political Weekly,Vol.42, (2000) BLD (AD) 104 Per Mostafa Kamal J.
29 No. 29 (21 July, 2007), pp. 2991–92. Bangladesh, cases, Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan v The
30 Balagopal, K. “Kashmir: Self-Determination, Federation of Pakistan, PLD (1955) Sind 96.
31 Communal and Democratic Rights,” Economic Bangladesh, cases, Md. Idrisur Rahman v Bangladesh
32 and Political Weekly, 2 November, 1997, and Others,Writ Petition No. 3228 of 2008.
33 pp. 2,916–21. Bangladesh, cases, Secretary, Ministry of Finance v Md.
34 Balasingham, Anton. War and Peace in Sri Lanka: Masdar Hossain and Others, 20 BLD (2000) (AD)
35 Armed Struggle and Peace Efforts of Liberation Tigers. 141.
36 Mitcham, UK: Fairmax, 2004. Bangladesh Judicial Service Code of Criminal
37 Banavar, Pavithra and Nicholas Howenstein. “The Procedure (Amendment) Ordinance 2007.
Future of Democracy in Bangladesh,”USI Peace Bangladesh Judicial Service Commission Rules,
38
Briefing, United States Institute of Peace, 2004 (notified on 28 January, 2004).
39
Washington, DC, March 2007. Bangladesh Judicial Service (Pay Commission)
40 Bandaranaike v Weeraratne (1981) 1 SLR 10. Rules 2007.
41 Bandhua Mukti Morcha v Union of India (1984) 3 Bangladesh Judicial Service (Posting, Promotion,
42 SCC 161. Leave, Control, Discipline and Other Service
43 Banerjee,Abhijit.“The Paradox of Indian Growth: Conditions) Rules 2007.
44 A Comment on Kochar et al.,” Mimeo, MIT, Bangladesh Judicial Service (Service Constitution,
45 2006. Available at www.mit.edu/faculty/down Composition, Recruitment and Suspension,
46 load_pdf.php?id+1340. Dismissal and Removal) Rules 2007.
47 Banerjee, Aloke. Inside MCC Country. Calcutta: K. Baral, Lok Raj. Oppositional Politics in Nepal. New
48 Das, 2003. Delhi:Abhinav Publishing House, 1977.

425
B I B LIOG RAPHY

Baral, Lok Raj. Nepal: Problems of Governance. New Bayly, C. A. Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaars: North 1
Delhi: Konark Publishers, 1993. Indian Society in the Age of British Expansion, 2
Baral,Lok Raj.The Regional Paradox:Essays in Nepali 1770–1780.Cambridge:University Press,1983. 3
and South Asian Affairs. Delhi: Adroit, 2000. Bayly, Christopher Alan. Empire and Information: 4
Baral,Lok Raj,Krishna Hachhethu and Hari Sharma. Intelligence Gathering and Social Information in
5
Leadership in Nepal. New Delhi:Adroit, 2001. India, 1780–1870. New York: Cambridge
Bardhan,Pranab.The Political Economy of Development University Press, 1996.
6
in India. Oxford: Blackwell, 1984. Bayly, Christopher. Origins of Nationality in South 7
Bardhan,Pranab.The Political Economy of Development Asia. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998. 8
in India, 2nd edition. Delhi: Oxford University Beames, John. Memoirs of a Bengal Civilian. London: 9
Press, 1998. Eland, 2003 [1961]. 10
Barlas, Asma.Democracy,Nationalism and Communalism: Begum Nusrat Bhutto v The Chief of Army Staff and 11
The Colonial Legacy in South Asia. Boulder, CO: Federation of Pakistan, PLD (1974) Lahore 7. 12
Westview, 1995. Belge, Ceren. “Friends of the Court: The 13
Barnett, Michael. “Sovereignty, Nationalism and Republican Alliance and Selective Activism of
14
Regional Order in the Arab State System,” in the Constitutional Court of Turkey,” Law and
Thomas J. Biersteker and Cynthia Weber (eds), Society Review,Vol. 40, No. 3 (2006), pp. 653–92.
15
State Sovereignty:A Social Construct. Cambridge: Benazir Bhutto v Federation of Pakistan and Another, 16
University Press, 1996, pp. 148–89. PLD (1988) Supreme Court 416. 17
Barnett, Michael. “Historical Sociology and Benazir Bhutto v Federation of Pakistan and Another, 18
Constructivism: An Estranged Past, a Federated PLD (1989) Supreme Court 66. 19
Future?,” in Stephen Hobden and John M. Bendix, Reinhard. Kings or People: Power and the 20
Hobson, Historical Sociology of International Mandate to Rule. Berkeley: University of 21
Relations. Cambridge: University Press, 2002, California Press, 1978. 22
pp. 99–119. Bennett-Jones, Owen. Pakistan: Eye of the Storm. 23
Bastian,Sunil.Ideology and the Constitution.Colombo: New Delhi:Viking, 2002.
24
International Centre for Ethnic Studies, 1996. Besley, Tim, Robin Burgess and Berta Esteve-
Bastian, Sunil. “Foreign Aid, Globalization and Volart. “Operationalising Pro-Poor Growth: A 25
Conflict in Sri Lanka,” in Markus Mayer, Darini Country Case Study on India,”Mimeo,Working 26
Rajasingham-Senanayake and Yuvi Thangarajah Paper of Department of Economics, London 27
(eds),Building Local Capacities for Peace:Rethinking School of Economics, 2004.Available at: www. 28
Conflict and Development in Sri Lanka. Delhi: lse.ac.uk/collections/LSEIndia/pdf/propoor 29
Macmillan, 2003. growth.pdf. 30
Bastian,Sunil.The Politics of Foreign Aid in Sri Lanka: Béteille, André. Caste, Class and Power: Changing 31
Promoting Markets and Supporting Peace. Patterns of Stratification in a Tanjore Village. 32
Colombo: International Center for Ethnic Berkeley: University of California Press, (1965).
33
Studies, 2007. Béteille, André. Castes: Old and New. Bombay: Asia
Baviskar, Amita. In the Belly of the River: Tribal Publishing House, 1969.
34
Conflicts over Development in the Narmada Valley. Béteille,André.The Backward Classes in Contemporary 35
New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995. India.New Delhi:Oxford University Press,1992. 36
Baxi, Upendra.“Taking Suffering Seriously: Social Bhagwati, Jagdish. India in Transition: Freeing the 37
Action Litigation in the Supreme Court of Economy. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993. 38
India,” in Rajeev Dhavan, R. Sudarshan and Bhaurao Lokhande v State of Maharashtra,AIA (1965) 39
Salman Khurshid (eds), Judges and the Judicial SC 1564. 40
Power. Bombay:Tripathi, 1985. Bhushan, Prashant. “Judicial Accountability or 41
Baxi,Upendra.“The Rule of Law in India,”SUR— Illusion?,” Economic and Political Weekly,Vol. 61, 42
Revista Internacional de Direitos Humanos,Vol. 6, No. 47 (25 November, 2006), pp. 4,847–48.
43
No. 4 (2007), pp. 6–27. Biplabi Yug. New People’s Power in Dandakaranya.
Baxter, Craig. Bangladesh: From a Nation to a State. Calcutta: Biplabi Yug, 2000. 44
Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1997. Blair, Harry. “Sheikh Mujib and Déjà Vu in East 45
Bayes, Abdul. “Beneath the Surface: Why Is the Bengal: The Tragedies of 25 March,” Economic 46
Price of Rice So High?,” Daily Star, 24 August, and Political Weekly,Vol. 6, No. 52 (25 December 47
2008. 1971), pp. 2,555–62. 48
426
 B I B LIOG RAPHY

1 Blair, Harry.“Politics, Civil Society and Governance Brass, Paul R.“Development of an Institutionalised
2 in Bangladesh,”in Rounaq Jahan (ed.),Bangladesh: Riot System in Meerut City, 1961 to 1982,”
3 Promise and Performance. London: Zed Books, and Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 39, No. 44
4 Dhaka: University Press, 2000, pp. 181–217. (30 October, 2004), pp. 4,839–48.
Blair, Harry.“Civil Society and Pro-poor Initiatives Brass, Paul R. Language, Religion and Politics in North
5
at the Local Level in Bangladesh: Finding a India. Cambridge: University Press, 1974; reprint
6
Workable Strategy,” World Development,Vol. 33, edition, Lincoln, NE: iUniverse, 2005.
7 No. 6 (2005), pp. 921–36. Brecher, Michael. India and World Politics: Krishna
8 Blair, Harry, Robert Charlick, Rezaul Haque, Menon. Oxford: University Press, 1959.
9 Manzoor Hasan and Nazmul Lalimullah. Breman, Jan. “Mobilisation of Landless Labourers:
10 Democracy and Governance: Strategic Assessment of Halpatis of South Gujarat,” Economic and Political
11 Bangladesh, Report for USAID/Bangladesh. Weekly, Vol. 9, No. 12 (23 March, 1974),
12 Burlington,VT: ARD, October 2004. pp. 489–96.
13 Borre, Ole, Sushil Raj Pandey and Chitra Krishna Breman, Jan. Patronage and Exploitation: Changing
14 Tiwari. Nepalese Political Behaviour. New Delhi: Agrarian Relations in South Gujarat. Berkeley:
15 Sterling, 1994. University of California Press, 1974.
Bose, Ashish. “Beyond Population Projections: Breman,Jan.Peasants,Migrants and Paupers:Capitalist
16
Growing North–South Disparity,” Economic and Production and Labour Circulation in West India.
17
Political Weekly,Vol. 42, No.15 (14 April, 2007), Oxford: Clarendon Press, and Delhi: Oxford
18 pp. 1,327–29. University Press, 1985.
19 Bose, Sumantra. Kashmir: Roots of Conflict, Path to Breman, Jan. Wage Hunters and Gatherers. Delhi:
20 Peace. Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard Oxford University Press, 1994.
21 University Press, 2003. Breman, Jan. Footloose Labour: Working in India’s
22 Bourdieu,Pierre.Language and Symbolic Power,trans. Informal Economy. Cambridge: University Press,
23 Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson. 1996.
24 Cambridge: Polity, 1992. Breman,Jan.“The Study of Indian Industrial Labour
25 Boustany, Nora. “Bombings Force Bangladesh in Post-colonial India,” in Jonathan Parry et al.
26 Envoy Home,”Washington Post,19 August,2005. (eds), The World of Industrial Labourers in India.
Brass, Paul R. “Party Systems and Government New Delhi: Sage, 2002.
27
Stability in the Indian States,” American Political Breman, Jan. The Labouring Poor in India. Delhi and
28
Science Review,Vol. 71, No. 4 (December 1977). Oxford: University Press, 2003.
29 Brass, Paul R. Caste, Faction, and Party in Indian Breman, Jan. “Return of Social Inequality: A
30 Politics, Vol. II: Election Studies. New Delhi: Fashionable Doctrine,” Economic and Political
31 Chanakya, 1985. Weekly,Vol. 39, No. 35 (28 August, 2004), pp.
32 Brass, Paul R. The Politics of India since Independence. 3,869–72.
33 Cambridge: University Press, 1990. Breman, Jan. Labour Bondage in West India: From Past
34 Brass, Paul R. Ethnicity and Nationalism:Theory and to Present. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2007.
35 Comparison. New Delhi: Sage, 1991. Breman, Jan. The Poverty Regime in Village India: Half
36 Brass, Paul R. “Pluralism, Regionalism and a Century of Working and Life at the Bottom of the
37 Decentralizing Tendencies in Contemporary Rural Economy in South Gujarat. Delhi: Oxford
Indian Politics,” in A. Jeyaratnam Wilson and University Press, 2007.
38
Dennis Dalton (eds), The States of South Asia: Brown, Judith M. Gandhi’s Rise to Power: Indian
39
Problems of National Integration. London: Hurst, Politics, 1915–1922. Cambridge: University
40 1982, pp. 223–64; updated in Paul R. Brass, Press, 1972.
41 Ethnicity and Nationalism:Theory and Comparison. Brown, Judith M. Modern India: The Origins of an
42 New Delhi and Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 1991. Asian Democracy.Oxford:University Press,1994.
43 Brass, Paul R. The Politics of India since Independence, Brown, Judith M. Modern India: The Origins of an
44 2nd edition. Cambridge: University Press, Asian Democracy, 2nd edition.Oxford:University
45 1994. Press, 1995.
46 Brass, Paul R. The Production of Hindu–Muslim Brown, Michael E. and Sumit Ganguly.
47 Violence in Contemporary India.Seattle:University “Introduction,” in Michael E. Brown and Sumit
48 of Washington Press, 2003. Ganguly (eds), Government Policies and Ethnic

427
B I B LIOG RAPHY

Relations in Asia and the Pacific. Cambridge, MA: Chatterjee, Partha. The Politics of the Governed: 1
MIT Press, 1997. Reflections on Popular Politics in Most of the 2
Brown, T. Louise. The Challenge to Democracy in World. New York: Columbia University Press, 3
Nepal: A Political History. London: Routledge, 2004. 4
1996. Chauhan, R. S. The Political Development in
5
Burki,Shahid Javed.Pakistan under Bhutto,1971–77. Nepal 1950–70: Conflict between Tradition and
6
London:Macmillan,and NewYork:St.Martin’s, Modernity. New Delhi: Associated Publishing
1980. House, 1971. 7
Burki,Shahid Javed.Pakistan:A Nation in the Making. Chen, S. and Martin Ravallion. “The Developing 8
Boulder, CO:Westview, 1983. World is Poorer than we Thought, but no less 9
Burki,Shahid Javed and Craig Baxter.Pakistan under Successful in the Fight against Poverty.” World 10
the Military: Eleven Years of Zia ul-Haq. Boulder, Bank, Policy Research Working Paper 4703, 11
CO:Westview, 1991. 2008. 12
Butalia, Urvashi. The Other Side of Silence:Voices from Chhibber, Pradeep and John R. Petrocik. “Social 13
the Partition of India. New Delhi: Penguin, 1998. Cleavages, Elections, and the Indian Party 14
Byres, Terrence et al. (eds), Special issue on rural System,” in Richard Sisson and Ramashray Roy
15
labour, Journal of Peasant Studies,Vol. 26, Nos. (eds), Diversity and Dominance in Indian Politics,
16
2–3 (1999). Vol. 1. New Delhi: Sage, 1990.
Chiriyankandath, James. “Bounded Nationalism: 17
Cameron,Charles M.“Judicial Independence:How
Can You Tell It When You See It? And, Who Kerala and the Social and Regional Limits of 18
Cares?,” in Stephen B. Burbank and Barry Hindutva,” in Thomas Blom Hansen and 19
Friedman (eds), Judicial Independence at the Christophe Jaffrelot (eds), The BJP and the 20
Crossroads:An Interdisciplinary Approach.Thousand Compulsions of Politics in India. Delhi: Oxford 21
Oaks, CA: Sage, 2002. University Press, 1998. 22
Centre for the Study of Developing Societies. State Chiriyankandath, James and Andrew Wyatt. “The 23
of Democracy in South Asia: A Report. Delhi: NDA and Indian Foreign Policy,” in Katharine 24
Oxford University Press, 2008. Adeney and Lawrence Sáez (eds), Coalition 25
Chadda, Maya. Ethnicity, Security and Separatism in Politics and Hindu Nationalism. London:
26
India. New York: Columbia University Press, Routledge, 2005, pp. 193–212.
27
1997. Chopra, Pran. The Supreme Court v. the Constitution.
New Delhi: Sage, 2001. 28
Chakrabarty,Prafulla.The Marginal Men:The Refugees
and the Left Political Syndrome in West Bengal. Choudhary, Sujit and Claire E. Hunter.“Measuring 29
Kalyani: Lumière Books, 1990. Judicial Activism on the Supreme Court of 30
Chanda, Ashok. Federalism in India: A Study of Canada: A Comment on Newfoundland 31
Union–State Relations.London:Oxford University (Treasury Board) v. Nape,” McGill Law Journal, 32
Press, 1966. Vol. 48 (2003). 33
Chandra, Kanchan. Why Ethnic Parties Succeed: Clapham, Christopher. Africa and the International 34
Patronage and Ethnic Head Counts in India. System:The Politics of State Survival. Cambridge: 35
Cambridge: University Press, 2004. University Press, 1996. 36
Chari, P. R., Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema and Stephen P. Cmd 3131, Command papers 3131. Ceylon: Report
37
Cohen. Four Crises and a Peace Process: American of the Special Commission on the Constitution of
38
Engagement in South Asia. Washington, DC: Ceylon, July 1928. London: His Majesty’s
Stationery Office, 1928. 39
Brookings Institution Press, 2007.
Chatterjee,Partha.A Possible World:Essays in Political Code of Criminal Procedure (Bangladesh), 1898. 40
Criticism. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, Code of Criminal Procedure (East Pakistan 41
1977. Amendment) Act (Act XXXVI of 1957). 42
Chatterjee, Partha. The Nation and its Fragments: Hamoodur Rahman Law Commission 43
Colonial and Postcolonial Histories. Princeton, NJ: 1967–1970. 44
University Press, 1993. Cohen, Craig and Derek Chollet. “When $10 45
Chatterjee, Partha. Nationalist Thought and the Billion Is Not Enough:Rethinking U.S.Strategy 46
Colonial World. New Delhi: Oxford University toward Pakistan,” Washington Quarterly,Vol. 30, 47
Press, 1998. No. 2 (2007), pp. 7–19.
48
428
 B I B LIOG RAPHY

1 Cohen, Stephen P. The Indian Army: Its Contribution Crystal, David. Language Death. Cambridge:
2 to the Development of a Nation, revised edition. University Press, 2000.
3 New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1990. Dalrymple, William. The White Mughals: Love and
4 Cohen, Stephen P. The Pakistan Army. Berkeley: Betrayal in Eighteenth Century India. New Delhi:
University of California Press, 1984, and Penguin, 2002.
5
Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1992; revised Damas, Marius. Approaching Naxalbari. Calcutta:
6
edition 1998. Radical Impression, 1991.
7 Cohen, Stephen P. The Idea of Pakistan. New Delhi: Dandekar, V. M. and Nilkanth Rath. “Poverty in
8 Oxford University Press,2004,Washington,DC: India: Dimensions and Trends,” Economic and
9 Brookings Institution Press, 2004 and Lahore: Political Weekly,Vol.VI, No. 1 (2 January, 1971),
10 Vanguard, 2005. pp. 25–48, 106–46.
11 Cohen, Stephen P. and Sunil Dasgupta. Indian Daniel, E.Valentine. Charred Lullabies: Chapters in an
12 Military Modernization. Washington, DC: Anthropography of Violence. Princeton, NJ:
13 Brookings Institution Press, forthcoming. University Press, and New Delhi: Oxford
14 Cohn,Bernard S.“The Command of Language and University Press, 1997.
15 the Language of Command,” in Ranajit Guha Das, Gobind.“The Supreme Court:An Overview,”
(ed.), Subaltern Studies IV: Writings on South in B. N. Kirpal, Ashok H. Desai, Gopal
16
Asian History and Society. Delhi: Oxford Subramanium, Rajeev Dhavan and Raju
17
University Press, 1988. Ramachandran (eds), Supreme but not Infallible:
18 Coll, Steve. Ghost Wars:The Secret History of the CIA, Essays in Honour of the Supreme Court of India.
19 Afghanistan,and Bin Laden,from the Soviet Invasion New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000.
20 to 10 September, 2001. NewYork: Penguin, 2004. Das, Gurcharan. India Unbound: The Social and
21 Committee for History of Andhra Movement. Economic Revolution from Independence to the Global
22 History of Andhra Movement (2 vols.). Hyderabad: Information Age. New York:Anchor, 2002.
23 Government of Andhra Pradesh, 1985. Dasgupta, Biplab. The Naxalite Movement. New
24 Committee of Concerned Citizens. Third Report, Delhi:Allied, 1973.
25 1997–2002. Hyderabad: S. R. Sankaran, Dasgupta, Jyotirindra. Language Conflict and National
26 2002. Development.Berkeley and London:University of
Coomaraswamy, Radhika. Sri Lanka:The Crisis of California Press, 1970.
27
Anglo-American Constitutional Traditions in a Dasgupta, Jyotirindra. “Democracy, Development
28
Developing Society. New Delhi: Vikas, 1984. and Federalism: Some Implications of
29 Coomaraswamy, R. “Devolution, the Law, and Constructive Constitutionalism in India,” in
30 Judicial Construction,” in Sunil Bastian (ed.), Subrata K.Mitra and Ditmar Rothermund (eds),
31 Devolution and Development. Colombo: Legitimacy and Conflict in South Asia. New Delhi:
32 International Centre for Ethnic Studies, 1994. Manohar, 1997, pp. 82–103.
33 Coomaraswamy,Radhika and Neelan Tiruchelvam. Deaton, Angus and Jean Drèze. “Poverty and
34 The Role of the Judiciary in Plural Societies. Delhi: Inequality in India: A Re-examination,”
35 Palgrave Macmillan, 1987. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 37, No. 36
36 Coppedge, Michael. Strong Parties and Lame Ducks: (7 September, 2002), pp. 3,729–48.
37 Presidential Partyarchy and Factionalism in Deaton, Angus and Valerie Kozel (eds) The Great
Venezuela. Stanford, CA: University Press, 1994. Indian Poverty Debate. Delhi: Macmillan, 2005.
38
Corbridge,Stuart and John Harriss.Reinventing India: De Long, Bradford. “India since Independence:
39
Liberalization, Hindu Nationalism and Popular An Analytical Growth Narrative,” in Dani
40 Democracy. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000. Rodrik (ed.), In Search of Prosperity: Analytic
41 Corbridge, Stuart, Glyn Williams, Manoj Srivastava Narratives on Economic Growth. Princeton, NJ:
42 and René Véron. Seeing the State: Governance and University Press, 2003, pp. 184–204.
43 Governmentality in India. Cambridge: University De Mel, Neloufer. Militarizing Sri Lanka: Popular
44 Press, 2005. Culture, Memory and Narrative in the Armed
45 Coupland, Reginald. The Indian Problem [in three Conflict. New Delhi: Sage, 2007.
46 parts].NewYork:Oxford University Press,1944. Deshmukh, B. G. From Poona to the Prime Minister’s
47 CPI (Maoist), Central Committee (P), Party Office:A Cabinet Secretary Looks Back.New Delhi:
48 Programme, 2004. HarperCollins and India Today, 2004.

429
B I B LIOG RAPHY

De Silva, C. R.“The Independence of the Judiciary Parliamentary Elections,”Journal of Commonwealth 1

under the Second Republic of Sri Lanka, and Comparative Politics, Vol.41 (2003),pp.115–42. 2
1978–88.” Unpublished paper presented at the DeVotta, Neil. Blowback: Linguistic Nationalism, 3
Eleventh Conference of the International Institutional Decay,and Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka. 4
Association of Historians of Asia, Colombo, Stanford, CA: University Press, 2004.
5
1–5 August, 1988. DeVotta, Neil. “Explaining Political and Societal
6
de Silva, K. M. (ed.). History of Ceylon, Vol. III. Violence in Sri Lanka,” in Laksiri Fernando and
Colombo: Colombo Apothecaries, 1973. Shermal Wijewardene (eds), Sri Lanka’s Ethnic 7
de Silva, K. M.“Sri Lanka: D. S. Senanayake and the Conflict in the Global Context. Colombo: 8
Passage to Dominion Status, 1942–1947,” Sri University of Colombo Faculty of Graduate 9
Lanka Journal of Social Sciences, Vol. 3, No. 2 Studies, 2006, pp. 113–26. 10
(December 1980), pp. 1–14. DeVotta, Neil.“From Ethnic Outbidding to Ethnic 11
de Silva, K. M. (ed.), British Documents on the End of Conflict:The Institutional Bases for Sri Lanka’s 12
Empire: Sri Lanka. Part II.Towards Independence Separatist War,” in P. Sahadevan and Neil 13
(Series B: Volume 2) 1945–1948. London: DeVotta (eds), Politics of Conflict and Peace in Sri 14
Institute for Commonwealth Studies, 1997. Lanka. New Delhi: Manak, 2006, pp. 3–29. 15
de Silva, K. M. Reaping the Whirlwind: Ethnic Conflict DeVotta,Neil.Sinhalese Buddhist Nationalist Ideology:
16
and Ethnic Politics in Sri Lanka. New Delhi: Implications for Politics and Conflict Resolution in
17
Penguin, 1998. Sri Lanka, Policy Studies 40. Washington, DC:
de Silva,K.M.“Ivor Jennings and Sri Lanka’s Passage East–West Center, 2007. 18
to Independence,” in K. M. de Silva (ed.), Sri DeVotta, Neil and Jason Stone. “Jathika Hela 19
Lanka’s Troubled Inheritance. Kandy: International Urumaya and Ethno-Religious Politics in Sri 20
Centre for Ethnic Studies, 2007, pp. 97–117. Lanka,”Pacific Affairs,Vol.81 (2008),forthcoming. 21
De Silva, S. B. D. The Political Economy of Under- Dewey, Clive. “The Rural Roots of Pakistani 22
development. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, Militarism,” in D. A. Low (ed.), The Political 23
1982. Inheritance of Pakistan. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 24
Dessallien, Renata Lok. “Press Statement by UN 1991, pp. 255–84. 25
Resident Coordinator, Ms Renata Lok Dhavan, Rajeev. Justice on Trial:The Supreme Court 26
Dessallien, Dhaka.” Media release, Office of the Today.Allahabad:A. H. Wheeler, 1980.
27
United Nations Resident Coordinator in Dhavan, Rajeev. “The Supreme Court and Group
28
Bangladesh, Dhaka, 11 January, 2007. Available Life,” in B. N. Kirpal, Ashok H. Desai, Gopal
at:http://www.undp.org.bd/media%20releases/ Subramanium, Rajeev Dhavan and Raju 29
2007/UN%20Resident%20Coordinator%20 Ramachandran (eds), Supreme but not Infallible: 30
Statement%20-%2011%20Jan%202007.pdf Essays in Honour of the Supreme Court of India. 31
(accessed on 16 August, 2007). Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000. 32
de Swaan, Abram. In Care of the State: Health Care, Diamond, Larry. Developing Democracy: Toward 33
Education and Welfare in Europe and the USA in the Consolidation. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins 34
Modern Era. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1988. University Press, 1999. 35
Devarajan, Shantayanan. “Two Comments on Diamond, Larry. “Thinking about Hybrid 36
‘Governance Indicators:Where Are We,Where Regimes:Elections without Democracy,”Journal 37
Should We Be Going?” ’ by Daniel Kaufmann of Democracy,Vol. 13, No. 2 (2002), pp. 21–35.
38
and Aart Kraay,” World Bank Research Observer, Diamond, Larry. “The Democratic Rollback: The
39
Vol. 23 (2001), pp. 31–36. Resurgence of the Predatory State,” Foreign
Devine, Joe. “Wellbeing, Democracy and Political Affairs,Vol. 87 (2008), pp. 36–48. 40
Violence in Bangladesh”. Paper for the 57th Dil,Anwar and Afia Dil. Bengali Language Movement 41
Political Studies Association Annual Conference, to Bangladesh. Lahore: Ferozsons, 2000. 42
University of Bath, UK, 11–13 April, 2007. Dirks,Nicholas B.Castes of Mind:Colonialism and the 43
DeVotta, Neil.“Illiberalism and Ethnic Conflict in Making of Modern India.Princeton,NJ:University 44
Sri Lanka,” Journal of Democracy,Vol. 13 (2002), Press, 2001. 45
pp. 84–98. Dixit,Jyotindra Nath.“Kashmir:The Contemporary 46
DeVotta,Neil.“Sri Lanka’s Political Decay:Analysing Geo-political Implications for India and 47
the October 2000 and December 2001 Regional Stability.” Unpublished paper 48
430
 B I B LIOG RAPHY

1 presented at the School of Oriental and African Democracy, Development and Identity. New York:
2 Studies, London, 8 April, 1994. Palgrave, 2001, pp. 69–87.
3 Dixit, J. N. Assignment Colombo. New Delhi: Farooqui, M. I. “Judiciary in Bangladesh: Past and
4 Konark, 1998. Present,” in 48 DLR (1996) Journal 65.
Dixit, J. N. India and Pakistan in War and Peace. Feldman, Herbert. From Crisis to Crisis: Pakistan
5
London: Routledge, 2002. 1962–1969. London: Oxford University Press,
6 1972.
Dorosh, Paul A. “Trade, Food Aid and Food
7 Security: Evolving Rice and Wheat Markets,” Feldman, Noah. Fall and Rise of the Islamic State.
8 Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 39, No. 36 Princeton, NJ: University Press, 2008.
9 (4 September, 2004), pp. 4,033–42. Frank, Katherine. The Life of Indira Nehru Gandhi.
10 Downing, Brian M. The Military Revolution and London: HarperCollins, 2001.
11 Political Change: The Origins of Democracy and Frankel, Francine. India’s Political Economy,
12 Autocracy in Early Modern Europe. Princeton, NJ: 1947–1977:The Gradual Revolution. Princeton,
13 University Press, 1992. NJ: University Press, 1978, 2nd edition 2004.
14 Dunham, David and Sisira Jayasuriya. “Economic Frankel, Francine R. India’s Political Economy,
Crisis, Poverty and War in Contemporary Sri 1947–2004. New Delhi: Oxford University
15
Lanka:On Ostriches and Tinderboxes,”Economic Press, 2005.
16
and Political Weekly,Vol. 38, No. 49 (5 December, Freedom House. Freedom in the World.Washington,
17 DC: Freedom House, various years.Available at:
1998), pp. 3,151–56.
18 Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU). Bangladesh www.freedomhouse.org.
19 Country Report,April 2007. London: EIU, 2007. Gadbois, George.“The Supreme Court of India as
20 Economist Intelligence Unit. Bangladesh Country a Political Institution,” in Rajeev Dhavan, R.
21 Report, July 2007. London: EIU, 2007. Sudarshan and Salman Khurshid (eds),Judges and
22 Edrisinha, Rohan.“In Defence of Judicial Review the Judicial Power. Bombay:Tripathi, 1985.
23 and Judicial Activism.” Unpublished paper Gagnon, Alain-G. and James Tully. Multinational
24 presented at the Eleventh Conference of the Democracies. Cambridge: University Press, 2001.
25 International Association of Historians of Asia, Gaige, Frederick H. Regionalism and National Unity
Colombo, 1–5 August, 1988. in Nepal. New Delhi: Vikas, 1975.
26
Edrisinha, Rohan. “Sri Lanka: Constitutions Gandhi, Mohandas K. Thoughts on National
27
without Constitutionalism—A Tale of Three and Language.Ahmedabad: Navajivan, 1956.
28 Ganguly, Sumit. The Crisis in Kashmir: Portents of
a Half Constitutions.” Unpublished paper.
29 Eickleman, Dale F. and James Piscatori. Muslim War,Hopes of Peace.Cambridge:University Press,
30 Politics. Princeton, NJ: University Press, 1996. 1997.
31 Eighty-fifth Report of the Parliamentary Standing Ganguly,Sumit.India as an Emerging Power.London:
32 Committee on Home Affairs on Legal Delays, Rajya Routledge, 2003.
33 Sabha, India. Garg, Subhas Chandra,“Transformation of Central
34 Eisenstadt, S. N. Fundamentalism, Sectarianism, and Grants to States: Growing Conditionality and
35 Revolution. Cambridge: University Press, 1999. Bypassing State Budgets,” Economic and Political
36 Elliott,Carolyn M.(ed.). Civil Society and Democracy: Weekly, Vol. 61, No. 48 (2 December, 2006),
A Reader. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, p. 4,982.
37
2003. Geertz, Clifford. Negara: The Theatre State in
38
Emerson, Rupert. From Empire to Nation:The Rise to Nineteenth-Century Bali. Princeton, NJ:
39 University Press, 1980.
Self-Assertion of Asian and African Peoples.Boston,
40 MA: Beacon, 1960. Gellner, David N. “Caste, Communalism, and
41 Epp, Charles. The Rights Revolution. Chicago: Communism: Newars and the Nepalese State,”
42 University of Chicago Press, 1998. in D. N. Gellner, J. Pfaff-Czarnecka and
43 Evans,Hugh D.“Bangladesh:South Asia’s Unknown J. Whelpton (eds), Nationalism and Ethnicity in
44 Quantity,” Asian Affairs, Vol. 75 (1988), pp. a Hindu Kingdom. Amsterdam: Harwood, 1997,
45 306–16. pp. 151–84.
46 Evans, Hugh D. “Bangladesh: An Unsteady Gellner, David N.“Caste, Ethnicity and Inequality
47 Democracy,” in Amita Shastri and A. Jeyaratnam in Nepal,” Economic and Political Weekly,Vol. 42,
Wilson (eds),The Post-colonial States of South Asia: No. 20 (19 May, 2007), pp. 1,823–28.
48
431
B I B LIOG RAPHY

Gellner, David N. “Democracy in Nepal: Four Grare, Frederic. Pakistan: The Resurgence of Baluch 1
Models,” Seminar,Vol. 576 (2007), pp. 50–56. Nationalism, Carnegie Papers No. 65 (January 2
Gellner, David N. and Mrigendra Bahadur Karki. 2006). 3
“Democracy and Ethnic Organizations in Griswold, Eliza. “The Next Islamist Revolution?” 4
Nepal,”in D.N.Gellner and K.Hachhethu (eds), New York Times Magazine, 23 January, 2005.
5
Local Democracy in South Asia:The Micropolitics of Guha, Ramachandra. India after Gandhi:The History
6
Democratization. Delhi: Sage, 2008, pp. 105–27. of the World’s Largest Democracy. New York:
HarperCollins, 2007. 7
Gellner,David N.,Joanna Pfaff-Czarnecka and John
Whelpton (eds). Nationalism and Ethnicity in a Gujarat Government. Report of the Minimum Wages 8
Hindu Kingdom: The Politics of Culture in Advisory Committee for Employment in Agriculture. 9
Contemporary Nepal. Amsterdam:Harwood,1997. Ahmedabad: Government Press, 1966. 10
Ghosh, Shankar. The Naxalite Movement. Calcutta: Gunaratna,Rohan.International and Regional Security 11
Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, 1971. Implications of the Sri Lankan Tamil Insurgency. 12
Gilmartin, David. Islam and Empire: Punjab and the Colombo:Taprobane, 1997. 13
Making of Pakistan. Berkeley: University of Gunaratna, Rohan. Sri Lanka’s Ethnic Crisis and 14
California Press. 1995. National Security. Colombo: South Asian 15
Gopal, Sarvepalli. Jawaharlal Nehru: An Anthology. Network on Conflict Research, 1998.
16
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1983. Gunatilleke, Godfrey. Welfare and Growth in Sri
17
Gordon, Jim and Poonam Gupta. “Understanding Lanka,Marga Research Studies No.2.Colombo:
Marga Institute, 1974. 18
India’s Services Revolution.” Paper prepared 19
for IMF-NCAER Conference, New Delhi, Gunatilleke, Godfrey. Development and Liberalisation
in Sri Lanka: Trends and Prospects. Colombo: 20
November 2003. Available at: www.imf.org/
Marga Institute, 1993. 21
external/np/apd/seminars/2003/newdelhi/gor
don.pdf.
Gunawardena,Asoka and Weligamage D.Lakshman. 22
“Challenges of Moving into a Devolved Polity 23
Gordon,Raymond G.,Jr.(ed.).Ethnologue Languages
in Sri Lanka,” in Fumihiko Saito (ed.), 24
of the World, 15th edition. Dallas: SIL
Foundations for Local Governance: Decentralization 25
International, 2005. Online version 2005
in Comparative Perspective. Heidelberg: Physica- 26
available at: http://www/ethnologue.com.
Verlag, 2008, pp. 113–36.
Gould, Harold A. “The 12th General Election in 27
Gupta,Amit Kumar.The Agrarian Drama:The Leftists
Karnataka: The BJP Achieves its Southern 28
and the Rural Poor in India.New Delhi:Manohar,
Beachhead,” in Ramashray Roy and Paul 29
1996.
Wallace (eds),Indian Politics and the 1998 Election: 30
Gupta, Anirudha. Politics in Nepal: A Study of Post-
Regionalism, Hindutva and State Politics. New 31
Rana Political Developments and Party Politics.
Delhi: Sage, 1999. 32
Bombay: Allied, 1964.
Gould,Harold and Sumit Ganguly (eds).India Votes: Gupta, Dipankar. The Context of Ethnicity: Sikh 33
Alliance Politics and Minority Governments in the Identity in a Comparative Perspective. New Delhi: 34
Ninth and Tenth General Elections. Boulder, CO: Oxford University Press, 1996. 35
Westview, 1993. Gupta, Shekhar. India Redefines its Role. Oxford:
Gould, Jeremy. “Anthropology and Democratisa-
36
University Press, 1995. 37
tion,” in Peter Burnell (ed.), Democracy through Gupta,Vijay K. Decision Making in the Supreme Court
the Looking Glass. Manchester: University Press, 38
of India. Delhi: Kaveri, 1995.
2002, pp. 21–40. 39
Gurung, Harka.“Representing an Ethnic Mosaic,”
Gould,William. Hindu Nationalism in Late Colonial Himal (May–June 1992), pp. 19–21. 40
India. Cambridge: University Press, 2005. Habib, Irfan. The Agrarian System of Mughal India 41
Government of Tamil Nadu. Rajamannar Report (1556–1707). London and Bombay: Asia 42
on Centre–State Relations. Madras: Government Publishing House, 1963. 43
of Tamil Nadu, 1971. Hachhethu, Krishna. “Mass Movement 1990,” 44
Government of West Bengal. Views on Centre–State Contributions to Nepalese Studies,Vol. 17, No. 2 45
Relations. Calcutta: Department of Information (1990), pp. 177–201. 46
and Cultural Affairs, Government of West Hachhethu, Krishna. Party Building in Nepal: 47
Bengal, 1978. Organization,Leadership and People, A Comparative 48
432
 B I B LIOG RAPHY

1 Study of the Nepali Congress and the Communist Harun, Shamsul Huda. Bangladesh Voting Behaviour:
2 Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist). A Psychological Study 1973. Dhaka: University
3 Kathmandu: Mandala Book Point, 2002. Press, 1986.
4 Hachhethu, Krishna. State of Democracy in Nepal: Harun-or-Rashid. The Foreshadowing of Bangladesh:
A Survey Report. Kathmandu: SDSA/Nepal and Bengal Muslim League and Muslim League Politics,
5
International IDEA, 2004. 1936–1947. Dhaka: Research Society of
6
Hachhethu, Krishna. “Civil Society and Political Bangladesh, 1987.
7 Participation,” in Lok Raj Baral (ed.), Nepal: Harvey, David. Spaces of Capital. Edinburgh:
8 Quest for Participatory Democracy. New Delhi: University Press, 2001.
9 Adroit, 2006. Harvey, David. The New Imperialism. Oxford:
10 Hachhethu, Krishna,with Sanjay Kumar and Jivan Clarendon Press, 2003.
11 Suvedi. Nepal in Transition:A Study on the State of Hasan, Mushirul (ed.). India’s Partition: Process,
12 Democracy. Stockholm:International IDEA,2008. Strategy and Mobilisation. New Delhi: Oxford
13 Haider,Mahtab.“The Rise and Fall of Bangla Bhai,” University Press, 1993.
14 Slate (monthly magazine of New Age, Dhaka) Hasan, Mushirul. Legacy of a Divided Nation: India’s
15 (April 2007). Muslims since Independence. Delhi: Oxford
Haller, Dieter and Cris Shore (eds). Corruption: University Press, 1997.
16
Anthropological Perspectives. London: Pluto Press, Hauser,Walter. Sahajanand on Agricultural Labour and
17 2005. the Rural Poor. Delhi: Manohar, 1994.
18 Hamid, Naveed and Akmal Hussain. “Regional Hauser, Walter. Culture, Vernacular Politics and the
19 Inequalities and Capitalist Development: Peasants. Delhi: Manohar, 2006.
20 Pakistan’s Experience,” in S. Akbar Zaidi (ed.), Hazra, Arnab Kumar and Bibek Debroy (eds).
21 Regional Imbalances and the National Question in Judicial Reforms in India: Issues and Aspects. New
22 Pakistan. Lahore: Vanguard, 1992. Delhi:Academic Foundation, 2007.
23 Hangen,Susan I.Creating a “New Nepal”: The Ethnic Heath, Anthony and Yogendra Yadav. “The United
24 Dimension.Washington, DC: East–West Center, Colors of Congress: Social Profile of Congress
25 2007. Voters, 1996 and 1998,” Economic and Political
Hansen,Thomas Blom. The Saffron Wave: Democracy WeeklyVol. 34, Nos 34 and 35 (21 August, 1999)
26
and Hindu Nationalism in Modern India. pp. 2,518–28.
27
Princeton, NJ: University Press, 1999. Heller, Patrick. “Social Capital as Product of Class
28 Hanson, A. H. The Process of Planning. London: Mobilization and State Intervention: Industrial
29 Oxford University Press, 1966. Workers in Kerala,India,”World Development,Vol.
30 Haqqani, Husain. Pakistan: Between Mosque and 24, No. 6 (1996), pp. 1,055–71.
31 Military.Washington,DC:Carnegie Endowment Heston, Alan. “National Income,” in Dharma
32 for International Peace, 2005, and Lahore: Kumar and Meghnad Desai (eds), Cambridge
33 Vanguard Books, 2005. Economic History of India, Vol. 2. Cambridge:
34 Harriss, John. “Does the ‘Depressor’ Still University Press, 1982, pp. 376–462.
35 Work? Agrarian Structure and Development in Hewitt, Vernon. Reclaiming the Past? The Search
36 India: A Review of Evidence and Argument,” for Cultural and Political Unity in Contemporary
Journal of Peasant Studies, Vol. 19 (1992), Jammu and Kashmir. London: Portland Books,
37
pp. 189–227. 1995.
38
Harriss,John.“Comparing Political Regimes across Hewitt,Vernon. “Ethnic Construction, Provincial
39 Indian States,” Economic and Political Weekly (27 Identity and Nationalism in Pakistan:The Case
40 November, 1999),Vol. 34, No. 48, pp. 3,367–77. of Baluchistan,” in S. K. Mitra (ed.), Sub-
41 Harriss, John. “Antinomies of Empowerment: nationalist Movements in South Asia.Boulder,CO:
42 Observations on Civil Society, Politics and Westview Press, 1997, pp. 43–67.
43 Urban Governance,” Economic and Political Hewitt,Vernon.The New International Politics of South
44 Weekly, Vol. 42, No. 26 (30 June, 2007), pp. Asia. Manchester: University Press, 1997.
45 2,716–24. Hewitt, Vernon. “Containing Shiva: India, Non-
46 Harriss-White, Barbara. India Working: Essays on proliferation, and the Comprehensive Test Ban
47 Society and Economy. Cambridge: University Treaty,” Contemporary South Asia,Vol. 9 (2000),
Press, 2003. pp. 25–39.
48
433
B I B LIOG RAPHY

Hewitt, Vernon. “Creating a Common Home? India,cases,ADM Jabalpur v Shiv Kant Shukla (1976) 1
Indo-Pakistan Relations and the Search for 2 SCC 52. 2
Security in South Asia,” in Amita Shastri and A. India,cases,Bommai v Union of India (1994) 3 SCC 1. 3
Jeyaratnam Wilson (eds), The Post-colonial States India,cases,Daniel Latifi v Union of India AIR (2001) 4
of South Asia:Democracy,Development and Identity. SC 3958.
5
New York: Palgrave, 2001. India, cases, IR Coelho (dead) by LRs v State of Tamil
Hewitt, Vernon. Towards the Future? Jammu and 6
Nadu and Others (2007) 2SCC1.
Kashmir in the 21st Century.Cambridge:Portland India, cases, Keshavananda Bharati v State of Kerala 7
Books, 2001. AIR (1973) SC 1461. 8
Hewitt,Vernon. Political Mobilisation and Democracy in India, cases, Kodeswaran v Attorney General, 70 NLR 9
India:States of Emergency.Oxford:Routledge,2008. 121. 10
Hirschl, Ran. Towards Juristocracy: The Origins and India, cases, Kodikam Pillai v Mudanayake, 54 NLR 11
Consequences of the New Constitutionalism. 433). 12
Cambridge,MA:Harvard University Press,2004. India, cases, Koolwal v State of Rajasthan AIR (1988) 13
Hirson, Baruch. “Language in Control and Raj 2. 14
Resistance in South Africa,” African Affairs India, cases, Minerva Mills v Union of India (1980) 3
(1981),Vol. 80, No. 319, pp. 219–37. 15
SCC 625.
Hobbes, Thomas. Leviathan, ed. Richard Tuck. India, cases, Mohd.Ahmad Khan v Shah Bano Begum 16
Cambridge and New York: Cambridge AIR (1985) SC 945. 17
University Press, 1991. India,cases,Mudanayake v Sivagnasunderam (53 NLR 18
Hobden, Stephen and John M. Hobson. Historical 25). 19
Sociology of International Relations. Cambridge: India, cases, Ravindra Kumar,Advocate and Another v 20
University Press, 2002. State of UP, Writ petition M/S 1746 of 1998, 21
Hodson, H. V. The Great Divide. New York and Allahabad HC. 22
Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1971. India, cases, S. P. Gupta v Union of India AIR (1982) 23
Hoftun, Martin, William Raeper and John SC 149.
Whelpton.People,Politics,and Ideology:Democracy 24
India, cases, Sarla Mudgal v Union of India (1995)
and Social Change in Nepal.Kathmandu:Mandala SCC 635. 25
Book Point, 1999. India, cases, Shahar Ali v AR Chowdhury, Sessions 26
Hossain, Moazzem. “Bangladesh: ‘Home-Grown’ judge, 32 DLR (1980) 142. 27
Democracy,” Economic and Political Weekly,Vol. India, cases, Supreme Court Advocates on Record 28
41, No. 9 (4 March, 2006), pp. 791–93. Association v Union of India (1993) Supp 2 SCR 29
Human Rights Watch. Recurring Nightmare: State 659. 30
Responsibility for “Disappearances”and Abductions in India, cases, Waman Rao v Union of India (1981) 2 31
Sri Lanka. Available at: http://hrw.org/reports/ SCC 362. 32
2008/srilanka0308/ (accessed on 8 March,2008). India, Government. All India Agricultural Labour
Huntington, Samuel P. The Third Wave: 33
Enquiry Report on Intensive Survey of Agricultural
Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century. Labour, 1950–51, Vol. 1. New Delhi: Manager 34
Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991. of Publications, 1955. 35
Huque, Ahmed Shafiqul and M.Taiabur Rahman. India, Government. Constituent Assembly Debates: 36
“From Domination to Alliance: Shifting Official Report.New Delhi:Government of India, 37
Strategies and Accumulation of Power by the 1966. 38
Bureaucracy of Bangladesh,” Public Organization India,Government.White Paper on the Punjab Agitation. 39
Review: A Global Journal, Vol. 3 (2003), pp. New Delhi: Government of India, 1984. 40
403–18. India, Government. Economic Survey, 2006–7. 41
Hutt, Michael (ed.). Nepal in the Nineties. Delhi: New Delhi: Government of India, Ministry of
Oxford University Press, 1994. 42
Finance, 2007.
Hutt, Michael (ed.). Himalayan People’s War: Nepal’s India, Government, Ministry of Finance. 43
Maoist Rebellion. London: Hurst, 2004. “Explanatory Memorandum as to the Action 44
Inden, Ronald. “Embodying God: From Imperial Taken on the Recommendations Made by the 45
Progresses to National Progress in India,” 11th Finance Commission Report Submitted to 46
Economy and Society, Vol. 24 (1995), pp. the President on 30 August, 2000.”Available at: 47
245–78. www.fincomindia.nic.in/eleventh.ernet.htm. 48
434
 B I B LIOG RAPHY

1 India, Government, Ministry of Finance. Economic Islam, Nazrul.“Military Role May Bear on Dhaka’s
2 Survey 2004–05, Chapter 2.2. Available at: Peacekeeping,” New Age (Dhaka) (12 January,
3 indiabudget.nic.in/es2004–05/esmain.htm 2007).
4 (accessed on 1 November, 2008). Iyer, Swarna. “August Anarchy: The Partition
India, Government, Ministry of Home Affairs. Massacres in Punjab 1947,” South Asia, Special
5
Report of the Committee on the Prevention of issue,Vol. 18 (1995), pp. 23–24.
6
Corruption (Santhanam Committee Report). Jacobsohn, Gary. The Wheel of Law: India’s Secularism
7 New Delhi: Manager of Publications, 1964. in Comparative Constitutional Perspective.Princeton,
8 India, Government, Ministry of Home Affairs. The NJ: University Press, 2005.
9 Causes and Nature of Current Agrarian Tensions. Jacobsohn, Gary and Shylashri Shankar. “Con-
10 New Delhi: Government of India, 1969. stitutional Borrowing in South Asia: India, Sri
11 India,Government,Ministry of Labour.Report of the Lanka,and Secular Constitutional Identity,”in an
12 National Commission on Rural Labour,Vols. I and edited volume. New York: Oxford University
13 II. New Delhi: Government of India, 1991. Press, forthcoming.
14 Institute of Public Policy. Status of the Economy: Jaffrelot, Christophe. The Hindu Nationalist
15 Challenges and Opportunities. Lahore: Institute of Movement in India. New York: Columbia
Public Policy, 2008. University Press, 1996.
16
International Crisis Group (ICG).Bangladesh Today, Jaffrelot, Christophe. “The Hindu Nationalist
17
Asia Report No.121.Brussels:ICG,23 October, Movement in Delhi: From ‘Locals’ to Refugees
18 2006. Available at: http://www.crisisgroup.org and Towards Peripheral Groups?,” in Veronique
19 (accessed on 12 August, 2007). Dupont, Emma Tarlo and Denis Vidal (eds),
20 International Crisis Group. Pakistan: The Worsening Delhi: Urban Spaces and Human Destinies. Delhi:
21 Conflict in Baluchistan, Report No. 119. Manohar, 2000, pp. 181–203.
22 Islamabad: ICG, 2006. Jaffrelot, Christophe. India’s Silent Revolution: The
23 International Crisis Group. Winding Back Martial Rise of the Lower Castes in North India.NewYork:
24 Law in Pakistan,Asia Briefing No. 70. Islamabad Columbia University Press, 2003.
25 and Brussels: ICG, 12 November, 2007. Jaffrelot, Christophe. The Sangh Parivar: A Reader.
26 International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS). New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2005.
The Military Balance, Vol. 102. London: IISS, Jahan, Rounaq. “Bangladesh in 2003: Vibrant
27
October 2002. Democracy or Destructive Politics?,” Asian
28
International Institute for Strategic Studies. The Survey,Vol. 44, No. 1 (2004), pp. 56–61.
29 Military Balance, 2006. London: IISS, 2007. Jahan, Rounaq.“Bangladesh in 2005: Standing at a
30 International Institute for Strategic Studies. The Crossroads,” Asian Survey,Vol. 46, No. 1 (2006),
31 Military Balance, 2007,Vol. 107. London: IISS, pp. 107–13.
32 2007. Jahani,Carina.Standardization and Orthography in the
33 International Labour Organization (ILO). Matching Balochi Language. Uppsala: Almquist & Wiksell,
34 Employment Opportunities and Expectations: A 1989.
35 Programme of Action for Ceylon: Report. Geneva: Jalal,Ayesha. Democracy and Authoritarianism in South
36 ILO, 1971. Asia: A Comparative and Historical Perspective.
37 Irschick, Eugene F. Tamil Revivalism in the 1930s. Cambridge: University Press, 1988.
Madras: Cre-A, 1986. Jalal,Ayesha. The State of Martial Rule:The Origins of
38
Isaac, T. M. T. and R. Ramakumar, “Why Do Pakistan’s Political Economy of Defence.Cambridge:
39
the States Not Spend?,” Economic and Political University Press, 1990.
40 Weekly, Vol. 41, No. 48 (2 December, 2006), Jalal,Ayesha. The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim
41 p. 4,972. League, and the Demand for Pakistan. Cambridge:
42 Isaacson, Walter. Kissinger: A Biography. London: University Press, 1994.
43 Faber and Faber, 1992. Jayatilleke, Dayan, “Premadasa–LTTE Talks:
44 Isenman,Paul.“Basic Needs:The Case of Sri Lanka,” Why They Failed and What Really Happened,”
45 World Development,Vol. 8, No. 3 (March 1980), in Kumar Rupesinghe, Negotiating Peace in
46 pp. 237–58. Sri Lanka: Efforts, Failures and Lessons.
47 Islam, Mahmudul. Constitutional Law of Bangladesh, Colombo: Foundation for Co-existence,
48 2nd edition. Dhaka: Mullick Brothers, 2002. 2006, pp. 141–56.

435
B I B LIOG RAPHY

Jayawardena,Kumari.The Rise of the Labor Movement Joshi, Bhuwan Lal and Leo Rose. Democratic 1
in Ceylon. Colombo: Sanjiva Books, 2004; first Innovations in Nepal: A Case Study of Political 2
published 1972. Acculturation. Berkeley: University of California 3
Jayawardena, Kumari. Nobodies to Somebodies: The Press, 1966. 4
Rise of the Colonial Bourgeoisie in Sri Lanka. Jupp, James. “Constitutional Development in
5
Colombo: Social Scientists Association and Ceylon since Independence,” Pacific Affairs,Vol.
Sanjiva Books, 2007. 6
41, No. 2 (Summer 1968), pp. 169–83.
Jayawardena,Lal.“Sri Lanka,”in H.B.Chenery et al. Kaiser, Robert J. “Homeland Making and the 7
(eds),Redistribution with Growth.London:Oxford Territorialization of National Identity,” in 8
University Press, 1970, pp. 273–79. Daniel Conversi (ed.), Ethnonationalism in the 9
Jeffrey, Craig, Patricia Jeffery and Roger Jeffery. Contemporary World. London: Routledge, 2002. 10
Degrees without Freedom? Education, Masculinities Kamran, Tahir. “Imagined Unity as Binary 11
and Unemployment in North India. Stanford, CA: Opposition to Regional Diversity: A Study of 12
University Press, 2008. Punjab as a ‘Silenced Space’ in the Pakistani 13
“Jela judge Podonnoti’r khetrey 16 joner biruddhey Epistemic Milieu,” in Sustainable Development 14
gurutoro obhijog”[Serious allegations against 16 Policy Institute, At the Crossroads: South Asian
persons recommended for appointment to 15
Research, Policy and Development in a Globalized
district judge], Daily Prothom Alo [Bangladesh] 16
World. Islamabad: Sustainable Development
(24 May, 2008). 17
Policy Institute, 2007.
Jenkins, Rob. “The Developmental Implications Kanapathipillai, V. “July 1983: The Survivors’ 18
of Federal Political Institutions in India,” in Experience,” in Veena Das (ed.), Mirrors of 19
Mark Robinson and Gordon White (eds), The Violence:Communities,Riots and Survivors in South 20
Democratic Developmental State. Oxford: Asia.New Delhi:Oxford University Press,1990, 21
University Press, 1998, pp. 187–214. 22
321–44.
Jenkins, Rob. Democratic Politics and Economic
Kangas, Tove Skuntabb. Linguistic Genocide in 23
Reform in India. Cambridge: University Press,
Education orWorldwide Diversity and Human Rights? 24
1999.
Mahwah, NJ and London: Erlbaum, 2000. 25
Jenkins, Rob. “The NDA and the Politics of
Kapur, Devesh and Pratap Bhanu Mehta. 26
Economic Reform,” in Katharine Adeney and
“Introduction,” in Devesh Kapur and Pratap
Lawrence Sáez (eds), Coalition Politics and Hindu 27
Bhanu Mehta (eds), Public Institutions in India:
Nationalism. London: Routledge, 2005, pp. 28
Performance and Design.Delhi:Oxford University
173–92. 29
Press, 2005.
Jennings, W. Ivor. “The Dominion of Ceylon,” 30
Pacific Affairs, Vol. 22, No. 1 (March 1949), Karim,A.Tariq and C. Christine Fair. Bangladesh at
the Crossroads, Special Report 181.Washington, 31
pp. 21–33.
DC: United States Institute of Peace, January 32
Jennings, Ivor. The Commonwealth in Asia. London:
Oxford University Press, 1950. 2007. 33
Jennings, Ivor. Some Characteristics of the Indian Karki,Arjun and Binod Bhattarai (eds). Whose War? 34
Constitution. Madras and New York: Oxford Economic and Social-Cultural Impacts of Nepal’s 35
University Press, 1953. Maoist-Government Conflict. Kathmandu: NGO 36
Jetly, Rajshree. “Resurgence of the Baluch Federation of Nepal, n.d. 37
Movement in Pakistan: Emerging Perspectives Karki, Arjun and David Seddon (eds). The People’s
38
and Challenges.” Paper for the International War in Nepal:Left Perspectives.New Delhi:Adroit,
39
Symposium on Pakistan,Institute of South Asian 2003.
Karmis, Dimitrios and W. J. Norman. Theories of 40
Studies (ISAS), National University of
Federalism: A Reader. New York: Palgrave 41
Singapore, 24–25 May, 2007.
Jha, S., Vijayendra Rao and Michael Woolcock. Macmillan, 2005. 42
“Governance in the Gullies: Democratic Kaufman, Stuart J. Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic 43
Responsiveness and Leadership in Delhi Slums,” Politics of Ethnic War. Ithaca, NY: Cornell 44
World Development, Vol. 35, No. 2 (2007), University Press, 2001. 45
pp. 230–46. Kaufmann, Daniel Aart Kraay and Massimo 46
Jinah, Mohammad Ali. Speeches as Governor General Mastruzzi. Governance Matters VI: Aggregate and 47
of Pakistan, 1947–48. Karachi, n.d. Individual Governance Indicators 1996–2006, 48
436
 B I B LIOG RAPHY

1 World Bank Policy Research Paper 4280. Provinces, 1945–47,” Islam and the Modern Age,
2 Washington, DC:World Bank, July 2007. Vol. 24, No. 2 (1993), pp. 109–30.
3 Kaur,Ravinder.Since 1947:Partition Narratives among Khan, Adeel. Politics of Identity: Ethnic Nationalism
4 Punjabi Migrants of Delhi. New Delhi: Oxford and the State in Pakistan. New Delhi: Sage, 2005.
University Press, 2007. Khan, Mohammad Ayub. Friends not Masters: A
5
Kaviraj, Sudipta. “On the Crisis of Political Political Autobiography. London: Oxford
6
Institutions in India,” Contributions to Indian University Press, 1967.
7 Sociology,Vol. 18 (1984), pp. 223–43. Khan,Mohammad Mohabbat.“State of Governance
8 Kaviraj, Sudipta. “A Critique of the Passive in Bangladesh,”Round Table,No.370 (July 2003),
9 Revolution,” Economic and Political Weekly,Vol. 391–405.
10 23, Nos. 45, 46, 47 (November 1988), pp. 2, Khan, Zillur R. “Bangladesh’s Experiments with
11 429–44. Parliamentary Democracy,” Asian Survey, Vol.
12 Kaviraj, Sudipta.“On State, Society and Discourse 37, No. 6 (1997), pp. 575–89.
13 in India,” in James Manor (ed.), Rethinking Third Khandker,Shihidur R.and M.Abdul Latif.The Role
14 World Politics. Harlow: Longman, 1991. of Family Planning and Targeted Credit Programs in
15 Kearney, Robert N. “Ceylon: A Year of Demographic Change in Bangladesh, World Bank
Consolidation,” Asian Survey, Vol. 4, No. 2 Discussion Paper No. 337. Washington, DC:
16
(1964), pp. 729–34. World Bank, 1996.
17
Kearney, Robert. Communalism and Language in the Khilnani, Anil. The Idea of India. London: Hamish
18 Politics of Ceylon.Durham,NC:Duke University Hamilton, 1997.
19 Press, 1967. Kholi, Atul.Democracy and Discontent:India’s Growing
20 Kearney,Robert N.The Politics of Ceylon.Ithaca,NY Crisis of Governability. Cambridge: University
21 and London: Cornell University Press, 1973. Press, 1991.
22 Keay, John. The Honourable Company: A History of Khubchandani, L. M. (ed.). Language in a Plural
23 the English East India Company. New York: Society. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass and Indian
24 Macmillan, 1991. Institute of Advanced Studies, Shimla, 1988.
25 Kekic, Laza. The Economist Intelligence Unit’s Index of Khubchandani,Lachman.“Language and Education
26 Democracy. Online, 2007. in the Indian Sub-continent,” in S. May and N.
Kelegama,Saman.“Economic Costs of Conflict in Sri H.Hornberger (eds),Encyclopedia of Language and
27
Lanka,”in Robert Rotberg (ed.),Creating Peace in Education, 2nd edition, Vol. 1. New York:
28
Sri Lanka:CivilWar and Reconciliation.Washington, Springer, 2008.
29 DC: Brookings Institution Press, 1999. Kim, Joon Suk. “Making States Federatively:
30 Kelegama, Saman. “Managing the Sri Lankan Alternate Routes of State Formation in Late
31 Economy at a Time of Terrorism and War,” in Medieval and Early Modern Europe.”
32 S. Khatri and G. Kueck (eds), Terrorism in South Unpublished dissertation submitted to the
33 Asia:Impact of Development and Democratic Process. Department of Political Science, University of
34 New Delhi: Shipra, 2003. Chicago, 2005.
35 Kelegama,Saman,“Transformation of a Conflict via King, Christopher R. One Language,Two Scripts:The
36 an Economic Dividend: The Sri Lankan Hindi Movement in Nineteenth Century India.
37 Experience,” in Kumar Rupesinghe (ed.), Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1994.
Negotiating Peace in Sri Lanka: Efforts, Failures and King, Robert D. Nehru and the Language Policy of
38
Lessons,Vol. II. Colombo: Foundation for Co- India. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997.
39
existence, 2006, pp. 205–39. Kirpal,B.N., Ashok H.Desai,Gopal Subramanium,
40 Keller, Stephen L. Uprooting and Social Change:The Rajeev Dhavan and Raju Ramachandran (eds).
41 Role of Refugees in Development. Delhi: Manohar, Supreme but not Infallible: Essays in Honour of the
42 1975. Supreme Court of India. New Delhi: Oxford
43 Kennedy, Charles. “Pakistan: Ethnic Diversity and University Press, 2000.
44 Colonial Legacy,” in John Coakley (ed.), The Kishwar, Madhu. “Gandhi on Women,” Economic
45 Territorial Management of Ethnic Conflict. London: and Political Weekly (5 October, 1985), pp.
46 Frank Cass, 2003. 1,691–1,702.
47 Kesavan, Mukul. “Invoking a Majority: The Kochanek, Stanley A.“The Politics of Regulation:
48 Congress and the Muslims of the United Rajiv’s New Mantras,” Journal of Commonwealth

437
B I B LIOG RAPHY

and Comparative Studies,Vol.23,No.3 (November Kothari, Rajni. Politics in India. New York: Little, 1
1985), pp. 189–211. Brown, 1970. 2
Kochanek, Stanley A. “Briefcase Politics in India: Krishna, Gopal. “The Development of the Indian 3
The Congress Party and the Business Elite,” National Congress as a Mass Organisation, 4
Asian Survey,Vol. 27, No. 12 (December 1987), 1918–1923,”in Thomas E.Metcalf (ed.),Modern
5
pp. 1,278–1,301. India:An Interpretive Anthology. London: Collier,
Kochanek, Stanley A. Patron Client Politics and 1971. 6
Business in Bangladesh. New Delhi, Newbury Krishna, Sankaran. Postcolonial Insecurities: India, Sri 7
Park, CA and London: Sage, 1993. Lanka and the Question of Nationhood.Minneapolis: 8
Kochanek, Stanley. “Bangladesh in 1996: The University of Minnesota Press, 1999. 9
25th Year of Independence,” Asian Survey, Krishnan, K. P. and T.V. Somanathan.“Civil Service: 10
Vol. 37, No. 2 (1997), pp. 136–42. An Institutional Perspective,” in Devesh Kapur 11
Kochanek, Stanley A. India: Government and Politics and Pratap Bhanu Mehta (eds), Public Institutions 12
in a Developing Nation, 7th edition. Boston, MA: in India: Performance and Design. Delhi: Oxford 13
Thomson Wadsworth, 2008. University Press, 2005.
14
Kochhar, Kalpana, Utsav Kumar, Raghuram Rajan, Kukreja,Veena.Civil–Military Relations in South Asia:
Arvind Subramanian and Ioannis Tokatlidis. Pakistan, Bangladesh and India. New Delhi: Sage, 15
India’s Pattern of Development: What Happened, 1991. 16
What Follows?, International Monetary Fund Kulke, Hermann and Dietmar Rothermund. A 17
Working Paper WP/06/22. Washington, DC: History of India. London: Routledge, 1999. 18
International Monetary Fund, 2006. Available Kumar, Ashutosh. “Electoral Politics in Punjab: 19
at: www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/wp/2006/ Study of Akali Dal,”Economic and Political Weekly, 20
wp0622.pdf. Vol. 39, No. 14 (3 April, 2004). 21
Kodikara, S. U. Indo–Ceylon Relations since Kumar, Dhruba (ed.). State, Leadership and Politics in 22
Independence. Colombo, 1965. Nepal. Kathmandu: Centre for Nepal and Asian
23
Kodikara,Shelton.Foreign Policy of Sri Lanka:A Third Studies, 1995.
World Perspective. Delhi: Chanakya, 1982. Kumar, Dhruba (ed.). Domestic Conflict and Crisis of 24
Kodikara, Shelton U. Indo–Sri Lanka Accord of July Governability in Nepal. Kathmandu: Centre for 25
1987. Colombo: University of Colombo Press, Nepal and Asian Studies, 2000. 26
1989. Kumar, Sanjay. “Gujarat Assembly Elections 2002: 27
Kohli,Atul.Democracy and Discontent:India’s Growing Analyzing the Verdict,” Economic and Political 28
Crisis of Governability. Cambridge: University Weekly, Vol. 38, No. 4 (25 January, 2003), 29
Press, 1990. pp. 270–75. 30
Kohli, Atul (ed.). The Success of India’s Democracy. Kumaramangalam, Mohan. India’s Language Crisis. 31
Cambridge: University Press, 2001. Madras: New Century Book House, 1965.
32
Kohli,Atul.“Politics of Economic Growth in India, Kumaraswamy, P. K. (ed.). Security beyond Survival:
1980–2005, Parts I and II,” Economic and Political Essays for K. Subrahmanyam. New Delhi: Sage, 33
Weekly, Vol. 41, No. 13 (1 April, 2006), pp. 2004. 34
1,251–59 and No. 14 (8 April, 2006), pp. Kundu,Apuba.“The NDA and National Security,” 35
1,361–70. in Katharine Adeney and Lawrence Sáez (eds), 36
Koithara, Verghese. Society, State and Security: The Coalition Politics and Hindu Nationalism.London: 37
Indian Experience. New Delhi: Sage, 1999. Routledge, 2005, pp. 212–36. 38
Korejo, M. S. The Frontier Gandhi: His Place in Kux, Dennis. Estranged Democracies: India and the 39
History. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1993. United States 1941–1991. New Delhi: Sage, 40
Korejo, M. S. G. M. Syed:An Analysis of His Political 1993.
41
Perspectives. Karachi: Oxford University Press, Kux, Dennis. India–Pakistan Negotiations: Is Past Still
1998. Prologue? Washington, DC: United States 42
Korejo,M.S.A Testament of Sindh Ethnic and Religious Institute for Peace, 2006. 43
Extremism: A Perspective. Karachi: Oxford Kuznets, Simon. Modern Economic Growth: Rate, 44
University Press, 2002. Structure and Speed. New Haven, CT: Yale 45
Kothari,Rajni.“The Congress ‘System’in India,”in University Press, 1966. 46
Rajni Kothari (ed.), Party Systems and Election Lakshman, W. D. “Economic Growth and Re- 47
Studies. Bombay:Allied, 1967. distributive Justice as Policy Goals: A Study of 48
438
 B I B LIOG RAPHY

1 the Recent Experience of Sri Lanka,” Modern Little, Richard and Steve Smith. Belief Systems and
2 Ceylon Studies,Vol. 6, No. 1 (1975), pp. 64–87. International Relations. Oxford: Blackwell, 1988.
3 Reprinted in Prema-chandra Athukorala (ed.), Loganathan, Keteshwaran. Sri Lanka, Lost
4 The Economic Development of South Asia,Vol. III. Opportunities: Past Attempts at Resolving Ethnic
Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2002, pp. 556–79. Conflict.Colombo:University of Colombo Press,
5
Lakshman,W. D. “State Policy in Sri Lanka and its 1996.
6
Economic Impact 1970–85: Selected Themes Low, D. A. “The Forgotten Bania: Merchant
7 with Special Reference to Distributive Communities and the Indian National Congress,”
8 Implications of Policy,” Upanathi,Vol. 1, No. 1 in D.A. Low (ed.), Eclipse of Empire. Cambridge:
9 (January 1986), pp. 5–36. University Press, 1991, pp. 101–19.
10 Lakshman,W.D.(ed.).Dilemmas of Development:Fifty Low, D. Anthony. The Egalitarian Moment: Asia and
11 Years of Economic Change in Sri Lanka. Colombo: Africa 1950–1980. Cambridge:University Press,
12 Sri Lanka Association of Economists, 1997. 1996.
13 Lakshman,W. D. and C.A.Tisdell (eds.). Sri Lanka’s Luce, Edward. In Spite of the Gods:The Strange Rise
14 Development since Independence: Socio-economic of Modern India. New York: Doubleday, 2007.
15 Perspectives and Analyses. New York: Nova Luebbert, Gregory M. Comparative Democracy:
Science, 2000. Policymaking and Governing Coalitions in Europe
16
Lal,Deepak.The Poverty of “Development Economics.” and Israel. New York: Columbia University
17
London: Institute of Economic Affairs, 1993. Press, 1986.
18 Lall, Marie. “Indian Education Policy under the Lynn,John A.Battle:A History of Combat and Culture.
19 NDA Government,” in Katharine Adeney and Boulder, CO:Westview, 2003.
20 Lawrence Sáez (eds), Coalition Politics and Hindu Mahinda Rajapakse v Chandra Fernando and Others,
21 Nationalism. London: Routledge, 2005. S.C. (FR) Application No. 387/2005 (also
22 Lamb, Alastair. Kashmir: A Disputed Legacy, known as the Helping Hambantota case).
23 1846–1990. Hertingfordbury: Roxford, 1991. Reported in Center for Policy Alternatives
24 Lapidus, Ira M. “Islamic Revival and Modernity: (CPA). War, Peace and Governance in Sri Lanka:
25 The Contemporary Movements and the Overview and Trends 2006.Colombo:CPA,2007.
26 Historical Paradigms,” Journal of Economic and Mahmud,Simeen.“Health and Population:Making
Social History of the Orient,Vol. 40, No. 4 (1997), Progress under Poverty,” Economic and Political
27
pp. 444–60. Weekly,Vol. 39, No. 36 (4 September, 2004), pp.
28
Lawoti, Mahendra. Towards a Democratic Nepal: 4,081–91.
29 Inclusive Political Institutions for a Multicultural Mahmud, Wahiuddin. “Macroeconomic Manage-
30 Society. New Delhi: Sage, 2005. ment: From Stabilization to Growth?,” Economic
31 Lecomte-Tilouine,Marie and Pascale Dollfus (eds). and Political Weekly,Vol.39,No.36 (4 September,
32 Ethnic Revival and Religious Turmoil: Identities and 2004), pp. 4,023–32.
33 Representations in the Himalayas. New Delhi: Mahmud Ali, S. The Fearful State: Power, People and
34 Oxford University Press, 2003. Internal Wars in South Asia. London: Zed, 1993.
35 Lefebvre, Henri. The Survival of Capitalism. New Malik, I. H. “Ethno-Nationalism in Pakistan: A
36 York: St. Martin’s Press, 1976. Commentary on Muhajir Qaumi Mahaz
37 Lewis, William Arthur. “Economic Development (MQM) in Sindh,” South Asia, Vol. 18, No. 2
with Unlimited Supplies of Labour,” Manchester (1995), pp. 49–72.
38
School,Vol. 22 (1954), pp. 139–91. Mallikarjun, B. “The Eighth Schedule Languages:
39
Linz,Juan J.and Alfred Stepan.Problems of Democratic Critical Appraisal,” in R. S. Gupta, Anvita Abbi
40 Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, and Kailash S. Aggarwal (eds), Language and the
41 South America, and Post-Communist Europe. State: Perspectives on the Eighth Schedule. New
42 Baltimore,MD:Johns Hopkins University Press, Delhi: Creative Books, 1995.
43 1996. Manik, Julfikar Ali. “Judiciary Freed from the
44 Lipton, Michael. Why Poor People Stay Poor:A Study Executive Fetters Today,” Daily Star (Dhaka) (1
45 of Urban Bias in World Development. London: November, 2007).
46 Temple Smith, 1977. Manik, Julfikar Ali and Shamim Ashraf. “Tyrant
47 Little, David. The Invention of Enmity. Washington, Bangla Bhai Finally Captured,” Daily Star
48 DC: United States Institute of Peace, 1993. (Dhaka) (7 March, 2006).

439
B I B LIOG RAPHY

Maniruzzaman,Talukder. The Bangladesh Revolution McCully, Bruce. English Education and the Origins of 1
and its Aftermath, 2nd edition. Dhaka: University Indian Nationalism. New York: Columbia 2
Press, 1988. University Press, 1942. 3
Maniruzzaman, Talukder. Politics and Security of McGilvray, Dennis B. and Mirak Raheem. Muslim 4
Bangladesh. Dhaka: University Press, 1994. Perspectives on the Sri Lankan Conflict, Policy
5
Manoharan, N. Counterterrorism Legislation in Sri Studies 41.Washington, DC: East–West Center,
6
Lanka: Evaluating Efficacy, Policy Studies No. 28. 2007.
McGrath, Allen. The Destruction of Pakistan’s 7
Washington, DC: East–West Center, 2006.
Manor, James (ed.). Sri Lanka in Change and Crisis. Democracy. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 8
London: Croom Helm, 1984. 1996. 9
Manor,James.“Parties and the Party System,”in Atul McMillan,Alistair.“The BJP Coalition:Partisanship 10
Kohli (ed.), India’s Democracy: An Analysis of and Power-Sharing in Government,” in 11
Changing State–Society Relations. Princeton, NJ: Katharine Adeney and Lawrence Sáez (eds), 12
University Press, 1988. Coalition Politics and Hindu Nationalism. London 13
Manor, James. “Ethnicity and Politics in India,” and New York: Routledge, 2005. 14
International Affairs,Vol. 72, No. 1 (1996). Mehta, Pratap Bhanu. The Burden of Democracy. 15
Manor, James. “Southern Discomfort: The BJP in Delhi: Penguin, 2003.
16
Karnataka,” in Thomas Blom Hansen and Menezes, S. L. Fidelity and Honour:The Indian Army
17
Christophe Jaffrelot (eds), The BJP and the from the Seventeenth to the Twenty-first Century.
New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999. 18
Compulsions of Politics in India. Delhi: Oxford 19
University Press, 1998. Menon, V.P.The Transfer of Power in India.Princeton,
NJ: University Press, 1957. 20
Manor, James. “Center–State Relations,” in Atul
Metcalf,Thomas. R. Ideologies of the Raj. New York: 21
Kohli (ed.), The Success of India’s Democracy.
Cambridge: University Press, 2001.
Cambridge University Press, 1994. 22
Meyer, Eric. Sri Lanka: Entre Particularisme et 23
Manor, James. “The Presidency,” in Devesh Kapur
Mondialisation. Paris: La Documentation 24
and Pratap Bhanu Mehta, Public Institutions in
Française, 2001. 25
India: Performance and Design. Delhi: Oxford
Migdal, Joel. “State Building and the Non-Nation 26
University Press, 2005.
State,” Journal of International Affairs,Vol. 58, No.
Mansingh, Gurbir. French Military Influence in India. 27
1 (2004).
New Delhi: Knowledge World and United 28
Misra, B. B. Government and Bureaucracy in India:
Services Institution of India, 2006. 29
1947–1976. New Delhi: Oxford University
Mansoor, Sabiha. Punjabi, Urdu, English in Pakistan: 30
Press, 1986.
A Sociolinguistic Study. Lahore: Vanguard, 31
Mitra, Subrata K. “The NDA and the Politics of
1993. ‘Minorities’ in India,” in Katharine Adeney and 32
Mansoor, Sabiha. Language Planning in Higher Lawrence Sáez (eds), Coalition Politics and Hindu 33
Education: A Case Study of Pakistan. Karachi: Nationalism. London and New York: Routledge, 34
Oxford University Press, 2005. 2005. 35
Mao Tse-tung. Selected Works,Vol. I. Peking: Foreign Mitra, S. K. and R. A. Lewis (eds), Sub-nationalist
Languages Press, 1965.
36
Movements in South Asia. Boulder, CO: 37
Marasinghe, Lakshman. “An Outline for a Westview Press, 1997.
Constitutional Settlement in Sri Lanka,”Address 38
Mohan,C.Crossing the Rubicon:The Shaping of India’s
at the International Center for Ethnic Studies, 39
New Foreign Policy. New Delhi:Viking, 2003.
Colombo, 2003. Moon,Penderel.Divide and Quit.London:Chatto & 40
Mason, Philip. A Matter of Honour:An Account of the Windus, 1961. 41
Indian Army, its Officers and Men. London: Moore,Mick.“Thoroughly Modern Revolutionaries: 42
Jonathan Cape, 1974. The JVP in Sri Lanka,” Modern Asian Studies, 43
Matthews, Bruce.“District Development Councils Vol. 27, No. 3 (July 1993), pp. 593–642. 44
in Sri Lanka,” Asian Survey, Vol. 22 (1982), Moore,R.J.Churchill,Cripps,and India,1939–1945. 45
pp. 1117–34. Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1979. 46
Maxwell,Neville.India,the Nagas and the North-East. Moustafa, Tamir. “Law versus the State: The 47
London: Minority Rights Group, 1980. Judicialization of Politics in Egypt,” Law and 48
440
 B I B LIOG RAPHY

1 Social Inquiry, Vol. 28, No. 4 (Fall 2003), pp. Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganized
2 883–93. Sector, 2006.
3 Mukarji, Nirmal K. and Balveer Arora. Federalism National Council for Educational Research and
4 in India: Origin and Development. New Delhi: Training. Sixth All India Educational Survey: Main
Vikas, 1992. Report. New Delhi: National Council for
5
Mukherjee, Kalyan and Rajendra Singh Yadav. Educational Research and Training, 1999.
6
Bhojpur: Naxalism in the Plains of Bihar. New National Democratic Institute (NDI). Report of the
7 Delhi: Radha Krishna, 1980. National Democratic Institute (NDI) Pre-election
8 Mukherjee, Partha N. et al. Left Extremism and Delegation to Bangladesh’s 2006/07 Parliamentary
9 Electoral Politics: Naxalite Participation in Elections. Elections. Dhaka: NDI, 11 September, 2006.
10 New Delhi: Indian Council of Social Science Nawaz, Shuja. Crossed Swords: Pakistan, its Army, and
11 Research, 1979. the Wars Within. Karachi: Oxford University
12 Muni, S. D. Pangs of Proximity: India’s and Sri Lanka’s Press, 2008.
13 Ethnic Crisis. New Delhi: Sage, 1993. Nayar, Kuldip. Between the Lines. New Delhi:Allied
14 Muni, S. D. The Maoist Insurgency in Nepal: The Publishers, 1969.
15 Challenge and the Response. New Delhi: Rupa & Nehru, Jawaharlal. The Question of Language.
Co., 2003. Allahabad: Congress Political and Economic
16
Muralidhar, S.“Implementation of Court Orders in Studies, 1937.
17
the Area of Economic, Social and Cultural Nettl,J.P.“The State as Conceptual Variable,” World
18 Rights: An Overview of the Experience of the
19 Politics,Vol. 20 (July 1968), pp. 559–92.
Indian Judiciary,” First South Asian Regional Nettle, David and Suzanne Romaine. Vanishing
20 Judicial Colloquium on Access to Justice, New Voices:The Extinction of the World’s Languages.New
21 Delhi, 1–3 November, 2002. York: Oxford University Press, 2000.
22 Murshid,Tazeen M.“State,Nation and Identity:The Newberg, Paula R. Judging the State: Courts and
23 Quest for Legitimacy in Bangladesh,” in Amita
Constitutional Politics in Pakistan. Cambridge:
24 Shastri and A.Jeyaratnam Wilson (eds), The Post-
University Press, 1994.
25 colonial States of South Asia:Democracy,Development
Nissanka, H. S. S. Sri Lanka’s Foreign Policy:A Study
26 and Identity. New York: Palgrave, 2001, pp.
in Non-Alignment. New Delhi: Vikas, 1984.
158–82.
27 Nizamani,Nizamuddin.“Socio-Political Unrest and
Myers-Scotton, Carol.“Elite Closure as a Powerful
28 Vulnerable Human Security in Balochistan,”
Language Strategy: The African Case,”
29 in Sustainable Development Policy Institute,
International Journal of the Sociology of Knowledge,
30 At the Crossroads: South Asian Research, Policy
No. 103 (1993), pp. 149–63.
31 and Development in a Globalized World.Islamabad:
Myrdal, Gunnar. Asian Drama: An Enquiry into the
32 Sustainable Development Policy Institute,
Poverty of Nations,Vol. II. New York: Twentieth
33 Century Fund, 1968. 2007.
Myrdal, Jan. “Seven Days with Telengana [sic] Norris, Pippa and Ronald Inglehart.“Islam and the
34
Naxalites,”New Delhi Magazine (29 September– West:Testing the Clash of Civilizations Thesis,”
35
12 October, 1980). KSG Working Paper No. RWP02,April 2002.
36 Nurullah, S. and J. P. Naik. A History of Education in
37 Naoroji, Dadabhai. Poverty and Un-British Rule in
India. London: Swan Sonnenschein, 1901. India (during the British Period), 2nd edition.
38 Bombay: Macmillan, 1951.
Nasr, Vali.“The Rise of Sunni Militancy in Pakistan:
39 Nye, Joseph. Soft Power:The Means to Success in World
The Changing Role of Islamism and the Ulema
40 in Society and Politics,” Modern Asian Studies, Politics. New York: Public Affairs, 2004.
41 Vol. 34, No. 1 (2000), pp. 145–54. Oberoi, Harjot. The Construction of Religious
42 Nasr, Vali.“Islam,the State and the Rise of Sectarian Boundaries: Culture, Identity and Diversity in the
43 Militancy in Pakistan,” in Christophe Jaffrelot Sikh Tradition. Chicago: University of Chicago
44 (ed.),Pakistan:Nationalism without a Nation.New Press, 1994.
45 Delhi: Manohar, 2002, pp. 88–92. Oberst, Robert C. “Proportional Representation
46 National Commission for Enterprises in the and Electoral System Change in Sri Lanka,” in
47 Unorganized Sector. Report on Social Security for James Manor (ed.), Sri Lanka in Change and
Unorganized Workers. New Delhi: National Crisis.London:Croom Helm,1984,pp.118–33.
48
441
B I B LIOG RAPHY

Oberst, Robert C. “Government Structure,” in Pakistan, cases, Federation of Pakistan et al. v Moulvi 1
Craig Baxter, Yogendra K. Malik, Charles H. Tamizuddin Khan, PLD (1955) FC 240. 2
Kennedy and Robert C. Oberst (eds), Pakistan, cases, Government of East Pakistan v Mrs. 3
Government and Politics in South Asia,5th edition. Rowshan Bijaya Shaukat Ali Khan, PLD (1966) 4
Boulder, CO:Westview Press, 2002. Supreme Court 286.
5
O’Donnell, Guillermo. “The Perpetual Crises of Pakistan, cases, Haji Ahmed v Federation of Pakistan
6
Democracy,” Journal of Democracy,Vol. 18, No. 1 through Secretary, Ministry of Justice and
(2007), pp. 5–11. Parliamentary Affairs and 88 Others,Constitutional 7
Ofstad,Arve.“Countries inViolent Conflict and Aid Petitions D-76, 163, 168 of 1989. 8
Strategies: The Case of Sri Lanka,” World Pakistan, cases, Islamic Republic of Pakistan through 9
Development,Vol. 30, No. 2 (2002), pp. 165–80. Secretary, Ministry of Interior and Kashmir Affairs, 10
Ogura, Kiyoko. “Maoists, People, and the State as Islamabad v Mr.Abdul Wali Khan MNA, No. 1 of 11
Seen from Rolpa and Rukum,” in H. Ishii, D. 1975. 12
Gellner and K. Nawa (eds), Political and Social Pakistan,cases,Malik Ghulam Jilani v The Government 13
Transformations in North India and Nepal. New ofWest Pakistan,PLD (1967) Supreme Court 373. 14
Delhi: Manohar, 2007. Pakistan,cases,Mohammed Ayub Khuro v Federation of 15
Ogura, Kiyoko. “Maoists’ People’s Governments, Pakistan, PLD (1950) Sind 49; Reference by His
16
2001–05: The Power in Wartime,” in D. N. Excellency the Governor-General, PLD 1955
17
Gellner and K.Hachhethu (eds),Local Democracy Federal Court 435.
in South Asia: Microprocesses of Democratization in Pakistan, cases, Muhammad Bachal Memon v 18
Nepal and its Neighbours. Delhi: Sage, 2008. Government of Sind, PLD (1987) Karachi 296. 19
O’Leary, Brendan and Arthur Paul. “Introduction: Pakistan, cases, Usif Patel and 2 Others v The Crown, 20
Northern Ireland as the Site of State and PLD (1955) Federal Court 387 (Appellate 21
Nation-Building Failures,”in John McGarry and Jurisdiction). 22
Brendan O’Leary (eds), The Future of Northern Pakistan, cases, Zafar Iqbal v Province of Sind and 2 23
Ireland. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990. Others, PLD (1973) Karachi 243. 24
O’Leary, Brendan, Ian S. Lustick and Thomas Pakistan, cases, Zia-ur Rahman v The State, PLD 25
Callaghy (eds). Right-sizing the State:The Politics (1972) Lahore 382. 26
of Moving Borders.Oxford:University Press,2001. Pakistan Government. Census of Pakistan 1951.
27
Oommen,T. K.“New Nationalisms and Collective Karachi: Government of Pakistan, 1951.
28
Rights: The Case of South Asia,” in Tariq Pakistan Government. Census Report of Pakistan
Madood and Judith Squires (eds), Ethnicity, 1961. Karachi: Government of Pakistan, 1961. 29
Nationalism and Minority Rights. Cambridge: Pakistan Government. The Constitution of the Islamic 30
University Press, 2004, pp. 121–43. Republic of Pakistan. Islamabad: Government of 31
Overstreet, Gene D. and Marshall Windmiller. Pakistan, 1963. 32
Communism in India. Bombay: Perennial Press, Pakistan Government. Report of the Commission on 33
1960. Student Problems and Welfare:Summary of Important 34
Pai Panandiker,V. A. (ed.). Problems of Governance in Observations and Recommendations. Islamabad: 35
South Asia. Dhaka: University Press, 2000. Government of Pakistan,Ministry of Education, 36
Pakistan, cases, Darwesh M. Arbey, Advocate v Central Bureau of Education, 1966. 37
Federation of Pakistan through the Law Secretary and Pakistan Government. National Education Census:
38
2 Others, PLD (1980) Lahore 206. Pakistan. Islamabad: Government of Pakistan,
39
Pakistan, cases, Dosso and Another v The State and 2006.
Others, PLD (1957) (W.P.) Quetta 9. “Pakistan’s Dilemma,” Civil and Military Gazette, 6 40
Pakistan, cases, F. B. Ali v The State, PLD (1975) March, 1955, p. 4. 41
Lahore 999. Panagariya, Arvind. India: The Emerging Giant. 42
Pakistan, cases, Fazlul Quader Chowdhry and Others Oxford: University Press, 2008. 43
v Mr. Muhammad Abdul Haque, PLD (1963) Panda, Basudev. Indian Bureaucracy: An Inside Story. 44
Supreme Court 486. New Delhi: Uppal, 1978. 45
Pakistan,cases,Federation of Pakistan and Others v Haji Pandey,Gyanendra.The Construction of Communalism 46
Muhammad Saifullah Khan and Others, (1988) in Colonial India. Delhi:Oxford University Press, 47
PSC 338. 1990. 48
442
 B I B LIOG RAPHY

1 Pandey, Gyanendra. Remembering Partition:Violence, Quah, Jon S. T. “Curbing Asian Corruption: An

2 Nationalism and History in India. Cambridge: Impossible Dream?,” Current History (April
3 University Press, 2001. 2006), pp. 176–79.
4 Papanek, Gustav F. Pakistan’s Development: Social Radhakrishnan, P.“Backward Class Movements in
Goals and Private Incentives. Cambridge, MA: Tamil Nadu,” in M. N. Srinivas, Caste: Its
5
Harvard University Press, 1967. Twentieth Century Avatar. New Delhi: Viking,
6
Parthasarathi, G. (ed.). Jawaharlal Nehru: Letters to 1996, pp. 110–34.
7 Chief Ministers 1947–1964,Vol. 5: 1958–1964. Radhakrishnan, S. Report of the University Education
8 New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989. Commission. New Delhi: Government of India,
9 Pasha, Hafiz A. and Tariq Hasan. “Development 1977.
10 Ranking of Districts of Pakistan,” in S. Akbar Rahman, Latifur. “Judicial Independence and the
11 Zaidi (ed.), Regional Imbalances and the National Accountability of Judges and the Constitution
12 Question in Pakistan. Lahore: Vanguard, 1992. of Bangladesh,” in 52 DLR (2000) Journal 65.
13 Patel, Dorab. Testament of a Liberal. Karachi: Oxford Rahman, Mahmuduk. Economic Governance Issues
14 University Press, 2000. and Bangladeshi Experience of Growth and
15 Paul, Samuel and M. Vivekananda. “Holding a Governance. Dhaka, 2006.
Mirror to the New Lok Sabha,” Economic and Rahman, Tariq. Language and Politics in Pakistan.
16
Political Weekly,Vol. 34, No. 45 (12 November, Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1996; reprint
17
2004), pp. 4,927–34. edition, Delhi: Orient Longman, 2007.
18 Peiris, G. L. “Judicial Review of Legislative and Rahman, Tariq. Language, Ideology and Power:
19 Administrative Action.”Unpublished conference Language-Learning among the Muslims of Pakistan
20 paper, 28 August, 1988. and North India. Karachi: Oxford University
21 People’s Union for Democratic Rights, Delhi and Press, 2002.
22 People’s Union for Civil Liberties,Chhattisgarh. Rahman,Tariq. Denizens of Alien Worlds:A Study of
23 When the State Makes War on its Own People. Education, Inequality and Polarization in Pakistan.
24 Delhi: People’s Union for Democratic Rights Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2004.
25 and People’s Union for Civil Liberties, 2006. Rahman, Tariq. “Multilingualism and Language
26 Perkovich, George. India’s Nuclear Bomb:The Impact Vitality in Pakistan,” in Anju Saxena and Lars
on Global Proliferation. Berkeley: University of Borin (eds), Trends in Linguistics: Lesser-Known
27
California Press, 1999. Languages of South Asia: Status and Policies, Case
28
Philips,C.H.and W. Wainwright (eds).The Partition Studies and Applications of Information Technology.
29 of India: Policies and Perspectives, 1935–1947. Berlin and New York: Mouton, 2006.
30 London:Allen & Unwin, 1970. Rahman, Tariq. “Urdu as an Islamic Language,”
31 Phillipson, Robert. Linguistic Imperialism. Oxford: Annual of Urdu Studies, No. 21 (2006), pp.
32 University Press, 1992. 101–19.
33 Political Science Association of Nepal (POLSAN). Rahman, Tariq. “The Role of English in Pakistan
34 Political Parties and the Parliamentary Process in with Special Reference to Tolerance and
35 Nepal: A Study of the Transitional Phase. Militancy,” in Amy B.Tsui and James Tollefson
36 Kathmandu: POLSAN, 1992. (eds),Language Policy,Culture,and Identity in Asian
37 Prasad, Bisheshwar (ed.). Official History of the Indian Contexts.Mahwah,NJ:Lawrence Erlbaum,2007,
Armed Forces in the Second World War:Expansion of pp. 219–39.
38
the Armed Forces and Defence Organization, Rai, Alok. Hindi Nationalism. Hyderabad: Orient
39
1939–1945. New Delhi: Combined Inter- Longman, 2001.
40 Services Historical Section, India and Pakistan, Rajagopalachari,C.The Question of English.Madras:
41 1965. Bharatan, 1962.
42 Pratap, Anita. Island of Blood. Bombay: Penguin, Ram, Mohan. Hindi vs. India:The Meaning of DMK.
43 2001. New Delhi: Rachna Prakashan, 1968.
44 Prebisch, Raoul. The Economic Development of Latin Ramachandran,Raju.“The Supreme Court and the
45 America and its Principal Problems. Lake Success, Basic Structure Doctrine,”in B.N.Kirpal,Ashok
46 NY: United Nations, 1950. H. Desai, Gopal Subramanium, Rajeev Dhavan
47 Puri,Balraj.Kashmir:Towards Insurgency.New Delhi: and Raju Ramachandran (eds), Supreme but not
48 Orient Longman, 1995. Infallible: Essays in Honour of the Supreme Court of

443
B I B LIOG RAPHY

India.New Delhi:Oxford University Press,2000, Rice,Eugene and Anthony Grafton.The Foundations 1

pp. 107–33. of Early Modern Europe, 1460–1559. New York: 2
Ramachandran, V. K. “On Kerala’s Development W.W. Norton, 1994. 3
Achievements,” in Jean Drèze and Amartya Sen Richardson, John. Paradise Poisoned: Learning about 4
(eds), Indian Development. Delhi: Oxford Conflict,Terrorism and Development from Sri Lanka’s
5
University Press, 1996. Civil Wars. Kandy: International Centre for
6
Ramasubramaniam, K.A.“Historical Development Ethnic Studies, 2004.
and Essential Features of the Federal System,” in Richter, Melvin. The History of Political and Social 7
Nirmal Mukarji and Balveer Arora (eds), Concepts: A Critical Introduction. New York: 8
Federalism in India:Origins and Development.New Oxford University Press, 1995. 9
Delhi: Vikas, 1992. Rishikesh. Shaha. An Introduction to Nepal. 10
Rao, P. V. R. Red Tape and White Cap. New Delhi: Kathmandu: RPB, 1976. 11
Orient Longman, 1970. Rizvi, Hasan-Askari. Military, State, and Society in 12
Rao,V. K. R.V. Many Languages, One Nation: The Pakistan. London: Macmillan, 2000. 13
Problem of Integration.Bombay:Mahatma Gandhi Roberts, Michael (ed.). Documents of the Ceylon 14
Memorial Research and Library, 1978. National Congress and Nationalist Politics in Ceylon, 15
Rashiduzzaman, M. “Political Unrest and 1929–1950 (4 vols.). Colombo: Department of
16
Democracy in Bangladesh,” Asian Survey, Vol. National Archives, 1977.
17
37, No. 3 (1997), pp. 254–68. Roberts, Michael. “Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka
Rashiduzzaman, M. “Bangladesh in 2001: The and Sinhalese Perspectives: Barriers to 18
Election and a New Political Reality?,” Asian Accommodation,”Modern Asian Studies, Vol.12, 19
Survey,Vol. 42, No. 1 (2002), pp. 183–91. No. 3 (1978), pp. 353–76. 20
Rau,B.N.India’s Constitution in the Making.Bombay: Robinson,Francis.Separatism among Indian Muslims: 21
Orient Longman, 1960. The Politics of the United Provinces’ Muslims 22
Rauch, James and Peter Evans. “Bureaucratic 1860–1923. Cambridge:University Press,1975. 23
Structure and Bureaucratic Performance in Less Robinson, Marguerite. Local Politics:The Law of the 24
Developed Countries,” Journal of Public Fishes—Development through Political Change in 25
Economics,Vol. 75, No. 1 (2000), pp. 49–71. Medak District, Andhra Pradesh (South India). 26
Ray,Rabindra.The Naxalites and their Ideology.Delhi: Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988.
27
Oxford University Press, 1988. Rodden, Jonathan and Steven Wilkinson. “The
28
Redissi, Hamadi and Jan-Erik Lane. “Does Islam Shifting Political Economy of Redistribution in
Provide a Theory of Violence?,” in Amélie the Indian Federation.” Preliminary draft 29
Blom, Laetitia Bucaille and Luis Martinez (eds), prepared for the Annual Meeting of the 30
The Enigma of Islamist Violence. London: Hurst, International Society for New Institutional 31
2007. Economics, Tucson, AZ, 30 September–3 32
Reetz, Dietrich. “God’s Kingdom on Earth: The October, 2004. 33
Contestations of the Public Sphere by Islamic Rodrik, Dani and Arvind Subramanian. Why India 34
Groups in Colonial India (1900–1947).” Can Grow at 7 Percent a Year or More: Projections 35
Rehabilitation thesis, Abstract,Berlin University, and Reflections, IMF Working Paper 04/118. 36
Berlin, 2001. Washington,DC:International Monetary Fund, 37
Rehman,Fazlur.“Islam in Pakistan,”Journal of South 2004.
38
Asian and Middle Eastern Studies,Vol. 8, No. 4 Rose, Leo. E. “The National Political Culture and
39
(1985). Institutions in Nepal,” in Amita Shastri and A.
Rennell,James. Memoir of a Map of Hindoostan:or the Jeyaratnam Wilson (eds), The Post-colonial States 40
Mogul Empire:with an introduction,illustrative of the of South Asia:Democracy,Development and Identity. 41
geography and present division of that country. New York: Palgrave, 2001, pp. 114–38. 42
London: printed by M. Brown, 1788. Rosenberg, Gerald N. The Hollow Hope: Can Courts 43
Riaz, Ali. “Islamist Parties and Democracy in Bring About Social Change? Chicago: University 44
Bangladesh,” Paper prepared for the Annual of Chicago Press, 1991. 45
Meeting of the American Political Science Rosenberg, Gerald N. “The Real World of 46
Association, Chicago, 30 August–2 September, Constitutional Rights:The Supreme Court and 47
2007. the Implementation of the Abortion Decisions,” 48
444
 B I B LIOG RAPHY

1 in Lee Epstein (ed.), Contemplating Courts. Ruggie, John Gerard.“Territoriality at Millennium’s

2 Washington, DC: CQ Press, 1995. End,” in John Gerard Ruggie, Constructing
3 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. The Social Contract, trans. the World Polity: Essays on International
4 Maurice Cranston. New York: Penguin, 2006. Institutionalization. London: Routledge, 1998.
Roy, Ashis Kumar. The Spring Thunder and After. Rupesinghe, Kumar (ed.). Negotiating Peace in Sri
5
Calcutta: Minerva Associates, 1975. Lanka: Efforts, Failures and Lessons. Colombo:
6
Roy, Olivier. Globalized Islam: The Search for a New Foundation for Co-existence, 2006.
7 Saddiqa, Ayesha.Military Inc.inside Pakistan’s Military
Ummah. New York: Columbia University Press
8 and Centre d’Études et de Recherches Economy. London: Pluto Press, 2007.
9 Internationales, 2004. Sáez, Lawrence. Federalism without a Centre: The
10 Rubinoff, Arthur G. “Conflicting Ambitions in Impact of Political and Economic Reforms on India’s
11 Goa’s Parliamentary Elections,” in Ramashray Federal System.Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2002.
12 Roy and Paul Wallace (eds),Indian Politics and the Safran,William.“Non-separatist Policies Regarding
13 1998 Election: Regionalism, Hindutva and State Ethnic Minorities: Positive Approaches and
14 Politics. New Delhi: Sage, 1999. Ambiguous Consequences,”International Political
15 Rudolph, Lloyd I.“The Faltering Novitiate: Rajiv Science Review,Vol. 15. No. 1 (1994).
at Home and Abroad in 1988,” in Marshall M. Sahni, Sati. Center–State Relations: Proceedings of a
16
Bouton and Philip Oldenburg (eds), India Meeting of Leaders. New Delhi: Vikas, 1984.
17
Briefing, 1989. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, Sainath,Palagummi.Everybody Loves a Good Drought:
18 Stories from India’s Poorest Districts. New Delhi:
1989.
19 Penguin India, 1996.
Rudolph, Lloyd I. “Tod vs Mill: Clashing
20 Saleem,Ali.“Inaccessible Justice in Pakistan,”Asian
Perspectives on British Rule in India and Indian
21 Legal Resource Center,Hong Kong,11 August,
Civilization,” in Giles Tillotson (ed.), James Tod’s
22 Rajasthan. Mumbai: Marg, 2007. 2004.
23 Rudolph, Lloyd I. and John Kurt Jacobsen. Samad,Yunas. A Nation in Turmoil: Nationalism and
24 “Historicizing the Modern State,” in Lloyd I. Ethnicity in Pakistan,1937–58.New Delhi:Sage,
25 1995.
Rudolph and John Kurt Jacobsen (eds),
26 Samad, Yunas. “Pakistan or Punjabistan: Crisis of
Experiencing the State.New Delhi and NewYork:
National Identity,” in Gurharpal Singh and
27 Oxford University Press, 2006, pp. xi–xxix.
Ian Talbot (eds), Punjabi Identity: Continuity
28 Rudolph, Lloyd I. and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph.
and Change. New Delhi: Manohar, 1995,
29 The Modernity of Tradition.Chicago:University of
pp. 61–87.
30 Chicago Press, 1967, 1984.
Sanmugathasan,N.Political Memoirs of an Unrepentant
31 Rudolph, Lloyd and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph. In
Communist. Colombo: Colombo Apothecaries,
32 Pursuit of Lakshmi: The Political Economy of the
1989.
Indian State. Chicago: University of Chicago
33 Sanyal, Kanu. Report on the Terai Peasants’ Movement.
Press, 1987.
34 Calcutta: CPI(M-L), 1969.
Rudolph, Lloyd and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph.
35 Saran, P. The Provincial Government of the Mughals,
“Redoing the Constitutional Design: From an 1526–1658, 2nd edition. London: Asia
36 Interventionist to a Regulatory State,” in Atul
37 Publishing House, 1973.
Kohli (ed.), The Success of India’s Democracy. Saran, Shyam. “Prime Minister’s Special Envoy on
38 Cambridge: University Press, 2001. Kashmir,” Tribune, Chandigarh, 23 November,
39 Rudolph, Susanne Hoeber. “The Imperialism 2006 (online).
40 of Categories: Situating Knowledge in a Saraswathi, S. Minorities in Madras State: Group
41 Globalizing World,” Perspectives on Politics, Interests in Modern Politics. Delhi: Impex India,
42 Vol. 3, No. 5 (March 2005), pp. 5–14. 1974.
43 Rudolph, Susanne Hoeber and James Piscatori Sarkar,Sumit.Modern India 1885–1947.New Delhi:
44 (eds). Transnational Religion and Fading States. Macmillan, 1983.
45 Boulder, CO:Westview Press, 1997. Sarkar, Sumit. “Indian Democracy: The Historical
46 Rudolph, Susanne and Lloyd Rudolph. In Pursuit of Inheritance,” in Atul Kohli (ed.), The Success of
Lakshmi. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, India’s Democracy. Cambridge: University Press,
47
1996. 2001.
48
445
B I B LIOG RAPHY

Sarvananthan, Muttukrishna. “In Pursuit of a Sharma, Prayag Raj. “Ethnicity and National 1
Mythical State of Tamil Eelam: Rejoinder to Integration in Nepal: A Statement of the 2
Kristian Stokke,” Third World Quarterly,Vol. 28, Problem,” Journal of Nepalese Studies, Vol. 1 3
No. 6 (2007), pp. 1,185–95. (July–December 1987), pp. 23–30. 4
Sathe, S. P. Judicial Activism in India. Delhi: Oxford Sharma, Prayag Raj. “How to Tend this Garden,”
5
University Press, 2002. Himal (May–June 1992), pp. 7–9.
Sayeed, K. B. Pakistan: The Formative Phase, 6
Shastri, Amita. “Sri Lanka’s Provincial Council
1857–1948. London: Oxford University Press, System: A Solution to the Ethnic Problem?,” 7
1968. Asian Survey,Vol. 32 (1992), pp. 723–43. 8
Schmitter, Philippe C. and Terry Lynn Karl.“What Shastri, Amita. “Estate Tamils, the Ceylon 9
Democracy Is . . . and Is Not,” Journal of Citizenship Act of 1948 and Sri Lankan Politics,” 10
Democracy (1991), pp. 50–54. Contemporary South Asia,Vol. 8, No. 1 (1999), 11
Scott, David. Refashioning Futures: Criticism after pp. 65–86. 12
Postcoloniality. Princeton, NJ: University Press, Shastri, Amita. “Channelling Ethnicity through 13
1999. Electoral Reform in Sri Lanka,” Journal of 14
Seervai, H. M. Constitutional Law of India, 3rd Commonwealth and Comparative Politics,Vol. 43
edition. New Delhi: N. M.Tripathy, 1983. 15
(2005), pp. 34–60.
Sen, Abhijit and Himanshu.“Poverty and Inequality 16
Shugart, Matthew and John Carey. Presidents and
in India I,” Economic and Political Weekly,Vol. 39, 17
Assemblies: Constitutional Design and Electoral
No. 38 (18 September, 2004), pp. 4,247–63. Dynamics. Cambridge: University Press, 1992. 18
Sen, Abhijit and Himanshu.“Poverty and Inequality Siddiqa, Ayesha.Military Inc.:Inside Pakistan’s Military 19
in India II,” Economic and Political Weekly,Vol. 39, Economy. London: Pluto, 2007. 20
No. 39 (25 September, 2004), pp. 4,361–75. Sidhu,Waheguru Pal Singh, Bushra Asif and Samii, 21
Sen,Amartya K.“Public Action and Quality of Life 22
Cyrus. Kashmir: New Voices, New Approaches.
in Developing Countries,” Oxford Bulletin of
Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2006. 23
Economics and Statistics,Vol. 43, No. 4 (1981).
Simpson, A.W. Brian. Human Rights and the End of 24
Sen, Amartya Kumar. “More than 100 Million
Empire: Britain and the Genesis of the European 25
Women Are Missing,” NewYork Review of Books,
Convention. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2001. 26
Vol. 37, No. 20 (20 December, 1990).
Singer, Hans. “The Distribution of Gains between
Sen, Amartya. Identity and Violence: The Illusion of 27
Investing and Borrowing Countries,” American
Destiny. London:Allen Lane, 2006. 28
Economic Review,Vol. 40 (1950), pp. 478–96.
Sen, Ronojoy. “Tilting at Windmills: Indian 29
Singh, Gurharpal. “Understanding the ‘Punjab
Historians and the Contestation over 1857,” 30
Biblio: A Review of Books, Special issue on “The Problem,’” Asian Survey, Vol. 27, No. 2
(December 1987), pp. 1,268–77. 31
Uprising of 1857: 150 Years Later,” Vol. 12,
Singh, Gurharpal.“The Punjab Crisis since 1984:A 32
No. 3–4 (March–April 2007).
Seneviratne, H. L. The Work of Kings: New Buddhism Reassessment,” Ethnic and Racial Studies,Vol. 18, 33
in Sri Lanka. Chicago: University Press, 1999. No. 3 (1995), pp. 476–93. 34
Seshan,T.N.with Sanjoy Hazarika.The Degeneration Singh, Gurharpal. Ethnic Conflict in India: A Case- 35
of India. New Delhi: Penguin Viking, 1995. Study of Punjab. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000. 36
Shah,A.B.(ed.).The Great Debate.Bombay:Lalvani, Singh,Gurharpal.“On the Nuclear Precipice:India, 37
1968. Pakistan and the Kashmir Crisis,” openDemocracy
38
Shah, Rishikesh. Essays in the Practices of Government (7 August,2002).Available at:http://www.open
39
in Nepal. New Delhi: Manohar, 1982. democracy.net/conflict-india_pakistan/article_
194.jsp (accessed on 23 November, 2006). 40
Shah, Sajjad Ali. Law Courts in a Glass House: An
Singh, Gurharpal. “The Indo-Pakistan Summit: 41
Autobiography. Karachi:Oxford University Press,
2001. Hope for Kashmir?,”openDemocracy (16 February, 42
Shankar,Shylashri.Scaling Justice:India’s Supreme Court, 2004).Available at:http://www.opendemocracy. 43
Anti-Terror Laws and Social Rights, forthcoming. net/conflict-india_pakistan/article_1738.jsp 44
Shanmugam,S.V.(in Tamil) mozhi vaLarcciyum mozhi (accessed on 15 November, 2006). 45
uNarvum: canka kaalam [Language development Singh, Jaswant. Defending India. Basingstoke: 46
and language awareness: Sangam period]. Macmillan, and New York: St. Martin’s Press, 47
Madras: Manivasagar Patippakam, 1989. 1999. 48
446

1 Singh, Narendra Kumar. Bureaucracy: Positions and
2 Persons. New Delhi:Abhinav, 1974.
3 Sinha,Arun. Against the Few: Struggles of India’s Rural
4 Poor. London: Zed Books, 1991.
Sinha, Aseema. The Regional Roots of Development
5
Politics in India: A Divided Leviathan.
6 Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2005.
7 Sinha, Moni. Jeebon Sangram. Dhaka: Jatiya Sahitya
8 Prakashani, 1983.
9 Sisson, Richard and Leo E. Rose. War and Secession:
10 India, Pakistan and the Creation of Bangladesh.
11 Berkeley: University California Press, 1990.
12 Smith,Anthony D.“The Nation:Real or Imagined,”
13 in E.Mortimer (ed.),People,Nation and State:The
Meaning of Ethnicity and Nationalism. London:
14
Tauris, 1999.
15 Snodgrass, Donald R. Ceylon:An Export Economy in
16 Transition. Homewood, IL: Richard D. Irwin,
17 1966.
18 Sobhan, Rehman. “Structural Dimensions of
19 Malgovernance in Bangladesh,” Economic and
20 Political Weekly,Vol. 39, No. 36 (4 September,
21 2004), pp. 4,101–08.
22 Spencer, Jonathan. “Collective Violence and
Everyday Practice in Sri Lanka,” Modern Asian
23
Studies,Vol. 24 (1990), pp. 603–23.
24 Spencer, Jonathan (ed.). Sri Lanka: History and the
25 Roots of Conflict. London: Routledge, 1990.
26 Spruyt, Hendrik. The Sovereign State and its
27 Competitors: An Analysis of System Change.
28 Princeton, NJ: University Press, 1994.
29 Sri Lanka, cases, Daramitipola Ratnasara Thero v
30 P. Udugampola (1983) 1 Sri LR 461.
31 Sri Lanka, cases, EFL v UDA FR 47/2004.
Sri Lanka, cases, In Re The Thirteenth Amendment to
32
the Constitution and Provincial Councils Bill, S.C.
33 7/87 (Spl) TO S.C. 48/87 (Spl).
34 Sri Lanka, cases, J. Dandaniya and Edirimuni Samith
35 de Silva v Sri Lanka, C.A.Appeal 66/2006.
36 Sri Lanka, cases, Sinharasa v Sri Lanka, Case No.
37 1033/2004.
38 Sri Lanka Government, Department of Census and
39 Statistics (DCS). Socio-economic Survey of Sri
40 Lanka, 1969/70. Colombo: DCS, 1971.
Sridharan, Eswaran. “Principles, Power and
41
Coalition Politics in India: Lessons from
42 Theory, Comparison and Recent History,” in
43 D. D. Khanna and Gert W. Kueck (eds),
44 Principles, Power and Politics. New Delhi:
45 Macmillan, 1999.
46 Sridharan,Eswaran,“Coalitions and Party Strategies
47 in India’s Parliamentary Federation,”Publius:The
48 Journal of Federalism,Vol. 33, No. 4 (Fall 2003).
B I B LIOG RAPHY
Srinivas, M. N. Caste: Its Twentieth Century Avatar.
New Delhi:Viking, 1996.
Srinivasan, Thirukodikaval Nilakanta. “Reform of
Industrial and Trade Policies,” Economic and
Political Weekly,Vol. 26, No. 37 (14 September,
1991), pp. 2,143–45.
Stapenhurst, Rick and Sahr J. Kpundeh (eds).
Curbing Corruption:Toward a Model for Building
National Integrity.Washington, DC:World Bank,
1999.
Stein, Burton. Thomas Munro: The Origins of the
Colonial State and his Vision of Empire. Delhi and
New York: Oxford University Press, 1989.
Stern, Jessica. “Pakistan’s Jihad Culture,” Foreign
Affairs, Vol. 79, No. 6 (November–December
2000).
Stokes, Eric. The English Utilitarians and India. New
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989.
Stokke, Kristian. “Building the Tamil Eelam State:
Emerging State Institutions and Forms of
Governance in LTTE-Controlled Areas in Sri
Lanka,” Third World Quarterly, Vol. 27, No. 6
(2006), pp. 1,021–40.
Stulligross, David. “A Piece of Land to Call One’s
Own:Multicultural Federalism and Institutional
Innovation in India.” Ph.D. dissertation,
Department of Political Science, University of
California, Berkeley, 2002.
Subramanyam, K. Shedding Shibboleths: India’s
Evolving Strategic Outlook. Delhi: Wordsmiths,
2005.
Sundarayya, P. Telangana People’s Struggle and its
Lessons. Calcutta: CPI (Marxist), 1972.
Sury, M. M. Fiscal Federalism in India. Delhi: Indian
Tax Institute, 1998.
Swamy Narayan, M. R. Tigers of Lanka: From Boys to
Guerrillas. New Delhi: South Asia Books, 1995.
Talbot, Ian. Punjab and the Raj, 1849–1947. New
Delhi: Manohar, 1988.
Talbot, Ian. Khizr Tiwana, the Punjab Unionist Party
and the Partition of India. London: Curzon, 1996.
Talbot, Ian. Pakistan: A Modern History. London:
Hurst, 1998.
Talbot, Ian. India and Pakistan: Inventing the Nation.
London:Arnold, 2000.
Talbot, Ian. Divided Cities: Partition and its Aftermath
in Lahore and Amritsar 1947–1957. Karachi:
Oxford University Press, 2006.
Talbott, Strobe. Engaging India: Diplomacy, Democracy
and the Bomb—A Memoir. Washington, DC:
Brookings Institution Press, 2004.
Tambiah, S. J. “Ethnic Representation in Ceylon’s
Higher Administrative Services, 1870–1946,”
447
B I B LIOG RAPHY

University of Ceylon Review, Vol. 13, No. 2–3 Tilly, Charles. “War Making and State Making 1
(April–July 1955), pp. 113–34. as Organized Crime,”in Peter B.Evans,Dietrich 2
Tambiah, Stanley. World Conqueror and World Rueschemeyer and Theda Skocpol (eds), 3
Renouncer: A Study of Buddhism and Polity in Bringing the State Back In.Cambridge:University 4
Thailand against a Historical Background. Press, 1985, pp. 169–91.
5
Cambridge and New York: Cambridge Tiruchelvam, Neelan. “The Politics of Federalism
and Diversity in Sri Lanka,” in Yash Ghai (ed.), 6
University Press, 1976.
Tambiah, Stanley J. Sri Lanka: Ethnic Fratricide and Autonomy and Ethnicity: Negotiating Competing 7
the Dismantling of Democracy.Chicago:University Claims in Multi-ethnic States. Cambridge: 8
of Chicago Press, 1986. University Press, 2000, pp. 197–218. 9
Tate, C. Neal and Torbjörn Vallinder. “The Global Transparency International (TI).Corruption in South 10
Expansion of Judicial Power:The Judicialization Asia:Insights and Benchmarks from Citizen Feedback 11
of Politics,” in C. Neal Tate and Torbjörn Surveys in Five Countries. Berlin: TI, December 12
Vallinder (eds), The Global Expansion of Judicial 2002. 13
Power. New York: University Press, 1995, pp. Transparency International. Corruption Perceptions
14
1–24. Index, 2006. Available at: http://www.
transparency.org. 15
Thakurta, Paranjoy and Shankar Raghuraman. A
Transparency International. Global Integrity Index, 16
Time of Coalitions: Divided We Stand. New Delhi:
2006. Available at: http://www.globalintegrity. 17
Sage, 2004.
Thandi, Shinder S. “Counterinsurgency and org/data/2006index.cfm. 18
Political Violence in Punjab, 1980–1994,” in Transparency International.Report on the Transparency 19
Gurharpal Singh and Ian Talbot (eds), Punjabi International Global Corruption Barometer. Berlin: 20
Identity: Continuity and Change. New Delhi: TI, 7 December, 2006. 21
Transparency International India. India Corruption 22
Manohar, 1996, pp. 159–85.
Study 2005:To Improve Governance. New Delhi:
Thapa, Deepak (ed.). Understanding the Maoist 23
Transparency International India,30 June,2005.
Movement of Nepal. Kathmandu: Martin 24
Umar,Badruddin (comp.).Bhasha Ondolan Prasanga:
Chautari, 2003. 25
Katipay. Dolil,Vol. 2. Dhaka: Bangla Academy,
Thapa, Deepak and Bandana Sijapati. A Kingdom 26
1986.
under Siege: Nepal’s Maoist Insurgency, 1996 to
Umar,Badruddin.The Emergence of Bangladesh:Class 27
2003. Kathmandu: Print House, 2003.
Struggles in East Pakistan (1947–1958). Karachi: 28
Thapar,Romila.A History of India.Harmondsworth:
Oxford University Press, 2004. 29
Penguin, 1966.
UNESCO. Position Paper: Teaching in the Mother 30
Thirumalai, M. S. (comp.). “Constitution of India: Tongue. Paris: UNESCO, 2003.
Provisions Relating to Language,” Language in 31
United Nations.“Contributions to United Nations
India, Vol. 2, No. 2 (2002). Available at: 32
Peacekeeping Operations, as of 31 January
www.languageinindia.com. 2007.” Available at: http://www.un.org/ 33
Thirumalai, M. S. (comp.).“The Official Language Depts/dpko/dpko/contributors/2007/jan07_1. 34
Act, 1963 (As Amended, 1967),” Language in pdf (accessed on 1 August, 2007). 35
India,Vol. 2, No. 2 (2002). Unnikrishnan v State of AP (1993) 1 SCC 645. 36
Thirumalai, M. S.“Early Gandhi and the Language U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, 37
Policy of the Indian National Congress,” Human Rights, and Labor.“Sri Lanka: Country 38
Language in India,Vol. 5, No. 4 (2005). Reports on Human Rights Practices—2007.” 39
Thirumalai, M. S. and B. Mallikarjun (comps.). Available at: http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/
“The Evolution of Language Policy in the 40
hrrpt/2007/100620.htm (accessed on 12 March,
Constituent Assembly of India,” Compilation of 41
2008).
extracts from Constituent Assembly debates, Uyangoda, Jayadeva.“The State and the Process of 42
Government of India, New Delhi, 1949, Devolution in Sri Lanka,” in Sunil Bastian (ed.), 43
Language in India,Vol. 6, No. 2 (2006). Devolution and Development in Sri Lanka. 44
Thorner, Daniel. The Agrarian Prospect in India: Five Colombo: International Centre for Ethnic 45
Lectures on Land Reform Delivered in 1955 at the Studies, 1994. 46
Delhi School of Economics, 2nd edition. Bombay: Uyangoda,Jayadeva.Questions of Sri Lanka’s Minority 47
Allied, 1976. Rights, Minority Protection Monograph, South 48
448
 B I B LIOG RAPHY

1 Asia Series 2.Colombo:International Center for Waseem, Mohammad. Politics and the State in
2 Ethnic Studies, Unie Arts, 2001. Pakistan. Lahore: Progressive, 1989.
3 Uyangoda, Jayadeva.“Ethnic Conflict, the Tsunami Waseem,Mohammad.“Pakistan Resolution and the
4 Disaster and the State in Sri Lanka,” Inter-Asia Ethnonationalist Movements,” in Kaniz F.
Cultural Studies,Vol. 6, No. 3 (September 2005), Yusuf,M.Saleem Akhtar and S.Razi Wasti (eds),
5
pp. 341–52. Pakistan Resolution Revisited.Islamabad:National
6 Institute of Historical and Cultural Studies,
Uyangoda, Jayadeva. Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka:
7 Changing Dynamics.Washington, DC: East–West 1990, pp. 522–27.
8 Center, 2007. Waseem,Muhammad.The 1993 Elections in Pakistan.
9 Van Dyke,Virginia.“‘Jumbo Cabinets,’Factionalism, Lahore: Vanguard, 1994.
10 and the Impact of Federalism: Comparing Waseem,Mohammad.“Mohajirs in Pakistan:A Case
11 Coalition Governments in Kerala, Punjab, and of Nativisation of Migrants,” in Crispin Bates
12 Uttar Pradesh,” in Paul Wallace and Ramashroy (ed.), Community, Empire and Migration: South
13 Roy (eds), India’s 2004 Elections: Grassroots and Asians in Diaspora. Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001.
National Perspectives. New Delhi: Sage, 2007. Waseem, Mohammad. “Political Ethnicity and the
14
Varshney,Ashutosh.“Mass Politics or Elite Politics? State in Pakistan,” in The Nation-State and
15 Transnational Forces in South Asia (Tokyo, 2001),
India’s Economic Reforms in Comparative
16 pp. 270–71.
Perspective,” in Jeffrey D. Sachs, Ashutosh
17 Waseem, Mohammad. “Muslim Migration from
Varshney and Nirupam Bajpai (eds), India in the
18 Era of Economic Reforms. New Delhi: Oxford East Punjab: Patterns of Settlement and
19 University Press, 1999, pp. 222–60. Assimilation,” in Ian Talbot and Thinder Shandi
20 Varshney, Ashutosh. “Is India Becoming More (eds), People on the Move: Punjabi Colonial and
21 Democratic?,”Journal of Asian Studies,Vol.59,No. Postcolonial Migration.Karachi:Oxford University
22 Press, 2004.
1 (2000), pp. 3–25.
Waseem, Mohammad. Democratization in Pakistan:
23 Venkataraman, R. My Presidential Years. New Delhi:
A Study of the 2002 Elections. Karachi: Oxford
24 HarperCollins, 1994.
University Press, 2006.
25 Venkatesan, V. “Judicial Challenge,” Frontline (9
Waseem, Mohammad.“Functioning of Democracy
26 February, 2007).
in Pakistan,” in Zoya Hasan (ed.), Democracy and
Vijayanunni, M. “Caste and the Census of India.”
27 Muslim Societies:The Asian Experience.New Delhi:
Unpublished paper, 2003.
28 Sage, 2007.
Viswanathan,Gauri.Masks of Conquest:Literary Study
29 Waseem, Mohammad. “Islam and the West: A
and British Rule in India. New York: Columbia
30 Perspective from Pakistan,” in James L. Peacock,
University Press, 1989. Patricia M.Thornton and Patrick B.Inman (eds),
31 Vithal, B. P. R. and M. L. Shastry. Fiscal Federalism in Identity Matters:Ethnic and Sectarian Conflict.New
32 India.New Delhi:Oxford University Press,2001. York: Berghahn Books: 2007.
33 Vittachi,Tarzie.Emergency ‘58:The Story of the Ceylon Washbrook, David. The Emergence of Provincial
34 Race Riots. London:André Deutsch, 1958. Politics: The Madras Presidency 1870–1920.
35 Vivienne Gunawardene v Hector Perera (1983) S.C. Cambridge: University Press, 1976.
36 Application 20/83. Weerakoon, Bradman. “Government of Sri Lanka
37 Von Vorys, Karl. Political Development in Pakistan. and LTTE Peace Negotiations 1989/90,” in
Princeton, NJ: University Press, 1965. Kumar Rupesinghe (ed.),Negotiating Peace in Sri
38
Wade, Robert.“The Market for Public Office:Why Lanka: Efforts, Failures and Lessons. Colombo:
39
the Indian State Is Not Better at Development,” Foundation for Co-existence,2006,pp.111–28.
40 World Development, Vol. 13, No. 4 (1985), pp. Weerawardena, I. D. S. “The Minorities and the
41 467–97. Citizenship Act,” Ceylon Historical Journal,Vol. 1,
42 Walker, R. B. J. Inside/Outside: International Relations No. 3 (1951).
43 as Political Theory. Cambridge: University Press, Weiner, Myron. Sons of the Soil: Migration and Ethnic
44 1993. Conflict in India. Princeton, NJ: University Press,
45 Walker, William. “International Nuclear Relations 1978.
46 after the Indian and the Pakistani Test Weiner, Myron. “Congress Restored: Continuities
47 Explosions,” International Affairs,Vol. 74, No. 3 and Discontinuities in Indian Politics,” Asian
48 (July 1998), pp. 505–28. Survey,Vol. 22 (1982).

449
B I B LIOG RAPHY

Weiss, Anita M. and S. Zulfiqar Gilani (eds). Power Woodruff,Philip.The MenWho Ruled India,Vol.I:The 1
and Civil Society in Pakistan. Oxford: University Founders. London: Jonathan Cape, 1953, 1957. 2
Press, 2001. World Bank.The East Asian Miracle:Economic Growth 3
Welikala, Asanga. “Towards Two Nations in One and Public Policy. Oxford: University Press, 1993. 4
State.” Unpublished conference paper, EURO World Bank.Taming Leviathan:Reforming Governance
5
Regions Summer University of the Institute of in Bangladesh. Dhaka:World Bank, 2002.
Federalism,University of Fribourg,Switzerland, World Bank. Resuming Punjab’s Prosperity: The 6
21 September, 2002. Opportunities and Challenges Ahead.Washington, 7
Welikala, Asanga. The Menzingen Determination and DC:World Bank, 2004. 8
the Supreme Court:A Liberal Critique. Colombo: World Bank. Bangladesh Economics and Governance of 9
Center for Policy Alternatives, 2008. Nongovernmental Organizations in Bangladesh, 10
Wendt, Alexander. Social Theory of International Report No. 35861-BD. Washington, DC: 11
Politics. New York: Cambridge University Press, World Bank, 16 April, 2006. 12
1999. World Bank. India: Inclusive Growth and Service 13
Whaley,Joachim.“Federal Habits:The Holy Roman Delivery—Building on India’s Success,Development
14
Empire and the Continuity of German Policy Review, Report No. 34580-IN.
Federalism,” in Maiken Umbach (ed.), German Washington, DC:World Bank, 2006. 15
Federalism: Past, Present, and Future. Basingstoke: World Bank. Development and the Next Generation, 16
Palgrave, 2001. World Development Report.Washington, DC: 17
Wickramaratne, Jayampathy. Fundamental Rights in World Bank, 2007. 18
Sri Lanka.Pannipitiya,Sri Lanka:Stamford Lake, Wriggins, Howard. Ceylon: Dilemmas of a New 19
2006. Nation. Princeton, NJ: University Press, 1960. 20
Wickramasinghe, Nira. Ethnic Politics of Colonial Sri Wriggins, Howard W. “Impediments to Unity in 21
Lanka, 1927–47. New Delhi: Vikas, 1995. New Nations: The Case of Ceylon,” American 22
Wickramasinghe, Nira. “Politics of Nostalgia: Political Science Review, Vol. 55 (1961), pp.
23
The Citizen as Peasant,” Delhi School of Eco- 313–20.
nomics Occasional Paper (New Series), No. 2 Wright,Theodore P.“The Effectiveness of Muslim 24
(2005). Representation in India,” in Donald E. Smith 25
Wickramasinghe, Nira. Sri Lanka in the Modern Age: (ed.), South Asian Politics and Religion. Princeton, 26
A History of Contested Identities. London: Hurst, NJ: University Press, 1966, pp. 102–37. 27
2006. Yadav, Yogendra. “Reconfiguration in Indian 28
Widmalm, Sten. “Explaining Corruption at the Politics: State Assembly Elections 1993–95,” 29
Village and Individual Level in India: Findings Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 31, Nos. 2–3 30
from a Study of the Panchayati Raj Reforms,” (13 January, 1996), pp. 95–104. 31
Asian Survey (September–October 2005), pp. Yadav, Yogendra. “The New Congress Voter,”
32
756–76. Seminar, No. 526 (2003). Available at: http://
Wijenayake, Lal. Independence of the Judiciary in Sri www.india-seminar.com/2003/526/526%20 33
Lanka since Independence. Pannipitiya, Sri Lanka: yogendra%20yadav.htm. 34
Stamford Lake, 2005. Yong, Tai and Gyanesh Kudaisya. The Aftermath of 35
Wilkinson, Steven I. “Putting Gujarat in Partition in South Asia.London:Routledge,2000. 36
Perspective,” Economic and Political Weekly, Zaidi, S. Akbar (ed.). Regional Imbalances and the 37
Vol. 37, No. 17 (27 April, 2002), pp. 1,579–83. National Question in Pakistan. Lahore: Vanguard, 38
Wilkinson, Steven I. Votes and Violence: Electoral 1992. 39
Competition and Ethnic Riots in India.Cambridge: Zaidi, S. Akbar. “The Economic Bases of the 40
University Press, 2004. National Question in Pakistan: An Indication,”
41
Williamson,John.“Democracy and the ‘Washington in S. Akbar Zaidi (ed.), Regional Imbalances and
Consensus,’” World Development,Vol. 21 (1993), the National Question in Pakistan. Lahore: 42
pp. 1,329–36. Vanguard, 1992. 43
Wilson, A. Jeyaratnam. Break-Up of Sri Lanka:The Ziring,Lawrence.Bangladesh from Mujib to Ershad:An 44
Sinhalese–Tamil Conflict.London:C.Hurst,1988. Interpretive Study. Dhaka: University Press, 1992. 45
Wilson, A. Jeyaratnam. The Gaullist System in Asia: Zohir, Sajjad. “NGO Sector in Bangladesh: An 46
The Constitution of Sri Lanka (1978). London: Overview,” Economic and Political Weekly,Vol. 39 47
Macmillan, 1980. (4 September, 2004), pp. 4,109–13. 48
450