4662-1 Solved

Course: Foreign Policy of Pakistan-II (4662)
Semester: Spring, 2020

ASSIGNMENT No. 1
Q.1 Discuss the views of Quaid-I-Azam about Pakistan’s relations with the US. What was the response
of the US about the positive views of Quaid-I-Azam?
The Basic tenets of the foreign policy of the new State of Pakistan were outlined by Quaid-i-Azam at a press
conference in Delhi on 14 July 1947. He pointed out that the new state “will be most friendly to all the nations.
We stand for the peace of the world. We will make our contribution whatever we can”. Ever since its very
establishment the basic aim of Pakistan’s foreign policy has been peace at home and abroad and friendship
towards all nations of the world. Inaugurating the Pakistan Broadcasting Service on August 15, 1947, the Quaid
stated, “Our object should be peace within and peace without. We want to live peacefully and maintain cordial
and friendly relations with or immediate neighbors and with the world at large. We have no aggressive designs
against any one. We stand by the United Nation’s Charter and will gladly make our full contribution to the
peace and prosperity of the world”.
In his broadcast speech to the people of U.S.A. in February, 1948, he observed: “Our foreign policy is one of
friendliness and goodwill all the nations of the nations of the world. We do not cherish aggressive designs
against any country or nation. We believe in the principle of honesty and fairplay in national and international
dealings, and are prepared to make our contribution to the promotion of peace and prosperity among the nation
of the world. Pakistan will never be found lacking in extending its material and moral support to the oppressed
and suppressed people of the world and in upholding the principles of the Untied Nations Charter”. He
reiterated the same desire in his reply to the speech made by the first Ambassador of the United States of
America, on 26th February, 1948. He stated, “The people of Pakistan desire nothing which is not their own,
nothing more than the goodwill and friendship of all the free nations of the world. We in Pakistan are
determined that having won our long-lost freedom, we will work to the utmost limit of our capacity not only to
build up a strong and a happy state of our own but to contribute in the fullest possible measure to international
peace and prosperity”.
Quaid-i-Azam, however, did not live long enough to forge an effective and strong policy capable of resisting
pressures in latter years. His health rapidly deteriorated under the heavy pressure of immense domestic
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problems, with the result that he was permitted to work only for about seven months after the establishment of
Pakistan. But as long as he lived, he guided Pakistan’s foreign policy according to the basic and international
principles of friendship and peace with all nations of the world.
On the eve of assuming office as the Governor-General. While commenting the usefulness and the ideals of the
Commonwealth, Quaid-i-Azam stated: “Such voluntary and absolute transfer of power and rule by one nation
over others is unknown in the whole history of the world. It is the translation and the realization of the great
ideal of Commonwealth which now has been effected and hence both Pakistan and Hindustan have remained
members of Commonwealth, which shows truly we appreciate the high and noble ideal by which the
Commonwealth has been and will guided in the future”.
While speaking to Mr. Robert Stimson, the B.B.C. correspondent on December 19, 1947, Quaid-i-Azam further
elaborated,
“The Pakistan Constituent Assembly will decide whether Pakistan is to remain in the British Commonwealth of
Nations or not. But personally I have no doubt that Pakistan will be ready to stay in the Commonwealth as a
willing member for the mutual benefit, and Great Britain should exercise the great moral responsibilities, she
has, as the senior member of the Commonwealth”.
The Quaid-i-Azam added,
“At the moment I feel Great Britain is treating Pakistan with indifference. I fully realize that Britain has no
power to intervene in the affairs of any Dominion, but at the same time Britain and other Dominions are in a
position to use moral persuasion to help and settle difference between members of the Commonwealth. It
appears to me that his Majesty’s Government are so far shirking their responsibility in this respect”.
Despite past lickerings and differences Quaid-i-Azam wished to established normal and friendly relations with
Great Britain, from which the country had received her independence. As a gesture of goodwill he retained a
number of British officials as Governors of various Provinces, heads of the armed forces and in various
positions of responsibility in the central and provincial governments. A number of British banks and business
firms were also permitted to continue their normal business operations in the country. Pakistan also decided to
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remain in the Commonwealth. The Commonwealth, many Pakistanis felt was a family of nations in which
Britain as the eldest brother could be relied upon to give sound advice to Pakistan as the youngest member.
In this spirit, in October 1947, the Quaid-i-Azam appealed to Britain and the Commonwealth to use their
influence in restoring order in the embattled Punjab and also invited neutral observers. The reply from Britain
was coldly phrased. At about the same time the British supreme commander upon whom Pakistan had heavily
depended for ensuring the dispatch of her fair share of the war material from the store of undivided India, was
withdrawn, leaving most of his task uncompleted.
As a staunch adherent to constitutional practice the Quaid-i-Azam had believed that disputes between the
member nations must be treated as Commonwealth domestic affairs. When the Kashmir dispute went to the
United Nation, the United Kingdom along with the United States, Canada, and the others members of the
Security Council, at first took a just stand, but soon succumbed to Indian threats of leaving the Commonwealth
and led the rest of the Security Council in an ignoble retreat. The Quaid-i-Azam had thought that the Indian
government really meant to withdraw, but his calculations were frustrated by Indian decision to remain within
the Commonwealth. India’s hostility and cold shoulder by Great Britain and the commonwealth countries
considerably added to Pakistan’s difficulties. But Quaid-i-Azam did not lose his nerves and continued to
improve and strengthen relations with various member states of the commonwealth as well as to plead his
country’s cause as vigorously as he could.
Pakistan was admitted into the United Nations on the 30th of September 1947, at an impressive ceremony in
which delegations of all the principal countries of the world participated. It was a notable event in the life of
Pakistan Immediately afterwards steps were taken to establish diplomatic relations with important countries.
High Commission were exchanged with the United Kingdom and the India, and soon thereafter with Canada
and Ceylon. Embassies were set up in the United States, Iran, Burma, Afghanistan, Turkey and other countries.
Malik Sir Feroze Khan Noon was sent as the Quaid-i-Azam’s personal envoy to the countries of Middle East,
and Sir Zafrullah Khan to the United Nations to argue the case of Palestinian Arabs.
In the very first year of its establishment, Pakistan took part in a number of important international conferences.
A delegation was sent to Canberra to attend the Conference considering the Japanese Peace Settlement. She also
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attended the F.A.O. Conference in Geneva, and joined other international organizations and agencies such as
I.L.O., W.H.O. the World Bank, the international Monetary Fund.
Under the leadership of the Quaid-i-Azam, Pakistan took active part in the deliberations and activities of the
U.N. and other international organizations. Quaid-i-Azam firmly believed in the ideals and principles for which
U.N. had come into existence. Addressing the officers on parade at H.M.P.S. “Dilawar”, he observed, “The war
weary humanity is watching with fear and hope the evolution of the United Nations Organization for its ability
to successfully deal with the causes of war and threats to world peace which depend to salvation of mankind
and the future of civilization. Pakistan, which has been recently admitted to the United Nations Organization
will do everything in its power to strength the organization and help it in the achievement of the ideals which
have been set up as its goal”.
Quaid-i-Azam wished to establish cordial relations with the United States of America. Barely two weeks after
its inception, Pakistan’s Finance Minister Ghulam Mohammad during his informal talks with the U.S. Charge d’
Affairs, Charles W. Lewis, Jr., sought capital and technical assistance for Pakistan on the ground that funds
were needed to “meet the administrative approximately $2 billion over a period of five years. Immediately
thereafter Pakistan submitted to the State Department the following breakdown of Pakistan’s requirement: $700
million for industrial development, $700 million for agricultural development and $510 million for building and
equipping defence services. Further breakdown of the defence expenditure showed $170 million for the Army,
$75 million for the Air Force, $60 million for the Navy and $205 million to meet the anticipated deficits in
Pakistan’s military budged.
Quaid-i-Azam expressed his desire of cordial relations with U.S.A. while replying to the speech by the first
Ambassador of U.S.A. on 26th February, 1948, in the following words, “Though Pakistan is a new state, for
well over a century now there have been many connections of trade and commerce between the people of
Pakistan and the people of the United States. The relationship was strengthened and made more direct and
intimate during the two World Wars….the historic fight for self-government by your people….The constant
teaching and practice of democracy in your country had for generations acted as a beacon light and had in no
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small measures served to give inspiration to nation like us where striving for independence and freedom from
the shackles of foreign rule.
I cordially share your pleasure at the evidence of friendhip and sympathy shown by your country in opening
diplomatic relations with Pakistan from the very first day of its establishment as a new State….Though as a new
state we have to face a serious situation, we have no doubt in our own minds that by our united will and
determination to live as a free and peace-loving people, we shall overcome them successfully… I am glad to
learn that your Excellency and the great country and people your represent, will give your cooperation to us in
order to advance our economic and cultural relations for the mutual benefit of both the countries. I am hopeful
that good relations and friendship already existing between the people of America and Pakistan will be further
strengthened and the bonds of friendship between our two countries will be more firmly riveted. Your
Excellency, I assure you that my Government and I will do all that lies in our power to give you every
assistance in the fulfillment of what is our common desire and objective”.
Replying to the speech by the First Ambassador of France, Quaid-i-Azam observed:
“In view of the manifold contacts of France with the Muslim World over several centuries, is well-known and
familiar to the government and people of France. Indeed in view of this long contact of France with the Muslim
world, the people of France and Pakistan are not strangers to one another…I assure your Excellency that we in
Pakistan will give you our support and cooperation which you may require in promoting relationship of
goodwill and friendship between our two countries and I trust that in the result, Pakistan and France, will
unitedly play their part in reestablishing peace and prosperity in the present distracted world”.
Several factors induced Government of Pakistan to look in the direction of the Western block, particularly the
United States. First, Pakistan’s ruling elite “hailing form the feudal and to some extent, commercial classes, the
bureaucracy and the military” had a liking for the West due to its Western education and cultural outlook. The
Quaid-i-Azam himself had acquired the best of Western education, thought, cultural values and rationality.
Secondly, Pakistan’s economy was integrated with the West, particularly Britain, during the colonial era and it
would not have been easy to transform it along the socialist lines. Pakistan” preferred to have trading partners in
the West because they were in a position to supply consumer goods at very competitive prices for local
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requirements and provided almost assured markets for Pakistan’s raw materials. Thirdly, Pakistan expected
strong Western diplomatic and political support from the United States and Great Britain in the settlement of its
disputes with India. Finally, “the transfer of power by the British in the subcontinent to the Governments of
India and Pakistan had not brought about any immediate change in the Soviet opinion and, since the Soviet
Union had apprehensions about the role of the decolonized nations in the world affairs, its own attitude was
somewhat cool.
Quaid-i-Azam wanted to establish a strong and effective bloc consisting of all Muslim States of the world and
to see that all Muslims of the world were united under the banner of Islam as an effective bulwarked against the
aggressive and evil designs of their enemies.
The Pakistan movement which started in March, 1940 and culminated in the establishment of Pakistan in
August 1947, was equally marked by the desire to establish an Islamic state which would work not only for the
prosperity of its inhabitants but also actively promote the unity of the Muslims scattered all over the world and
through that unity make Islam a world force to be reckoned with. The Quaid-i-Azam had always looked forward
to the unity of the Muslim countries. He wanted closest relations, friendship and cooperation established
between all the Muslim States. The goal of Muslim unity was as dear to the Quaid-i-Azam as the achievement
of an independent and sovereign homeland for the exploited and suffering Muslims in our sub-continent.
Quite naturally Quaid-i-Azam took keen interest in Muslim people’s cause of freedom and independence. He
vehemently opposed the partition of Palestine and condemned the establishment of Israel as a dagger in the
heart of the Arab World. While answering to a newsman’s question on October 25, 1947, he observed:
“I do still hope that the partition plan will be rejected, otherwise there is bound to be the gravest disaster and
unprecedented conflict…the entire Muslim World will revolt against such a decision…Pakistan will have no
other course left but to give its fullest support to the Arabs and will do whatever lies in its power to prevent
what, in my opinion, is an outrage”.
Quaid-i-Azam’s numerous statements and speeches on this question more than sufficiently reflect the anguish
and bitterness generally felt by the people of Pakistan in this respect. In an interview to Mr. Robert Stimson, the
B.B.C. Correspondent on December 19, 1947, referring to the Palestine problem, the Quaid-i-Azam observed
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that the Muslims of the sub-continent had been compelled to condemn in the strongest possible manner the
unjust and cruel decision of the United Nations concerning the partition of Palestine. He further said, “The
Muslims of sub-continent are obviously reluctant to antagonize the Untied States, or any other country, but our
sense of justice obliges us to help the Arab cause in Palestine in every way that is open to us”. He also regretted
that Great Britain had not pursued with more resoluteness their efforts to find a just and honourable solution of
the Palestine problem.
He expressed the same feelings in his telegram on December 24, 1947, to the king of Yemen, Imam Yahya in
reply to the latter’s telegram of thanks for Pakistan’s support to Arabs on Palestine issue. “I fully share your
Majesty’s surprise and shock at the serious lack of judgment shown by U.N.O. by their unjust decision in
respect of Palestine. I once more assure you and our Arab brethren that Pakistan will stand by them and do all
that is possible to help and support them in their opposition on the U.N.O. Decision which is inherently unjust
and outrageous”.
Quaid-i-Azam gave open support to North African Arabs in their struggle to throw off the French Yoke. He
considered the Dutch attack upon Indonesia in 1948, as an attack upon Pakistan itself and refused transit
facilities to Dutch ships and planes carrying war materials to Indonesia. He played an important role in the
liberation struggle of the Muslim countries. He, therefore, provided all possible diplomatic and material
assistance to the liberation movement in Indonesia Malaya, Sudan, Libya, Tunisia, Morocco, Nigeria and
Algeria.
Above all, the Quaid-i-Azam exerted to bring the Muslim Countries closer to each other. Addressing the entire
Muslim World, he said,
“My _____ message to our brother Muslim States is one of friendship and goodwill. We are all passing through
perilous times. The drama of power politics that is being staged in Palestine, Indonesia and Kashmir should
serve an eye opener to us. It is only by putting up a united front that we can make our voice felt in the Counsels
of the world.”
Pakistan’s relations with brotherly Muslim states of Turkey and Iran were most cordial and friendly. In reply to
the speech by the first Turkish Ambassador to Pakistan at the time of presenting credentials to the Quaid-i-
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Azam on 4th March, 1947, the Quaid-i-Azam observed: “Your Excellency has yourself observed that many
spirited and sentimental ties born and grown in the course of a long history bind the people of Turkey to the
people of Pakistan….I can, therefore, assure your Excellency that the Muslims of Pakistan entertain sentiments
of affection and esteem of your country, and now Turkey and Pakistan both as free, sovereign and independent
countries, can strengthen their ties more and more for the good of both. We hope that with your Excellency’s
assistance and cooperation we may be able to build up close political and cultural ties with your State, and thus
contribute our share to the attainment of peace and prosperity throughout the world”.
Similarly, in an interview with Messrs, Masoodi Franalzi and Malaki of Iranian goodwill Mission on April 8,
1948, the Quaid-i-Azam described the visit of the mission as a third gesture by Iran to establish cordial and
friendly relations between the two neighboring countries; the first two being generous contributions by the
Iranis to the Quaid-i-Azam’s Relief Fund and exchange of diplomatic representatives.
In reply to the speech by his Excellency Mohammad Pasha El Shuraiki, Minister of state, Envoy Extraordinary
and Minister of Plenipoteniary of Trans-Jordon on December 24, 1947, the Quaid-i-Azam said:
“In the struggle for freedom which the Muslims of this great sub-continent had to face, the thought that we
always carried with us the sympathies of the Muslim world and particularly of such great torch bearers of Islam
as His majesty the King of Trans Jordon was a source of great encouragement and inspiration…I have no doubt
that your Excellency’s mission will further cement the bonds of brotherhood and affection which exist and
subsist between our two peoples. Islam is to us the source of very life and existence of it had linked our cultural
and traditional past so closely with the Arab World that there is no doubt whatsoever our fullest sympathy for
the Arabs cause….Finally, I have great pleasure in informing Your Excellency that my Government had agreed
to the proposal of your Government that there should be an exchange of diplomatic missions between Pakistan
and Trans-Jordon… I am sure, my Government and my people will do all they can to make your sojourn in
Karachi happy and pleasant”.
It would be quite apparent from the above account that Quaid-i-Azam wanted to establish friendly and cordial
relations with all countries, especially with the Muslim states and Pakistan’s immediate neighbours. Quaid-i-
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Azam had not learnt to bow before any worldly power and this same characteristic of independence had a deep
impact upon Pakistan’s foreign policy as well.
Q.2 After the establishment of Pakistan, the views of the leaders of the USSR were not positive about
Pakistan but still they invited Liaqat Ali Khan to visit the USSR. Explain the motives behind this
invitation?
Under the untiring struggle of Indian Muslims in the leadership of Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Pakistan emerged as
an ideological Muslim State on the map of the world. The planning and implementation of partition had worst
adverse impacts territorially, economically and militarily on Pakistan. Pakistan was in desperate need of
military and economic aid at the time of its inception. At the same time, international environment was full of
tensions due to the hostility between United States and Soviet Union. In its initial years of independence,
Pakistan received invitation from both USSR and USA which could ultimately shaped Pakistan foreign policy
in 1950s.
At the time of independence the international environment was characterized by tight bi-polarity. United States
and Soviet Union were the dominant powers of the planet. USSR was the leader of communist bloc while USA
was the supporters of capitalism all over the world. Both the ideologies were antagonistic to each other and had
started networks of alliances and sphere of influences to strengthen themselves and weaken their opponent.
As for as Pakistan’s foreign policy was concerned, it adopted an independent foreign policy while upholding the
principles for international law, respect for independence, non-aggression and non-interference in the internal
affairs of any country. It is important to be remembered that Pakistan faced serious problems of development
and defense and felt severe threat to the very foundation of the newly born Muslim state due to the hostile
attitude of India from the time of its inception. India even refused to resolve the differences on the basis of
principles of law and justice. Hence then Pakistan’s foreign policy was shaped by the desperate need for the
arms to ensure the security of the new state and money to finance its economic machinery and tried their best to
find an equalizer against India.
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As for as, Pakistan-Soviets Russia relations were concerned, it saw many ups and down from the time of
Pakistan’s inception. Though Pakistan had started with a policy of non-alignment and adopted the principles of
not siding in the conflicts of ideologies between the nations.
However, Pakistan’s policy of non-involvement in the power politics did not favor it. Regarding the issue of
Kashmir, the Soviet’s attitude was neutral while the Western powers of UN Security Council tried to resolve the
Kashmir dispute. Status quo on the issues was acceptable to India but not at all to Pakistan and USSR’s attitude
was too leaning towards India. Pakistan also made it implicit that it would accept financial assistances from any
source, but the Soviets did not respond to it. Moreover, ideologically and politically Soviets socialist system
was unattractive for the western minded Pakistani leadership who were committed to Western type of
democracy. In the same manner, USSR did not take an initiative to establish diplomatic relations with Pakistan.
Although, some circles in Pakistan were inspired by rapid economic developments of USSR and its policy of
opposition towards imperialism. But the question arises here, why Soviets Union invited Premier Liaqat Ali
Khan to visit Moscow?.
The reality was that, two events in the first phase of 1949 compelled USSR and Pakistan to take a fresh look at
their relationship. First was India’s decision to remain the member of Common Wealth even after it became a
republic. Meanwhile India’s policies were too pro-Western. Second was US president invitation to Nehru to
visit the United States on May 7, 1949. In reaction to this Soviets Union extended an invitation to Pakistani
premier and desired to visit Moscow. The Soviets invitation was accepted but not materialized due to the
conspired circumstances created for him and Liaqat Ali Khan went to United States instead of USSR. No
explanation at official level was given for this decision.
However, one fact remain true that, after the second world war US had emerged from the war far more
powerful than it had been in 1938-39. She had mobilized its economy for the purpose of maintaining very large
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and powerful naval as well as army and air force and also to revive the war stricken economies Western Europe
and Japan. On the other hand Russian economy was badly suffered from the war against Nazi’s Germany and
was not in position to provide economic assistance to Pakistan. At the same time USA assured Pakistan that
there was no alteration in its policies of impartiality to both India and Pakistan. In fact, the key reason of
Pakistan preference of USA on USSR was due to Pakistan’s anti-communist rhetoric and discouragements of
contacts on official level with Soviet Russia.
In tense situation Pakistan approach United States because USA was the only promising source of financial and
military assistance. Besides, ideologically and politically US system was more eye-catching and near to
Pakistan. Being involved in the containment of Soviets influence in Europe and reviving the Western economies
on Capitalist models, South Asia was second priority for the US as far as her interests were concerned.
However, their response was bit cooperative because of Pakistan’s geo-strategic location as it was situated near
the oil rich Gulf region. Thus strategic location helped Pakistan for gaining US cooperation. Constrained by its
needs and problems Pakistan approached US for financial aid during the Liaqat Ali Khan visit to USA in May
1950. America showed the interest to broaden cooperation but official response to the question of financial aid
was indifferent.
To cut the long story short, Pakistan opted for joining US led bloc instead of Russian bloc which had crucial
impacts on the future of Pakistan’s foreign policy. Before examining benefits and costs of alliances, it is
important to bear in mind that the key factor behind Pakistan’s policy of joining the Western alliances was the
need to find an equalizer against India. Under military pacts Pakistan secured Western military equipments for
the armed forces as in January 1957, Ayub Khan could declare “we are no more short of men and material”.
The only implicit benefit of the alliances with west was that Pakistan secured more arms and strengthened its
defenses against India. However the costs of the alliances were more serious than its benefits. India and USSR
came closer to each other against Pakistan as the Soviet interpreted the military pacts as US cold war strategy
for the Soviet containment. With that, USSR increased its backing to India against Pakistan and the Indo-
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Russian links strengthen manifolds. Russia started openly supporting Indian cause on the issue of Kashmir and
even acknowledged it a state of India. They supported India politically, economically, military and technically
and even established a connection of brotherhood with India. Besides, Soviet Union also extended its support
towards Afghanistan on Pakhtoonistan issue.
More adverse impact was that, USSR abused its veto power by preventing every resolution on Kashmir in the
Security Council. So the costs of opting for USA bloc instead USSR were more than its benefits. Even at the
time of wars-1965, 1971, Pakistan did not accept any assistance under the military pacts.
Q.3 Critically analyze the causes of animosity of Afghanistan towards Pakistan immediately after its
establishment.
Pakistan and Afghanistan share an immense border stretching 1510 miles (2430 km) along the southern and
eastern edges of Afghanistan.1 The Afghan provinces of Badakhshan, Nurestan, Konar, Nangarhar, Paktiya,
Khost, Paktika, Zabul, Kandahar, Helmand, and Nimruz are all adjacent to the Pakistani border. Ethnic
Pashtuns populate the area along the border. The frontier passes through varying terrain, with sandy deserts in
the south and rugged mountains in the east. Major border crossings between the two countries are in Torkham,
between Peshawar and Jalalabad and in Spinboldak between Kandahar and Quetta. The border between the two
countries was determined in 1893 in an agreement between the Afghan Emir Abdur Rahman Khan and the
British Government of India. Since the creation of Pakistan in 1947, however, subsequent Afghan governments
have not accepted the so-called “Durand Line” as the boundary between the two countries. While Kabul
considers the dispute unresolved, the Durand Line has functioned as a de-facto border.
Several factors have coalesced to make the border hard to guard: A) Geography, as the area is too large to
police properly; B) Some Pakistani authorities on the official border crossings, and along the line, have long
aided or closed their eyes to problematic cross-border traffic; C) Since the Jihad against the Soviet Union in
Afghanistan, many have mastered the art of crossing the border without detection by authorities on at least the
Afghan side; D) At many areas along the Durrand Line, people from the same qaums (referred to as tribes in
popular literature) live on both sides of the line and move back and forth without much regard for the boundary.
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At least two major ethnic groups—the Pashtuns and the Baluchs—live on both sides of the Durand Line.
Pashtuns are the largest ethnic group in Afghanistan, comprising 42 percent of the population or 13.8 million
people.2 (Credible and up to date numbers about the demographics in Afghanistan are hard to find. The last
national census was conducted in the 1970s.) On the Pakistan side, Pashtuns make up 15.4 percent of the
population, roughly 26.6 million people.3 In Afghanistan, the Pashtun live mainly in a belt extending across
the south of the country from Pakistan in the east to Iran in the west, but they are also present in other areas as
well. Afghan cities with significant Pashtun populations include Kabul, Kandahar, and Jalalabad. While in
Pakistan, the Pashtuns live in the North West Frontier Province, the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, and
sizeable communities of Pashtuns are also present in Baluchistan and Karachi. Pashtun’s on both sides of the
border share the same origin and other commonalities, including a language. But they have experienced widely
different political conditions and divergent national trajectories for at least over a century.
Baluchs are another ethnic group that lives in both Afghanistan and Pakistan, and even parts of Iran. The group
constitutes 3.6 percent of the Pakistani population or roughly 6.2 million people. 4 In neighboring Afghanistan,
Baluchs account for two percent of the population, or about 0.7 million people 5 and live mainly in the
southwest of the country, along its borders with Iran and Pakistan.
The majority of people in Pakistan (75 percent) and Afghanistan (80 percent) are Sunni Muslims of the Hanafi
school. However, both countries have sizeable Shia minorities. In Afghanistan, the Shia community makes
up nineteen percent of the population or 6.2 million people, while in Pakistan, it accounts for twenty percent of
the population or 34.6 million people. 6
Ever since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, large numbers of Afghans have sought refuge in
Pakistan. At one time, it was estimated that five million Afghans lived in Pakistan. Since 2001, many have
returned to Afghanistan. But the number and presence of Afghan refugees in Pakistani cities such as Quetta and
Peshawar remains considerable.
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After Pakistan’s creation in 1947, Afghanistan objected to its admission to the United Nations. The Afghan
government of the time decided not to recognize Pakistan as the legitimate inheritor of the territorial agreements
reached with the British India. There were several ambiguous and often changing demands from Kabul centered
around the aspirations—as Kabul saw it—of the Pashtun and Baluch ethnicities inside Pakistan. For intermittent
periods between 1947 and 1973, Kabul extended support to Baluch and Pashtun nationalists inside Pakistan and
even called for the creation of a new state called “Pashtunistan.” In 1973, Pakistan, grappling with territorial
insecurities, resorted to extending support to Islamists dissidents that opposed Afghanistan’s Republican
government of Sardar Daud. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s government created the “Afghan Cell” within Pakistan’s
foreign office and assigned it a policy that included strengthening ties with and empowering Islamists in exile in
Pakistan, and improving Pakistan’s influence over governments in Kabul.
Sardar Daud made friendly gestures to Pakistan in the late 1970s, but his overtures were cut short by a
Communist coup in 1978. The new regime in Kabul returned to the support—at least rhetorical—for Pashtun
and Baluch nationalists in Pakistan. The 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan was seen by Pakistan as a grave
threat to its national security. It also presented Pakistan with a major avenue to build on its 1973 policy of
empowering dissident Islamists against the governments in Kabul. Furthermore, Pakistan had been a partner of
the United States in the Cold War since the 1950s, and this cooperation had provoked numerous Soviet threats
over the years. The new leader of Pakistan, General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, who seized power in a 1977
military coup, was a fervent anti-communist and Islamist. General Zia approached the United States for help
with organizing a religious resistance against the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.
The US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) also began funding the Afghan resistance in 1979. Accepted
doctrine was that America would not overtly reveal its hand in a proxy war with the Soviets, and therefore the
CIA worked through its ally Pakistan. Zia insisted that Islamabad would decide who in Afghanistan received
American aid, and the arbiters of this policy ultimately became Pakistan’s spy agency, the Directorate for Inter-
Services Intelligence (ISI), and the Pakistani Islamist party Jamaat-e-Islami, which supported Zia’s
dictatorship. As the war progressed and as US and the Saudi Arabia led Arab funding for the mujahideen
skyrocketed, the Pakistani government and the ISI gained enormous influence in Afghan affairs.
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The Afghan resistance coalescing in Pakistan was a combination of nationalist and religious parties. At the
outset, they were divided into over a hundred groups. In 1980, the ISI reorganized them into bigger units and it
officially recognized seven of these Peshawar-based parties. Anyone wishing to receive aid from Pakistan, the
US, the Arabs, and others, had to join one of these groups. The largest of these factions were the ethnic Tajik-
dominated Jamiat-e Islami, led by Burhanuddin Rabbani and Ahmad Shah Massoud, and Gulbuddin
Hekmatyar’s Hezb-e Islami. Hezb-e Islami was favored by ISI and had close ties to Zia’s backers in Jamaat-e-
Islami. It was also one the most radical of the groups. Gulbuddin’s Hizb ultimately received the bulk of the
foreign aid (mostly American and Saudi) during the Afghan resistance. Pakistan provided the mujahideen with
weapons, supplies, training, and bases from which to operate; and Pakistani units, disguised as mujahideen, also
participated directly in the fighting.
After the Soviets withdrew from Afghanistan in 1989, international interest in Afghanistan and the mujahideen
began to wane. Zia died in a plane crash in 1988, and was succeeded by Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, the
daughter of the man he had overthrown and hanged a decade earlier. However, even though Hezb-e Islami was
closely affiliated with Bhutto’s political enemy, Jamaat-e-Islami, the ISI continued to support Hekmatyar’s
faction and the other mujahedeen parties against the communist regime of Dr. Najibullah in Kabul. After Kabul
fell in 1992, attempts were made to bring Hekmatyar into a unity government with Rabbani and Massoud, but
the Hezb-e Islami commander continued to attack his rivals. Afghanistan spiraled into a brutal civil conflict
between competing mujahideen warlords, none of whom were capable of unifying or stabilizing the entire
country. Kabul remained in Massoud’s control.
Benazir Bhutto briefly lost the office of Prime Minister in 1990, but returned to power three years later.
Hekmatyar’s failure to advance against Jamiat and other forces around Kabul led to the decline of Islamabad’s
support for his group. Bhutto’s interior minister, General Nasirullah Babur discovered and empowered a group
of former Mujahideen from the Kandahar area as Pakistan’s new strategic card in the Afghan conflict. Working
through Jamaat-e-Islami’s rival Pakistani Islamist party Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam, Islamabad began supporting the
students the party trained in its madrassas in the Afghan refugee camps, who came to be known as the Taliban.
15
Bhutto was determined to deal a blow to Jamaat-e-Islami, which she believed had aided and abetted her father’s
executioner and was partly responsible for her losing power. She also wanted to weaken the ISI. But in 1996,
as Bhutto’s second government was dissolved by Pakistan’s president, and as the Taliban grew into a
formidable force, the ISI regained control of Pakistan’s Afghan policy.
During the 1990s, at the center of Pakistan’s Afghan policy was the military’s pursuit of “strategic depth” in
Afghanistan that could be useful in the event of any military conflict with India. Bhutto’s second government
also sought a stability that will allow it access to the newly independent Central Asian republics. Pakistan was
also seeking a government in Kabul that did not indulge ethno-nationalists issues inside Pakistan, and question
the Duran Line as the boundary between the two countries. The Taliban, with Pakistani and Saudi backing,
proved very capable, conquering Kandahar in 1994, Kabul in 1996, and most of the rest of the country by 1998.
Pakistan, along with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, extended diplomatic recognition to the
Taliban regime—the only countries to do so. Rabbani, Massoud, and other factional leaders retreated to corners
in the north of the country and later formed the United Islamic Front for the Salvation of Afghanistan (also
known as the Northern Alliance). Hekmatyar sought refuge in Iran in 1997.
In the late 1990s, Pakistan continued to support the Taliban regime in its war against the Northern Alliance,
while Russia, all the Central Asian Republics minus Turkmenistan, Iran, and India backed the opposition.
However, after the attacks of 11 September 2001, General Pervez Musharraf—who had seized power in a
military coup in 1999—was forced to reverse Pakistani policy and reluctantly joined the US in its “War on
Terror.” Musharraf feared US action against Pakistan and the prospect of a US-Indian alliance. In return for
supporting the US war effort, providing bases, and facilitating the transport of supplies, Pakistan would receive
billions of dollars in US aid over the coming years. Less than two months into the military operations in
Afghanistan the US-led coalition, working with the Northern Alliance, toppled the Taliban regime, which fled
across the Pakistani border with its al-Qaeda allies.
In Pakistan, the Taliban and al-Qaeda regrouped along the border in the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP),
Baluchistan province, and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). In 2002, the Pakistani military
moved into parts of the FATA in search of Al Qaeda operatives. (The FATA is a largely neglected part of
16
Pakistan that is still ruled by colonial era laws. Pakistan’s constitutional order and liberties does not extend to
the region, and political parties are barred from operating there.) In retrospect, Pakistan’s efforts in the region
have been dubbed as half-hearted since Islamabad has pursued a double policy towards Afghanistan. The
Musharraf regime declared support for the government of Hamid Karzai in Kabul but retained involvement with
the Taliban who were mounting an insurgency against Karzai’s government and its international backers.
Inside Pakistan, newly organized groups known as the “Pakistani Taliban” have gradually emerged on the
scene. In 2007, different “Pakistani Taliban” groups coalesced as the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (Taliban
Movement of Pakistan or TTP), lead by Baitullah Mehsud. The TTP and its affiliate organizations are blamed
for dozens of terrorist attacks throughout Pakistan. Islamabad has shown a willingness to negotiate with the
Taliban and has effectively ceded large areas of FATA to their control. However, by the end of 2007, fighting
had spread to the so-called “settled” areas of Pakistan.
Thousands of fighters from Maulana Fazlullah’s Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi (TNSM) effectively
took control of the Swat Valley in the NWFP, less than a hundred miles from Islamabad. Fazlullah and TNSM
worked with Mehsud’s TTP, and although they were briefly beaten back by the Pakistani military, they seized
Swat again by the end of 2008. In February 2009, the Pakistani military agreed to a ceasefire and allowed
TNSM, under the direction of Sufi Mohammed, to implement Sharia law. 7 But militant continued their
expansion, reaching areas such as Buner which is only a few dozen kilometers from the capital. In the
meantime, local media broadcasted enraging statements from militants such as Sufi Mohammad and videos
surfaced showing the gruesome treatment of the population in areas under the control of the Pakistani Taliban.
Public outrage, international pressure, and the proximity of the threat to Pakistan’s strategic centers such as
Rawalpindi and Islamabad appears to have compelled the military to push back TNSM and other militant
advances in areas such as Swat.
slamabad has strongly supported the Quetta Shura Taliban from its inception in the early 1990s until the attacks
of September 11, 2001. Reports indicate that elements within the Pakistani security apparatus continue to
consider the Taliban as a strategic asset for Pakistan’s regional policies. After 2001, Pakistan changed its
official policy towards its ally and nominally joined the US-led “War on Terror.” In practice, Pakistan’s sincere
17
participation in that effort has come under severe questioning by Afghanistan, the U.S. and allies. Current
Afghan President Hamid Karzai contends that Pakistan—particularly under the Musharraf regime—has used its
military and the ISI to destabilize Afghanistan and support the insurgency. The relationship between
Afghanistan and Pakistan improved when Musharraf stepped down in 2008, but the new Pakistani President
Asif Ali Zardari (Benazir Bhutto’s widower) admits that there are rogue elements within the ISI and the
Pakistani military that may be supporting the Taliban on both sides of the border. According to U.S. officials,
the ISI continues to support the Afghan Taliban’s Quetta Shura, led by Mullah Mohammed Omar, as well as
the Haqqani network and Hezb-i Islami Gulbuddin.8 Kabul has continually pressed Islamabad to do more to
stem the flow of Taliban insurgents from Pakistan, and in 2008, Karzai threatened to send Afghan troops across
the Pakistani border to fight insurgents. Pakistan has negotiated ceasefires with the insurgents and effectively
ceded them territory—allowing them a safe haven from which to operate in both countries and causing a spike
in violent attacks in Afghanistan.9 In April 2004, the Pakistani military negotiated a peace deal with militants
led by Nek Muhammad Wazir in South Waziristan (part of the FATA). However, the ceasefire quickly fell
apart after Nek Muhammad was killed in an airstrike a few months later. In February 2005, Islamabad
negotiated another ceasefire in South Waziristan with the new militant commander there, Baitullah Mehsud,
who would later go on to form the TTP in 2007. Under the terms of the ceasefire, Mehsud agreed to end his
organization’s anti-government activities, stop supporting foreign fighters and international terrorists, and end
cross-border attacks into Afghanistan. In return, the Pakistani military would end its air and ground operations
in South Waziristan and reduce the number of troops stationed there. This agreement was mimicked in North
Waziristan in September 2006.10
However, peace between Islamabad and the pro-Taliban militants in Waziristan did not last long. 11 In March
2007, the Pakistani government copied the Waziristan agreements in the Bajaur Agency (also in the FATA) and
struck a deal with the TNSM commander there, Faqir Muhammad. 12 In April 2008, Baitullah Mehsud called for
a truce with the Pakistani government, and TNSM founder Maulana Sufi Muhammad was released from prison
in exchange for his cooperation in facilitating negotiations between the militants and Islamabad. 13 In May 2008,
the government of the NWFP reached a peace agreement in Swat with TNSM commander Maulana Fazlullah
18
(Sufi Muhammad’s son-in-law).14 Once again, however, peace between Islamabad and the militants along the
border with Afghanistan proved to be fleeting. In August 2008, the Pakistani military launched a major
offensive against the TTP and TNSM in the Bajaur Agency, declaring “victory” in March 2009.15 Meanwhile,
TNSM commander Maulana Fazlullah agreed to a ceasefire with Islamabad negotiated by Sufi Muhammad. In
return, Islamabad allowed for the implementation of Sharia law in the Malakand Division of the NWFP, which
includes the Swat Valley.16
Pakistan does not allow coalition forces to cross the border in pursuit of insurgents. In late 2008, the US began
launching strikes against Taliban and al-Qaeda targets in Pakistan using unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs).
Islamabad has vociferously criticized these attacks, even after it became apparent in March 2009 that the UAVs
were operating with Pakistani consent (it was revealed that they were taking off from bases in Pakistan). Some
analysts argue that the Pakistani government or elements within it see the US and NATO as having limited
staying power, and that once they leave Afghanistan, Pakistan wants to have its Taliban proxy ready to prevent
Indian or Iranian-allied forces from taking control of the country. If this is the case, then it is likely that
Pakistan’s support of Afghan insurgent groups will continue.
Q.4 Discuss in detail Pakistan’s relations with Saudi Arabia from 1947 to 1969.
Pakistan has enjoyed warm relations with Saudi Arabia since the birth of the country in 1947. The relations are
rooted in the centuries old religious, cultural and commercial links between the two peoples. The relationship is
also based on shared Islamic ideals. Pakistan is the only state founded on Islamic identity while Saudi Arabia is
the birth-place of the Prophet (PBUH) and home to the two holiest sites of Islam. Quran and Sunnah play a
significant role in the constitutional framework of both countries.
A Treaty of Friendship was signed by the two countries as early as 1951, laying the basis for cooperation.
Bilateral relations were buttressed over the coming decades by a tradition of strong financial and strategic
assistance extended to each other by the two brotherly countries whenever required.
Over the years, the two countries have also succeeded in developing a unique synergy for mutual development.
Saudi Arabia is home to the largest number of Pakistani expatriates, approximately one and a half million.
19
Pakistani engineers, construction experts and labour have played a crucial role in building infrastructure in the
modern Saudi Arabia. Similarly, Pakistani doctors, bankers, entrepreneurs, academics and financial experts
played a premier role in developing institutional infrastructure of the Kingdom. In the process, the Kingdom has
provided employment to Pakistanis ranging from high-tech urban professionals to unskilled labourers from the
remotest parts of Pakistan. The large pool of Pakistani professionals and skilled and unskilled manpower is a
great asset for the Kingdom.
A number of monuments in Pakistan bear testimony to the depth of bilateral relations with Saudi Arabia. The
International Islamic University in Islamabad was established with a grant of US$10 million from Saudi Arabia.
The Faisal Mosque in Islamabad, the key landmark building in the capital, is named after King Faisal. The third
largest city in Pakistan was renamed Faisal Abad after King Faisal.
Recent High Level Visits
In keeping with the high degree of mutual trust and brotherhood, there is a regular exchange of high level visits
between the two countries. From Pakistani side, the following visits took place during the last few years:
 Prime Minister Imran Khan visited the Kingdom in Oct 2018 to attend an International Investment
Conference in Riyadh and held bilateral discussions with the Crown Prince.
 Prime Minister Imran Khan visited the Kingdom in Sep 2018 and held bilateral discussions with the
King and the Crown Prince.
 Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif visited the Kingdom in March 2016 to witness the concluding ceremony
of Military Exercise – North Thunder.
 Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif visited the Kingdom in Jan 2016 and held bilateral discussions with the
King.
 Prime Minister Muhammad Nawaz Sharif visited the Kingdom in July 2013.
 Earlier, former Prime Minister Syed Yusuf Raza Gilani visited Saudi Arabia in June 2012.
 Chief of Army Staff, General Ashfaq Pervez Kiyani also visited the Kingdom on 3rd April 2012.
 President Asif Ali Zardari visited the Kingdom on a two-day visit in July 2011. He held a cordial and
productive meeting with King Abdullah.
20
 This was followed by a visit by Prime Minister Syed Yusuf Raza Gilani to the Kingdom on 7-9 August
2011. During the visit, the Prime Minister also held a meeting with King Abdullah.
 President Asif Ali Zardari, accompanied by the Interior Minister and the Chief of Army Staff, again
visited the Kingdom on 25 October 2011 to offer condolences on the passing away of then Crown Prince Sultan
bin Abdulaziz.
The following high level visits took place from Saudi Arabia:
 Crown Prince Muhammad Bin Salman visited Pakistan in Feb 2019 and held bilateral discussions with
President and Prime Minister of Pakistan.
 Deputy Crown Prince (Now Crown Prince) Muhammad Bin Salman visited Pakistan in Jan 2016 and
held bilateral discussions with Prime Minister of Pakistan.
 Crown Prince (now King) Salman bin Abdul Aziz visited Pakistan in Feb 2014. HRH met President and
Prime Minister of Pakistan and discussed bilateral, regional and international affairs.
 Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, His Majesty King Abdullah paid a historic visit to Pakistan in
2006 after ascending to the throne. Agreements signed on the occasion pertained to a) educational cooperation,
b) scientific cooperation, c) vocational cooperation, d) consultation between the Foreign Ministries, and e)
Avoidance of Double Taxation. All the agreements have been ratified by the two countries.
 The then Crown Prince and Defense Minister Prince Sultan bin Abdulaziz visited Pakistan in 2006.
 Foreign Minister Saud Al Faisal participated in seven countries’ Foreign Ministers’ conference in
Islamabad in February 2007.
 Minister of Religious Affairs Sheikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah al Ammar visited Pakistan in February
2007.
 Imam of Ka’ba Abdur Rehman Al Sudais visited Pakistan in 2007.
 Prince Bandar bin Sultan, then Secretary General National Security Council visited Pakistan in the last
week of March 2011 as a Special envoy of King Abdullah. He met with President Asif Ali Zardari, Prime
21
Minister Gillani and Chief of the Army Staff General Ashfaq Pervez Kiyani. During the meetings, the two sides
exchanged views on host of issues including the evolving situation in the Middle East.
 Prince Abdulaziz bin Abdullah, Vice Foreign Minister and son of King Abdullah, visited Pakistan in
April 2012. He met the President and Prime Minister of Pakistan and held talks with the Foreign Minister.
Commercial and Economic Relations between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia
Economic relations between the two countries have great potential and are not commensurate with the warmth
of political relations. Pakistan’s exports to the Kingdom are merely 1.77 % of our total exports. They are mainly
confined to textile and food items and the share of manufactured products is very low. Likewise, the bulk of our
imports from the Kingdom consists of oil and related products. There is a great potential to further diversify
bilateral trade and economic relations.
Commercial and Economic Opportunities in Saudi Arabia
Saudi economy offers substantial opportunities these days. It has been enjoying an immense boom at a time
when other regions are going through a recession or slowing down. International economic agencies have
praised the Saudi government's economic policies and the Kingdom has moved up in overall ranking from 67th
in 2004 to the 13th most competitive country in the world. The Saudi government has increased social and
infrastructure spending. It has also begun establishing six "economic cities" in different regions of the country
to promote foreign investment. It has plans to spend US $373 billion by 2014 on social development and
infrastructure projects. The boost in Saudi economy provides great opportunities for Pakistani entrepreneurs and
traders.
In the last decade, Saudi financial sector has expanded rapidly. A Capital Market Authority (CMA) has been
created and Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency (SAMA) has been made the regulator of the Insurance Sector as
well as the licensing and regulatory authority for the Mortgage, Leasing and Finance companies. Now, many
Mortgage, Leasing and Finance companies will be granted licenses and thus these firms will be added to the
regulated financial sector. This provides opportunities for Pakistani firms that specialize in Ijara, Modaraba and
conventional finance products. They may enter directly as full investor or in a joint venture with Saudi patterns.
22
Pakistan has good experience in Lease Financing and with the advent of Leasing Laws in the Kingdom,
Pakistani leasing firms could offer their knowledge and expertise to Saudi firms. There is also potential for
firms that specialize in IT solutions for the Banking, Securities and Insurances industries. They should explore
the possibilities in Saudi Financial Market.
The bilateral trade between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia is on the rise for the past few years. Balance of trade is in
favour of Saudi Arabia as Pakistan imports most of its oil from Saudi Arabia.
US$ million
Year Export Import Balance of Trade
2003-04 348 1778 (1430)
2004-05 325 1799 (2125)
2005-06 329 2994 (2665)
2006-07 289 3492 (3203)
2007-08 380 5,354 (4,974)
2008-09 456 3,137 (3,151)
2009-10 393.81 3,640 (3,246)
2010-11 426 4,450 (4,024)
2011-12 455 4,790 (4,240)
2012-13 488.1 3455.7 (2967.6)
2013-14 501.7 4287.7 (3786)
2014-15 496.2 3313.1 (2816.9)
Visits of Trade Delegations
A number of trade delegations from Pakistan particularly in foodstuff, rice, textile, building materials, sports
and medical sectors etc regularly visit the Kingdom. The Embassy acts as a liaison for them and arranges their
meetings with relevant and prominent Saudi businessmen, importers and entrepreneurs. These delegations
23
usually also receive good orders from their counter parts in the Kingdom. The Trade Development Authority of
Pakistan (TDAP) and the various Chambers play a useful role in sending such delegations to Saudi Arabia.
Trade Fairs & Exhibitions in the Kingdom
Pakistani companies also regularly participate in the prominent fairs and exhibitions in the Kingdom. The
following are some such fairs:
 Saudi Build & Saudi Stone Exhibitions
 Saudi Print Pack, Plastic & Petrochem (PPPP)
 Petrochem Arabia Conference and Exhibition
 Saudi Health
 Food ex
 Annual Food Festival By Pakistan embassy in Riyadh
 Saudi Agro Food
Joint Ministerial Commission
A centerpiece of the bilateral economic and commercial relations is the Joint Ministerial Commission between
Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. Its last session was held in 2007 and for this reason, reviving the Commission
became a priority for both sides in the last few years. The 9th session of Pakistan – Saudi Arabia Joint
Ministerial Commission convened in Islamabad on September 26, 2012. Makhdoom Amin Fahim, the Minister
of Commerce, chaired the Pakistani side, while Saudi side was headed by Minister for Trade and Industry Dr.
Tawfiq bin Fauzan Al Rabiah. The Saudi delegation on the occasion consisted of about a dozen senior officials
from various ministries. The visiting delegation was also accompanied on the occasion by a delegation of
prominent Saudi businessman and entrepreneurs.
During the Joint Ministerial Commission meeting, the two countries agreed to make maximum effort to increase
and expand scope of trade cooperation between private sector corporations, facilitate market access and remove
tariff and non-tariff barriers. Both sides agreed that Pakistan – Saudi Joint Business Council would hold its
meetings regularly and deliberate the means and measures for augmenting the trade exchange volume and joint
ventures in the two countries.
24
A follow-up meeting was held in Islamabad on 26 March 2013 to assess the status of implantation of the
decisions of the Joint Commission.
10th session of JMC was held in Riyadh on 16th April 2014 whereas 11th meeting of JMC is going to be held in
Islamabad 2015 .
Cooperation between the Private sectors
Federation of Pakistan Chambers of Commerce & Industry (FPCCI) and its Saudi counterpart, Council of Saudi
Chambers of Commerce & Industry (CSCCI) signed an MOU in June, 2000 to establish a Joint Business
Council. Assharqia Chamber Dammam and Lahore Chamber signed an MOU of Cooperation in 2009. The
MOU shall be helpful in increased interaction between the two chambers through exchange of data and
delegations
Saudi Financial and Humanitarian Support to Pakistan
Saudi Arabia has provided generous financial support to Pakistan. In recent years, the Kingdom has provided a
deposit of US$200 million to be kept in the State Bank of Pakistan, US$200 million to finance purchase of Urea
fertilizers, and a loan amounting to US$80 million for the construction of Neelum-Jhelum Hydropower Plant.
In addition, Saudi Arabia has contributed US$100 million for humanitarian assistance to the Internally
Displaced Persons in Malakand region. To assist the victims of floods in Pakistan, Saudi Government
announced $105 million, which is 13.3% of the total amount pledged by the rest of the world. Saudi Arabia
became the second biggest donor to Pakistan’s flood victims. Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, King
Abdullah and other members of the royal family also contributed generously in their personal capacity. King
Abdullah’s personal donation amounted to SR 300 million, followed by SR 10 million by then Crown Prince
HRH Sultan bin Abdulaziz, and SR 5 million by then Interior Minister HRH Prince Naif bin Abdulaziz. Prince
Alwaleed bin Talal donated SR 25 million and also visited Pakistan personally to assess the damage caused by
flood.
Other relief assistance from Saudi Arabia included: 30-Cargo-Plane airlifts of humanitarian supplies; a land
convoy of one thousand trucks that carried thousands of tons of wheat, 350 tons of dates and 30,000 tents to
Pakistan; two field hospitals, along with medical staff and equipment; and a Saudi search and rescue team.
25
Agreements signed between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia
Following agreements have been signed between the two countries:
 Friendship Treaty
 Air Service Agreement
 Agreement between Saudi Press Agency (SPA) and Associate Press of Pakistan (APP)
 Extradition Agreement
 Cultural Agreement
 Agreement on Economic, Commercial & Technical Cooperation.
 Agreement on Security Cooperation (Military Cooperation)
 Agreement on Bilateral Political consultations
 Agreement on Scientific & Technological Cooperation
 Agreement on Technical and Vocational Training
 Agreement on Programme of Education and Scientific Coordination
 Agreement on Avoidance of Double Taxation
 In addition the following agreements are in the pipeline:
 Agreement on Security Cooperation on Combating Crimes.
 MoU on Cooperation for control of illicit trafficking of Narcotics Drugs and Psychotropic
Substance.
 MoU between Ministries of Religious Affairs of two countries.
 Agreement on Transfer of Offenders.
 Agreement on Cooperation in the Field of Sports.
 Bilateral Investment Treaty.
Q.5 Elaborate the diplomatic efforts of Pakistan in support of the people of Palestine.
Pakistan–Palestine relations are the bilateral relationship between Islamic Republic of Pakistan and
the Palestinian Authority. Palestine has an embassy in Islamabad which was inaugurated on 31 January
26
2017. Pakistan fully supports the proposal of the creation of an independent Palestinian state. Due to Pakistan's
pro-Palestinian stance, bilateral relations between Pakistan and Israel have continuously wavered over the last
few years. Former President Musharraf stated that Pakistan will recognize Israel once a Palestinian state is
internationally recognized. Pakistan frequently provides edible and non-edible aid to Palestinian Authority.
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas has visited Pakistan 3 times and Pakistan supports the creation of a State
of Palestine that strongly emphasises the pre-1967 borders.
Pakistan and Palestinian Authority have a very close and political relationship. During the 1948 Palestine
War (1947–1949), Israel's diplomatic mission in Washington received information that Pakistan was trying to
provide military assistance to the Arabs, including rumors that a Pakistani battalion would be sent to Palestine
to fight alongside them. Pakistan bought 250,000 rifles in Czechoslovakia that apparently were meant for the
Arabs. Also, it became known that Pakistan bought three planes in Italy for the Egyptians. [5] The Pakistan Air-
Force participated in the 1967 and 1973 Arab–Israeli wars, Pakistani pilots flying Jordanian and Syrian planes
downed some Israeli planes, whereas in the 1982 battle for Beirut between Israel and the PLO, fifty Pakistani
volunteers serving in the PLO were taken prisoner by Israel. After the 1973 war, Pakistan and the PLO signed
an agreement for training PLO officers in Pakistani military institutions. [6] Pakistan and the Palestine Liberation
Organization (PLO) had developed close ties. The PLO was first recognized as the sole legitimate
representative of the Palestinians at an Islamic summit in Lahore in February 1974. This was approved six
months later at an Arab summit in Rabat. PLO missions in Karachi and Islamabad (Pakistan's capital since
1960) received full diplomatic recognition in 1975. Also in 1975, Pakistan had supported and voted in favor
of UN General Assembly Resolution 3379 which had equated Zionism with racism (the resolution was later
revoked with Resolution 4686 but Pakistan voted against revoking it). During the First Intifada that began in
1987, pro-PLO rallies were held in Pakistan and the government sent the organization food and medical
supplies.[7] After the Palestinian Declaration of Independence on November 15, 1988, Pakistan
then recognized the Palestinian Authority on 16 November 1988 and had established full diplomatic relations
with it by the end of 1989.
27
During the 2008-2009 Israel-Gaza conflict, President Asif Ali Zardari, Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani and
Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi have condemned the Israeli attacks in Gaza that killed over 1500
people on Saturday and have appealed for cessation of hostilities. [12] President Asif Ali Zardari further said
Israel's air raids on Gaza Strip have "violated the Charter of United Nations". He also urged the entire world to
take swift action of Israel's raids on Gaza as it was as open violation of UN Charter.[13] On January 11, the
Permanent Representative of Pakistan to the UN, Hussain Haroon, called for an immediate ceasefire and calm.
He criticised Israel saying the unrestrained use of force, scale of destruction, killing of innocent civilians,
including women and children, the violation of UN safe havens, and the collective punishment of an entire
people were blatant breaches of international law. He said that those act, in their totality, constituted war crimes
and crimes against humanity. He also called for the end of Israel's blockade in Gaza. [14] Also during the 2008-
2009 Israel-Gaza conflict, Pakistan's GEO News was one of the only few foreign news channels that provided
exclusive coverage of the situation that was prevailing after the war, right from Gaza. The reporting was hosted
by the Pakistani journalist, Hamid Mir, in January 2009. After the Gaza flotilla raid on May 31,
2010, Pakistan strongly condemned the Israeli action, calling it a cruel act and an open violation of international
laws and ethics. Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi stated that "Pakistan strongly condemns this
incident. Our point of view was that there was no moral or legal reason for this attack". The Pakistani
government also expressed deep concern over the well-being of Pakistanis and journalists on board and
Pakistani missions are in touch with Arab countries of the region to get information about the status of the
Pakistani nationals in the flotilla.[15] President of Pakistan Asif Ali Zardari and Prime Minister of
Pakistan Yousuf Raza Gilani strongly condemned the Israeli actions. They further said that the Government of
Pakistan is exerting all its efforts to find out what had happened to the Pakistanis aboard the flotilla. [16] Among
the people who were aboard the Gaza flotilla ship and arrested by Israeli forces during that time was Pakistani
journalist Syed Talat Hussain with his producer. He was the only Pakistani journalist that time who traveled
with the flotilla and garnered wide attention in Pakistani media. During the November 2012 Operation Pillar of
Defense in the Gaza Strip, the Pakistani Prime Minister Raja Pervez Ashraf spoke to Egyptian
President Mohamed Morsi and said that Pakistan strongly condemns Israeli air attacks in Gaza "that have
28
targeted not only the Hamas leadership but also innocent civilians". He said Pakistan considers Israeli action as
"a grave violation of international law and all humanitarian norms". He added that Israeli threats of a ground
offensive against Gaza were even more disturbing. Raja also said that unless the Palestinian problem was
resolved, peace in the Middle East would remain elusive. He expressed concern that the escalation in violence
could lead to a spreading of conflict, which may engulf the region.
On 14 April 2012, Pakistani Delegation led by Allma Qazi Norani, Sabir Karbali, Hasnat Qadri, Arsalan Ayaz
others participated in a Global road Caravan towards Jerusalem. [17] On November 29, 2012, Pakistan voted in
favor of UN General Assembly Resolution 67/19 Palestine to non-member observer state status in the United
Nations. [18] During the 2014 Israel-Gaza conflict, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif said: "I am saddened and
disappointed to note the silence of international community against this injustice, the silence and ineffectiveness
of the Muslim Ummah has made Palestinians more vulnerable and made Israel more aggressive. The world
must stop Israel from this naked and brutal aggression".He termed the Israeli atrocities against Palestinians in
Gaza as ‘genocide,’ urging the world to stop Israel’s naked and brutal aggression. [19][20] In his Independence
Day speech Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif said Israeli atrocities on Gaza citizens were no lesser a tragedy. He
said the bombardment on human settlements and massacre of innocent people was a moment of thought for the
world community as well as the human conscience. He said: “Pakistan strongly condemns it. The civilized
world must take cognisance of the situation because it was a tragedy for the whole humanity.”
29

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Course: Foreign Policy of Pakistan-II (4662)

Semester: Spring, 2020

of the US about the positive views of Quaid-I-Azam?

peace and prosperity of the world”.

peace and prosperity”.

principles of friendship and peace with all nations of the world.

Commonwealth has been and will guided in the future”.

has, as the senior member of the Commonwealth”.

The Quaid-i-Azam added,

withdrawn, leaving most of his task uncompleted.

country’s cause as vigorously as he could.

I.L.O., W.H.O. the World Bank, the international Monetary Fund.

have been set up as its goal”.

Pakistan’s military budged.

the shackles of foreign rule.

assistance in the fulfillment of what is our common desire and objective”.

Replying to the speech by the First Ambassador of France, Quaid-i-Azam observed:

aggressive and evil designs of their enemies.

what, in my opinion, is an outrage”.

the Palestine problem.

Muslim World, he said,

Iranis to the Quaid-i-Azam’s Relief Fund and exchange of diplomatic representatives.

Karachi happy and pleasant”.

impact upon Pakistan’s foreign policy as well.

find an equalizer against India.

not siding in the conflicts of ideologies between the nations.

Khan to visit Moscow?.

explanation at official level was given for this decision.

contacts on official level with Soviet Russia.

towards Afghanistan on Pakhtoonistan issue.

the population or 34.6 million people. 6

Peshawar remains considerable.

Pakistan, and improving Pakistan’s influence over governments in Kabul.

with organizing a religious resistance against the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.

participated directly in the fighting.

country. Kabul remained in Massoud’s control.

formidable force, the ISI regained control of Pakistan’s Afghan policy.

known as the Northern Alliance). Hekmatyar sought refuge in Iran in 1997.

across the Pakistani border with its al-Qaeda allies.

had spread to the so-called “settled” areas of Pakistan.

Thousands of fighters from Maulana Fazlullah’s Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi (TNSM) effectively

advances in areas such as Swat.

Waziristan in September 2006.10

includes the Swat Valley.16

Pakistan’s support of Afghan insurgent groups will continue.

significant role in the constitutional framework of both countries.

great asset for the Kingdom.

Recent High Level Visits

King and the Crown Prince.

of Military Exercise – North Thunder.

productive meeting with King Abdullah.

President and Prime Minister of Pakistan.

held bilateral discussions with Prime Minister of Pakistan.

Islamabad in February 2007.

 Imam of Ka’ba Abdur Rehman Al Sudais visited Pakistan in 2007.

Commercial and Economic Relations between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia

bilateral trade and economic relations.

Commercial and Economic Opportunities in Saudi Arabia

the possibilities in Saudi Financial Market.

Year Export Import Balance of Trade

2003-04 348 1778 (1430)

2004-05 325 1799 (2125)

2005-06 329 2994 (2665)