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Conservation Biology: February 2013
Conservation Biology: February 2013
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Conservation Biology
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Conservation Biology
Mark Sagoff
In an influential article published in 1985, biologist Michael Soulé announced
the emergence of a new biological science, conservation biology (hereafter “CB”),
which differed from other applied biological sciences such as forestry, fisheries,
and wildlife management. These traditional disciplines address problems
associated with individual species and the use of particular natural resources, for
example sustainable yields. In contrast, CB “tends to be holistic,” Soulé wrote,
and embraces normative postulates “that make up the basis of an ethic of appro-
priate attitudes toward other forms of life.” These postulates state: (1) “Diversity
of organisms is good”; (2) “Ecological complexity is good”; (3) “Evolution is
good”; and (4) “Biotic diversity has intrinsic value, irrespective of its instru-
mental or utilitarian value.” The mission of the Society for Conservation
Biology, founded in 1986 and now with over 10,000 members, is “To advance
the science and practice of conserving the Earth’s biological diversity” (see
evolution, ethics and).
This essay has five parts. The first presents in general terms the overall thesis of
conservation biology and describes its commitment to biodiversity as an organizing
principle. The second section discusses the reasons to consider biodiversity valuable.
The third section examines problems conservation biologists confront in maintaining
a “holistic” view of natural communities and ecosystems against skeptical arguments
and contrary evidence. The fourth section explores a debate among conservation
biologists concerning the extent to which they should espouse instrumental and
economic as contrasted with intrinsic and ethical rationales for the conservation of
biodiversity. Finally, this essay opines on the role of conservation biology at a time of
climate change.
An Overview
Before the 1980s, conservation science focused on the protection of particular
endangered species, wilderness areas, and natural resources. In contrast, “Conserva-
tion biology was born as one response of the scientific community to the current
massive environmental changes occurring on Earth. Its main tasks are to provide the
intellectual and technical tools to enable society to anticipate, prevent, and reduce
ecological damage” (Orians and Soulé 2001). According to several biologists,
“Conservation biology emerged in the mid-1980s, drawing on established disciplines
and integrating them in pursuit of a coherent goal: the protection and perpetuation
of the Earth’s biological diversity” (Meine et al. 2006).
The International Encyclopedia of Ethics. Edited by Hugh LaFollette, print pages 1055–1064.
© 2013 Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Published 2013 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
DOI: 10.1002/ 9781444367072.wbiee125
2
however needed and necessary may command a very small price if it is plentiful. If
nature provides certain goods or services in immense amounts, it may have infinite
value in use, but because there is no scarcity, it may have little value “at the margin”
or in exchange. To discuss the instrumental value of biodiversity, then, may be to
alternate between (1) our dependency on the rest of the living world (which is
total) and (2) the scarcity of or threat to particular aspects of it, which then must be
specified (see well-being). These two ways of construing the instrumental value
of biodiversity affect our ways of understanding “ecosystem services,” discussed
below.
Self-Organizing Ecosystems
Conservation biologists use a variety of normative concepts to refer to what they
believe is the locus of value; these concepts include sustainability, complexity,
community, ecosystem structure and function, and ecosystem integrity and health.
These terms, which convey a sense of the flourishing of natural areas, represent
conceptual constructs or theoretical objects or properties CB postulates in its role as
a new synthetic and integrated kind of biological knowledge. There is nothing
unusual about a science positing theoretical constructs – even emergent properties –
as ways to organize and advance knowledge. For CB, concepts of ecological com-
plexity, community, and organization help us to describe and understand the natural
world and also to identify what is valuable about nature or biodiversity and therefore
what is to be conserved. These emergent properties resist definition, however, and
may not be explicable or testable in strictly biological terms.
Conservation biologists often point to the organization of ecological communities
and systems as the object of value and the subject of conservation and protection.
Conservation biologists “emphasize the importance of natural ecosystems”
(Angermeier 2000). According to Kay and Schneider (1995), “We must always
remember that left alone, living systems are self-organizing; that is, they will look
after themselves. Our responsibility is not to interfere with this self-organizing
process.” Many biologists and other critics, however, question the idea that a self-
organizing process can be found in nature at any level other than the organism.
Environmental historian Donald Worster has summarized this skeptical view:
“Nature should be regarded as a landscape of patches, big and little, patches of all
textures and colors, a patchwork quilt of living things, changing continually through
time and space, responding to an unceasing barrage of perturbations. The stitches in
that quilt never hold for long” (Worster 1994; cf. Botkin 1990).
Conservation biologists espouse a “holistic” view, according to which any natural
ecosystem possesses a structure and a function that is greater than the properties of
its parts. Ecosystems are organized entities with emergent properties. The goal of CB
is to maintain “a balanced, integrated, adaptive, community of organisms having
species composition, diversity, and functional organization comparable to that of
natural habitats of the region” (Karr and Dudley 1981).
5
The “holistic” view stretches back at least to the ecologist Frederic Clements, who
early in the twentieth century argued, as ecologist Michael Barbour (1995) has
written, “that groups of species living together in a given habitat were highly
organized into natural units called communities.” Conservation biologists
Christensen and Franklin (1997) summarized, “we may liken ecosystem function-
ing to the processes that comprise physiological functioning in an organism. These
functions are the basis for sustained provision of ‘goods’ and ‘services’ upon which
humans depend” (see public goods). Conservationists may speak of the “health” of
the ecosystem. “The physician’s task is to evaluate and maintain healthy functioning
of an individual; the environmental manager’s, to evaluate and maintain healthy
functioning of an ecosystem” (De Leo and Levin 1997).
An opposing perspective in ecology stretches back at least to the American ecologist
Henry Gleason, who early in the twentieth century argued that what Clements called
communities are only collections. The “community” is a construct unrelated to reality.
According to Barbour (1995), Gleason held that what conservationists may see as
organized “associations are not real, natural units; they are merely artifacts and human
constructs or abstractions. Groups … of co-occurring species are not interdependent.
Rather, each species spreads out as an independent entity … and according to its way
of relating both to the physical environment and to other species.”
Today, controversy persists “over the extent to which communities are coevolved,
integrated complexes as opposed to simply those species found together in one place
at one time” (Simberloff 2010). Biologists in the Gleasonian tradition believe that
species are “largely thrown together by chance, history, and random dispersal.
Species come and go, their presence or absence is dictated by random dispersal and
stochastic local extinction” (Hubbell 2001). If this is true, it may not be impossible
to distinguish a system from a collection of organisms that happen to occupy a place
at a time. Many biologists believe that there are no “laws” in ecology and thus there
is no basis for understanding how – or even if – ecosystems are organized, i.e., no
consensus about the “rules” that govern them (Lawton 1999).
Much of CB can be described as research on the structure and function of
ecological communities and on the adaptive processes that maintain their health,
sustainability, and integrity. This mission presupposes the existence of ecological
communities as continuous functional wholes that “take care of themselves.”
If nature is not organized into communities, however, it may have no emergent
properties, such as “health” or “integrity,” for CB to protect or to study.
According to two ecologists, there is no empirical evidence of “an ontological
emergence of a community level of biotic organization.” Any appearance of
organization or constancy at the system or community level “is a biological epiphe-
nomenon, a statistical abstraction, a descriptive convention without true emergent
properties but only collective ones, wholly referable in its properties to those of its
constituent species, populations, and individuals” (Gilbert and Owen 1990). William
Drury (1998) in his study of forests found no emergent properties or governing
rules that unified them: “I feel that ecosystems are largely extemporaneous and that
most species (in what we often call a community) are superfluous to the operation
6
the natural capital on which they rely and, even when property rights are absent,
often work out successful regimes to manage them (Ostrom et al. 2010; see
intergenerational ethics). The economic value of these goods may be more like
market prices, which are sensitive to changing tastes, technologies, and many other
market conditions, than like ecological constants. If “ecosystem services” are valued
like other economic commodities, their value in exchange or competitive market
prices may be quite low, if they are plentiful relative to demand, and could constantly
change with the vagaries of market conditions.
Conservation biologists express concern that they have not been able to “deliver”
more than platitudes about the human dependence on nature’s services (Daily et al.
2009). It is true that the “value in use” of biodiversity is infinite; none of us could
survive if no other forms of life existed. For this reason, many conservationists work
with philanthropic and governmental agencies to develop market approaches to
protecting ecological goods on which we rely or which have value markets do not
recognize (see, for example, www.katoombagroup.org/).
Conservation biologists may direct their economic argument about nature’s
services not primarily at farmers, foresters, and others who know their worth, but to
policymakers who may be in a position to protect the natural world at a broader
scale. The problem that policymakers face, however, has often less to do with under-
standing how to assign economic values than with identifying and responding to
political constituencies. A group of ecological economists has wisely written that the
real test “of whether an ecosystem service will facilitate conservation is not whether
academics can valuate it, but whether someone – or some organization – is able and
willing to do what is necessary to secure it” (Kai et al. 2007).
In the literature of CB, the appeal to economic arguments has stirred a lively con-
troversy. On the one side, biologists argue that this appeal, whatever its intellectual
merits, is politically necessary. “Put bluntly, will we achieve greater conservation
success by protecting nature for its own sake or for our own sake?” these biologists
have written (Armsworth et al. 2007). On the other side, conservationists contend
that an instrumental morality leads to the destruction of the natural world. Economic
reasons, indeed, often encourage us to develop rather than to protect nature – to
dam a river, plant a field, or splice a genome. According to biologist Douglas J.
McCauley (2006), “We must act quickly to redirect much of the effort now being
devoted to the commodification of nature back towards instilling a love for nature in
more people” (see commodification).
Climate Change
In an influential book science writer Bill McKibben (1989) pronounced “the end of
Nature” in the sense of areas left free of human influence. He argued that human
interference with biospheric systems by changing the climate leaves nothing in its
natural condition. Many biologists agree. “Ecology is a discipline with a time limit,
because much of what we study,” a group of ecologists has observed, “is fast
disappearing.” They lament, “Now all field research is done in systems altered by
8
REFERENCES
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Kai, M. A. et al. 2007. “When Agendas Collide: Human Welfare and Conservation Biology,”
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Karr, J. R., and D. R. Dudley 1981. “Ecological Perspectives on Water Quality Goals,”
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Kay, J., and E. D. Schneider 1995. “Embracing Complexity: The Challenge of the Ecosystem
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10
Maclaurin, James, and Kim Sterelny 2008. What Is Biodiversity? Chicago: University of
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Ostrom, Elinor, Amy R. Poteete, and Marco A. Janssen 2010. Working Together: Collective
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FURTHER READINGS
Groom, Martha, Gary Meffe, and C. Ronald Carroll 2005. Principles of Conservation Biology,
3rd ed. Sunderland, MA: Sinauer Associates.
Soulé, M. E. 1995. “The Social Siege of Nature,” in Michael Soulé and Gary Lease (eds.),
Reinventing Nature: Responses to Postmodern Deconstruction. Washington, DC: Island
Press.
Van Dyke, Fred 2008. Conservation Biology: Foundations, Concepts, Applications. New York:
Springer.