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Science Nomenclature in Africa: Physics in Nguni
Science Nomenclature in Africa: Physics in Nguni
321–331 (1999)
Temba S. Dlodlo
Applied Physics Department, National University of Science and Technology,
P.O. Box 346, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe
Abstract: In the future, African universities will be required to use mother languages as the languages
of instruction in teaching all courses, including science and technology. This will necessitate the creation
of a modern scientific vocabulary in the various African languages. In this article I will propose and show
that the best way of creating such vocabulary is to give scientific meaning to generally accessible words
that are explanatory of the concepts, rather than borrowing from European languages by phonetic tran-
scription. I will suggest ways of constructing a Nguni nomenclature for physics. It is hoped that the same
approach will be adopted for the other African languages. The significance of developing a mother lan-
guage nomenclature for science and technology education in sub-Saharan Africa is examined. © 1999 John
Wiley & Sons, Inc. J Res Sci Teach 36: 321– 331, 1999
Archaeological excavations in various parts of sub-Saharan Africa show that ancient peo-
ples had the technologies to make tools, gather, produce, and prepare foods (Maggs, 1989). A
combination of handed-down experience and a continuous learning process helped them learn
to mold utensils, weapons, and concoct medicines for their wounded and sick. This is how var-
ious African kingdoms emerged and survived before the arrival of Europeans in Africa. This is
evidenced by the African languages spoken today, which are rich in vocabulary associated with
processing, molding, painting, manufacturing, and shaping, all of which required the applica-
tion of certain technologies. However, most of the technical vocabulary which was developed
before the arrival of Europeans has now been lost because it has not been used since then. At-
tempts to compile some of the vocabulary (Nyembezi & Nxumalo, 1996) are difficult owing to
the absence of written records.
The arrival of Europeans brought new and more advanced technologies which were unfa-
miliar to the indigenous communities. Africans began to see new tools, equipment, and weapons.
They had to create a vocabulary to name and describe these technologies. Sometimes the orig-
inal European name was borrowed and merely modified in its pronunciation. In Southern Africa,
formal education was introduced in the 19th century by missionaries, whose aims were to train
converts who would later spread the Gospel. The Bible was translated into many indigenous
languages for teaching purposes. Unfortunately, other courses such as geography, history, sci-
ence, and mathematics were not translated, but instead were taught in the European languages.
This may explain the success of Christianity in Africa. It is also reasonable to suspect that the
failure of modern science and technology to take root and spread over the past 150 years is due
to the use of nonindigenous languages as media of instruction in our schools. The very low na-
* Nguni is spoken by Ndebele, Swati, Xhosa, and Zulu, people of South Africa, Swaziland, and Zimbabwe.
tional pass rates in the final year at secondary school in Southern Africa should perhaps be at-
tributed to, among other things, the failure by students to grasp the scientific concepts that are
explained in English. The present author’s experience in Zimbabwe is that the only subject that
children pass with ease is Bible studies. I suspect this is so largely because, although it is ex-
amined in English, almost all children receive religious instruction in their mother language, at
home and in the local churches on Sundays.
Our educational systems of the past and present do not acknowledge the incompatibility of
the language of the home and immediate community and that of the school. Rollinck and Ruther-
ford (1996, p. 93) stated that the “language duality” of a “second-language” learner results in
the student identifying “the home and school as two separate worlds and that the student too be-
comes two people.” In most English-speaking sub-Saharan Africa, the indigenous communities
are multiethnic and children learn their mother language first, then they acquire languages,
through their early social relationships, which are spoken by children from one or more of the
other ethnic groups. Thus, before children begin formal schooling they may speak three or more
languages. This means that English, which is the language of instruction, may not be the stu-
dents’ second language even after many years in the education system. Furthermore, at most
schools, students do not normally speak English to one another or with their teachers outside
the classroom. Often, the concepts students learn in the classroom do not relate to their every-
day experiences.
pupils.” The experimental groups performed better than the control groups and the likely rea-
son for the enhanced “achievement of the experimental groups was the use of Yoruba as a medi-
um of instruction.” In this same project, it was also found that in “the promotion examinations
the experimental groups performed better, particularly in English, Yoruba, Mathematics, and
Science” (p. 91). This study should dispel the fears that are usually held by parents and policy
makers, that these “experimental children” are at a disadvantage in their further academic de-
velopment compared to the children receiving instruction in English (Bangbose, 1984).
The fact that science and technology in sub-Saharan Africa is not taught in indigenous lan-
guages means that no scientific ideas can be formulated in an African language in the present
education systems. Thus, it is unlikely that there will be any development of scientific vocabu-
lary, and hence the corresponding development and growth of original scientific ideas in sub-
Saharan Africa, unless the mother language is used as the medium of instruction. How can stu-
dents be expected to reformulate ideas in their own words in a foreign language? In any
formulation of an idea, the words that we choose must “be necessary interpretive instruments
of understanding” (Sutton 1992, p. 3). This is illustrated very clearly in an educational broad-
cast (Venter, 1997) in which a teacher discussed the water cycle with his students in English. In
this lesson, words unfamiliar to the students, such as evaporate, water vapor, condense, and at-
mosphere were used. When a student was asked what she thought of the lesson, she replied in
her mother language, “In class I did not understand because the teacher was teaching in En-
glish.” In a previous episode, the same class of students had been asked (in English) to discuss
how dams dry up. The students did not respond at all. The teacher explained this lack of re-
sponse by saying that the students “are not that free because they can not express the ideas to
one another because of their fear of being laughed at” as they tried to express the ideas, on a
topic they did not understand, in broken English.
In August 1996, African ministers of education met in Accra, Ghana, and declared their
“deep conviction that the promotion and use of African national languages in formal and non-
formal education will ensure a greater efficiency in the learning in and outside school as well
as a greater success in the training of human resources and consequently drawing fully on the
potentials of African countries for endogenous economic, social and cultural development” (Ac-
cra Declaration, 1996, p. 1). The new Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (1996) went
further in that it sought in one of its founding provisions, among other things, that a board must
be established to “promote, and create conditions for the development and use of all official lan-
guages” [Founding Provisions, Chapter 1, 6(5) (a), pp. 3–4]. The only way the objectives of
this provision and of the declaration by African ministers of education can be realized is to make
African languages the languages of instruction at schools and universities. This requires that
African scientists must begin the process of creating science nomenclature in their own lan-
guages so that these can be used as languages of instruction.
There are many others that were borrowed in this way. The translation is such that the word is
in a Nguni word format.
The first one in (b) mimics the noise that the gun makes when in operation. In (ii) iNdizamt-
shini ⫽ ndiza (fly) ⫹ mtshini (machine) ⫽ flying machine. These days, it is common to hear of
indiza for airplane, the word having evolved from flying machine ⫽ ifilematshini → iN-
dizamtshini → iNdiza. In (iii) umaBonakude ⫽ bona (see) ⫹ kude (far) ⫽ that which sees
from afar. In (iv) uGandaganda ⫽ ganda (to compact) ⫽ that which compacts (soil). Here, gan-
da is repeated to emphasize the repetitive nature of the compacting. In (v) uCingo ⫽ cingo ⫽
wire.
Borrowing directly from European languages, by phonetic transcription as in (a) above,
should be avoided since such borrowed words do not convey any meaning initially and such a
method produces clumsy-sounding Nguni science words. I have attempted previously to trans-
late scientific texts into a Nguni language and the results were not satisfactory because the words
were difficult to pronounce, as they were not in an acceptable Nguni word format. Furthermore,
the internal structure of the English language is so different from that of any African language
in syntax, word structure, vocabulary, and sound systems that a phonetic transcription should be
discouraged if a useful scientific vocabulary is to be created. The best route is to create new
words from and give scientific meaning to both new and existing Nguni vocabulary. In this way,
the words used at school will be familiar and meaningful to the students’ everyday experience.
Children usually learn about air and water in their first introduction to science. They are
taught in English that air is a mixture of the gases oxygen, hydrogen, carbon dioxide, and ni-
trogen, that water is a compound of “hydrogen” and “oxygen,” and that life on earth is possi-
ble through the process of photosynthesis in which a compound called chlorophyll plays an im-
portant role in the formation of new “compounds,” mainly carbohydrates. These new scientific
words do not relate to existing knowledge that the children already possess. Indigenous names
for these words ought to be created by African scientists, just as European and Asian scientists
have done. Table 1 shows how these words can be translated into the Nguni language by choos-
ing words or a combination of words that are in everyday use. The table includes translations
of these words that have been created from two of Europe’s indigenous languages: namely, Ned-
erlands (Dutch) and Suomenkieli (Finnish). Taking “oxygen” as an example, the Nguni word
iMpiliso, “that which sustains life,” is created from iMpilo (life) and the Dutch word Zuurstof,
“the sour stuff,” from the realization that this stuff was needed for making things sour.
Europeans have created and developed scientific terms from their own indigenous lan-
guages, as well as from Greek and Latin. European countries use their indigenous languages for
instruction at all levels of their education systems. They use other languages for external com-
PHYSICS IN NGUNI 325
Table 1
Introducing science in four languages
munication with Africa, Asia, and the Americas. It is perhaps still possible for Africans to de-
velop their indigenous languages for scientific and other communication needs to that level of
functionality that has been witnessed in young nation states such as Finland, Israel, and
Malaysia.
The word charge itself was borrowed from other uses—as in charging a gun with gun
powder—and it was a word which helped to firm up the idea that there might be some-
thing real and measurable—the quantity of electricity. . . . To capture, it might well re-
quire a jar-shaped container, and trails with water or lead shot—to condense it lest it
should waft away. Later however it appeared that no jar-shape was needed at all and that
two layers of metal separated by glass or even air achieved similar effects. Nevertheless
the community went on talking about the capacity of such devices for charge because the
idea of electrical matter was successful in other ways. (p. 11)
Here, we note that the words “charge,” “condense,” and “capacity” had previously been used in
nonscientific contexts.
A quotation from Lavoisier, a French chemist, which is reproduced by Sutton (1992, p. 13),
refers to matter existing in three states “either as solid or fluid or as elastic aeriform vapour.”
At this stage, there was no word for gas so that “elastic aeriform vapour,” which is a descrip-
tive phrase, was useful because the squeezability or springiness of a gas could be experienced.
This phrase was used for a long time until Jan Baptist van Helmont created the word gas from
the Greek word chaos (“g” is pronounced “chi” in Dutch—van Helmont’s language). Here, one
sees that the word “chaos” was chosen because a gas is experienced as being “chaotic” because
of its tendency to escape.
326 DLODLO
It is perhaps appropriate that we should start by proposing a Nguni word for physics. From
the English definition, physics is the “study of natural phenomena” ⫽ iNfundo yeZenzeko
zeMvelo or uLwazi lweZenzeko zeMvelo: Nfundo ⫽ study, Zenzeko ⫽ phenomena, Mvelo ⫽ na-
ture, and Lwazi ⫽ knowledge.
The task is to come up with a single word from this definition. In the interest of brevity, the
first word in the definition can be omitted: thus, the combination: Zenzeko ⫹ mvelo ⫽ iZen-
zekozemvelo ⫽ “physics.” INfundo and uLwazi have been assumed to be understood. A mere
phonetic transcription would yield iFiziki ⫽ “physics.” Although in this format the word Fiziki
is Nguni pronounceable and looks neat and brief, it is new and meaningless, whereas iZen-
zekozemvelo is a word made up of words that are accessible as they are used in everyday lan-
guage. The idea is to create words that are combinations of those that are found in the existing
vocabulary so as to enhance understanding. This has been done in most translations of physics
terms from the languages of science, such as English, French, and German, into other languages,
as shown in Table 1. In China, where the alphabetic system of writing is not used, a combina-
tion of characters is used to create new ones in Chinese physics nomenclature (Zhao, 1990).
To avoid long words and phrases, a phonetic transcription may be preferred when the new
word is in an acceptable Nguni format and has no meaning in everyday language, such as iFizi-
ki for Physics. In this case, a meaning is then given to the word. Table 2 offers a listing of En-
glish scientific terms for which acceptable Nguni is required to teach the concepts of internal
energy and work. For example, by creating a word imolenkulu ⫽ “molecule,” the word imo-
lencane ⫽ “atom” can be created, since the suffixes -nkulu ⫽ “big” and -ncane ⫽ “small,”
whereas “mole” ⫽ itshatha (spot). Therefore, a molecule is a big spot and an atom a small spot.
This is consistent with the fact that molecules are made up of smaller atoms. “Mole” can then
be given a Nguni meaning as a material particle smaller than the usual macroscopic particle (uh-
lanjana). “Mole” can then be used as a collective name for subatomic particles. To write iath-
omu for “atom” is not allowed in that two vowels must be separated by a consonant. We would
have to write iyathomu as one of the proposals for “atom.”
English words such as body, mass, motion, force, incline, friction, plane, temperature, ve-
locity, acceleration, volume, and pressure have acquired scientific meaning through their use in
physics. Since physics has never been taught in any of the Nguni languages, suitable words have
to be created for some and translations given scientific meaning for others. In the Nguni lan-
guages, the same word can mean two or more concepts. An example is amandla, which is used
to mean “force,” “energy,” and “power.” These words have acquired distinct scientific meaning
in the English language. In a physics context, amandla ⫽ “power.” Amandla is usually used in
comparative terms—one who has amandla can easily lift or pull heavier objects in a shorter
time than the one without power (⫽ ongenamandla). In physics, knowing the distinction be-
tween the words “energy,” “power,” and “force” is valuable for a student. There is therefore a
need to create specific terms in Nguni for each of the above terms so that the concepts of ener-
gy, power, and force are clearly distinguishable to assist the student in the learning process. In
the majority of languages that use the alphabetic system of writing, many important physics
terms such as “energy,” “entropy,” “electricity,” “magnetism,” “atom,” “neutron,” “molecule,”
“electron,” and “proton” are similar. If African languages adopt such a system of translation,
then the physics that is in these words will be lost. If we are to create physics terminology from
these English scientific terms, then we must ask ourselves the following questions. For equip-
ment and other objects, (a) What does it do? (b) How does it work? For concepts and phenom-
ena, (a) What effects if any does it have? (b) Does it have an analogy? The answers to these and
other questions must be in the language for which nomenclature is being sought. In the most
difficult of cases, there will usually be a number of words from which to choose. The selection
PHYSICS IN NGUNI 327
Table 2
Tentative Nguni scientific terms
criteria should be such as to preserve and ensure (a) clarity of meaning—the chosen word must
be that which explains; (b) universality—preference ought to favor a word that is common to
all the versions of the Nguni language; (c) accessibility—specific meaning must be given to fa-
miliar words; and (d) brevity—do not use two words where one will do. Since the words we
create involve concepts and ideas, and words that have no meaning in the routines of daily life
have the disadvantage of requiring more time before they are generally accepted and assimilat-
ed into a language, they cannot be used in explaining concepts and sharing ideas as often hap-
pens in teaching and learning. “To provide a ‘name’ alone does not necessarily establish un-
derstanding of a concept” (Strevens, 1976, p. 58). Phonetic transcription therefore should be
employed only when everything else has failed. The English terms for the gases in Table 1 were
taken, in this way, from the terms used by the French chemists “because there was no easy way
to translate them into less Latinate alternatives” (Sutton, 1992, p. 9). The Nguni text in the Ap-
pendix is a translation of a portion of a text focusing on internal energy and work (Alonso &
Finn, 1990). The proposed Nguni scientific terms in the text are explained in Table 2.
328 DLODLO
It is hoped that in the future, better ways of creating Nguni scientific terms will be devel-
oped. This might result in similar efforts being made in other African languages. Here, I hope
that I have justified and shown the feasibility and desirability of creating a Nguni Physics
nomencture to enhance comprehension for the benefit of students engaged in the learning
process.
Appendix A
Lokhu yikuthi:
Uma umsebenzi usenziwa ehlelweni (u Wndle esiya phambili) isidlakela sangaphakathi siyanda
(U ⬎ Uo) kodwa uma uhlelo luyilo olwenza umsebenzi (u Wndle esiya emuva) isidlakela san-
gaphakathi siyaphunguka (U ⬍ Uo). Uma sisebenzisa injini yekhoza kungabangcono uma singa-
bala umsebenzi wendle nje ngowenziwa luhlelo siwuthi ngu Whle kunokubala umsebenzi wen-
dle owenziwa ehlelweni u Wndle. Njengoba yomibili le imisebenzi ilingana nesidlakela
esabiwayo kodwa ihambelana nabodli abalingana njalo bephikisana, imisebenzi le nayo iyalin-
gana ngobukhulu noma iphambana; yikho,
Whle ⫽ ⫺Wndle
dW ⫽ pdV (A2)
Uma umthamo womoyana usuka ekubeni ngu Vo usiya ekubeni ngu V umsebenzi owenziwa
ngumoyana uyi
V
W= ∫V
o
n
pdV (A3)
Lesi sibalo siqinisekile noma umoyana usesitsheni esinomthamo oguqulwa ngezinye ezindlela.
Ukuze sibale isihlanganisa esikusilinganisa A3 kumele sazi ukuhambelana kuka p no V
ngasosonke isikhathi kusenzeka inguquko yesimo. Nxa lokhu ukuhambelana kusaziwa sinakho
PHYSICS IN NGUNI 331
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