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Roman Values and Social Political Decline Ver 13
Roman Values and Social Political Decline Ver 13
~13,000 words
Total: ~16,000 words
Pages - 52
O Tempora!
O Mores!
~ Cicero
“The first hundred years of this period were pure and humane and, as
we have said, a golden age, free from vice and crime. … The resources
and wealth thus acquired spoiled the morals of the age and ruined the
State, which was engulfed in its own vices as in a common sewer.”
~ Florus
"Both what has gone before and what we have still to discuss are
colored in a thousand ways by the influence of the ancient world.”
~Jacob Burckhardt
Most historians rightly associate the collapse of Rome with the increased incursion of
eastern peoples and the pressure of Visigoth and Vandal invading armies, which overcame
Rome’s ability to defend its empire.
But single factor analysis does not explain great historical change. There are many threads
to follow behind the politics and battles. What if one of them was something subtle,
something historians seldom emphasize, something in the background, which was not the
most overt reason for decline, but a contributing reason nonetheless.
There was a concern among observers at the time (over an approximately three century
period) that the decline of Rome (the city and civilization) can in part be attributed to a
significant deterioration of Roman virtus (virtue, values). The decline of personal, social,
and political values resulted in poor leadership, which weakened the Roman constitution
(the mechanisms of government and society) and the ability to manage a large
empire. There are supporting arguments that justify this claim.
This essay looks at what Roman’s themselves thought was happening (from the mid-
Republic to the mid-Empire) and uses Social Science and modern Leadership Theory to
suggest something internal and evolutionary contributed to Rome’s final collapse during
the early to late 5th century CE.
Could Social Entropy over virtus have been a disruptor, a hidden force that helps us
understand Polybius’ view of evolutionary decline?
Does this evolution in Rome tell us anything about ourselves, or human nature in general?
Sections
Introduction…………………………………………………………………………… 5
Thesis…………………………………………………………………………………. 8
Proof Of Thesis……………………………………………………………………….. 26
Nota Bene…………………………………………………………………………………….…..37
Sources Consulted……………………………………………………………………. 38
Appendix
Personal Virtues………………………………………………………………. 44
Public Virtues…………………………………………………………………. 45
Rome – Timeline……………………………………………………………… 50
Figures
2 Quintus Cincinnatus……………………………………………………………… 10
This is a narrow, high-level investigation into, and narrative on, an area of personal
interest. Writing is the way I think through complex ideas, so this is a compilation of my
own thoughts. I am grateful for any feedback and clarification.
There is a sound caveat by Michael Grant in one of his essays on Augustus, “Anyone who
attempts, as I am attempting, yet another general statement, and that within the compass of
a single paper, must hedge himself around with protestations and admissions of what he is
going to leave out”. So here are my admissions.
• There are no footnotes, but a list of sources consulted is provided with some useful
references.
• My focus is very narrow. This analysis does not take into consideration many
important aspects of Roman society, for example, religion, family, martial culture
and the Roman view of liberty – all of which must be considered for an integrated
understanding of such a complex society. Nor do I discuss broad culture,
overextension, invasions and border conflicts.
• Also, at this point my conclusions remain at a high level. Many important details,
observations and explanations that would give more gravitas to my analysis remain
unexplored. A number of ideas are presented that must remain only indicators.
Additional research is needed to fully flesh-out their validity, significance and
impact on Roman society over a period from the height of the Republic to the near
end of the Empire.
• My intention, where possible, is to let the Romans speak for themselves - to let
their voices be heard on this subject and let their argument be my argument. For
emphasis in quotations I chose to italicize their words.
• Finally, a mea culpa. I do this with a personal obsession. There has always been in
my pursuit to understand history, a desire to better understand something about my
own time and myself. I have questions I’m confident only the past can answer. I
see us today at the beginning of a broad, sweeping movement of social, political,
economic change, and I cannot help but wonder about similar circumstances at the
unraveling of Rome. In this, I am not the first student of history with urgent
motives to project the concerns, divisions and conflicts of their own time onto the
life of Rome.
Them And Us
There do seem to be some parallels between our time, and Rome in decline,
• Movements of people escaping local violence or seeking a better life
• A rise of authoritarian figures and ideologues,
• Governmental and social structures breaking down,
• Overextended military operations,
• A citizenry made up of different cultures and religions,
• Rise of violence in politics and society,
• Rise of nationalism and cohesive groups,
• Erosion of virtues, principles, courtesies, common values and social / political
norms,
• Pax Romana collapse - Pax Americana leadership unraveling,
• Cultural fragmentation,
• Fissures of wealth and expected conduct,
• A retreat to tribal group beliefs,
• Internal unrest across the known world,
• Insurrections on multiple fronts
• The decline of educational systems (neglecting governance, history, languages, and
values),
• Many people then as now seemingly ill equipped to perform the basic functions of
citizenship
None of this is really new - history is strewn with tyrants, nationalism, greed and chaos.
But I’m curious whether what happened to them was inevitable or did they bring it on
themselves? Is there something to learn that might guide us in our own time? Or, when
broad change begins, there is nothing you can do to stop it. As Victor Hugo once said,
“You can resist an invading army but you cannot resist an idea whose time has come”.
“History allows us to see patterns and make judgments. It reveals moments, each one of
them different, none entirely unique. To understand one moment is to see the possibility of
being the co-creator of another. History permits us to be responsible;
not for everything, but for something.”
~Timothy Snyder, Professor of History, Yale University
The risk of a backward-looking theory is we tend to find what we want to find. The
trained historian knows to go back as far as possible and follow a thread forward to better
understand the evolving circumstances that create an event. As James Burke (An
Alternative View of Change) suggested, we must follow the ‘connections’ - the web of
interconnected events that leads us to a conclusion. Winston Churchill said, “The farther
back you can look, the farther forward you are likely to see.”
History also shows we are uniquely conditioned by the society, culture and circumstances
within which we live. This is Chris Wickham’s view (The Inheritance of Rome.
Illuminating the Dark Ages, 400-1000) - "… every period in history has its own identity
and legitimacy, which must be seen without hindsight”. This seems to tell us - Don’t read
too much into what happened – it just is what it is.
From another perspective (i.e.: History repeats itself), Santayana, and others suggest there
are lessons from the past that apply in the future ("Those who do not learn history are
doomed to repeat it.”). Recurrence theory begins with Polybius and figures in the writing
of many historians, theologians and philosophers from antiquity onward. But recurrence
isn’t the focus of this analysis. History may not exactly repeat, but I suggest it can instruct.
We might learn something that applies to us. Piotr Cywinski, the director of the
Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum, warns, “More and more we seem to be having trouble
connecting our historical knowledge with our moral choices. I can imagine a society that
understands history very well but does not draw any conclusion from this knowledge.”
Historical knowledge isn’t enough. Cambridge classicist Mary Beard, has said, “History
isn’t simply about uncovering the past, seeing what’s there, taking a look and then moving
on. History at its best is some kind of conversation you have with the past and the
different questions succeeding generations want to raise with the past, that produces all
kinds of different answers through different dialogs that speak to us.” This would require
we ask the right questions and listen to the answers.
All that said, in studying history we have an obligation to get above the ground clutter - get
out of the weeds of minutiae about who did what when. By getting caught up in details
and facts we risk missing important messages from the broad sweep of history. So if we
see them, I don’t think we should be afraid to make bold connections between the past and
the present. From a greater distance we may recognize larger issues about humanity itself.
This essay is an exploration of one element of how I think Rome evolved from one point to
another - from the height of the much lauded virtues of Marcus Porcius Cato (d.149
BCE) and the ideal Roman Constitution described by Polybius (d. 118 BCE), to the, ‘What
the heck happened?’ chaos and frustration chronicled by the soldier-historian Ammianus
Marcellinus (d. 400 CE), when it was all disintegrating. (See p.26)
This begins as a reflection on two questions, (1) Can we learn something important about
how decline happened to Rome beyond overextension and invasions (was there something
else important happening in the background that is seldom discussed? (2) Is there
something at play here that is uniquely human nature, which transcends place and time?
My assumptions in historical research are - everything is more complicated than you think,
you don’t know what you don’t know, and what you think you know may be hiding reality.
What I’m doing here is akin to looking at one cell in the human body with a microscope
while 37 trillion other cells are doing many different things. Roman history is a vast ocean
of people and ideas. You can easily drown if you take yourself too seriously.
Thesis
“Do not think that our ancestors turned the Republic from small to
great by arms. . . . But there are other things that made them great
that are missing in us: diligence at home, lawful rule abroad, in
council a free mind subject to wrongdoing nor desire.”
~ Marcus Porcius Cato (d.149 BCE)
There was a concern among observers at the time (over an approximately three century
period) that the decline of Rome (the city and civilization) can in part be attributed to a
significant deterioration of Roman virtus (virtue, values). The decline of personal, social,
and political values resulted in poor leadership, which weakened the Roman constitution
(the mechanisms of government and society) and the ability to manage a large empire.
There are supporting arguments that give validity to this claim.
When and why this concern began and what caused it is a separate subject. (See p.30)
I have pinpointed no person, event or date to identify the beginning of decline. Dates are
arbitrary when assessing several hundred years of history. But, by the end of the Republic
Rome was already on a trajectory of decline. By the third century, the end was inevitable.
“Although all other things are uncertain, fleeting, transitory; virtue alone is planted firm
with very deep roots; it can not be undermined by any violence;
it can never be moved from its position.”
~ Cicero (d. 43 BCE)
It is noteworthy; in this essay I have put emphasis on values, and avoided the often-used
emotional terminology of ethics (externally imposed social guidelines) and morals
(personal beliefs about right and wrong). These words elicit exaggerated emotions and
personal assessments that are complicated and difficult to understand in an ancient society.
That is not to say Romans didn’t have morals. Modern neuroscience tells us it is human to
be born with moral tendencies. But ethics and morals are not what the Romans expressed
concern about. I did retain these words if quoted in a translation of an ancient author.
However, in these cases, I believe we cannot be certain what the ancient author really
meant or why a translator used the word. From the frenzied search for Roman documents
in the time of Petrarch to our own, translations of translations of copied documents have
passed through many hands to whom ethics and morals had different meanings. For this
reason, it’s best to explore the main object of their frustration - values.
What early Romans spoke of was virtus. All the ancients spoke of virtues. I will interpret
both of these generally as values (personal and social) and will use all three terms
interchangeably unless quoting them directly. (See Roman virtues/values pp44-46)
Today, a fairly common definition of values goes something like this - Values are basic
and fundamental beliefs that guide or motivate attitudes or actions. They help us determine
what is important. Values describe the personal qualities we choose to embody to guide
Mos maiorum
There is a backdrop to the concept of values for the early Romans worth understanding.
In a sense, Roman values evolve from a belief in doing the right thing - Mos maiorum
(ancestral custom). This was an unwritten code of traditional conduct that represents the
core values of ancient Rome, from which Romans derived their social norms through the
prestige of their ancestors.
The Roman poet, Quintus Ennius (d.169 BCE), wrote, “The Roman state stands on ancient
customs and heroes.”
We see this in stories about men like Gaius Mucius Scaevola (Figure 1), who during a war
in 508 BCE, when in the camp of the enemy, to prove the bravery of Romans, he thrust his
hand into a fire, and Quintius Cincinnatus (Figure 2), who (according to tradition) when
asked in 458 BCE to lead and defend his country, literally left the plow on his farm to
answer the call.
Figure 1 Figure 2
Stories like these could be myths, but they were very real to Romans and they represent
time-honored values, behavioral models and social practices of bravery, courage, integrity
and love of country that affected every aspect of life in ancient Rome.
Virtus
(In this section I rely on Balmaceda and McDonnell for background (See Sources
Consulted, pp39-44)).
In its early use, virtus meant valor, manliness – primarily martial courage. Initially it stood
as a separate virtue. But, as McDonnell says, “The central ideals of a society are seldom
static”, so from the mid-Republic on, virtus evolved to cover a wide range of meanings
representing a general virtuous ideal. No longer did virtus mean a person was a brave
warrior, rather as Balmaceda says, it meant he was a good person, someone who did the
right thing. Virilis-virtus (courage) became humana-virtus (virtue), or more appropriately,
virtus is seen as personal excellence and encompasses multiple virtues or values. In this
sense, virtus is knowing what is right, good and useful for a person and what is useless or
shamefully dishonorable. So to have virtus (virtue, values), one must hate bad people and
bad habits and on the other hand defend people of good habits.
“Virtus could be found everywhere and under any circumstance: it was what
everybody claimed, an aim for life, a means to achieve gloria, a criterion by
which to judge people, a spur to action, the courage to undertake brave
deeds, the essence of manliness, the moral code of the maiores [Patricians] . .
. . . For the Romans it was difficult to approach any important topic without
referring to virtus.” (Balmaceda)
Virtus came to embrace a broad range of virtues in which Romans took great pride. (See a
list of Roman virtues/values pp.44-46)
This sets a clear expectation for individuals, but also for public life, as values and politics
were closely connected in Rome. The distinction between personal virtues and social
values was blurred.
The view was, life and happiness depended heavily on the attainment of virtues, which
were indispensible for an individual as a member of society. Although there were many
virtues, living by them was not thought difficult as they were all connected.
Roman’s saw all change and causation (good and bad) as a fundamental values question.
So understanding an individual’s success or failure demanded understanding a person’s
character, qualities, vices, customs, habits and ways of being. Individual values are deeply
connected with and oriented toward the community. If individual values fail, the
community is impacted.
“Analyzing and tracing the role of virtus in the works of the historians of this period takes
us to the very heart of their appraisal of both political change and Roman identity.”
(Balmaceda)
Historians, ancient and modern, have attempted to pinpoint the moment of decline in the
Republic and Empire. Sallust said it was the Catiline Conspiracy (63 BCE), which
demonstrated the contrast in what virtue came to mean in the late Republic compared to
what it had been. Or, perhaps it was the death of Tiberius Gracchus (133 BCE) (Flower),
which introduced violence into politics. Others point to the end of the Republic itself (27
BCE), or the corruption, greed and dearth of ancient values in emperors like Caligula (d.
41 CE), Nero (d. 68 CE), Commodus (d. 192 CE), and others.
He much admired Rome for its ancient virtues and constitution of government (with its
three elements of monarchy, aristocracy, democracy), to which he attributed their success.
“For it is plain that we must regard as the best constitution that which partakes of all these
three elements.”
A key theme of his Histories is the good statesman acting virtuous. But he clearly said
decline was inevitable because the seeds of its failure lay in human nature itself and the
natural decline of personal and social values.
“This is the regular cycle of constitutional revolutions, and the natural order in
which constitutions change, are transformed, and return again to their original
stage. If a man have a clear grasp of these principles he may perhaps make a
mistake as to the dates at which this or that will happen to a particular
constitution; but he will rarely be entirely mistaken as to the stage of growth or
decay.”
According to Polybius, it is a natural evolution that civilizations must pass through three
stages, growth, zenith and decay. And this is because of human nature and a decline of
values. Man is the seed of destruction, planted at the beginning, which brings the end.
The scope of Cicero’s thought and writing exceeds any summary here, but the importance
of virtue and its decline is a thread though much of his concern for Rome. This was one
reason he supported Pompey over Caesar (“on account of his own positive virtues”).
He drew clear lines on the importance of personal and societal values during the problem
with Catiline, who was accused of planning the overthrow of the state - a period seen by
some as a tipping point in the evolution of values.
“For on the one side are fighting modesty, on the other wantonness; on the one
chastity, on the other uncleanness; on the one honesty, on the other fraud; on
the one piety, on the other wickedness; on the one consistency, on the other
insanity; on the one honor, on the other baseness; on the one continence, on the
other lust; in short, equity, temperance, fortitude, prudence, all the virtues
contend against iniquity with luxury, against indolence, against rashness,
against all the vices; lastly, abundance contends against destitution, good plans
against baffled designs, wisdom against madness, well-founded hope against
universal despair. In a contest and war of this sort, even if the zeal of men were
to fail, will not the immortal gods compel such numerous and excessive vices to
be defeated by these most eminent virtues?”
“In truth, our own generation, although it inherited the res publica blica as if it
were a master painting, yet one that was now fading as a result of age, not only
failed to restore it with the same colors that had been there before, but did not even
see to it that at least its design and as it were its basic outlines were preserved. “
“For when I have meditated, as I often do, on the means by which various
eminent men acquired greatness, and have asked myself what it is that has
greatly advanced peoples and nations, and then have inquired what causes
have brought about the downfall of kingdoms and empires, I invariably found
the same virtues and the same vices: that the victors always despised riches, the
vanquished coveted them. In fact, a mortal cannot exalt himself and draw near
to the gods unless he cast away the delights of wealth and bodily pleasure, and
invite his soul, not by flattery, by indulging its desires, by allowing it a perverse
gratification, but by exercising it in labor, in patience, in virtuous precepts and
in meritorious deeds.”
Sallust felt greed and selfishness were squandering the virtue of Rome’s ancestors. “For
wherever the desire for riches has penetrated, neither education, nor good qualities, nor
talents, can prevent the mind from at last yielding to it sooner or later.”
“As soon as riches came to be held in honor, when glory, dominion, and power
followed in their train, virtue began to lose its lustre, poverty to be considered a
disgrace, blamelessness to be termed malevolence. Therefore as the result of
riches, luxury and greed, united with insolence, took possession of our young
manhood. They pillaged, squandered; set little value on their own, coveted the
goods of others; they disregarded modesty, chastity, everything human and
divine; in short, they were utterly thoughtless and reckless.” “The men of
today, on the contrary, basest of creatures, with supreme wickedness are
For Sallust, the failure of values had poisoned the body politic and brought the
destruction of the Republic.
While a keen observer and satirist, Horace did not get involved in the complicated politics
of Rome, but he did advocate for a life focused on individual happiness and virtue, and in
this he reflects some of the frustrations of his time.
On failed values …
“But a great majority of mankind, misled by a wrong desire cry, ‘No sum is
enough; because you are esteemed in proportion to what you possess.’ What
can one do to such a tribe as this?”
“What, to watch half dead with terror, night and day, to dread profligate
thieves, fire, and your slaves, lest they should run away and plunder you; is this
delightful? I should always wish to be very poor in possessions held upon these
terms.”
“Neither your wife, nor your son, desires your recovery; all your neighbors,
acquaintances, [nay the very] boys and girls hate you. Do you wonder that no
one tenders you the affection which you do not merit, since you prefer your
money to everything else?”
“Bring back the lapsed virtues of the Golden Age; Faith, Honor, antique
Shame-fastness and Worth, and Plenty with her teeming horn. Hear, God! hear,
Goddess!”
Seneca 4 BCE-65 CE
Roman Stoic Philosopher
As an advisor to Nero, Seneca lived in a difficult time for virtus. His approach to virtue
was of a philosopher.
“Even those very people who declare the highest good to be in the belly, see
what a dishonorable position they have assigned to it: and therefore they say
that pleasure cannot be parted from virtue, and that no one can either live
honorably without living cheerfully, nor yet live cheerfully without living
honorably. I do not see how these very different matters can have any
Seneca thought virtues were not properly taught to the young or old.
“But neither the new system nor the old teaches or nourishes virtue. For what
good does it do us to guide a horse and control his speed with the curb, and
then find that our own passions, utterly uncurbed, bolt with us? Or to beat
many opponents in wrestling or boxing, and then to find that we ourselves are
beaten by anger?”
“The scholar busies himself with investigations into language, and if it be his
desire to go farther afield, he works on history, or, if he would extend his range
to the farthest limits, on poetry. But which of these paves the way to virtue?
Pronouncing syllables, investigating words, memorizing plays, or making rules
for the scansion of poetry, what is there in all this that rids one of fear, roots
out desire, or bridles the passions?”
As he says, to be virtuous, one must be taught virtue. "No man is good by chance. Virtue is
something which must be learned.”
Florus, d. 130CE
Orator, Poet and Historian - An Epitome of Roman History
Florus’ argument, and indeed other observers, is Rome became the victim of its own
success. That is, the immense acquisition of wealth, power, and slaves led to greed and
personal ambition, increased the separation of rich and poor, caused internal conflicts, and
undermined traditional values based on the Mos Maiorum, which were the foundation of
Roman greatness.
What’s significant about Florus is his intent in analyzing Roman history up to his time was
specifically to understand the decline of virtue. No one explained it better and in such
depth.
“Such are the events overseas of the third period of the history of the Roman
people, during which, having once ventured to advance outside Italy, they carried
their arms over the whole world. The first hundred years of this period were pure
and humane and, as we have said, a golden age, free from vice and crime, while
the innocence of the old pastoral life was still untainted and uncorrupted, and the
imminent threat of our Carthaginian foes kept alive the ancient discipline.”
“The following hundred years, which we have traced from the destruction of
Carthage, Corinth and Numantia and the inheritance of the Asiatic Kingdom of
Attalus down to the time of Caesar and Pompeius and of their successor
“For, just as it was honourable and glorious to have won the rich and powerful
provinces of Gaul, Thrace, Cilicia and Cappadocia as well as the territory of the
Armenians and Britons, which, though they served no practical purpose,
constituted important titles to imperial greatness; so it was disgraceful and
deplorable at the same time to have fought at home with fellow-citizens and allies,
with slaves and gladiators.”
“For what else produced these outbreaks of domestic strife but excessive
prosperity? It was the conquest of Syria which first corrupted us, followed by the
Asiatic inheritance bequeathed by the king of Pergamon. The resources and
wealth thus acquired spoiled the morals of the age and ruined the State, which
was engulfed in its own vices as in a common sewer. For what else caused the
Roman people to demand from their tribunes land and food except the scarcity
which luxury had produced?”
“Again, what brought the servile wars upon us except the excessive size of our
establishments? How else could those armies of gladiators have arisen against
their masters, save that a profuse expenditure, which aimed at conciliating the
favour of the common people by indulging their love of shows, had turned what
was originally a method of punishing enemies into a competition of skill?”
“Again, to touch upon less ugly vices, was not ambition for office also stimulated
by wealth?”
“Why, it was from this the Marian and Sullan disturbances arose. Again, were not
the sumptuous extravagance of banquets and the profuse largesses due to a
wealth which was bound soon to produce want?”
“It was this too that brought Catiline into collision with his country. Finally,
whence did the lust for power and domination arise save from excessive wealth?
It was this which armed Caesar and Pompeius with the fatal torches which kindle
the flames that destroyed the State.”
“The resources and wealth thus acquired spoiled the morals of the age and
ruined the State, which was engulfed in its own vices as in a common sewer. For
what else caused the Roman people to demand from their tribunes land and food
except the scarcity which luxury had produced? Hence arose the first and second
Gracchan revolutions and the third raised by Apuleius.”
And so it was with major observers - Plutarch, Marcus Aurelius, Cassius Dio, Tacitus,
Augustine and others, who all observed declining values and their influence on politics,
governance and society across the Republic and Empire.
In the early Roman Republic, students received a basic education, which stressed character
development and virtue. Later, the emphasis on these things in education fell out of
fashion.
"We know that eloquence, with the rest of the polite arts, has lost its former
lustre: and yet, it is not a dearth of men, or a decay of talents, that has produced
this fatal effect. The true causes are, the dissipation of our young men, the
inattention of parents, the ignorance of those who pretend to give instruction, and
the total neglect of ancient discipline. The mischief began at Rome, it has over-
run all Italy, and is now, with rapid strides, spreading through the provinces."
~ Tacitus, Quoting Marcus Valerius Messalla Corvinus (d.8 CE)
“This is the regular cycle of constitutional revolutions, and the natural order in which
constitutions change, are transformed, and return again to their original stage.
However, it is in the case of the Roman constitution that this method of inquiry will most
fully teach us its formation, its growth, and zenith, as well as the changes awaiting it in
the future; for this, if any constitution ever did, owed, as I said, its original foundation
and growth to natural causes, and to natural causes will owe its decay.”
~Polybius
In its decline, was Rome only doing what comes naturally? Just as humans are born, live
and die, so seems the inevitability of nations, societies and great civilizations - or so says
Polybius’ idea of Anacyclosis.
Figure 3 Figure 4
Each of the benign forms fails when the individual level behavior of politicians and
citizens change - values evolve and leaders develop a sense of entitlement, and therefore
society and the state becomes engulfed in chaos.
In an article on this subject, Stephen Podes (History of Political Thought) explains how
this happens.
“This illustration of the transition . . . may be treated as an exemplary model
with respect to the other transitions.”
Therefore all benign systems, Monarchy, Aristocracy and Democracy, end for the same
reason – a decline first in personal and societal values.
What Polybius describes is decline over an extended period of time, during which there is
recognition of socio-political failures, with attempts to improve and recover - but still
continued decline.
Based on Polybius’ theory, Figure 6 below is a representation of how societies fail over an
extended period. We can pick any low or high point on the graph to mark events in Roman
(or any) decline, and efforts to recover. Polybius argues continued decline is the natural
trend. In the mid-late Empire, Rome lurched from one social-political crisis to another. It
was always two steps back and one step forward in a spiraling decline as they tried to
control the circumstances of their environment.
‘Fall’ is probably an inappropriate word to describe the evolution and end of a civilization
like Rome that existed several hundred years. There was no high precipice from which
Rome tumbled. Roman decline occurred from a series of internal and external related
events, leadership, social and political circumstances which occurred over an extended
period, possibly in part as a result of changes in the social-political value system.
As Polybius suggests, natural causes, that is, changes in values and human behavior,
undermine a society and lead to the decline of every political-constitutional model.
Social Change Theory tells us there are many factors which evolve over time that impact
societies – environment, demography, technology, economy, religion, social movements,
as well as political processes. But all of these things, in their own way, shape, and are
shaped by, values, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors. For example, social scientists have
demonstrated a correlation between the rise of materialistic value orientations and levels of
social trust – a key influence in the stability of governance systems.
It has been said leadership is the most written about and least understood concept.
While humans demonstrated the characteristics of leadership for over six thousand years,
it’s only in the last hundred or so, based on a need to drive business performance, we
seriously began using social science skills to understand what makes a good leader, how
values drive leadership, how leaders change values in those they lead, and what the impact
of leadership and values are on organizations and society.
There is a natural symbiotic relationship between values and leadership. They are driven
by each other. It’s likely Marcus Aurelius did his best to follow his values, and surely
Seneca advised Nero as best he could. Both of them, through their actions, had some
impact on the values of those within their sphere of influence.
Modern research also tells us emotions and behaviors are contagious. For example,
research by Christakis, Fowler and McDermott (HBR), show if you have overweight
friends, you are more likely to be overweight yourself. If you quit smoking, your friends
are more likely to quit. If you have a close friend who is divorced, you are 33% more
likely to split with your spouse.
The research of Zenger and Folkman proves leadership behavior is contagious. Strong and
effective leaders have strong and effective followers. The converse is also true. Leaders,
who perform poorly, have direct reports who perform poorly. ‘Social contagion’ affects
leaders and leaders influence those around them through their actions.
While most leadership research has been in business and industry. It is generally accepted
leader and follower interaction and mirroring are human nature, and is the same in politics,
society and any group environment.
On the other hand, personal values influence leaders in two ways, (1) as a perceptual filter
that shapes decisions and behaviors, and (2) as a driver of methods to achieve goals.
(Lichtenstein).
The work of Abraham Maslow shows our values are in part based on human needs and
psychological development. Leadership and followership vary by one’s values and
motives for action.
Culture shapes the way we see the world. So, personal values and leadership both create
and reflect social values. This in turn influences the governance we get - a cycle of values.
Figure 7
Individual
Personal Social
Values Values
Leader
Leadership Personal
Governance
Values
Modern business research also tells us employee satisfaction and engagement, and
organizational success, can only be achieved by driving positive organizational values.
Citizens, government and society are impacted in the same way.
“The best emperor teaches his citizens to do right by doing it, and though he is greatest
among us in authority, he is still greater in the example which he sets.”
~ Velleius Paterculus
The conclusion we may draw from this is, in Rome personal and social values played an
important role in the actions of leaders and emperors, and leaders and emperors played an
important role in shaping personal and social values of the populace. If values
deteriorated, then so must leadership and governance systems. All this became a vicious
cycle and a downward spiraling trend in the Roman body politic and society.
“Civilization is but a thin veneer stretched across the passions of the human
heart. And civilization doesn't just happen; we have to make it happen.”
~ Bill Moyers
“Hence a craving first for money, then for power increased, these were the
root of all evils. For greed subverted trustworthiness, integrity, and other
virtuous practices; in the place of these it taught insolence, cruelty, to neglect
the gods, to set a price on everything.”
~ Sallust
Thomas Henry Huxley (d.1895) developed the idea that ‘moral tendencies’ are not part of
human nature. In fact, what we tend to call ‘human morality’ is a cultural overlay, a thin
veneer hiding an otherwise selfish and brutish nature. This is a similar view as Thomas
Hobbes (d.1679), who lived in the time of violence and uncertainty of the English Civil
War. Hobbes believed the veneer of civilization was fragile, and the only way to control
human nature is a strong government with absolute power. In other words, it’s the
institutions of government and society that hold our naturally cruel and ruthless nature in
check. If they fail, human nature and society runs amok.
It may be too strong to say, as Rome declined we fell back into what Hobbes called, ‘a
state of nature’. But one could argue Hobbes was correct in his warning - without a strong
values-driven government and the institutions of civil society, there could be,
“. . . no place for industry, because the fruit thereof is uncertain; and consequently
no culture of the earth; no navigation, nor use of the commodities that may be
imported by Sea; no commodious Building; no Instruments of moving and
removing such things as require much force; no Knowledge of the face of the
Earth; no account of Time; no Arts; no Letters; and which is worst of all,
continuall feare, and danger of violent death; And the life of man, solitary, poore,
nasty, brutish, and short.”
But the western Roman world was on very shaky ground in the early so called Dark
Ages.
As General Michael Hayden, US Director CIA, Director National Intelligence, has said,
“The veneer of civilization, I concluded, was quite thin . . . Over the years I had learned
that the traditions and institutions that protect us from living Hobbesian ‘solitary, poor,
nasty, brutish and short lives’ are inherently fragile and demand careful tending.”
It seems increasingly clear, over several centuries in Rome, the personal and public virtues
of an earlier period significantly deteriorated. This eroded the thin veneer of civilization,
undermined civil society, leadership and institutions of government, leading to an inability
to manage their government, culture and large empire.
If as Lord Acton said, "Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.
Great men are almost always bad men", then Rome in the Empire was susceptible to
temptations beyond normal human resistance.
In Imperial Rome, there were good emperors, bad emperors and very bad emperors.
By the beginning of the third century Rome was, to use a crude and bold analogy, a
wounded animal.
The assassination of emperor Alexander Severus in 235CE by his own troops was also
marked by involvement of the military in politics, fear of increasingly destabilized
communities and greater pressure to defend provinces and borders. After Severus, Rome
would see over twenty emperors rise and fall in the next fifty years (compared to the
twenty-six from Augustus to Severus, a period of two hundred fifty years). (Mark)
During this time, the empire was broken into parts, then restored and then divided again.
By the third century, what Rome had been, was no more. The end was near. The Visigoths
sacked Rome in 410 CE. (see figure 12, p.49)
"A terrible rumor reaches me from the West telling of Rome besieged...besieged
again, life and property perishing together. My voice falters, sobs stifle the
words I dictate; for she is a captive, that city which enthralled the world”.
~ Augustine of Hippo (d. 430 CE)
"It is a truth beyond all question, that, when at one time Rome was the abode of
all the virtues . . .” "And now that it is declining into old age, and often owes its
victories to its mere name . . . Therefore the venerable city, after having bowed
down the haughty necks of fierce nations, and given laws to the world, to be the
foundations and eternal anchors of liberty, like a thrifty parent, prudent and
rich, entrusted to the Caesars, as to its own children, the right of governing
their ancestral inheritance.” "But this magnificent splendour of the assemblies
and councils of the Roman people is defaced by the inconsiderate levity of a
few, who never recollect where they have been born, but who fall away into
error and licentiousness, as if a perfect impunity were granted to vice.”
The significance at the time was described by the priest / historian Jerome (d. 420 CE).
“It was generally believed, not only by the heathen, but also by many of the
most liberal-minded of the Christians, that the destruction of Rome would
be the prelude to the destruction of the world.”
Proof of Thesis
“It is easier to find one single excellent man than many, and if even this seems
to some a difficult feat, it is quite inevitable that the other proposition be
acknowledged to be impossible; for the acquirement of virtue is not a
characteristic of the majority of men.”
~ Cassius Dio (d.235 CE)
“Where is that other Marcus, Cato the Censor? Where is all the rigor of our
fathers? Long since indeed has it perished, and now it is not even desired.”
~ Suetonius. (d. 126 CE)
It’s said there have been more then two hundred explanations for Rome’s so called decline
and fall – not the least of which are impotence from too many hot baths and insanity from
lead pipes.
In looking at the collapse of Rome, André Piganiol said, “Roman civilization did not die a
natural death; it was assassinated.” He meant the result of external pressures (the
barbarians are coming!). Piganiol’s now popular assessment contradicted Ferdinand Lot’s
earlier view that, “The Empire died of an internal malady.” (It became unyieldingly
conservative and could not deal with the changes it faced).
What if the internal malady, which caused a premature death, was a progressive disease of
the body politic? What if the interrelationship of declining values and inept leadership
slowly killed Rome like a cancer within.
In their own time, Romans clearly expressed concern that the decline of traditional values
was undermining their society. Did this contribute to the eventual collapse of Roman
civilization?
Objective Observations
Civilization Is A Veneer
The society we enjoy – our values, social system, government – all represent a
layer over the worst of human nature. Hobbs explained greed, power, selfishness,
can strip away the foundations of society itself. Success found the Romans always
wanting more, but eventually more became less. The veneer of Mos Maiorum and
virtus were eventually stripped away and plunged Roman society into chaos.
In looking at this period and forming a theory, what the historian calls primary sources can
reveal only so much. Facts are important, but they are just cold, impersonal indicators that
describe events, observations and experiences. They seldom help us understand deep
personal emotions and group-psychology behind chronological events. We tend to avoid
what we sometimes call ‘soft ideas’ because we can’t prove what our heart and head tells
us. However what we ‘feel’ can often illuminate a hidden truth. As McDonnell says, “A
relationship does exist between words and things, albeit a complex one, that in the end is
not demonstrable. Better to make a leap of faith, if that is what it is, for meaning.”
Although the times are different, we can make some assumptions that stand outside
historical facts because modern social science has studied these things and we have had
similar human experiences - because the Romans were human and we are human.
Whatever else we may think, one thing is clear, the Roman’s were outspoken in their
frustration that the virtuous consistency, integrity, excellence, virtus of their ancestors had
fallen away. They had lost consistency of purpose.
I asked, (1) Can we learn something important about how decline happened to Rome
beyond overextension and invasions (was there something important happening in the
background that is seldom discussed?), (2) Is there something at play here that is uniquely
human nature, which transcends place and time?
Voices from the past and modern social science answer these questions. But the answers
remain only part of many insights, which help us understand what happened to Rome.
"The Roman poets of antiquity traditionally describe a time within the mythological mists
of prehistory when paradise existed. This was when the god Saturn was to have ruled
supreme. This period is romantically described as a time when virtuous conduct was
universal. Men were just, pious, cooperative, equal and content with what they possessed.
Like many such tales of utopian prehistory this era came to a close and humanity fell from
virtue. Unlike similar tales, this fall from grace is not due to original sin, seeking illicit
knowledge or other such notions. In antiquity, the fall was regarded as secondary to an
epidemic of self-centeredness. The noble concepts of virtue, such as moderation, equality,
fairness, frugality, justice lost their primacy. Virtue became somewhat of a rarity,
something that was not universally adhered to by all."
Roman writers across the span of the Republic and Empire were well aware of and spoke
often about Rome’s disintegration. As I have tried to explain in the prior essay, we can
understand one contributing element of the ‘how’ of this disintegration - the decay of
virtue, values, and loss of the mos maiorum. But when and why? When did it begin?
Why did it begin? What was the initial driver of change?
Symbolic of early change comes from the elder Pliny, "Latifundia perdidere Italiam, jam
vero et provincias" - The great estates, plantations [Latifundias managed by thousands of
slaves] are ruining Rome and the provinces.
The great landholdings were representative of greed and aggressive pursuit of wealth that
was undermining society. Cicero reported the statement of the tribune Philippus that the
entire country did not have a thousand property owners. This in what was once a nation of
soldier-farmers - now mostly landless. Seneca, himself a landowner, asked, “How far will
you extend the bounds of your possessions?”
Also, wars brought unimaginable wealth, loot, slaves and new residents to Rome, which
upended the idealism of the early Republic. Subsistence farmers lost their land to swindles
and land grabs, the poor were forced to the city, which brought unrest and political
segmentation.
As the writer Florus says below, these circumstances are what caused the conflict with the
Tribunes Gracchi (133 BCE & 121 BCE), the Catiline conspiracy (63 BCE), slave
rebellions (the Servile War 73-71 BCE), the ruthless, chaotic periods of Marius (d.86
BCE) and Sulla (d.78 BCE), it pitted Roman against Roman and caused the collapse of the
Republic.
It is human nature that the more we have the more we want. Romans became obsessed
with materialistic things.
In Sallust’s view, what he called the ‘moral fibre’ of Roman culture had been destroyed by
the city’s success and by the wealth, greed and lust for power that followed its conquest of
the Mediterranean and the crushing of all its serious rivals.
Here I will let others explain in more detail how all this came about in early Rome.
-----
A changing landscape
“The wars that established Roman leadership of the Italian peninsula had been
accompanied by serious disruptions to the population levels and settlement patterns of the
peoples involved. In the midst of these movements, Rome and a few other cities grew
much larger. Firm statistics for Rome’s population do not exist, and modern estimates have
large margins for error, but it seems likely that, in the second century, several hundreds of
thousands of people inhabited the city. They were highly diverse in class, in legal status,
and in place of origin. Some came from the towns and villages of Italy, seeking
opportunities in the city or fleeing changes in the countryside. Wealthier newcomers
sometimes sought a place among Rome’s elite. Many new residents came from outside the
peninsula, some voluntarily, lured by its riches, while others were imported as slaves to
work in the households of the wealthy. Much of Rome’s population was ill-housed and led
only a marginal existence. Tensions between rich and poor seem to have become more
pronounced.
Changes in the countryside accompanied the growth of cities and fueled it. The constant
wars outside the peninsula added to the mobility of the population of Italy. Some sought
opportunities in Spain or the east, while many served in Rome’s armies there. Wars in
distant places made military service more burdensome for some Romans and allies. In the
first half of the second century, the total free population of Italy probably numbered around
three million. The Romans kept a substantial proportion of the adult males from citizen and
allied communities under arms: perhaps 120,000 men in a typical year, and, on occasion,
even more. Soldiers who served outside of Italy could be away for four to six years, with
some men serving for over a decade. Military service on this scale and of this duration
disrupted communal life and the organization of labor. Most soldiers were small-scale
farmers, and prolonged absences must have weakened their ability to maintain themselves
and their families on their lands. Indeed, the pressures of military service may well have
encouraged some to abandon the land and move to the cities. Some Roman authors also
believed that the demands of military service led wealthy landowners to shift away from
hiring free laborers to employing slaves, who were not subject to conscription, to work
their lands. There is certainly the distinct impression that throughout Italy more land than
ever before was now controlled by wealthy families.
Warfare outside the peninsula also disrupted long established patterns of agriculture. The
traditional economies of Italian city-states were based on farming and herding. In most
districts, the arable land would be divided among the relatively few estates of the rich and
a far larger number of smallholdings, cultivated by the owner and his family with perhaps
the assistance of a few slaves. The ownership of land was closely tied to citizenship. The
chief landowners of a city were its ruling elite, and its small-scale farmers formed the mass
of its military levy. Under Roman law, only Romans and Latins could own land around
Rome, in colonies, and in municipia. The Roman elite, although far wealthier than the
elites of municipia and allied cities, probably concentrated the bulk of its holdings
relatively close to the city. At the beginning of the second century, senators primarily
The influx of wealth and slaves from foreign wars, and the vulnerability to military service
of tenant farmers, sharecroppers, and hired laborers, presented members of the landholding
elites of Italy with a range of options.”
Florus felt Rome’s early wars were for defense, but booty and slaves brought greed and a
desire for war that was not defensive but simply to acquire more. This, he believed,
undermined their society.
“Such are the events overseas of the third period of the history of the Roman people,
during which, having once ventured to advance outside Italy, they carried their arms over
the whole world. The first hundred years of this period were pure and humane and, as we
have said, a golden age, free from vice and crime, while the innocence of the old pastoral
life was still untainted and uncorrupted, and the imminent threat of our Carthaginian foes
kept alive the ancient discipline.”
“For what else produced these outbreaks of domestic strife but excessive prosperity? It
was the conquest of Syria which first corrupted us, followed by the Asiatic inheritance
bequeathed by the king of Pergamon. The resources and wealth thus acquired spoiled the
morals of the age and ruined the State, which was engulfed in its own vices as in a
common sewer. For what else caused the Roman people to demand from their tribunes
land and food except the scarcity which luxury had produced?”
“Again, what brought the servile wars upon us except the excessive size of our
establishments? How else could those armies of gladiators have arisen against their
masters, save that a profuse expenditure, which aimed at conciliating the favour of the
common people by indulging their love of shows, had turned what was originally a method
of punishing enemies into a competition of skill?”
“Again, to touch upon less ugly vices, was not ambition for office also stimulated by
wealth? Why, it was from this the Marian and Sullan disturbances arose. Again, were not
the sumptuous extravagance of banquets and the profuse largesses due to a wealth which
was bound soon to produce want?”
“It was this too that brought Catiline into collision with his country. Finally, whence did
the lust for power and domination arise save from excessive wealth? It was this which
armed Caesar and Pompeius with the fatal torches which kindle the flames that destroyed
the State.”
Beard, much like Florus, feels Rome was a victim of their own success. The more they
had the more they wanted. It was not a strategic plan for expansion and a Pax Romana that
drove Rome to war, but simply greed.
“There was thirst for glory, desire for conquest, and sheer greed for the economic profits of
victory at all levels of Roman society. It was not for nothing that the prospect of rich booty
was dangled before the people when they were asked to vote on entering the First Punic
War. But whatever fantasies might have been exchanged at the Scipios’ parties, none of
this adds up to a plan for world domination.”
“But in another way, the events of 146 BCE [fall of Carthage] were seen as the beginning
of the collapse of the Republic and as the herald of a century of civil wars, mass murder
and assassinations that led to the return of autocratic rule. Fear of the enemy, so this
argument went, had been good for Rome; without any significant external threat, ‘the path
of virtue was abandoned for that of corruption’. Sallust was particularly eloquent on the
theme. In his other surviving essay, on a war against the North African king Jugurtha at the
end of the second century BCE, he reflects on the dire consequences of the destruction of
Carthage: from the greed of all sections of Roman society (‘every man for himself’),
through the breakdown of consensus between rich and poor, to the concentration of power
in the hands of a very few men. These all pointed to the end of the Republican system.
Sallust was an acute observer of Roman power.”
“Sallust did not simply tell the unfolding story of the attempted uprising, its causes and its
upshot. He used the figure of Catiline as an emblem of the wider failings of first-century
BCE Rome. In Sallust’s view, the moral fibre of Roman culture had been destroyed by the
city’s success and by the wealth, greed and lust for power that had followed its conquest of
the Mediterranean and the crushing of all its serious rivals. The crucial moment came
eighty-three years before the war against Catiline, when in 146 BCE Roman armies finally
destroyed Carthage, Hannibal’s home base on the north coast of Africa. After that, Sallust
thought, no significant threats to Roman domination were left.”
“Rome is a culture that implodes. It implodes. It is a victim of its own success. It’s a small
city-state triumphed around the world, and partly because of that it fissures and fractures.
Simkhovitch points to farmers forced off their land and the rise of great plantations
[Latifundia] run by slaves as representative of the greed which frustrated the observers at
the time.
“Livy invites us to follow first the gradual sinking of the national character, later on the
more rapid tempo of its downward course until the days are reached when, ‘we cannot
bear our diseases nor their remedies.’”
“What is the cause of this moral corruption and degeneracy of which all Roman writers of
the period complain? In that very same ode Horace tells us why he takes so desperate a
view of things. The great deeds of the Romans were the deeds of a sturdy farmer race, of
the, ‘mascula proles rusticorum militium, docta versare glebas Sabellis ligonibus’ - and
these farmers' sons existed no longer. If they could not maintain themselves on their farms,
still worse were the chances for a respectable existence in Rome; there they lost what little
they had and became demoralized, dependent paupers. The two complaints, the two
Roman explanations of their own decline and disintegration reduce themselves, therefore,
to one single explanation. For it is clear that the Latifundia and corruption are but different
aspects of the same social phenomenon. If the moral disintegration was due to the
disappearance of the self-supporting, self-respecting farmer class, and the inordinate
wealth and fantastic luxury of the small upper class, the Latifundia were but a real estate
expression of the same phenomenon. The place of innumerable small farms was taken by
extraordinarily large estates - the Latifundia. I do not doubt for a moment that the Romans
were quite conscious that the Latifundia and corruption were but different aspects of the
same phenomenon.
Take, for instance, Sallust, who states it very clearly in his so-called epistles to Caesar:
‘When the people were gradually deprived of their lands, and idleness and want left them
without a place to live on, they began to covet other men's property and to regard their
liberty and the interests of their country as objects for sale. Thus the people who had been
sovereign and who had governed all nations, became gradually degenerate; and instead of
maintaining their common dominion brought upon themselves individual servitude.’
We are therefore justified, I believe, in stating that the contemporary witnesses of the
decline of Rome had but one explanation of its cause; but while some emphasized its moral
aspect and others its economic, still others, like Sallust or Pseudo-Sallust, have emphasized
the political effect of the economic and moral disintegration of Rome.”
“Between 204 and 188 B.C., Rome became the big power in the Mediterranean basin.
Rome was not the great empire that she would become, but, Rome had changed as a result
of all of these wars, and not necessarily for the better. These changes can be viewed in a
couple of ways, but all of them led to a very different Rome, both in terms of her
government and her foreign policies. So, let’s look at the changes in Roman economics
and government first.
To begin with, the Roman conquests made it possible for Rome and Italy to develop
extensive trade. Roman contact with the East created a demand for luxury goods, which
they had not known about before. Romans paid for these goods with money which had
been brought into Rome by conquest.
Also, by 200 B.C. it was becoming harder and harder for small farmers to make a living.
There were several reasons for this, but the most important grew out of Roman expansion
and warfare. In the early period, most Roman soldiers were farmers who farmed in the
winter and fought in the summer. This was easy since the wars took place close to home.
But when the Romans begin fighting far away in, say, in Spain, or Greece, or Africa, many
soldiers were forced to stay away from their farms for years at a time. When the men went
to war their farms went untended and ultimately had to be sold.
Wealthy Romans bought these farms and combined them into larger estates
called Latifundia. Unlike early Roman farms, the Latifundia were mainly intended to
produce a cash crop that could be sold for profit. Major products were cattle, wine and
olive oil. Latifundia were operated by slaves, and the owner might only visit them once or
twice a year. He looked on it has an investment. The slaves who worked on these estates
were non-Romans who had been taken prisoner by the Romans in war.
These changes caused serious disruptions to Roman society. Those farmers who were
forced to sell their land had to move to the cities, and the urban population rose rapidly in
Italy after 200. In the cities work was scarce for free Romans as slaves did most of the
unskilled labor. There were not enough jobs available so the unemployed either had to beg
or steal to make ends meet. Therefore, urban poverty and crime became a serious problem.
While a growing number of Roman citizens got poorer, other Romans became extremely
wealthy.
The winners in this new economy had varied backgrounds. Most senators made money, but
there were also others who became rich as well. These men were wealthy enough to afford
to serve in the army as cavalry, so they were called equestrians. Wealthy Romans lived in
unprecedented luxury: they had expensive houses and clothes, many slaves. They could
afford to provide better education for their children. They often sent their sons to study in
Greece. In short, the lives of wealthy Roman leaders became increasingly distinguished
from the lives of poor Roman citizens.”
“Meno, the Thessalian, was asked by Socrates what virtue is; and when he
replied impulsively and promptly that there is a virtue appropriate to a child and
to an old man, to a grown man and to a woman, to a public official and to a
private citizen, to a master and to a servant, Socrates exclaimed, ‘A fine answer!
for when asked for one virtue you have stirred up a whole swarm of virtues,’”
~ Plutarch
To add yet more complexity to an already complex issue, we might ask what exactly are
virtues/values, where do they come from, and why do they affect the human nature that
concerned Polybius? Where is the origin of our values? Are they learned, imprinted,
passed genetically, culturally formed?
The ancients warn us, what happened to them can happen to us. We face the same
temptations. As Seneca said, “When you see a man often wearing the robe of office, when
you see one whose name is famous in the Forum, do not envy him; those things are bought
at the price of life.”
We may ask if some person is removed from a political position, or laws are changed, can
we go back to the way it was. Can we return to a better time?
Might the Romans have asked the same thing during their last civil conflict? If the war
with Anthony ends or, if Augustus is removed, can we go back to the golden age of the
Republic?
Did the assassins not expect this would happen when they killed Caesar?
Life is a series of dialectics – the clash of ideas and seeming end of eras produce new
forms. A new synthesis must emerge. When history moves forward, longing for the past is
only wistful nostalgia. History shows, every time we compromise our values the
opportunity to control our destiny is no longer within our grasp. We are then at the mercy
of forces which move us ahead to a place as yet unknown.
Heraclitus said, “No man ever steps in the same river twice, for it’s not the same river and
he’s not the same man.”
Why could not more emperors demonstrate the integrity of a Marcus Aurelius?
He represented the last of the Mos maiorum and traditional Roman Virtue.
Interestingly Tacitus says, “True it is, that the several virtues are best understood and
most prized, during the same times in which they are most easily produced.”
Nota Bene
It should be noted, where throughout this essay I used, they and them in referring to
Romans, this represents an inappropriate generalization and representation of all Roman
citizens. Rome in one sense was a society of male elites. The average Roman man or
woman never spoke to us; never left us with his or her emotions, impressions or opinions
of what was happening in the world around them. We only hear the voices of educated
male writers of letters, history and philosophy. These, to be sure, are important reflections
from which we can make some assumptions, but the voice of the masses remains unheard.
Nonetheless, a broad group of Roman citizens played a role in politics and society and
were themselves driven by values – by those they brought with them from across the
empire, and those they learned in place from Roman elites. Herein lies one of many
opportunities for further research and interpretation.
“Cling fast to virtus, I beg you men of Rome, it is a heritage that your ancestors
bequeathed you. All else is false and doubtful, ephemeral and changeful; only
virtus stands firmly fixed, its roots run deep, it can never be shaken by any
violence, never moved from its place.”
~ Cicero
Books
Virtus Romana: Politics and Morality in the Roman Historians (Studies in the History of
Greece and Rome)
Catalina Balmaceda
The Inheritance of Rome: Illuminating the Dark Ages 400-1000 (The Penguin History of
Europe Book 2)
Chris Wickham
The Ancient City: A Study of the Religion, Laws, and Institutions of Greece and Rome
(Illustrated)
Numa Denis Fustel de Coulanges and Willard Small
Roman Republics
Harriet Flower
Delphi Complete Works of Florus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 90)
EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY Translated by E. S. Forster
Delphi Complete Works of Cicero (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 23)
Marcus Tullius Cicero
Seneca Six Pack (Illustrated): On the Happy Life, Letters from a Stoic Vol I, Medea, On
Leisure, The Daughters of Troy and The Stoic (Six Pack Classics Book 4)
Others
Meditations
Marcus Aurelius and George Long
Scholarly Publications
“Velleius Paterculus: The Soldier and the Senator”, Robert T. Connal, The Classical
World, Vol. 107, No. 1 (Fall 2013), pp. 49-62
“Restoring The Ancient Roman Virtues”, Res Publica Romana, L. Curtius Philo, et al.
http://romanrepublic.org/wip/virtues.pdf
“The premise of this book is that a relationship does exist between words and
things, albeit a complex one, that in the end is not demonstrable. Although
open to criticism, this position seems preferable to that of epistemological
skepticism. For once taken, the path will take us, if with Socrates we have
the courage to follow the argument wherever it will go, to a Samuel Beckett
nightmare world of solipsism or silence. Better to make a leap of faith, if
that is what it is, for meaning.”
~ Myles McDonnell
Virtus Romana: Politics and Morality in the Roman Historians (Studies in the History of
Greece and Rome)
Catalina Balmaceda
“Mos maiorum – 'doing the right thing' in ancient Rome”, Allison Morton,
https://alison-morton.com/2017/08/21/mos-maiorum-doing-the-right-thing-in-ancient-
rome/
“Polybius And His Theory of Anacyclosis; Problems Of Not Just Ancient Political
Theory”, Stephan Podes, History Of Political Thought, Vol XII, No. 4, Winter 1991
Social Change
“Moral Responsibility In A Rapidly Declining Society”, Austin Brunson, Big Think, June
30, 2008, https://bigthink.com/moral-responsibility-in-a-rapidly-declining-society
“Hobbes Moral and Political Philosophy”, Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, April 20,
2018, https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/hobbes-moral/
Veneer Theory
“Polybius And His Theory of Anacyclosis; Problems Of Not Just Ancient Political
Theory”, Stephan Podes, History Of Political Thought, Vol XII, No. 4, Winter 1991
“The Trickle-Down Effect of Good (and Bad) Leadership” Harvard Business Review, Jack
Zenger and Joseph Folkman, January, 14, 2016
https://hbr.org/2016/01/the-trickle-down-effect-of-good-and-bad-leadership
“Social Influence and Politics in Organizational Research: What We know and What We
Need to Know”, Gerald R. Ferris, et al, June 29, 2016, Sage Journals
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1548051816656003
“The Role of Values in Leadership: How Leaders’ Values Shape Value Creation”, Scott
Lichtenstein, Integral Leadership Review, January 2012
http://integralleadershipreview.com/6176-the-role-of-values-in-leadership-how-leaders-
values-shape-value-creation/
“Qualities of Effective Leadership and Its Impact on Good Governance”, Addisu Legas
(legal adviser and head of the Legal affairs in Oromia National Regional State President
Office.), ABYSSINIALAW
“The Crisis of the Third Century”, Joshua J. Mark, Ancient History Encyclopedia,
November 9, 2017
https://www.ancient.eu/Crisis_of_the_Third_Century/
The Last Age Of The Roman Republic; The Cambridge Ancient History IX, “Epilogue”, J.
A. Crook, et al, PSU Library,
https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/cambridge-ancient-history/fall-of-the-roman-
republic/F1DBF64EC1708C7FEA44F42ED80C7030
“A Short Timeline of the Fall of the Roman Empire; Some of the Main Events Leading to
the End of the Western Roman Empire”, N.S. Gill, ThoughtCo, September 7, 2018.
Although some Americans see themselves reflected in what we know of Rome, the US and
Rome exist in entirely different technological and social contexts to each other. Still
comparisons remain that Western Civilization and the US are declining like Rome.
There are dozens of articles on this subject. They all talk about the relationship between
values and decline.
Personal Virtues
These are the qualities of life to which every Citizen (and, ideally, everyone else) should
aspire. They are the heart of the Via Romana — the Roman Way — and are thought to be
those qualities, which gave the Roman Republic the moral strength to conquer and civilize
the world.
Auctoritas: "Spiritual Authority" The sense of one's social standing, built up through
experience, Pietas, and Industria.
Gravitas: "Gravity" A sense of the importance of the matter at hand, responsibility and
earnestness.
Pietas: "Dutifulness" More than religious piety; a respect for the natural order socially,
politically, and religiously. Includes the ideas of patriotism and devotion to others.
In addition to the private virtues, which were aspired to by individuals, Roman culture also
strived to uphold Virtues, which were shared by all of society in common. Note that some
of the virtues to which individuals were expected to aspire are also public virtues to be
sought by society as a whole. These virtues were often expressed by minting them on
coinage; in this way, their message would be shared by the entire Classical world. In many
cases, these Virtues were personified as deities.
Abundantia: "Abundance, Plenty" The ideal of there being enough food and prosperity for
all segments of society.
Aequitas: "Equity" Fair dealing both within government and among the people.
Concordia: "Concord" Harmony among the Roman people, and also between Rome and
other nations.
Genius: "Spirit of Rome" Acknowledgement of the combined spirit of Rome, and its
people.
Laetitia: "Joy, Gladness" The celebration of thanksgiving, often of the resolution of crisis.
Libertas: "Freedom" A Virtue which has been subsequently aspired to by all cultures.
Providentia: "Providence, Forethought" The ability of Roman society to survive trials and
manifest a greater destiny.
Pudicita: "Modesty, Chastity." A public expression which belies the accusation of "moral
corruptness" in ancient Rome.
“Cato was devoted to restraint, propriety, but most of all austerity; he did not
contend in wealth with the wealthy not in political connections with the well-
connected, but in virtus with the energetic, in restraint with the disciplined, in
integrity with the blameless; he wished to be rather than to seem good:
therefore the less he sought glory, the more it followed him”
~ Sallust
ROMAN MONARCHY
1200 BCE Etruscans reached northern Italy
800-500 BCE Greeks established colonies throughout southern Italy
800 BCE Phoenicians established Carthage on the north coast of Africa
about 753 BCE Village of Rome founded
600 BCE Rome was a province of Etruria
509 BCE Romans revolted against the Etruscan kings and created the system of government by the
Senate and the Assembly
THE CONQUEST OF ITALY
494 BCE first disputes between patricians (wealthy landowners who controlled the Senate) and
plebeians (ordinary citizens)
450 BCE "Law of the 12 Tables" provides written Roman law
390 BCE Gaulic invasion sacked Rome
282-272 BCE War with Pyrrhus
265 BCE Rome completed the occupation of the Italian peninsula
THE CONQUEST OF THE MEDITERRANEAN
264-241 BCE First war with Carthage (First Punic War)
238 BCE Conquest of Sardinia
229-228 BCE First Illyrian War (Balkans)
219 BCE Second Illyrian War
218-201 BCE Second Punic War (Hannibal crossed the Alps)
215-205 BCE First Macedonian War
200-197 BCE Second Macedonian War
200-191 BCE Gaul invasion of northern Italy
192-189 BCE Syrian War
171-168 Third Macedonian War
149-148 BCE Fourth (and final) Macedonian War
149-146 BCE Third Punic War and final defeat of Carthage
THE END OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC
135-132 BCE First Servile War (slave revolt)
133 BCE Tiberius, the first senator to advocate land reform, was assassinated in 133 BCE by
landowners.
91-88 BCE The "Social War" (revolt by Roman allies in Italy)
88-84 BCE First Mithridatic War (Black Sea region)
88 BCE Sulla became the first Roman general to seize power
88-82 BCE Civil war in Rome