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East African Campaign
East African Campaign
East African Campaign
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Arthur Hoskins
Kurt Wahle
Aftermath
Charles Tombeur
Analysis
Armand Huyghé
Casualties
João Teixeira Pinto †
Notes
Strength
Footnotes
British Empire
Regulars (Schutztruppe)
Irregulars (Ruga-Ruga)
Background 12,000+[7][e]
Casualties and losses
5,000
2,029 killed[9][10][f]
2,620 soldiers killed
2,849 deserted[9][11][g]
15,650 porters died
4,512 missing[9][11][6]
12,000+
c. 20,000 dead
German East Africa (Deutsch-Ostafrika) was
colonized by the Germans in 1885. The territory
itself spanned 384,180 square miles 365,000 civilians died in war-related famines.[i]
(995,000 km2) and covered the areas of
modern-day Rwanda, Burundi and 135,000 in German Africa
Tanzania.[16] The colony's indigenous 30,000 in British Africa
population numbered seven and a half million
150,000 in Belgian Africa
and was governed by just 5,300 Europeans.
Although the colonial regime was relatively 50,000 in Portuguese Africa
secure, the colony had recently been shaken by
the Maji Maji Rebellion of 1904-5. The German colonial administration could call on a military
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Schutztruppe ("Protection force") of 260 Europeans and 2,470 Africans, in addition to 2,700 white
settlers who were part of the reservist Landsturm, as well as a small paramilitary Gendarmerie.[16]
The outbreak of World War I in Europe led to the increased popularity of German colonial expansion
and the creation of a Deutsch-Mittelafrika ("German Central Africa") which would parallel a
resurgent German Empire in Europe. Mittelafrika effectively involved the annexation of territory,
mostly occupied by the Belgian Congo, in order to link the existing German colonies in East, South-
west and West Africa. The territory would dominate central Africa and would make Germany as by far
the most powerful colonial power on the African continent.[17] Nevertheless, the German colonial
military in Africa was weak, poorly equipped and widely dispersed. Although better trained and more
experienced than their opponents, many of the German soldiers were reliant on weapons like the
Model 1871 rifle which used obsolete black powder.[18] At the same time, however, the militaries of
the Allied powers were also encountering similar problems of poor equipment and low numbers; most
colonial militaries were intended to serve as local paramilitary police to suppress resistance to
colonial rule and were neither equipped nor structured to fight against foreign powers.[19] Even so,
the largest military concentration in the German colonial empire was in East Africa.
German strategy
The objective of the German forces in East Africa, led by Lieutenant-Colonel Paul von Lettow-
Vorbeck, was to divert Allied forces and supplies from Europe to Africa. By threatening the important
British Uganda Railway, Lettow hoped to force British troops to invade East Africa, where he could
fight a defensive campaign.[20] In 1912, the German government had formed a defensive strategy for
East Africa in which the military would withdraw to the hinterland and fight a guerilla campaign.[21]
The German colony in East Africa was a threat to the neutral Belgian Congo but the Belgian
government hoped to continue its neutrality in Africa. The Force Publique was constrained to adopt a
defensive strategy until 15 August 1914, when German ships on Lake Tanganyika bombarded the port
of Mokolobu and then the Lukuga post a week later. Some Belgian officials viewed hostilities in East
Africa as an opportunity to expand Belgian holdings in Africa; the capture of Ruanda and Urundi
could increase the bargaining power of the De Broqueville government to ensure the restoration of
Belgium after the war.[22] During the post-war negotiation of the Treaty of Versailles, the Colonial
Minister, Jules Renkin, sought to trade Belgian territorial gains in German East Africa for the
Portuguese allocation in northern Angola, to gain Belgian Congo a longer coast.[23]
The governors of the British and German East Africa wanted to avoid war and preferred a neutrality
agreement based on the Congo Act of 1885, against the wishes of the local military commanders and
their metropolitan governments. The agreement caused confusion in the opening weeks of the
conflict. On 31 July, implementing contingency plans, the cruiser SMS Königsberg sailed from Dar-
es-Salaam for operations against British commerce. She narrowly avoided cruisers from the Cape
Squadron sent to shadow the ship and be ready to sink it.[24] On 5 August 1914, troops from the
Uganda protectorate assaulted German river outposts near Lake Victoria.[25]
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In September, the Germans began to raid deeper into British Kenya and Uganda. German naval
power on Lake Victoria was limited to Hedwig von Wissmann and Kingani a tugboat armed with one
pom-pom-gun, causing minor damage and a great deal of noise. The British armed the Uganda
Railway lake steamers SS William Mackinnon, SS Kavirondo, SS Winifred and SS Sybil as
improvised gunboats; the tug was trapped and then scuttled by the Germans.[31] The Germans later
raised Kingani, dismounted her gun and used the tug as a transport; with the tug disarmed and her
"teeth removed, British command of Lake Victoria was no longer in dispute."[32]
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under Vorbeck prevailed. In the East Africa volume of the British official history (1941), Charles
Hordern described the events as one of "the most notable failures in British military history".[33]
Only two British regiments were involved in the East African campaign. The 2nd Battalion, Loyal
North Lancashire Regiment arrived with the Indian Army invasion force at Tanga and after this
stayed on the border between British and German East Africa. The 25th (Frontiersmen) Battalion,
Royal Fusiliers was raised for service in East Africa in early 1915 and served throughout the war. In
addition, white contingents were supplied by Rhodesia in 1914-15, the 2nd Rhodesia Regiment,
Nyasaland and South Africa including the South African Expeditionary Force which arrived in
February 1916.[34]
Königsberg of the Imperial German Navy was in the Indian Ocean when war was declared. In the
Battle of Zanzibar, Königsberg sank the old protected cruiser HMS Pegasus in Zanzibar harbour and
then retired into the Rufiji River delta.[35] After being cornered by warships of the British Cape
Squadron, including an old pre-dreadnought battleship, two shallow-draught monitors with 6 in
(150 mm) guns were brought from England and demolished the cruiser on 11 July 1915.[36] The
British salvaged and used six 4 in (100 mm) guns from Pegasus, which became known as the Peggy
guns; the crew of Königsberg and the 4.1 in (100 mm) main battery guns were taken over by the
Schutztruppe and were used until the end of hostilities.[37]
The Germans had controlled the lake since the outbreak of the war, with three armed steamers and
two unarmed motor boats. In 1915, two British motorboats, HMS Mimi and Toutou each armed with a
3-pounder and a Maxim gun, were transported 3,000 mi (4,800 km) by land to the British shore of
Lake Tanganyika. They captured the German ship Kingani on 26 December, renaming it HMS Fifi
and with two Belgian ships under the command of Commander Geoffrey Spicer-Simson, attacked and
sank the German ship Hedwig von Wissmann. The Graf von Götzen and the Wami, an unarmed
motor boat, became the only German ships left on the lake. In February 1916, the Wami was
intercepted and run ashore by the crew and burned.[38] Lettow-Vorbeck then had its Königsberg gun
removed and sent by rail to the main fighting front.[39] The ship was scuttled in mid-July after a
seaplane bombing attack by the Belgians on Kigoma and before advancing Belgian colonial troops
could capture it; Wami was later re-floated and used by the British.[40][j]
General Horace Smith-Dorrien was assigned with orders to find and fight the Schutztruppe but he
contracted pneumonia during the voyage to South Africa, which prevented him from taking
command. In 1916, General Jan Smuts was given the task of defeating Lettow-Vorbeck.[42] Smuts had
a large army (for the area), some 13,000 South Africans including Boers, British, Rhodesians and
7,000 Indian and African troops, a ration strength of 73,300 men.[k] There was a Belgian force and a
larger but ineffective group of Portuguese military units based in Mozambique. A large Carrier Corps
composed of African porters under British command, carried supplies into the interior. Despite the
Allied nature of the effort, it was a South African operation of the British Empire. During the previous
year, Lettow-Vorbeck had also gained personnel and his army was now 13,800 strong.[43]
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With Lettow-Vorbeck confined to the southern part of German The East African Theatre in World
East Africa, Smuts began to withdraw the South African, War I.
Rhodesian and Indian troops and replace them with Askari of the
King's African Rifles (KAR), which by November 1918 had
35,424 men. By the start of 1917, more than half the British Army in the theatre was composed of
Africans and by the end of the war, it was nearly all-African. Smuts left the area in January 1917, to
join the Imperial War Cabinet at London.[45]
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Belgian claims on German territory in a post-war settlement, Smuts ordered their forces to return to
the Congo, leaving them as occupiers only in Rwanda and Burundi. The British were obliged to recall
Belgian troops in 1917 and the two allies coordinated campaign plans.[49]
Major-General Arthur Hoskins (KAR), formerly the commander of the 1st East Africa Division, took
over command of the campaign. After four months spent reorganising the lines of communication, he
was then replaced by South African Major-General Jacob van Deventer. Deventer began an offensive
in July 1917, which by early autumn had pushed the Germans 100 mi (160 km) to the south.[50] From
15–19 October 1917, Lettow-Vorbeck fought a costly battle at Mahiwa, with 519 German casualties and
2,700 British losses in the Nigerian brigade.[51] After the news of the battle reached Germany, Lettow-
Vorbeck was promoted to Generalmajor.[52][l]
Portuguese Mozambique
Northern Rhodesia
The Germans returned to German East Africa and crossed into Northern Rhodesia in August 1918. On
13 November, two days after the Armistice was signed in France, the German Army took Kasama,
which had been evacuated by the British. The next day at the Chambezi River, Lettow-Vorbeck was
handed a telegram announcing the signing of the armistice and he agreed to a cease-fire. Lettow-
Vorbeck marched his force to Abercorn and formally surrendered on 25 November 1918.[57][m] The
campaign cost the British c. £12 billion at 2007 prices.[58]
Aftermath
Analysis
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Nearly 400,000 Allied soldiers, sailors, merchant marine crews, builders, bureaucrats and support
personnel participated in the East Africa campaign. They were assisted in the field by 600,000
African bearers. The Allies employed nearly one million people in their fruitless pursuit of Lettow-
Vorbeck and his small force.[3] Lettow-Vorbeck was cut off and could entertain no hope of victory. His
strategy was to keep as many British forces diverted to his pursuit for as long as possible and to make
the British expend the largest amount of resources in men, shipping and supplies against him.
Although diverting in excess of 200,000 Indian and South African troops against his forces and
garrison German East Africa in his wake, he could divert no more Allied manpower from the
European theatre after 1916. While some shipping was diverted to the African theatre, it was not
enough to inflict significant difficulties on the Allied navies.[14]
Casualties
In 2001, Hew Strachan estimated that British losses in the East African campaign were 3,443 killed in
action, 6,558 died of disease and c. 90,000 African porters died.[60] In 2007, Paice recorded
c. 22,000 British casualties in the East African campaign, of whom 11,189 died, 9 percent of the
126,972 troops in the campaign. By 1917, the conscription of c. 1,000,000 Africans as carriers,
depopulated many districts and c. 95,000 porters had died, among them 20 percent of the Carrier
Corps in East Africa.[61] Of the porters who died, 45,000 were Kenyan, amounting to 13 percent of the
male population. The campaign cost the British £70 million, close to the war budget set in
1914.[62][63] A Colonial Office official wrote that the East African campaign had not become a scandal
only "... because the people who suffered most were the carriers - and after all, who cares about native
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Notes
a. 200 Europeans and 2,500 Askari.[4]
b. 3,000 Europeans and 15,000 Askari.[5]
c. 115 Europeans and 1,168 Askari.[5]
d. 5,000 Europeans and 17,000 Askari.[6]
e. The exact number of irregulars in German service is unknown; the British War Office estimated
that it was 12,000. Numbers of Ruga-Ruga in German service also tended fluctuate greatly due to
the fact that they fought, left or deserted when they saw fit.[8]
f. According to Clodfelter, this includes 1,290 Askari and 739 Germans (100 officers); 874 Germans
were also wounded including those captured.[6]
g. According to Clodfelter, 2,487 Askari and 2 Germans.[12]
h. According to Clodfelter, 2,847 Germans and 4,275 Askari.[6]
i. The proportions of African civilians who died of war-related causes are Kenya 30,000, Tanzania
100,000, Mozambique 50,000, Rwanda 15,000, Burundi 20,000 and Belgian Congo 150,000.[13]
j. The ship is still in service as the Liemba, plying the lake under the Tanzanian flag.[41]
k. The Allied force in East Africa became composed almost entirely of South African, Indian, and
other colonial troops. Black South African troops were not considered for European service as a
matter of policy, while all Indian units had been withdrawn from the Western Front by the end of
1915.
l. In early November 1917, the German naval dirigible L.59 travelled over 4,200 mi (6,800 km) in 95
hours towards East Africa, but was recalled by the German admiralty before it arrived.[53]
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Footnotes
1. Miller 1974, p. 41. 35. Hordern 1990, p. 45.
2. Holmes 2001, p. 359. 36. Hordern 1990, p. 153.
3. Garfield 2007, p. 274. 37. Hordern 1990, p. 45, 162.
4. Contey 2002, p. 46. 38. Newbolt 2003, pp. 80–85.
5. Crowson 2003, p. 87. 39. Miller 1974, p. 211.
6. Clodfelter 2017, p. 416. 40. Foden 2004.
7. Pesek (2014), p. 94. 41. Paice 2009, p. 230.
8. Pesek (2014), pp. 94–97. 42. Strachan 2003, p. 602.
9. Morlang 2008, p. 91. 43. Strachan 2003, p. 599.
10. Paice 2009, p. 388. 44. Strachan 2003, p. 618.
11. Michels 2009, p. 117. 45. Strachan 2003, pp. 627–628.
12. Clodfelter 2017, p. 415. 46. Strachan 2003, p. 617.
13. Erlikman 2004, p. 88. 47. Strachan 2003, pp. 617–619.
14. Holmes 2001, p. 361. 48. Paice 2009, pp. 284–285.
15. Strachan 2004, p. 642. 49. Strachan 2003, p. 630.
16. Chappell 2005, p. 11. 50. Miller 1974, p. 281.
17. Louis 1963, p. 207. 51. Miller 1974, p. 287.
18. Anderson 2004, p. 27. 52. Hoyt 1981, p. 175.
19. Anderson 2004, p. 21. 53. Willmott 2003, p. 192.
20. Louis 1963, pp. 207–208. 54. Miller 1974, p. 297.
21. Strachan 2003, pp. 575–576. 55. Paice (2009), pp. 379–383.
22. Strachan 2003, p. 585. 56. Miller (1974), p. 318.
23. Strachan 2004, p. 112. 57. Alexander 1961, pp. 440–442.
24. Corbett 2009, p. 152. 58. Paice 2009, p. 1.
25. Hordern 1990, pp. 41–42. 59. Strachan 2004, p. 115.
26. Hordern 1990, pp. 30–31. 60. Strachan 2003, pp. 641, 568.
27. Farwell 1989, p. 122. 61. Paice 2009, pp. 392–393.
28. Farwell 1989, p. 166. 62. Sondhaus 2011, p. 120.
29. Farwell 1989, p. 109. 63. Chantrill 2016.
30. Miller 1974, p. 43. 64. Paice 2009, p. 393.
31. Hordern 1990, pp. 28, 55. 65. Annuaire 1922, p. 100.
32. Miller 1974, p. 195. 66. Statistics 1920, pp. 352–357.
33. Farwell 1989, p. 178. 67. Paice 2009, pp. 393–398.
34. East Africa (https://awayfromthewesternfront.
org/campaigns/africa/east-africa/)
Bibliography
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Journals
Websites
Further reading
Books
Theses
External links
The Evacuation of Kasama in 1918 (http://www.nrzam.org.uk/NRJ/V4N5/V4N5.htm)
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