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Yoruba Toddlers Engagement in Errands & Cognitive Performance
Yoruba Toddlers Engagement in Errands & Cognitive Performance
Yoruba Toddlers Engagement in Errands & Cognitive Performance
Children’s cognitive and social development is inseparable from an apt description of the role of errands in the following words
the social milieu in that what children learn is a cultural ‘‘adults presumably keep some kind of mental tally of the
curriculum: from the earliest days, they build on the skills and proportion of errands that a given child performs adequately,
perspectives of their society with the aid of other people.
and this serves as an index of how ‘tumikila’ (responsible) the
(Rogoff, 1990, p. 190)
child is’’ (p. 64). It follows then that the more errands a child is
able to perform successfully, the more she/he is entrusted with
Societies differ in terms of child-rearing practices and goals for other responsibilities.
development (Aina, 1992; LeVine et al., 1994; Super & The above research emphasised the importance of errands
Harkness, 1986). For example, responsibility, obedience, in child rearing. However, there is a paucity of research on the
respect for elders, and helpfulness are central to the child- relationship between speci c errands and developmental out-
rearing practices in several African cultures (Babatunde, 1992; come, especially cognitive performance of African children.
Nsamenang, 1992; Zeitlin et al., 1995). Such research is needed to clarify the dynamics and potentials
Sending the child on errands within and outside the home is of errands vis-à-vis child development with respect to
one of the ways through which responsibility is fostered in intelligence. Intelligence is de ned differently across societies,
African societies (Harkness & Super, 1992; Nsamenang & thus, in the following section, we examine how intelligence is
Lamb, 1994; Serpell, 1993; Whiting & Whiting, 1975). de ned, in particular, within the African context.
Examples of errands include putting things away, fetching
nearby or far objects, relaying messages or bringing items to
neighbours, and buying items from neighbours (Lancy, 1996;
Emic de nitions of intelligence
Ogunnaike, 1997). These errands provide the African child
with opportunities to learn about the environment, dynamics The de nition of intelligence within cross-cultural contexts has
of interacting with others, and practise being helpful and received much attention and documentation (Berry, 1984;
responsible (Nsamenang, 1992; Serpell, 1993). Green eld, 1994; Mundy-Castle, 1975; Serpell, 1993). Central
Nsamenang (1992) noted that caregivers assess the social to these authors’ de nitions and perspectives of intelligence is
maturity of the growing African child through his/her ability to the signi cance of the cultural environment and values.
perform errands and the child’s ability to complete errands Intelligence according to Mundy-Castle (1975) is re ective
successfully in uences caregiver perception of the child’s of ‘‘different strategies of adaptation involving distinctive
responsibility and level of competence. Serpell (1993) gave patterns of culturally determined skills’’ (p. 345). Among
Correspondence should be addressed to Oluyomi A. Ogunnaike, This paper is based on ndings from my doctoral dissertation, which
School of Education, University of Wisconsin—Stevens Point, Stevens examined family sociodemographics and cognitive performance of
Point, WI 54481, USA; e-mail: oogunnai@uwsp.edu Yoruba toddlers on Bayley Mental Scales of Development. UNICEF
The present study was part of a larger study titled ‘‘Child (Nigeria) and Tufts University School of Nutrition provided the
Development for the Computer Age’’ conducted in Ogun and Lagos funding for the study.
States, Nigeria by Tufts University School of Nutrition with UNICEF I thank Professor Marian Zeitlin, UNICEF/Tufts University Project
Nigeria and University of Lagos, Nigeria. The project was sponsored Director for permission to utilise the data on mental performance of
by a grant from UNICEF, New York and the Joint Nutrition School Yoruba toddlers. I also thank Professor Robert Serpell, Dr Heidi
Programme, Italy. Keller, and Dr Patricia Caro for reviewing the manuscript.
146 OGUNNAIKE AND HOUSER / ERRANDS AND COGNITIVE PERFORMANCE
Western societies, intelligence is largely de ned in terms of member of society (Babatunde, 1992; Ogunnaike, 1997;
technological skills, while among non-Western societies, Ohuche & Otaala, 1981; Timyan, 1988).
especially in Africa, intelligence is de ned in terms of social
skills and relationships (Mundy-Castle, 1975). The works of
researchers, namely, Dasen (1984), Nsamenang and Lamb Housing, trading, and responsibility training among
(1994), Serpell (1993), Super and Harkness (1986, 1997) the Yoruba
lend credence to the centrality of social skills, such as It is common to nd houses built close together among Yoruba
responsibility, obedience, helpfulness, and using initiative, in communities. The houses are rectangular single-storey build-
the African de nition of intelligence. For example, among the ings with a central corridor and a yard at the back (Eades,
Kipsigis of Kenya, an intelligent child was perceived as one 1980). This style of house is commonly referred to as ‘‘face-to-
who performs household chores, goes on errands, and takes face’’ (Zeitlin et al., 1995). As many as three or more different
care of the younger ones without being asked (Super & families can live together under a single roof on a rental basis.
Harkness, 1986). Depending on affordability, a family may occupy one or two
Among the Baoule, the term ‘‘n’glouele’’ (Dasen, 1984, p. rooms in a house of 6 to 8 rooms. The proximity of houses and
126) translates to ‘‘intelligence’’ with a prominent attribute, communal living arrangements allow for close adult monitor-
‘‘o ti kpa’’. This term connotes responsibility, obedience, ing of children’s activities. For example, if a child was found
willingness and/or initiative to perform chores, errands, or walking away from home, someone was likely to call the
tasks, without prior instructions. Compliance, politeness, attention of the child’s mother, sibling, or relative to verify
and respect for elders, ‘‘agnyhie’’ (Dasen, 1984, p. 127) whether the child was sent on an errand. If so, the neighbour
were also highly valued attributes of intelligence among the was then likely to maintain a close watch or assign a suitable
Baoule. The A-Chewa people of Zambia de ne intelligence, companion for the child (Aina, Agiobu-Kemmer, Etta, Zeitlin,
‘‘nzelu’’ as a combination of social responsibility and & Setiloane, 1993; Ogunnaike, 1997).
cognitive sharpness (Serpell, 1993). The social responsibility Trading is a major occupation among the Yoruba. Thus, the
dimension is referred to as ‘‘tumikila’’ (Serpell, 1993, p. 36), child is exposed to a rich language utilised by caregivers as they
which connotes reliability, cooperation, obedience, and engage in commercial and other transactions (Ohuche &
helpfulness. Otaala, 1981). The child observes and listens to, and imitates
The present study examines the relationship between older siblings, mothers, neighbours, and customers exchange
intelligence re ected in responsibility training (errands) and greetings, engage in conversations about recent or past events,
developmental outcome among Yoruba toddlers of southwest purchase items, retrieve or put away objects, bargain and
Nigeria. Particular attention is paid to how the child’s ability to negotiate prices of items such as foodstuffs, household items,
perform speci c errands (e.g., putting things away and and goods (Aina, 1992; Timyan, 1988).
purchasing items) relate to cognitive performance on an
adapted version of the Bayley Mental Scale of Development
named the Yoruba Mental Subscale.
Customs of child care and child rearing
The conceptual framework of the study This aspect emphasises caregiver efforts in facilitating the
development of the child through speci c ‘‘sequences of
First, an overview is provided of the Yoruba caregiving behavior or institutional arrangements’’ (Super & Harkness,
practices, settings, and parental ethnotheories as they pertain 1997, p. 27). Child rearing among the Yoruba can be
to errands, organised according to the Developmental Niche described as a deliberate attempt to ‘‘teach’’ the child from
framework (Super & Harkness, 1986, 1997). an early age how to relate to others appropriately, be helpful,
The developmental niche framework as described by Super responsible, and respectful (Babatunde, 1992; Zeitlin et al.,
and Harkness (1986, 1997) represents an attempt to bridge a 1995). The child is taught by family members, relatives, and
gap between psychology and anthropology to explain the other adults how to listen, observe, and imitate others who
development of the young child within a cultural context. The exhibit obedience, respect for elders, and sel essness (Baba-
developmental niche concept was used to explore the process tunde, 1992; Ohuche & Otaala, 1981). Respect for elders is
through which culture mediates child development, and it re ected particularly through greetings. Boys are taught how to
consists of three component subsystems: (1) physical and prostrate, while girls are taught how to curtsy (Babatunde,
social settings in which the child lives; (2) culturally regulated 1992). Yoruba caregivers teach their children to be responsible
customs of child care and child rearing; and (3) psychology of through participation in household chores and errands. Before
the caretakers. age ve, Yoruba girls are taught how to perform household
chores, namely, washing, sweeping, and cooking and how to
take care of their younger siblings (Akinware, Wilson-
Physical and social settings Oyelaran, Ladipo, Pierce, & Zeitlin, 1992).
As early as two years of age, Yoruba children are asked to Psychology of the caretakers
fetch nearby or far objects, put objects away, purchase items,
perform household chores (e.g., sweeping or washing), and According to Super and Harkness (1997), parental behaviours
also how to carry things for older members of the community and expectations for their children are guided by ‘‘ethnothe-
(Aina et al., 1993). Among the Kpelle of Liberia, young ories’’. Ethnotheories refer to the beliefs about the nature of
children engage in carrying water and rewood and serving children, what constitutes their needs, parenting goals, as well
meals (‘‘fetch and carry’’, Lancy, 1996, p. 145). In their study as the beliefs about effective styles of child rearing. For
of six cultures, Whiting and Whiting (1975) noted that example, a ‘‘good child’’ is described as loyal, hardworking,
mothers in what they termed ‘‘simple societies’’ (e.g. Nyan- obedient, and respectful by Kpelle adults in Liberia (Lancy,
songo of Kenya) expected their children to convey message, 1996). The Yoruba people believe that children are ‘‘the
fetch objects, and work on the farm and around the home. highest good’’ (Zeitlin et al., 1995, p. 157). Children represent
Successful completion of errands is highly valued and the vessel through which societal goals, values, hope, and
rewarded through praise and increased assignment of domestic aspirations are projected and nurtured by the young and the
and other responsibilities (Lancy, 1996, Lloyd, 1970; Whiting old (Aina, 1992).
& Edwards, 1988).
In teaching the child how to perform errands, the caregiver
How caregivers’ beliefs affect responsibility training
might begin by asking the child to fetch nearby objects or put
familiar objects away where they belong. Gradually, the child is
among the Yoruba
asked to perform errands that take him/her away from the Central to Yoruba cultural beliefs is the concept of responsi-
immediate household. Among the Yoruba, successful perfor- bility vis-à-vis mobility. Yoruba caregivers believe that early
mance of an errand may require the ability to comprehend and attainment of mobility has implications for adequate and
process given information (Aina et al., 1993; Ogunnaike, effective training in responsibility (Aina et al., 1993). A Yoruba
1997). For example, a Yoruba child instructed by the mother child that walks early is regarded as healthy and sent on errands
as follows ‘‘Lo sinu yara, ko si ba mi gbe apo ti mo ma gbe lo si oja or trusted with other responsibilities. Thus, the child’s motor
wa’’ (literally, ‘‘go inside the room and bring me the purse I ability is fostered from an early age. For example, Agiobu-
take with me to the market’’) will need to work out what part of Kemmer (1984) noted that Yoruba caregivers foster early
the room the purse might be, the colour, shape, and size of the mobility by placing a favourite toy at a distance for the child to
particular purse. The ability to work out these aspects with or retrieve. Aina and colleagues (Aina et al., 1993), and Zeitlin
without assistance from older siblings or others facilitates a and associates (Zeitlin et al., 1995) learned that Yoruba
successful performance of this particular errand. caregivers enhance mobility by reducing the child’s intake of
heavy staple foods rich in carbohydrate or starch. Findings
from interviews and informal observations of low-income
How adults facilitate responsibility training among the
households in Lagos and Ogun states reveal that from the
Yoruba and other African cultures age of three months, Yoruba caregivers prop up girls in a sitting
Findings from informal observations and interviews held with position with cushions (Aina et al., 1993). Due to the fear of
certain Yoruba caregivers (Aina et al., 1993) also suggest how crushing the testicles, boys, from the later age of ve months,
adults in the neighbourhood enhance the child’s successful were propped up in a sitting position with cushions. Thus, it
completion of errands. Due to the proximity of houses in could be assumed that mobility among girls occurs earlier than
several low-income neighbourhoods (refer to the section on boys. Such early mobility among Yoruba girls is likely to affect
physical setting), adults overtly or covertly watch out for how frequently they are sent on errands compared to their male
children as they walk around and play with their friends. counterparts.
Depending on the perceived need of a child sent on errands, In conclusion, responsibility training and multiple caregiv-
the adults might assign an older companion to facilitate the ing are central to parenting beliefs in many African societies,
completion of the assigned task. Such facilitation has been particularly, among Yoruba caregivers. These beliefs, espe-
documented in Vygotskian literature (see Green eld, 1984; cially responsibility training, guide the caregiver-child interac-
Rogoff, 1990; cf. Lancy, 1996; Segall, Dasen, Berry, & tions that are re ected in practices such as reducing the intake
Poortinga, 1999). of heavy staple foods, propping girls in a sitting position earlier
Yoruba adults facilitate the child’s engagement and than boys and sending the child on errands. The proximity of the
accomplishment of a task through tacit guidance (Aina et al., houses (physical and social setting) and a sense of communal
1993; Rogoff, 1990). These authors note that if a child is sent responsibility for the young enhance multiple caregiving
to purchase an item from a neighbour, the child’s mother will among the Yoruba people of southwest Nigeria.
inform the neighbour about the child’s mission. Both adults,
although they may be engaged in other activities or transac-
tions, are likely to monitor the child’s itinerary or ask an older Errands and child developmental outcomes
sibling to keep an eye on the child.
In summary, responsibility, obedience, helpfulness, and To explore the relationship between errands and cognitive
reliability are central to child rearing among the Yoruba and performance, an adapted version of the Bayley Mental Scales
other African cultures (Lancy, 1996; Serpell, 1993; Whiting & of Development (MSD; Bayley, 1969) referred to as the
Whiting, 1975). Children are expected to listen, watch, and Yoruba Mental Subscale (YMS) was designed. This test
imitate behaviours re ective of obedience, responsibility, and format was chosen in order to have an evaluation distinct from
helpfulness. In particular, adults teach, guide, and provide the naturally occurring contexts.
necessary support that enhances children’s successful comple- The study also examined the impact of location on
tion of errands and chores (Segall et al., 1999). children’s performance based on the literature that suggests
148 OGUNNAIKE AND HOUSER / ERRANDS AND COGNITIVE PERFORMANCE
different developmental outcomes for children living in urban Bayley Mental Scale of Development was also examined. The
versus rural settings (Aina et al., 1993; Hope & Bierman, 1998; following hypotheses guided the study:
Widmayer et al., 1990). In a study cited by Nerlove and
Snipper (1981), urban children were reported to experience 1. Because errands constitute an important cultural activity
more exposure to a variety of languages, several adult gures, geared toward promoting competency among Yoruba
and lived in more crowded conditions compared to their children (Akinware et al., 1992; Zeitlin et al., 1995),
counterparts in rural settings. Also, urban children differed those who engaged in errands will have a signi cantly
from rural children in their performance on cognitive tasks. higher performance on the Yoruba Mental Subscale and
Urban children, who were found to be more assertive and the Bayley Mental Scale of Development compared to
independent, had signi cantly higher performance on explora- their counterparts who did not.
tory-manipulative tasks compared to rural children. The latter, 2. Errands will differ in their association with cognitive
however, performed better on experimental tasks which performance. Children who are sent on errands that take
required compliance and deference to the experimenter. Other them away from the immediate household, especially,
authors, such as Aina and associates (1993), emphasise the purchasing items, utilise a variety of skills (e.g.,
need to consider children’s familiarity with test materials, perceptual-motor, language, memory, and problem-
which may or may not be associated with urban-rural settings solving strategies) (Ohuche & Otaala, 1981). Thus,
in considering the role of location on performance. More children who purchase items for caregivers will have a
studies are needed on the urban-rural differences in children’s signi cantly higher cognitive performance on the YMS
performance before nal conclusions can be made. than children who did not.
Table 2
Developmental characteristics of rural, semi-urban, and urban children
% N % N % N % N
Errands
Child puts things away 92.7 206 90 20 90.1 92 95.7 94
Child buys things 75.2 206 70 20 75 92 76.6 94
Note: Means having the same subscript are signi cantly different at p < .01.
150 OGUNNAIKE AND HOUSER / ERRANDS AND COGNITIVE PERFORMANCE
Table 3
Spearman correlation coefficients between errands and the Yoruba Mental Subscale Index (YMDI) and Bayley Mental
Development Index (MDI)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
The Western orientation of the Bayley has been cited as a developmental processes in general, it is important to under-
mediating factor (Aina et al., 1993). Also, the fact that Yoruba stand that the Yoruba or any other African child does not
children are reared in what Robert Serpell (1993, p. 23) automatically qualify to buy things as soon as she/he is two
described as a ‘‘qualitatively different cultural environment’’ years old. Children are provided learning opportunities to
could account for the lack of signi cant performance on the practise running other errands such as putting things away,
Bayley. fetching objects, or relaying messages to others in the
Present ndings also con rm an association among certain household. And regardless of the errands, children are
errands and cognitive performance on the YMS. As mentioned expected to listen, and try their best in working out what is
earlier, children who engaged in purchasing items, an errand, expected of them with or without others’ assistance (Zeitlin et
which took children away from their immediate household had al., 1995).
a signi cantly enhanced cognitive performance. The enhanced Present ndings lend credence to Serpell’s claim about the
cognitive performance on the YMS by children who purchased difference in the child-rearing environment of African children
items for their caregivers could be attributed to caregiver compared to their counterparts in the Western or highly
perception and level of child’s competence (for details, see technological environment (see also Mundy-Castle, 1975). As
Nsamenang & Lamb, 1994; Serpell, 1993). Before being mentioned throughout the paper, the African child grows up in
entrusted with the responsibility of purchasing items, it is likely an environment that fosters responsibility, respect, obedience,
that the child demonstrated a certain level of competence in and helpfulness from an early age. The child grows up in the
understanding and communicating the rules of commercial environment to which he/she adapts to through listening,
transaction such as listening, understanding the concept of imitation, keen observation, being helpful and obedient. We
money, ability to navigate the neighbourhood and recognise believe that these social skills, although not widely acknowl-
common household items (Zeitlin et al., 1995). Caregivers and edged in child development research, except in cross-cultural
other adults are more inclined to send such a competent child studies, play a signi cant role in cognitive performance of
to purchase household and/or other items more often, thus young African children. The Yoruba Mental Subscale has
enhancing his/her pro ciency in commercial transactions. And enabled us to assess the signi cance of the association between
a child that is pro cient in commercial transactions within the the Yoruba child’s involvement in errands and performance on
immediate neighbourhood is entrusted with other commercial a cognitive assessment tool. Unlike the Bayley Mental Scales
activities in a larger context. that revealed a decline in performance with age, the YMS
Other factors associated with enhanced performance on the indicated enhanced performance among older children.
YMS include age and location. Older children scored Findings from Cameroon (Nsamenang & Lamb, 1994) and
signi cantly higher compared to younger children, while Zambia (Serpell, 1993), clearly stressed that parental assign-
children living in urban areas performed signi cantly better ment of responsibilities, particularly errands, underscores
than their rural counterparts. Recall that older Yoruba children caregiver perception of child’s capabilities and sense of
frequently engaged in errands, thus fostering the pro ciency of responsibility. Caregivers adopt a style of gradually introducing
skills, namely, language, cognition, and memory, which might their children to the challenges of errands that take the child
have translated to better performance on the YMS. In contrast away from home. For example, a 26-month-old Yoruba boy
to the positive link with age, younger children, overall, named Wole, is sent to purchase a bag of detergent from the
performed signi cantly better on the Bayley Mental Scales neighbour’s store. Wole is likely to have participated in and
(for similar ndings, see Coll, Buckner, Brooks, Weinreb, & successfully completed other errands such as fetching objects,
Bassuk, 1998). Thus, after the rst year of life, there is a putting things away, etc., before being asked to purchase the
precipitous decline on the Bayley among Yoruba toddlers. The detergent.
performance of Yoruba toddlers could be an indication of the This procedure of a gradual or systematic increase in
cultural inappropriateness of the Bayley (Aina et al., 1993). responsibilities or tasks in accordance with the learner’s skill is
The 25 items, out of which 15 were nally chosen to form the described as scaffolding (Green eld, 1984; Segall et al., 1999).
YMS, negated the age-related decline. Yoruba children had Like caregivers from other African societies, Yoruba caregivers
excellent performance on items that involved following begin the process of scaffolding vis-à-vis responsibility training
directions, imitation, and limited verbal interactions. In order by sending their young children on simple errands (e.g.,
to have a valid assessment tool, items had to be omitted in fetching nearby objects, or/and carrying water in a small bowl).
which the toddlers’ performance indicated no variability, for Although these errands may or may not require much caregiver
example, pointing to parts of a doll, imitating horizontal and assistance, as the child completes these simple errands
vertical strokes, and use of gestures (see Appendix for the items successfully, he/she is introduced to more complex errands
omitted from the YMS). A combination of the omitted and such as relaying messages or purchasing items from neigh-
retained items underlie the importance of providing children bours.
with tasks that require the use of familiar skills or skills The caregiver structures the child’s performance of these
promoted by their environment. errands through keen observation, assistance of others (older
Regarding location, performance on the Yoruba Mental siblings or capable peers), communication with the neighbour
Subscale may be associated with differences in the level of about the child’s itinerary, and simple instructions or steps to
familiarity with the test materials (cf. Nerlove & Snipper, facilitate success, for example, Wole’s mother may have tied
1981). By virtue of the impact of modernisation, children the cash for the detergent in a cloth and placed it in his pocket;
residing in urban locations may have been exposed to toys and or informed Wole that she was watching him to ensure his safe
other resources that demand a certain level of manipulation or arrival at the neighbour (see Segall et al., 1999: discussion on
interaction akin to the requirements of the YMS and other shaping, p. 191). Thus, older siblings, capable peers, and adult
items on the Bayley Mental Scales. caregivers serve as a scaffold. Collaboration with these adults
In terms of qualifying this research for understanding facilitates the child’s performance and skill acquisition.
152 OGUNNAIKE AND HOUSER / ERRANDS AND COGNITIVE PERFORMANCE
Appendix
Items omitted from the Yoruba Mental Subscale