DER DONAURAUM

Jahrgang 49 – Heft 1-2/2009

Tamara Scheer

Occupation and its Impact on Society:

Austria-Hungary’s Military Presence in Sandžak
Novi Pazar/Plevlje (1879–1908)

Introduction

Cultural transfer can be described as transmission of patterns from one society to an-
other. Sometimes it is only mentioned as one-way transport, but once two different socie-
ties live together in a limited area, they start to influence each other and cultural transfer
becomes a two-way-process. Culture can include literature, theatre, music, infrastructure
and food, as well as political ideas and systems, or images of gender relations or minori-
ties. Cultural transfer can occur simply because people live together, but can also be part
of strategic plans of states or political groups. The question valid for both empires, the
Ottoman and the Austro-Hungarian, is whether social and cultural changes were effected
deliberately and which arguments were used. This paper focuses on Sandžak Novi Pazar/
Plevlje (Turkish: Yenı Bazar/Taşlīca) between 1879 and 1908 and attempts to reconstruct
under which circumstances cultural transfer could have occurred. Generally, occupation
and cultural transfer as an evidently automatic by-product hold important positions in
historical memory. An example of cultural transfer taking place under a military pres-
ence is the US army rule of the Western parts of Germany after the Second World War.
Military presence and occupation are firmly anchored in public awareness not just since
the invasion of Iraq by the Allied Forces or the international military presence in Bosnia-
Herzegovina and Kosovo. Normally an occupation can be defined as the takeover of a
state or region’s administration by a hostile foreign army. For this reason most historical
research focuses on the crimes of the occupying powers and the suffering or resistance
of the civilian population. However, such an approach frequently neglects the aspect of
normality under foreign regimes, what Peter Knoch calls every-day life during war.
It should also been taken into account that the occupied population does not act as one

 A general definition can be found at http://www.brockhaus-enzyklopaedie.de/be21_article.php, Kulturtransfer.

For a scientific explanation, see Ralf Pröve, Kulturtransfer und Militärsystem in der zweiten Frühneuzeithälfte
(Presentation given at the Austrian State Archives in Vienna, 3.4.2008).
 Rüdiger Ritter, Kulturaustausch am Kneipentresen: Zu Prozessen der Amerikanisierung in Bremerhaven in den
ersten beiden Nachkriegsjahrzehnten. In: WerkstattGeschichte 46 (Oktober 2006), pp. 55–64. Cf. also Maria
Höhn, GIs and Fräuleins – The German-American Encounter in 1950s West Germany. North-Carolina 2002.
 Peter Knoch, Kriegsalltag. In: Peter Knoch (ed.), Kriegsalltag, Die Rekonstruktion des Kriegsalltags als Aufgabe
der historischen Forschung und der Friedenserziehung. Stuttgart 1989, p. 222f.

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group with one common interest. Some of them might be in favour of the foreign sol-
diers, whilst others use the new circumstances for their own propaganda. Especially in
the Sandžak region different groups of interest existed.
At the Congress of Berlin (1878) the European Great Powers authorized the Dan-
ube Monarchy to set up roads and railways in an area located in the south of Bosnia-
Herzegovina. In 1879, it was stipulated between the Ottoman Empire, to whose territory
Sandžak continued to belong, and Austria-Hungary that the latter may support a military
presence in the area around the River Lim (the northern part of Sandžak with the main
towns of Prijepolje, Plevlje and Priboj) and that this presence should not exceed 5,000
men. Although Austria-Hungary had encountered fierce resistance from the inhabitants
during the occupation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, the invasion of Sandžak was quite peace-
ful. The Ottoman administration had appealed for moderation, and there were almost no
violent clashes. Prior to 1878, the Ottoman Empire had paid less attention to Sandžak
in military terms. This was to change quickly under the altered circumstances. Once
Austria-Hungary had set up a garrison in Plevlje, the Porte stationed more troops at the
opposite end of the town. For the population this situation implied an expanded mili-
tary presence of two empires – two empires to which many Serbian, Montenegrin and
Albanian inhabitants did not want to belong. In 1880 the Ottoman Empire reorganized
the administration and borders of the Sandžak Novi Pazar. It was split up and four new
entities were established. The Lim region in the North, which had an Austro-Hungarian
military presence, was turned into Sandžak Plevlje. In this constellation the presence
lasted until October 1908, when the Austro-Hungarian soldiers left due to the annexation
of Bosnia-Herzegovina by the Monarchy and the emergence of the Young Turks in the
Ottoman Empire. The right to commit soldiers was ceded in spring 1909. The entire re-
gion had been without peace for thirty years, but contemporary sources stated that it had
been more quiet in Sandžak Plevlje than in the rest of the former Sandžak Novi Pazar.
Nowadays the Sandžak is mostly mentioned only as an ‘appendix’ of Bosnia-Herze-
govina’s history under the Austro-Hungarian regime, in the past it was the topic of many
studies, travel books and memoirs. As only one interesting example the work of Heinrich
Renner should be mentioned. In 1896 he published a travel guide through Bosnia includ-
ing a few sentences about the Sandžak Plevlje and the daily life there. Only one year
later a second edition was published. The only change was an additional chapter about
the river Lim region – evidence that there was public interest in this area. 50 years ago
the Bosnian historian Kasim Isović already wrote about the history of Sandžak that it
had hitherto “remained in the shadow of major historical events”, and this remark has
not lost any of its validity since then.

 Karl Strupp, Urkunden zur Geschichte des Völkerrechts, vol. 2 (vom Berliner Kongress bis 1911). Gotha 1911,
p. 27. Cf. also Edgar Hösch, Karl Nehring, Holm Sundhaussen (eds.), Lexikon zur Geschichte Südosteuropas,
Wien et al. 2004, p. 596. Cf. also Valeria Heuberger, Der Sandschak von Novi Pazar. In: Walter Lukan et al.
(eds.), Serbien und Montenegro: Raum und Bevölkerung, Geschichte, Sprache und Literatur, Kultur, Politik,
Gesellschaft, Wirtschaft, Recht (= Österreichische Osthefte 47, Sonderband 18 , Vienna, 2006), pp. 823–829.
 Kasim Isović, Sabrani Radovi. Sarajevo: Arhiv Bosne i Hercegovine 2007, p. 430.

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Society

Though it had been an area of transition for ethnic groups, cultures and religions for
centuries, after autumn 1879 the society of Sandžak changed constantly. The indigenous
population of Sandžak Plevlje amounted to approx. 40,000, and they were faced by
around 10,000 to 12,000 Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian soldiers and civil personnel.
This means that there was a minimum of four native residents for every foreign soldier.
The foreign garrisons were located in three main towns: Plevlje, Prijepolje and Priboj. In
Plevlje the Christian and Muslim populations were even balanced, in Prjepolje and Pri-
boj there were more Christians than Muslims. After the first Austro-Hungarian soldiers
had arrived (most of them Romanians and Hungarians), they were followed in particu-
lar by Muslim refugees from Bosnia or Montenegro and different propagandists from
outside (e.g. teachers from Serbia or Albanian Notables). Austro-Hungarian soldiers
(in most cases staff officers) took their families with them, although this was forbidden
officially and as Heinrich Renner wrote, “normally not popular”. All of these ‘newcom-
ers’ brought personal experience, interests, repugnances and prejudices with them. Some
left the Sandžak after a short period, others settled there permanently – refugees from
Bosnia as well as Austro-Hungarian civilians.
Rogers Brubaker stated that changing tendencies and current animosities characterize
social groups inside society.10 In the Sandžak’s case, we must not speak of the ‘Mus-
lims’ or ‘Orthodox’, ‘soldiers and the population’ or ‘peasants and intelligentsia’. The
soldiers were as different as the Danube Monarchy and the Ottoman Empire – from the
Hungarian peasant to the Croatian nobleman, from the Albanian officer to the Anatolian
recruit. Günther Kronenbitter added that the spectrum of behaviour depended on the
heterogeneity of the relevant occupied society. Furthermore he stated that the relation-
ship between the population and the foreign army depended on the course of invasion.
Circumstances were more complex when the invasion was bloody.������������������
As additional mo-
tivators for revolts or toleration he mentioned the acceptance of the (restricted) local
administration, expectations of personal, political, economic and social benefits, and
denominational, ideological or ethnical misgivings over the foreign military presence.11
At the same time the whole society was in a permanent state of crisis. The use of force
was typical for every military presence and should not be underestimated. Maren Lorenz
points out three forms: the troops’ force against the population, the use of force among

 Heuberger, Der Sandschak von Novi Pazar, p. 823f.

 N.N., The Sanjak of Novibazar. In: The Geographical Journal 41 (May 1913) 5, p. 472.
 Many of the engaged regiments came from the Hungarian part of the Double Monarchy. Regimental stories
detailed their duties, e.g. Julius Kreipner, Geschichte des k. u. k. Infanterieregiments 34. Kaschau 1900.
 Heinrich Renner, Durch Bosnien und die Hercegovina kreuz und quer, Wanderungen. Berlin 1897, p. 169.
10 Rogers Brubaker, Ethnizität ohne Gruppen. Hamburg 2007, p. 11f.
11 Günther Kronenbitter, Introduction. In: Günther Kronenbitter, Markus Pöhlmann, Walter Dierk (eds.), Besat-
zung: Funktion und Gestalt militärischer Fremdherrschaft von der Antike bis zum 20. Jahrhundert (= Krieg in
der Geschichte 28, Paderborn 2006), p. 15.

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the military personnel and, also of importance, the locals’ pressure on the soldiers (e.g.
turmoil or taunting).12
Over the years the presence of soldiers became an everyday experience and was
officially used to show force. Heinrich Renner noticed: “Mesmerized, the Anatolian
recruit sees the neat Hungarians of the 2nd regiment marching with oompah music
through the bumpy streets.13 In all garrisons the Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman troops
laid down white stones showing ‘FJI’ for Francis Joseph I. or the crescent or the name of
the Sultan in a size more than ‘100 steps long’.14 In this article the inhabitants’ opinions
can only be mentioned in an oversimplified manner. In 1879, according to Wolfgang
Heller, Muslim and Serb looked at the foreigner, the ‘Schwaba’, half astonished, half
furtive, as an intruder in their homeland, ill disposed towards any change for centuries.”15
The Ottoman administration came into conflict with the Muslim population, when
they tried to extend the rights of Christians. The Muslims, Turks and Albanians were
increasingly influenced by the ideas of the Young Turks movement with its tendency of
animosity towards the West,16 whilst most of the Orthodox people were interested in a
future within Serbia and Montenegro. Many people from Austria-Hungary regarded the
local population as culturally backward and in need of modernization.
As a result of the hostile circumstances, the Austria-Hungarian soldiers left in autumn
1908. At the same time the civilian colony had to pack their bags, too. In despair the mer-
chant Julius Goldberger asked the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Vienna in September
1909, how he should protect his family, two houses and his shop in the future.17 In ad-
dition many Sandžak inhabitants asked for ‘Wohlverhaltens-Zeugnisse’ (good conduct
certificates), which they needed for emigration to Bosnia.18 The remaining population
only lived for a few years under Ottoman rule. In the course of the First Balkan War
(1912) the region was divided between Montenegro and Serbia and never returned under
the rule of the Ottoman Empire.19
12 Maren Lorenz, Das Rad der Gewalt: Militär und Zivilbevölkerung in Norddeutschland nach dem Dreißigjährigen
Krieg (1650–1700). Köln et al. 2007, p. 155f.
13 Original quote in German: „Voll Staunen sieht der anatolische Rekrut die schmucken Ungarn vom 2. Regiment
unter Hornmusik durch die holperigen Gassen marschi[e]ren.“ Renner, Durch Bosnien und die Hercegovina,
p. 170.
14 Robert Elsie (ed.), Franz Nopcsa, Reisen in den Balkan. Die Lebenserinnerungen des Franz Baron Nopsca.
Prishtina 2001.
15 Original quote in German: „Muselman und Serbe blickten den Fremden, den ‚Schwaba‘, halb verwundert, halb
lauernd an, sahen in ihm nur den Eindringling in seine, seit Jahrhunderten jeder Neuerung abholde Heimat.“
– Wolfgang Heller, Unter den Kaiserinitialen und dem Halbmond. In: Bergland 17 (1879) 10, p. 12.
16 Ulrike Freitag, Arabische Visionen von Modernität im 19. und frühen 20. Jahrhundert. Die Aneignung von
Universalien oder die Übernahme fremder Konzepte. In: Jörg Baberowski, Hartmut Kaelble, Jürgen Schriewer
(eds.), Selbstbilder und Fremdbilder. Repräsentation sozialer Ordnungen im Wandel (= Eigene und fremde Wel-
ten 1, Frankfurt/Main 2008), p. 91f. Cf. Elçin Kürsat-Ahlers, Die Brutalisierung von Gesellschaft und Kriegs-
führung im osmanischen Reich während der Balkankriege (1903–1914). In: Andreas Gestrich (ed.), Gewalt im
Krieg, Erfahrung und Verweigerung von Gewalt in Kriegen des 20. Jahrhunderts (= Jahrbuch für Historische
Friedensforschung 4, Münster 1995), pp. 51–74.
17 ÖStA/HHStA/ PA, XII. Türkei, Kt. 348, Telegramm Julius Goldberger, 22.9.1908.
18 ÖStA/HHStA, PA, XII. Türkei, Kt. 348, Militärbericht, 24.10.1908.
19 A historical overview until the 21st century: Heuberger, Der Sandschak von Novi Pazar, pp. 823–829. Cf. also
Hösch/Nehring/Sundhaussen, Lexikon zur Geschichte Südosteuropas.

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Strategy and Tactics

Contemporaries assessed the situations of the Ottoman Empire and the Danube Monar-
chy during the outgoing 19th century as similar. Both had to keep a firm hold on hetero-
geneous inhabitants who “struggled for supremacy”.20 Based on this situation, these two
multinational and -denominational players developed contrary and sometimes changing
strategies for the Sandžak Plevlje. The overall strategy of Constantinople was to keep
the status quo and to limit the Austro-Hungarian impact on the region as much as pos-
sible. The first important strategic action of the Ottoman Empire was the split up of the
Sandžak Novi Pazar and the establishment of the Sandžak Plevlje. In the course of the
reorganisation the Ottoman head, Suleiman Hakki Pascha, became a civil and military
leader (comparable with a governor of an occupied territory). Although the Double Mon-
archy held the right to maintain troops in the whole Sandžak Novi Pazar, they were then
confronted with new orders.21 From that moment on Hakki Pascha tried to use every
situation to limit those rights. The Austro-Hungarian army had to ask for permission if
they wanted to march to Prijepolje in the south, because the street (the Eastern bank of
the river Lim) belonged to the neighbouring Sandžak Novi Pazar. It would be interesting
for future research to determine if this resulted from unofficial tactics directly ordered by
the Porte or if it was caused by disorganisation at the sandžak’s or vilayet’s level. Maybe
Suleiman Hakki Pascha was the initiator, because he was opposed to the Austro-Hungar-
ian presence. In such situations the Austro-Hungarian commanders had to request further
instructions from the brigade command, who then tried to find an agreement with gov-
ernor Hakki Pascha. At best the latter gave an order to his troops, in the worst case this
became a diplomatic affair which went from Plevlje to the corps command in Sarajevo,
from there to Vienna and Constantinople and then back again to the Sandžak.
Another problem was the construction of camps on the places which had been chosen
before, because the Ottoman troops always put (small, but troublesome) obstacles in the
soldiers’ way.22 Whilst the Ottoman Empire since 1880 held the position that after the
reorganisation Austria-Hungary only had the right to keep troops in Sandžak Plevlje, the
Double Monarchy until 1908 officially called this presence, as in Sandžak Novi Pazar.
At the turn of the century a survey concluded, “although the Porte may have ordered its
organs to facilitate the entry of the Austro-Hungarian troops as frictionless as possible,
it certainly gave strict orders from the very beginning to resist any foreign influence.”23
During his visit of Plevlje in 1880 the Vali of Kosovo criticized the permission given to
20 Carl Sax, Geschichte des Machtverfalls der Türkei bis Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts und die Phasen der ‚orientalischen
Frage‘ bis auf die Gegenwart. Wien 1908, p. 4.
21 ÖStA/HHStA, PA, XII. Türkei, Kt. 177, Fasz. Varia 1901, Bericht Konsul Joannovics, 1907, p. 2.
22 ÖStA/HHStA, PA, XII. Türkei, Kt. 177, Fasz. Varia 1901, Bericht Konsul Joannovics, 1907, pp. 9–12.
23 The original quote in German: „Wenn die Pforte ihren Organen auch den Befehl gegeben haben mochte, den
Einmarsch der k. u. k. Truppen möglichst reibungslos vor sich gehen zu lassen, so hatte sie ihnen doch gewiss
auch die strikten Weisungen erteilt, ein Umsichgreifen des fremden Einflusses von allem Anfang an zu bekämp-
fen.“ – HHStA/PA XII Türkei, Kt. 177. [ca. 1900/1901], Geschichte des Sandschaks von Novibazar und der
angrenzenden Gebiete vom Einmarsche der k.u.k. Truppen (September 1879) angefangen bis auf die Gegenwart,
p. 9.

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the Austro-Hungarian soldiers to build their barracks close to the town. He tried to remedy
the situation by giving further instructions: ‘Muslims and Christians alike he forbade in-
teraction with the Austro-Hungarian soldiers.’24 Certainly, this order is evidence that vivid
contact actually did take place. The Ottoman leadership had to cope with their dissatisfied
soldiers. Due to the Austro-Hungarian soldiers’ regular pay, they were then – in contrast
to their fellow soldiers in the rest of the Empire – paid in regular intervals.25
For the Double Monarchy the Sandžak region was of strategic importance in many
respects. On the one hand they hoped for a new market for their products, on the other the
army tried to prevent uprisings and unrests already outside Bosnia. Economic plans aimed
at cutting off the trade of products from Germany via Saloniki before they arrived in Pri-
jepolje.26 In addition the Montenegrin and Serbian national influence should be curbed or
prevented. After a short period, however, the army tried to calm the population by buying
all military equipment from the region and local traders. Mahmud Aga Bajrović, who had
at first been hostile, became head of a consortium which supplied the troops. In a survey
he was characterized thus: “his greed for money surpassed his scruples.”27 ‘Cultivation’,
‘modernization’ and ‘Europeanization’ were catchwords for personal involvement, but
also part of the interest of Austro-Hungarian officials working in the Foreign Ministry.
Other questions of strategic importance until 1908 were how to deal with Bosnian refu-
gees who tried to return, the implementation of a consulate in Plevlje (in addition to the
vilayet’s capitol), handling outside influence like the activities of the Albanian League,
the Young Turks and the Serbian and Montenegrin nationalists, internal questions like the
legal status of the Austro-Hungarian colony and soldiers and how to deal with fraterniza-
tion when Austro-Hungarian officials favoured particular local groups.

Cooperation and Clashes

During the 30 years co-operations and clashes occurred in the heterogeneous society. In
fact animosities saw a complete turnaround. When Austria-Hungary sent troops for the
first time the Muslim population was more hostile, whereas the attitudes of the orthodox
Christians ranged from indifference to acceptance. Most preconceived opinions certainly
depended on the respective national or cultural background. The contemporary ‘tourist’
Heinrich Renner observed that although Austro-Hungarian soldiers saluted Ottoman of-
ficers, the other side did not do the same: “They were used to not saluting their own offic-
ers, because they didn’t want to disturb them”.28 A lack of language competence on either
side rounded off the situation. More than one report described daily life as running side by

24 Original quote in German: „Den Mohammedanern, wie den Christen verbot er den Verkehr mit den k. u. k.
Soldaten.“ – ÖStA/HHStA, PA, XII. Türkei, Kt. 177, Geschichte des Sandschaks von Novibazar, p. 21.
25 Renner, Durch Bosnien und die Hercegovina, p. 170.
26 ÖStA/HHStA, PA, XII. Türkei, Kt. 177, Fasz. Varia 1901, Bericht Joannovics, 1907, p. 9.
27 ÖStA/HHStA/PA, XII. Türkei, Kt. 177, Geschichte des Sandschaks von Novibazar, p. 10.
28 Renner, Durch Bosnien und die Hercegovina, p. 173.

134
side rather than with each other. Franz Nopcsa diagnosed an absence of contact and stated
that the foreign culture remained unknown to Austria-Hungary during all those years.29
Heinrich Renner made similar remarks about the behaviour of the Turks although they
attended Austro-Hungarian officer’s clubs.30 The contrary can be said about the governor
of Plevlje, Suleiman Hakki Pascha, who preferred to drink a good glass of wine after the
Austro-Hungarian officer Joseph Stürgkh invited him to Prijepolje.31 At the same time
Renner reported good “comradeship” between officers. About the Muslim and Serbian
population he concluded that they “were reserved”.32
Nevertheless, soldiers and especially Austro-Hungarian civilians, who were accom-
modated in private houses, must have been in contact with the population. The daily life
of the Austro-Hungarian officers’ wives is of particular interest, because they did not
have daily duty and enough time for cultural activities, such as taking part in charitable
associations. But were new relations and networks established among all inhabitants of
Sandžak? Normally, daily life activities would initiate constant mutual influence. The
longer the occupation lasted and the more spheres of life were affected, the more perma-
nent those social consequences might become.33 Although the different groups living in
Sandžak tried to avoid contact, they were influenced and influenced each other perma-
nently. Maybe this already was the attractiveness of what is perceived as foreign according
to Aleida Assmann,34 and Josef Graf Stürgkh, who wrote: ‘What found our main interest in
Prijepolje, was the typical Turkish.’35 Heinrich Renner reported in 1897 that he had heard
many locals speaking German, Hungarian or Romanian and that “the houses and the way
of life began to show European influence”.36 Many European newspapers, especially from
Austria-Hungary, were available in the Sandžak as well as other goods. Some of them
arrived via the daily post from Sarajevo.
However, the attractiveness of the foreign could quickly turn into new rejection caused
by the clash of different cultures. Ulrike Freitag calls the woman’s position in Western
society a typical topic for a “symbolic demarcation between those cultures”.37 For the
Muslims, but also the Orthodox, it must have been strange when the strict order was given
to ban all dogs from army camps, or they be put to death. The reason had been a dog mo-
lesting a general‘s wife when she was taking a walk through the garrison.38 Clashes could
29 Elsie, Reisen in den Balkan.
30 Renner, Durch Bosnien und die Hercegovina, p. 173.
31 Josef Stürgkh, Politische und militärische Erinnerungen aus meinem Leben. Leipzig 1922, p. 63f.
32 Original quote in German: „Hierher werden die türkischen Offiziere geladen, mit denen ein gut kameradschaft-
liches Verhältnis besteht, während die mohammedanische Bevölkerung sich geradeso wie die serbische sehr
zurückhaltend benimmt.“ – Renner, Durch Bosnien und die Hercegovina, p. 180.
33 Kronenbitter, Besatzung, p. 11.
34 Aleida Assmann, Erinnerungsräume. Formen und Wandlungen des kulturellen Gedächtnisses. München 1999.
35 Stürgkh, Politische und militärische Erinnerungen, p. 57.
36 Renner, Durch Bosnien und die Hercegovina, p. 168f.
37 Freitag, Arabische Visionen, p. 107.
38 Original quote in German: „Als wir nun nach Prijepolje kamen, war in Plevlje ein verheirateter Brigadier, dessen
Frau durchaus die ‚Generalin’ herauskehrte. Als sie eines Tages in den Lageranlagen spazieren ging, benahm sich
ein solcher Hund auf eine nicht näher zu bezeichnende aber unerhört respektwidrige Art gegen sie. Empört und
voller Zorn veranlasste sie einen strengen Ukas seitens ihres Gatten, durch den jedem Hund bei Todesstrafe der

135
also be the result of daily duty’s boredom. Surveys reported many disputes and conflicts
between Austro-Hungarian and Turkish soldiers or the local population.39

Fields of Culture

Viewed historically, the majority of the resident population rejected the establishment
of garrisons in its town or community as long as the soldiers were confined to their bar-
racks and due to their poor pay were not a positive economic factor. Only once military
personnel was no longer billeted exclusively in army quarters did the opportunity arise
to earn money by leasing accommodation. Additional comestible goods and equipment
were purchased locally.40 Also, the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian soldiers in Sandžak
Plevlje put substantial amounts of money into circulation. As a result, the indigenous
population (together with the soldiers and their families) became increasingly potent
customers.41 A broader market especially for novel shopping goods emerged. At the same
time existing associations, cultural events and periodicals were augmented by further
ones.42 Christian Lankes has posed the additional question how far the social contacts be-
tween army members and the civilian population went. He has endeavoured to document
this through marital behaviour and good parenthood.43 The historian Rüdiger Ritter enti-
tled his article in WerkstattGeschichte “Cultural exchange at the bar counter”.44 For the
Sandžak Plevlje the impact of contacts in coffee houses should not be underestimated.45
Renner found it important enough to point out the fact that ‘Dreher’sches Flaschenbier’
already was available in Serbian shops in 1879.46 After the Austro-Hungarian colony had
arrived, a new brewery was set up in Plevlje.47
Not only because Plevlje became the central town the soldiers’ need for infrastructure
seem limitless and no communication line remain ‘untouched’. The historian Holger
Gräf has traced the influence of the garrison even further to a process of beginning
urbanization.48 The new garrison structure not exclusively in cities was useful for the
soldiers as well as the population and visitors from outside. Renner explained: “Where

Aufenthalt in einer militärischen Baulichkeit verboten wurde.“ – Stürgkh, Politische und militärische Erinne-
rungen, p. 67.
39 ÖStA/HHStA, PA, XII. Türkei, Kt. 177, Geschichte des Sandschaks von Novibazar, p. 14.
40 Holger Gräf, Militarisierung der Stadt oder Urbanisierung des Militärs? Ein Beitrag zur Militärgeschichte der
frühen Neuzeit aus stadtgeschichtlicher Perspektive. In: Ralf Pröve (ed.), Klio in Uniform? Probleme und Per-
spektiven einer modernen Militärgeschichte der Frühen Neuzeit. Köln et al. 1997, p. 99.
41 Theodor Ippen, Novibazar und Kossovo (Das alte Rascien). Eine Studie. Wien 1892, p. 63.
42 Gräf, Militarisierung der Stadt oder Urbanisierung des Militärs, pp. 89–108.
43 Christian Lankes, München als Garnison im 19. Jahrhundert (= Militärgeschichte und Wehrwissenschaften 2,
Mittler 1993), p. 535.
44 Ritter, Kulturaustausch am Kneipentresen, pp. 55–64.
45 Božidar Jezernik, Where Paradise Was But a Sip of Hellish Brew Away. A Story of Coffee in the Balkans. In:
Ethnologia Balkanica 5 (2001), pp. 193–206.
46 Renner, Durch Bosnien und die Hercegovina, p. 180.
47 ÖStA/HHStA, PA, XII. Türkei, Kt. 177, Fasz. Varia 1901, Bericht Konsul Joannovics, 1907, III, p. 9.
48 Gräf, Militarisierung der Stadt oder Urbanisierung des Militärs, p. 97.

136
once there had been a lone border station, there now is an entire small border village with
wooden houses in which merchants live who take care of all the needs of both troops as
well as of travellers”.49

Conclusion and Future Prospects

After 1880 the Sandžak region together with occupied Bosnia became a stylish object
of interest in the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. Heinrich Renner’s travel book Durch
Bosnien-Hercegovina kreuz und quer (Criss-crossing through Bosnia and Hercegovina),
published in 1896, was followed by a second edition only one year later with additional
routes through Sandžak.50 At the same time the situation and further development in
Sandžak Plevlje cannot be compared with Bosnia-Herzegovina, because it remained
under Ottoman administration during the entire period. If the Austro-Hungarian soldiers
were unsatisfied with the organization, they did not have any possibility to change struc-
tures and laws fundamentally, whereas in Bosnia everything was reorganised.
During the entire period, the Sandžak’s inhabitants were in a state of permanent flux,
whilst the Ottoman administration was not in a position to prevent influence from out-
side. Most of the time Austria-Hungary and the Ottoman Empire had to react to internal
political groups such as the Young Turks movement or the work of the Albanian League
and disputes at the Montenegrin and Serbian borders.
The paper’s topic is ambivalent. On the one hand it is mesmerizing to reconstruct
a former society and its dynamics, on the other it is difficult due to the general lack
of documents and – if available – their objectiveness. Another problem lies in the fact
that there are no personal documents of members of the lower class. Nevertheless, the
decision to deal with the Sandžak was taken in order to move this region a step forward
in scholarship. A ‘roadmap’ should be worked out for societies living under a foreign
military presence and for further comparison with other long-lasting occupations. The
main question is if cultural transfer has already occurred and if so, to what extent: 10 %
to 90 % or half-half, long-term or temporary. In the Sandžak’s case the historian Đorđe
Borožan has mentioned that the Austro-Hungarian presence is still visible in Plevlje’s
two faces: the Oriental and the more Western style.51 Also of importance is the expe-
rience gained by Austria-Hungary, which was used for the occupation of Serbia and
Montenegro during the First World War.

49 Original quote in German: „Hier, wo einst eine einsame Grenzkaraula stand, ist jetzt ein ganzes Grenzdörfchen
mit niedrigen Holzhäusern entstanden, in denen Geschäftsleute hausen, die für alle Bedürfnisse der beiderseitigen
Truppen und auch der Reisenden sorgen.“ – Renner, Durch Bosnien-Hercegovina, p. 166.
50 Heinrich Renner, Durch Bosnien-Hercegovina, Kreuz und quer. Berlin 1896. Cf. Renner, Durch Bosnien-Her-
cegovina (1897).
51 Discussion held during the conference “Forces and Force: The Austro-Hungarian Occupation Regime in Serbia
during the First World War” at the Strategy Research Institute (Ministry of Defence of the Republic of Serbia)
in Belgrade in November 2008.

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