Minority rights

EditorialPublished January 24, 2021

ON Thursday, the United Nations General Assembly adopted

( ‫ )منظور کرنا‬a resolution to safeguard religious sites around the world, in line
with the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The
resolution was proposed (‫ )تجویزکرنا‬by Saudi Arabia, co-sponsored by Pakistan
and other nations from the developing world, and supported by the US and
EU. However, it did not take long before delegates (‫ )نائب بنا کر بھیجنا۔‬from India
and Pakistan began arguing ( ‫ )تَبادلَہ َخیال کَرنا‬over the status of minority rights
in each other’s territory. Unfortunately, a number of countries are found
wanting when it comes to protecting and preserving (‫ )حفاظت کرنا‬the right to life
and dignity of minority citizens — and this discrimination is often endorsed
(‫ )منظور کرنا‬by the state and preserved by society, through the passage of
discriminatory laws (‫)امتیازی قوانین‬, prejudice and wilful ignorance (‫)بے خبری‬.
This includes many of the governments that sponsored the resolution. For
instance, at the UNGA, the Indian delegate brought up the attack by a mob on
a Hindu shrine in Karak, KP, to highlight the insecurity felt by minorities in
Pakistan. Yet around that same time, towards the tail end of the previous
year, communal violence
(‫ )فرقہ وارانہ تشدد‬broke out in parts of BJP-governed Madhya Pradesh. Indeed,
radicalised elements (‫ )بنیاد پرست عناصر‬on the other side of the border are more
than just fringe elements and follow the lead of the Hindutva government.

Where Pakistan is concerned, the government has made some progress in

recent years when it comes to preserving minority places of worship. In April
2019, the government announced the reopening of the 1,000-year-old Shawala
Teja Singh temple in Sialkot, sealed (‫ )مہر بند‬for 72 years, and attacked by a
mob in 1992. Then, in November 2019, Pakistan inaugurated (‫ )کرنا تاحاِفت‬the
Kartarpur Corridor, with approximately 12,000 pilgrims present, which
allowed Sikhs from India and the diaspora to visit Gurdwara Darbar Sahib —
one of the holiest sites in Sikhism. However, in July 2020, construction of the
Shri Krishna Mandir in Islamabad had been halted ( ‫ )ڈیرا کرنا‬following threats
(‫ )دھمکیوں‬and the tearing down () of the boundary wall. In its efforts to protect
minority rights, Pakistan must also focus on changing mindsets.

Published in Dawn, January 24th, 2021

Delayed olive branch

EditorialPublished January 24, 2021

THE PTI government has finally mustered up (‫ )جمع‬sufficient political

prudence (‫ )کافی سیاسی تدبر‬to extend ( ‫ )پھیالنا‬an olive branch to the opposition in
an attempt to build a better working relationship in parliament. But many say
it is a case of too little, too late.

According to a report in this newspaper, a three-member delegation (‫ )وفد‬from

the treasury benches (‫ )خزانے کے بنچ‬visited the parliamentary chamber of the
Leader of the Opposition Shehbaz Sharif and asked for the opposition’s help
in running the business of parliament more smoothly. The delegation, which
included Defence Minister Pervez Khattak, Parliamentary Affairs Minister
Ali Muhammad Khan and Chief Whip Amir Dogar, argued that the two sides
should collaborate (‫ )ساتھ مل کر کام کرنا‬to bring down the temperature in the
House and work together on people-friendly legislation (‫)دوستانہ قانون سازی‬.

The opposition, however, reminded them that it is the government that has
been calling the opposition thieves, dacoits (‫ )ڈاکو‬and traitors
(‫غاوت کَرنے واال‬
َ َ‫) اپنے ُملک سے ب‬. The opposition members said the government
was only reaching out because the opposition was taking them to task on the
Broadsheet scandal (‫)براڈ شیٹ اسکینڈل‬.

It is no secret that ever since the PTI came to power, parliament has been
reduced to a wrestling ring where shouting matches have taken the place of
serious legislative work (‫)قانون سازی کا کام‬. The government shares the bulk of
the blame for this sorry state of affairs. Prime Minister Imran Khan, who had
once promised that he would hold a question hour regularly in parliament,
has now almost totally absented himself from the proceedings (‫)پیش رفت۔ پیروی‬.
The treasury benches too have made it their priority to bring their street
politics into parliament. As a result, legislative work has almost ground to a
halt and parliament’s role as the centre point of a democratic system ( ‫جمہوری‬
‫ )نظام‬has diminished (‫ )کم کرنا‬considerably. Perhaps the government did not
realise that making parliament dysfunctional (‫ )غیر فعال‬to browbeat (‫ )دھمکانا‬the
opposition would ultimately have an adverse impact () on its own
performance.

More than halfway through their term, the treasury benches are now
recognising (‫ )تسلیم‬that they have the most to lose if they have little to show for
their legislative performance. However it may be a bit too much to expect that
the opposition would suddenly turn the other cheek while it is being
constantly hounded. The price of confrontational politics is a steep one, as the
government may be belatedly realising (‫)احساس‬.

It is though never too late. The government should go the extra mile to
improve (‫ )بہتر ہونا‬the environment in the House and establish a basic
minimum working relationship with the opposition. A good first step would be
for the government to get off its high horse and engage the opposition in some
meaningful dialogue that goes beyond optics. Two issues demand urgent
attention (‫)توجہ‬: electoral reforms and amendments (‫ )اصالح‬to the NAB
ordinance. If the government can bring itself to stop targeting and heaping
(‫ )اکھٹا کرنا‬scorn (‫تحقیر‬on the opposition, perhaps some steady progress can be
made on the floor of the House.

Published in Dawn, January 24th, 2021

Bureaucracy reform
EditorialPublished January 24, 2021

WHILE the intention (‫ )رادہ ِ ا‬behind the endeavour (‫ )کوشش‬may be lauded

(‫)تعریف‬, the civil service reform package unveiled (‫ )بے نِقاب کرنا‬by the
government the other day has come as a disappointment to many who
believed the bureaucracy would be restructured (‫ )تنظیم نو‬in such a way as to
make it more responsive (‫ )رد عمل ظاہر کرنے واال‬to the ever-changing
requirements of the economy and the needs of the citizens. Instead of reducing
the discretionary powers (‫ )صوابدیدی اختیارات‬of the bureaucrats and making
them accountable ( ‫ )قابل بازپرس‬to the people, the new reforms (‫ )اصالح دینا‬only
appear to address procedural improvements in the rules of business. It does
not mean that the proposed changes, which include new criteria for
promotion to higher grades, a mechanism for forced retirement of under-
performers (‫)کم اداکار‬, induction ( ‫ )تقرر‬of provincial service officers into the
Pakistan Administrative Services, new rotation policy, etc are not needed. But
these are relatively minor issues (‫ )مسائل‬that could have easily been addressed
as part of an umbrella civil service restructuring plan aimed at boosting
overall governance by building the capacity of the bureaucracy to deal with
the demands of a changing world, as well as improving public service delivery.
The ruling party (‫ )حکمران جماعت‬has come to power on the promise of change
— it is only comprehensive, wide-ranging reforms (‫ )اصالحات‬that can ensure
this. Indeed, the committee, which had been assigned (‫ )منسوب کرنا‬the job
almost two years back, could have done much better, given the expectations.

Several studies in the past have pointed to the fact that a dysfunctional and
inefficient bureaucracy (‫ )غیر فعال بیوروکریسی‬is seriously undermining the
nation’s social and economic progress, and increasing public distrust
(‫ )بھروسا نہ کرنا‬of the state’s intentions and ability to serve its citizens. Yet only
limited progress has been made in the last seven decades to reform the
administrative structure inherited (‫ )وارث ہونا‬from the British colonialists
(‫ )استعمار‬in spite of several attempts by successive governments to do so. Past
efforts to remodel the country’s civil service did not make the desired impact
(‫ )مطلوبہ اثر‬because of a lack of knowledge about what needed to be done and
politicisation of the bureaucracy. Besides the bureaucracy is seen as resistant
to any change that would hurt its powers and perks. The lack of political will
to push through civil service reforms is another key reason for the failure of
every attempt to introduce meaningful changes. It would not be incorrect to
say that like past governments the present administration will also continue to
face roadblocks in executing (‫ )پورا کرنا‬its socioeconomic agenda
(‫ )سماجی و معاشی ایجنڈے‬unless it moves beyond cosmetic bureaucratic reforms.

Published in Dawn, January 24th, 2021