P
Philology, Renaissance
Michele Zanobini
Department of Classics and Philosophy, The
Glasgow Academy, Glasgow, UK
Abstract
Philology (from the ancient Greek jίloB
“love” and lógoB “word”) is a branch of liter-
ary criticism that studies languages in written
sources. Classical philology is concerned with
the study of literary texts written in Latin and
ancient Greek and originated in the libraries of
Alexandria in the fourth century BCE. After a
marked blossoming in the first century, this
discipline suffered a slow but unstoppable pro-
cess of decay throughout late antiquity and
Middle Ages. Italian scholars in the late thir-
teenth century resumed this critical approach
and sharpened its tools. By the beginning of the
sixteenth century, they had many emended edi-
tions of ancient texts previously thought to be
lost and helped make them available to
European scholars (see Contini 1977 Pasquali,
Filologia e storia. Firenze: Le Monnier, 1920,
Storia della tradizione e critica del testo.
Firenze: Le Monnier, 1934; Peck, A history of
classical philology from the seventh century
B.C. to the twentieth century A.D. New York:
Macmillan, 1911; Reynolds and Wilson,
Scribes and scholars. A guide to the transmis-
sion of Greek and Latin literature. Oxford:
# Springer International Publishing AG 2018
M. Sgarbi (ed.), Encyclopedia of Renaissance Philosophy,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-02848-4_589-1
Clarendon Press, 1968; Timpanaro, La genesi
del metodo del Lachmann. Firenze: Le
Monnier, 1963; Turner, Philology: The forgot-
ten origins of modern humanities. Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 2014).
Heritage and Rupture with the Tradition
A restricted circle of intellectuals who gathered in
Padua in the second half of the thirteenth century
showed an unprecedented interest in classical
poetry and actively contributed to the rediscovery
of such neglected literary genres as tragedy (see
Billanovich 1953, 1976, 1985, 1990, 2002; Hyde
1966; Novati 1922; Sambin 1952; Weiss 1970;
Witt 2000). Among these prehumanists, the jurist
Lovato Lovati (1241–1309) played the most pre-
eminent role (see Collodo 1985; Polizzi 1985;
Kohl 2006; Weiss 1970; Witt 2000). Lovati’s
poetic talent, best demonstrated in his Epistole
metriche, did not earn him a place among the
Three Crowns nor among the future generations
of humanists. Nevertheless, Lovato’s frequent
quotations of classical texts testify to his familiar-
ity with Horace’s Odes, Statius’ Silvae, Tibullus’s
poems, and Lucretius’s De Rerum Natura
150 years before Poggio Bracciolini claimed the
rediscovery of this text. Another intellectual from
Padua shared with Lovato this same passion for
the Classical world: Geremia da Montagnone
(ca. 1255–1321). Unlike Lovato, Geremia never
composed verses and remained a devoted jurist.
2 Philology, Renaissance
His Compendium Moralium Notabilium, how-
ever, demonstrates a marked familiarity with
Catullus, Martial, and many texts thought to be
lost, including Ovid’s Ibis and Seneca’s tragedies
(see Bologna 1986; Ullman 1973; Marangon
1977). The Compendium, a massive work in
25 books, comprises five sections (De religione,
De iustitia, De prudentia, De temperantia et
voluptatibus, and De solitudine), each of which
includes a vast collection of quotations from not
only biblical and classical texts, but also patristic
and medieval sources, listed in chronological
order. The most remarkable feature of this other-
wise dry list is the distinction Geremia draws
between classical and medieval writers. The
author refers to the former as poetae and the latter
as versilogi. Such a deliberately contrasting clas-
sification shows Geremia’s awareness of a clear
discontinuity between classical antiquity and
Middle Ages, identifying the latter as a period of
political, moral, and artistic decay (see Milan
2000; Weiss 1949, 1966). A more organic study
of Seneca’s tragic production was pursued by the
third representative of the early Paduan Human-
ism. Like his contemporary Geremia, Albertino
Mussato (1262–1329) was also a jurist in Padua.
Mussato’s fame as passionate classicist, however,
has earned him a lasting reputation as a refined
man of letters (see Arnaldi 1980; Billanovich
1976; Bortolami 1985; Di Salvo 2000; Gianola
2004; Hyde 1966; Minoia 1884; Zabbia 2012;
Zardo 1884). The influence of ancient Latin
sources, especially historians, can already be
traced in his early Historiae – patterned upon
Livy and Sallust – but Mussato’s major literary
success was the drama Ecerinis, published in
1315. This tragedy represents the rebirth of a
literary genre absent throughout the Middle
Ages and was largely due to an attentive study
of Seneca’s dramas. Both its metric form and
content are borrowed from the Latin dramatist:
Ecerinis employs an iambic trimeter and warns
against the unfettered authority of monarchs. This
successful play recounts the rise and fall of
Padua’s tyrant, Ezzelino III da Romano, and in
December 1315 its author was crowned as a poet
laureate in an ancient ritual last performed in the
first century AD.
In spite of Italy’s political fragmentation, Pad-
uan humanism spread beyond the city’s territories
to the neighboring towns of Vicenza and Verona,
where the jurist Benvenuto Campesani
(1255–1323) contributed to the rediscovery of
Catullus (see Gloria 1884; Gorni 1974; Sabbadini
1885, 1905; Weiss 1955). In his De Resurrectione
Catulli – three Latin elegiac distichs meant to
prelude to the original Carmina – Campesani
adopts a first-person narration and celebrates
Catullus’ long-awaited return to his homeland.
The capitular library in Verona held a rare, ninth-
century manuscript of the Historia Augusta that
allowed Giovanni de Matociis (+–1337) to com-
pose his Historia Imperialis, a detailed chronicle
of emperors’ lives, from Augustus to Henry VII
(see Adami 1982; Avesani 1976; Zabbia 1999,
2008). Although this ambitious project was left
incomplete upon Giovanni de Matoiciis’ early
death, it is a first foray into applying ancient
historiography to modern politics. Although the
Historia is strongly influenced by Livy, Sallust,
and Nepos, it also draws extensively from such
medieval sources as Paul the Deacon, Isidore of
Seville, Goffrey of Viterbo, and Richard of Poi-
tiers. The result is not a mere chronological list of
events, but an accurate historical account with an
unprecedented interest both in rhetorical elabora-
tion and philologically reliable sources. The only
philological work published during his lifetime,
Bevis Adnotatio De Duobus Pliniis, argues that
the same author did not write both Panegyric and
Naturalis Historia. Giovanni was indeed able to
identify the works of Pliny the Elder and Pliny the
Younger based on the criteria of content, style,
and chronology (see Weiss 1966).
This prehumanistic contribution to the devel-
opment of philology as a literary discipline has
been the object of a thorough and organic aca-
demic study leading to a complete reassessment of
the pioneering role played by the Paduan human-
ists. The teachings of Lovati, Mussato,
Campesani, and De Matociis quickly spread out
throughout the peninsula, but it was in Tuscany
that they found the most fertile soil thanks to
Francesco Petrarca (1304–1374). No fourteenth-
century intellectual was a more imposing and
influencing poet as well as classicist (see
Philology, Renaissance
Billanovich 1947a, b, 1996, 2008; Capelli 2013;
Contini 1970; Dotti 1968, 1987; Rico 2015;
Santagata 2004; Wilkins 1951a, b, 1955, 1959,
1961). Petrarca’s life coincided with the Avignon
Papacy (1309–1377). The French papal court fos-
tered unprecedented cultural exchange between
north and south of Europe and brought together
eminent intellectuals of diverse nationalities,
interests, and backgrounds. In 1329, Petrarca
edited a thirteenth-century manuscript
(Harleianus 2493) integrating the preserved
third decade of Livy’s Historiae with the first
and fourth. His edition of Livy was based upon a
strict collation of manuscripts, and the constant
search for ancient Latin texts resulted in not only
the richest library in West since the fall of Rome,
but also in a more complete record for the study of
Latin historiography. Cicero, in particular,
attracted the attentions of the young Italian
scholar. Petrarca’s corpus and influence spans
many literary genres, from oratory – with the
Pro Archia, discovered in Liege in 1333 – to the
Epistulae ad Atticum – found in the Cathedral
Library of Verona in 1345. Cicero and Seneca’s
served as a literary model for his own Latin clas-
sical style, and he addressed in own letters both to
contemporaries as well as to ancient authors,
whom he presented as rediscovered after the
“Dark Ages.” Petrarca’s library included a rare
copy of Virgil’s Opera omnia (including the
Aeneid, Bucolics, and Georgics) and conducted
an extensive commentary on these texts.
Petrarca’s interest in the Latin poet, as testified
by the Amborosian Virgil, lay not only in the text’s
philological accuracy, but also reflected a new
conception of the manuscript as a precious and
unique piece of art. The Amobrosian’s frontis-
piece, indeed, bears a beautifully painted minia-
ture by Simone Martini. Petrarca’s critical
approach to Latin texts was pursued by Giovanni
Boccaccio (1313–1375) – who strongly pushed
for the hiring of Leontius Pilatus as professor of
Greek language and literature at the Florentine
Studio in 1360 (see Branca 1956; Candido 2014;
Cronin 1967).
Coluccio Salutati (1331–1406), however, was
Petrarca’s greatest philological inheritor (see
Baron 1955, 1988; Garin 1961, 1966, 1993;
3
Stocchi 2014; Tanturli 2010; Ullman 1963). Dur-
ing his time as Chancellor in early fifteenth-
century Florence, Salutati gathered such distin-
guished scholars as Leonardo Bruni, Niccolò
Niccoli, and Poggio Bracciolini to Tuscany (see
Ruini 2007). Salutati was a passionate bibliophile
and a collector of ancient texts; scholars believe
his library included as many as a 100 volumes.
The most noteworthy manuscripts of the collec-
tion were Ambr. R. 26 sup. – the oldest manu-
script of Tibullus’ poems – Vat. Ottob. Lat. 1829 –
Catullus’ poems – and a copy of Cicero’s Ad
familiares. This last manuscript’s discovery in
the Cathedral library of Vercelli was Salutati’s
greatest literary find, and made him the first
European scholar in centuries to possess both
collections of Cicero’s letters (Ad familiares and,
later on, the Epistulae ad Atticum. Salutati’s tran-
scription of these epistolary collections can be
found in the Laur. 49.7 and 49.18. See Fiesoli
2010). Although not himself learned in ancient
Greek, the Chancellor followed up on
Boccaccio’s efforts to attract to Florence the
most eminent Greek scholars of Byzantium (see
Monfasani 2015; Wilson 2016). The hiring of
Manuel Chrysoloras by the Florentine Studio in
1397 was largely due to Salutati’s perseverance.
Through his efforts, many of the second genera-
tion of Florentine humanists received an educa-
tion in Greek (see Gentile 2010; Monfasani 1995).
Among the humanists fostered by Salutati,
Poggio Bracciolini (1380–1459) was the greatest
discoverer of ancient literary texts (see Baron
1966, 1968; Bigi 1971; Garin 1952, 1961; Saitta
1949; Tateo 1967). As a Papal secretary, Poggio
traveled with the Curia to the Council of Con-
stance (1414–1417) and interacted with some of
the most illustrious European scholars of his time.
While the Council was in session, Poggio traveled
throughout Europe, and on a mission to Cluny in
1415, found a manuscript containing five of
Cicero’s orations, two of which – Pro Roscio
and Pro Murena – had long been thought lost.
This manuscript, the Vetus Cluniacensis, is no
longer extant, but was copied by Nicolas de
Clamange (Par. Lat. 14749). In 1416, while in
St. Gall, Switzerland, Poggio discovered a manu-
script containing the first four books of Flaccus’
4 Philology, Renaissance
Argonauts. Although this manuscript is also no
longer extant, its content survives in a copy made
by the humanist himself (Madrid, Bibl.
Nac. 8514). With the help of Bartolomeo da
Montepulciano, Poggio also brought back to
Italy manuscripts with texts of Lucretius, Silius
Italicus, Ammianus Marcellinus, and Statius’
Silvae (Madrid, Bibl. Nac. 3678). While the
ninth-century Carolingian text of Ammianus’
Res Gestae (Vat. Lat. 1873) still remains the sole
existing document bearing this text, the exemplars
of Lucretius and Silius went lost. Poggio’s copy of
Lucretius generated the family of Itali manu-
scripts, and the modern critical edition of Silius’
Punica relies on his copy. Another seven of
Cicero’s orations were found in Cologne and care-
fully transcribed (Vat. Lat. 11458), as well as a
complete copy of Petronius’ Cena Trimalchionis.
The modern stemma codicum of this text relies on
manuscript Par. Lat. 7989, which bears Poggio’s
signature (see Fiesoli 2013; Foffano 1969;
Sabbadini 1905).
By the mid fifteenth-century, the vast majority
of Latin literary texts known today had been
found and transcribed. In 1421, Gerardo
Landriani located and transcribed a collection of
Cicero’s rhetorical works that included De
oratore, Orator, and Brutus in the Cathedral of
Lodi (Vat. Ottob. Lat. 1592). Eight years later, in
1429, Nicholas of Cusa brought an eleventh-
century German manuscript (Vat. Lat. 3870) of
Plautus’ twelve once-list comedies to Rome.
These discoveries coincided with a flourishing
of such literary disciplines as textual criticism and
philology. Two Italian scholars, Lorenzo Valla
(1407–1457) and Angelo Poliziano
(1454–1494), played a central role in the advance-
ment of philological studies. Their success was
the result not only of a rare talent for ancient
languages, but also of a growing number of librar-
ies accessible to men of letters. The libraries
founded by the Medici in Florence, Pope Nicholas
V in Rome, and Alfonso V in Naples offered a
fruitful working environment for scholars. Valla
wrote most of his philological works in the Royal
library of Naples, not the least of which being a
daring criticism of the Donation of Constantine
completed in 1440 (see Antonazzi 1985;
Camporeale 1972; Gaeta 1955; Garin 1986;
Lanfranchi 1999; Regoliosi 2006, 2007). In this
treatise, Valla identified several anachronisms and
contradictions both in the Donation’s form and
content and declared the text’s many barbarisms
incontestable proof that the document was a forg-
ery. This fundamental step in the history of phi-
lology also undermined any attempt on the papal
part to claim political authority. Valla also com-
posed the Elegantiae Linguae Latinae, a hand-
book of Latin language and style demonstrating
an unprecedented study of Latin genres and
authors (see Regoliosi 2000). From 1446 to
1447, he emended books XXI–XXVI of Livy’s
Ab Urbe Condita and employed his critical skills
to rebut many emendations suggested by
Bartolomeo Facio and Antonio Beccadelli.
Angelo Ambrogini (better known by the topo-
nymic Poliziano) was fostered by Florentine
patronage and was both an intimate friend of
Lorenzo il Magnifico and tutor to his son, Piero
(see Bausi 2011; Bigi 1960; Branca 1983; De
Sanctis 1912; Orvieto 2009; Rizzo 2002; Viti
2011a, b). Poliziano’s Miscellanea is a collection
of a hundred essays on different topics. The first
section (Centuria prima) was published in 1489
and shows a level of accuracy in emending man-
uscripts unmatched until Lachmann’s work in the
nineteenth century (see Viti 2012). In Misc.
XVIII, the Italian scholar observes that the manu-
script Laur. 49, 7 containing Cicero’s Epistulae ad
Familiares penned by Salutati in 1392, was a copy
of an existing and more ancient manuscript (Laur.
49, 9). This comment introduced the principle of
eliminatio codicum descriptorum in textual criti-
cism, a methodology that not only employed a
close and analytical reading of the text, but also
a comparative analysis of all of its surviving ver-
sions, both complete and fragmentary. To accu-
rately reconstruct a lost text, a scholar relied on as
many lectiones as possible in order to follow an
objective parameter of analysis (see Perosa 2000;
Viti 1996, 2014). This still embryonic collatio
codicum allowed scholars to identify the origin
of a text as well as the interrelationship of extant
manuscripts (stemma codicum).
The invention of the printing press and the
subsequent spread of literary monumenta allowed
Philology, Renaissance
Poliziano to study, emend, and comment upon a
vaster number of ancient authors, including many
unfamiliar texts, such as Galen’s De
Compositione Medicamentorum (Laur. 75, 17),
Pelagonius’ Ars Veterinaria (Riccard. 1179, a
handwritten copy by Poliziano himself taken
from a now-lost incunabula), and Pliny the Elder’s
Naturalis Historia (1473). Although mainly
known for his Latin and Italian poetical produc-
tion, Poliziano was also a refined Hellenist, and
his detailed knowledge of the vast majority of
Greek texts available at his time allowed him to
use his linguistic skills to cross-analyze manu-
scripts for philological purposes (see Pontani
2002). An emblematic example of this innovative
analytic technique is the employment of
Callimacus to emend a corrupted passage in
Catullus (Misc. 66, 48).
By the later fifteenth century, Greek philology
had become an academic discipline in Italy,
thanks largely to the influence of Cardinal
Basilios Bessarion (1400–1472), whose library
contained more than 500 between Greek manu-
scripts and modern editions personally edited by
the Cardinal himself (see Bianca 1999;
Geanakoplos 1962; Harris 1995; Monfasani
2011). Bessarion had fled Constantinople with as
many Greek texts as he could manage while the
Ottoman Turks were advancing on the city.
Because of its long and strong ties to Byzantine
commerce and politics, the Republic of Venice
was the natural landing place for businessmen,
traders, and scholars, fleeing the Ottomans with
their families and treasures. Bessarion endowed
the Republic with his monumental library, the
seed donation for the future Biblioteca Marciana
(see Labowsky 1979; Zorzi 1987). Bessarion also
conducted a cross-analysis of Latin and Greek
texts, and he both emended and partly rewrote
Wilhelm of Moerbeke’s translation of Aristotle’s
Metaphysics. He also completed the first Latin
translation of St. Basil’s Theophania. In a brief
pamphlet, In Illud Vangelii: Sic Eum Volo Manere,
Bessarion argued about St. Jerome’s Latin trans-
lation of John 21: 22 and after a compared reading
of the texts, pointed out that the Greek conjunc-
tion ἐάn had been erroneously misspelled in sic
instead of si (see Linde 2012; Wilson 2016). Such
5
an unprecedented critical understanding of classi-
cal texts granted Bessarion a high degree of
resentment among his fellow scholars – as in the
case of George of Trebizond – and admiration;
Valla called him inter graecos latinissimus inter
latinos graecissimus (see Monfasani 2012;
Wilson 2016). Bessarion’s In Illud not only con-
tributed to the development of linguistic philology
in the Renaissance, it also showed that a scholar
had the authority to apply linguistic criteria even
to texts considered untouchable such as the Holy
Scriptures.
Cardinal Bessarion’s pamphlet, In Illud, paved
the way for Desiderius Erasmus’ (ca. 1469–1536)
critical edition of the New Testament based on the
original Greek text (see Bietenholz 2009; Christ-
von Wedel 2013; Huizinga 1984). Erasmus’
intention to philologically approach religious
texts had become clear as soon as 1505, when he
edited Valla’s Adnotationes in Novum
Testamentum. His need, as a Christian believer,
to retrieve the original teaching of Christ laid at
the bottom of his project to publish the Greek
critical edition of the New Testament based on
criteria of outmost philological rigor (see
McDonald 2016). Novum Instrumentum Omne
was first published by Johann Froben in Basel in
1516 and enjoyed a vast success. There were four
subsequent editions in 20 years (1519, 1522,
1527, 1536), and Erasmus’ work served as a
model for both Luther’s German (1519) and
Tyndale’s English (1522) translations. This
groundbreaking face-page, critical edition and
Erasmus’ methodology were both harshly criti-
cized. The Dutch scholar had indeed based his
analysis on only a few manuscripts: three versions
of the Gospels and Acts, four versions of the
Pauline epistles, and one manuscript of the Book
of Revelation (see Olin 1979; Rummel 1986;
Visser 2011). Yet, Erasmus’ work brought Valla
and Bessarion’s efforts to their logical conclusion
by applying the tools of critical textual analysis to
sacred as well as secular texts. The figures of the
Protestant Reformation applied these philological
lessons to their arguments against Papal hierarchy,
and the Catholic Church eventually responded in
kind. Agostino Steuco’s (1497–1548) Contra
Laurentium Vallam, De Falsa Donatione
6 Philology, Renaissance
Constantini Libri Duo, published in 1547, rebut-
ted Valla’s claims with his own discovery of
Greek antecedents and provided the first draft of
a stemma codicum of the Donation (see Graziosi
1974; Delph 1992, 1994, 2008). Steuco’s Contra
Vallam inherited Poliziano’s teaching and applied
his collatio codicum to question the validity of
Valla’s approach and support Papal secular
authority (see Delph 1996).
Cross-References
▶ Bessarion, Cardinal
▶ Boccaccio, Giovanni
▶ Bruni, Leonardo
▶ Chrysoloras, Manuel
▶ Erasmus, Desiderius
▶ Niccoli, Niccolò
▶ Nicholas of Cusa
▶ Petrarca, Francesco
▶ Poliziano, Angelo
▶ Salutati, Coluccio
▶ Steuco, Agostino
▶ Valla, Lorenzo
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