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BY REBECCA A. BALTZER
* A more visually oriented version of this paper was presented at the 36th Annual
Meeting of the American Musicological Society in Toronto, November 7, 1970. I
wish to thank the Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenziana for allowing me to examine MS
Pluteus 29, I and for the color slides made by Dr. G. B. Pineider of Florence, from
which the illustrations accompanying this article were made.
1 Friedrich Ludwig, Repertorium organorum recentioris et motetorum vetustissimi
still, I, I (Halle, 191o), 57, where his catalogue raisonni of the MS begins. The
standard manuscript sigla to be followed here are: F = Florence, Biblioteca Mediceo-
Laurenziana, Pluteus 29, i; facsimile by Luther Dittmer, 2 vols. (Brooklyn, 1966-67).
Wi = 'Wolfenbiittel, Herzog-August Bibliothek 677 (olim Helmstedt 628); facsimile
by J. H. Baxter, An Old St. Andrews Music Book (London, I93'). W2 = Wolfen-
biittel, Herzog-August Bibliothek 20o6 (olim Helmstedt io99); facsimile by Luther
Dittmer (Brooklyn, i960). In the Florence facsimile, the lack of sharp focus un-
fortunately obliterates the detail in the illuminations.
2 The portion of Delisle's presidential address dealing with this manuscript is in
the Annuaire-Bulletin de la Societe de l'Histoire de France, XXII (I885), o10-I39-
3 Ibid., p. 102. Delisle may have been somewhat prompted by Angelo Maria
Bandini's assignment of the MS to the i4th century in his Catalogus codicum latin-
orum bibliothecae Mediceae Laurentianae (Florence, 1761-78), Vol. II, cols. I-4.
In its present state F numbers 476 parchment folios plus the opening
unnumbered leaf, measuring 232 x 157 mm. The eleven fascicles com-
prise a total of twenty-seven extant gatherings, with at least four and pos-
4 Delisle did ascertain that the latest "occasional" text in the MS refers to events
of 1236: the monophonic conductus Aurelianis civitas on fols. 439V-4o deals with the
massacre of some students at Orleans. It reflects a Parisian point of view, voicing
relief that such atrocities do not happen in Paris. See Delisle, op. cit., p. 136.
5 Friedrich Ludwig, "Ober den Entstehungsort der grossen 'Notre Dame-Hand-
schriften,'" in Studien zur Musikgeschichte: Festschrift fiir Guido Adler zum 75.
Geburtstag (Vienna, 1930), p. 46. See also Vitzthum's still useful Die Pariser Mini-
aturmalerei von der Zeit des heiligen Ludwig bis zu Philipp von Valois und ihr
Verh'ltnis zur Malerei in Nordwesteuropa (Leipzig, 1907).
6Willi Apel, The Notation of Polyphonic Music 9oo-z6oo (Cambridge, Mass.,
1942), p. zoo. Also in subsequent eds.
7Jacques Handschin, "The Summer Canon and Its Background," Musica disci-
plina, III (1949), 73.
8 Musica disciplina, V (i951), I 13, fn. 2.
9 In the I3th-century foliation (which goes through fol. 355), fols. 48-64, 94, x
200, and 255-56 are missing, and gaps of unknown length occur after fols. 398
414, since they were not numbered before the loss. Hence a gathering is missing f
both fascicles 2 and 5, and at least one from both fascicles 8 and 9 (see Ludw
Repertorium, pp. 59ff.). The Laurenziana has added a new consecutive foliat
beginning with the frontispiece and running to fol. 441' (= 476') in the lower rig
corner of each recto leaf, a fact not mentioned by Dittmer, though the numberi
is visible in the facsimile on plates that do not trim the margins (for example, f
381, renumbered 346). However, in view of the fact that the old foliation is
fectly legible, gives clear indication where material is missing, and is universa
used in all literature on the MS as well as in the facsimile, I urge that this renum
ing be left to the Laurenziana's internal purposes and not adopted in the schola
literature. The two foliations of WI have caused difficulties enough.
10 Discussed in Book I, Chapter 2 of Boethius' De institutione musica, ed.
Friedlein (Leipzig, 1867), and translated in Oliver Strunk's Source Readings i
Music History (New York, 1950), pp. 79ff. A color reproduction of this miniat
in F occurs as Tafel I in Heinrich Besseler's Die Musik des Mittelalters und der
Renaissance (Potsdam, 1931).
11 As titled by Anonymous IV; see E. de Coussemaker, Scriptorum de musi
medii aevi (Paris, 1864-67), I, 342a, and Fritz Reckow, Der Musiktraktat
Anonymus 4 (Wiesbaden, 1967), Part I, p. 46.
Figure I. Musica humana and musica in- Figure 2. Sleeping Jesse and King David.
strumentalis. F, verso of opening folio.F, fol. 65 (fascicle 3).
filli i
oil
torn::
The clausula collections in fascicle 5 (fol. I47) open with sections for
the Christmas Responsories ludea et Iherusalem and (at the bottom) Des-
cendit de celis. The clerics looking up at four heavenly creatures in the
initial "E" may, on the most direct level, simply illustrate the visible words
"Et Iherusalem super vos," the angels representing the heavenly Jerusalem.
However, the scene better depicts the text of the whole responsory, es-
pecially its verse:
ludea et Iherusalem nolite timere: Cras egredienmini et dominus erit vobis-
cum.
:i! ii~~i:! :i!iiii? i~ ~ i ::: :i-:. ii i:ii; i:-:-~ii-:--:ii: iii i:::i:: :: iil i
iiI ii i
i;i,I!I :-i iii9 ii::~i~
? wl ......
iiii~iii~ i~iiiiiiiii
iii;!i~iii
ee x.[. .
-Al
:::- i-ii :? iiAbi. AOL~i
.. ....
Figure 4. The Se
15 The group of forty-three pieces that begins with Artium dignitas is remarkable
in that the first thirteen works (plus one later piece) all occur together in the
MS Oxford, Bodleian Rawlinson C 510o (texts only), adding support to the idea
that each initial in fascicle 7 starts a separate collection. On the Oxford MS see
Eduard Gr6ninger, Repertoire-Untersuchungen zum mehrstimmnigen Notre Dame-
Conductus, Kolner Beitrige zur Musikforschung, Vol. II (Regensburg, 1939), pp-
i26ff., and 25ff.
16 Since there is no evident connection between the motet text (or its tenor
Tamquam, from a Christmas Responsory) and the illustration, it could be that
the Easter initial earlier on fol. 299, the second initial in fascicle 7, prompted a
return to the Christological sequence here (after two interruptions), when nothing
else suggested itself.
The initial shows him doing exactly that, plowing a field while su
vised by a lady (Fig. 6). I shall return to the significance of the la
gray bird with spreading wings perched above them.
The eleventh and last fascicle, beginning on folio 463, contains m
phonic Latin rondellus compositions. The "D" initial of the text De
principio shows a group of five dancing clerics similar to those repr
ing musica humana on the opening folio.17
The I3th century saw a tremendous increase in book production
the Paris region, partly because of the growing demands of the U
sity and partly because of the needs of the royal court. The deman
so great that after about the first third of the century, the copyi
decorating of books seem to have been largely in the hands of lay p
sionals rather than monks or other clergy. Parisian tax rolls provid
dence of this trend as early as i239, for they begin to list lay illum
who had workshops on the Left Bank in the University area.18
The lay illuminator, whether head of his own atelier or a memb
someone else's, apparently had a rather standard repertory of sub
particularly when illustrating liturgical books. When he was called
to illuminate something out of the ordinary, we may presume th
artist first checked his repertory to see if anything "traditional" w
serve.'i Whenever possible, the illuminator of F seems to have fol
this procedure of borrowing traditional scenes to illustrate the te
hand, especially a liturgical text. That his choice was sometimes n
tirely appropriate is shown in the case of the conductus Austro ter
fluente (fol. 299). The two Easter scenes in this initial have been u
illustrate a poem actually related to the Christmas season, since it
subject is the Incarnation. Only the first strophe of three is visible
recto side of the folio; had the artist continued reading on the vers
he would have found the idea of rebirth related specifically to the
ity, in the sense of the New Birth of Christ rescuing men from old
and old law.20
17 These pieces and the subject of the initial are discussed in Yvonne Rokseth,
"Danses clericales du XIIIe siecle," M6langes z945 des Publications de la Faculte
des lettres de Strasbourg (Paris, '947), pp. io4-6. A good, full-page enlargement of
this initial is included in Jacques Chailley's "La danse religieuse au moyen age,"
Arts liberaux et philosophie au moyen age: Actes du quatrieme congres international
de philosophie mddie'vale (Montreal and Paris, 1969), p. 378.
18 Robert Branner, "Manuscript Makers in Mid-Thirteenth Century Paris," Art
Bulletin, XLVIII (1966), 65-67.
19 The only three historiated initials in W2 are all examples of this approach;
the clerics singing before an open book on fols. 31, 92, and 145 form the standard
13th-century Psalter illustration for Psalm 97 (Cantate domino canticum novum).
The same idea is borrowed for the first initial in the Montpellier MS (Facult? de
medecine, H 196) as well as the initial beginning fascicle 8; see Vol. I, fols. I and
350 of the edition by Yvonne Rokseth, Polyphonies du XIIIe siecle (Paris, 1935-39).
For numerous examples in psalters, see Giinther Haseloff, Die Psalterillustration im
z3. Jahrhundert (n.p., 1938).
20 However, the fact that so many of the fascicles begin with pieces related
? t
atit
77 !.. 4...
i~, ?4i,??: f . ..~'?.....
- !
Figure 5. Initial for Mens fidem seminat / In odorem. F, fol. 399 (fascicle 9).
MWa
. .C . .. . .... .
i?,A Ai ii:?
.. ............. . ,?.?,.......i iiii~ ~m .!.,ii.?, ...j.....
*At
Figure 6. Initial for Homo natus ad laborem. F, foL 415 (fascicle io).
to the Christmas season may have led the artist to undertake an abbrev
interrupted) cycle of the life of Christ, since he could not well keep
the Nativity scene.
21 Vol. XXI, p. 197.
22 Though it is not listed in the index, the text of the F version of Ho
is also edited in Vol. XXI of Analecta hymnica on p. 115, for which in
I must thank Harriet Franklin of Brown University. Ludwig (Repertori
was of the opinion that the Egerton version might be an imitation of
widely copied text set in F, which makes it all the more interesting that
apparently illustrated the wrong poem. A variant version of the text i
from the 13th-century Darmstadt MS 2777, where it follows the rubri
dicta cancellarii Parisiensis," is given by F. W. E. Roth in Romanische Fors
VI (1891), 444-
23For an excellent discussion of this concept, see David S. Cham
"Philosophy of Music in the Consolatio of Boethius," Speculum, XLV (19
24Eric G. Millar, The Parisian Miniaturist Honors (New York, 1959), p
The eight color plates in Millar's book are useful for the ensuing discu
and, as a rule, will not be cited further.
25 The initial in F which comes closest to this procedure is that for Artiu
dignitas on fol. 349, the whole of which is not shown in Fig. 4; the tail of th
"A" not only covers the length of the left margin but also extends a cross-pie
along the entire bottom margin. Two similar ones (without the cross-piece) i
which the protrusion becomes a feathered body and ends in an animal head (se
Fig. 4) are those on fols. 299 and 381. A somewhat different type of long ste
makes up the tail of the "F" on fol. 263.
26 Paris, B. N. lat. 1075. See Table 12, item 2, in Haseloff, Die Psalterillustration
pp. I14-I5, and the initials illustrated in Tafel i6.
27 B. N. lat. 17326. Part of fol. 99 is reproduced in Jean Porcher, Medieval
French Miniatures (New York, 1959), P. 48. See also Robert Branner, "Tw
Parisian Capella Books in Bari," Gesta, VIII (1969), p. 18, where an initial from
fol. 13 is reproduced.
28 Other examples contemporary with Honore can be seen in fascicle 7 (fols.
270-349v) of the Montpellier MS (see fn. 19 above). Rokseth (Vol. IV, p. 3
assigned the copying of this fascicle to the end of the i3th century.
29Now divided between Oxford, Bodleian MS Bodley 27ob; Paris, B. N. lat.
II560; and British Museum, Harley 1526-27. Facsimile in A. de Laborde, La Bib
moralise'e illustreie, 5 vols. (Paris, 1911-27).
30 Paris, B. N. nouv. acq. fr. o098, fol. 58, a seated Madonna and Child. The
thirty miniatures are published by Henri Omont in Vie et Histoire de Saint Den
(Paris, 1905). While the illuminations in this MS are not of the first rank, the fact
that it is precisely dated 1250 (from an inscription in the MS itself) is importan
for this study. See L6opold Delisle, "Notice sur un livre a peintures, execute e
1250 dans l'abbaye de Saint-Denis," Bibliothbque de l'Ecole des Chartes, XXXVI
(1877), 444-76.
31 See Honore's copy of the Sonrme le Roy (London, Collection of Dr. E. G.
Millar), fol. 97v, reproduced as Plate 6 in Millar's The Parisian Miniaturist Honor
The well-known frontispiece to the Breviary of Philip the Fair (B. N. lat. 102
fol. 7') exhibits the same feature; see Millar's Plate 2.
36 This is especially clear in the upper half of fol. 5o, the baptism of Clovis;
Plate 22 in the Omont edition cited in fn. 30. The hair style is quite close t
on the first folio of the Florence MS.
37The Muldenstil persists in "peripheral" manuscripts after mid-century
they have other qualities that distinguish them as non-Parisian works.
it bears none of the signs of well-thumbed use. That it was never intended
to be a performing copy is clearly revealed in the motet fascicles, where
the upper voice-parts often begin on the recto side of a folio, but the
complete tenor appears only on the verso side, making performance im-
practical if not impossible. There are also occasional copyist's mistakes of
the sort that would have been quickly noticed and corrected by per-
formers."
The book-collecting zeal of Cosimo de' Medici and his sons Piero
Giovanni is well known; so avid were Piero and his brother during
decade from 1450 to 1460 that they had a genuine competition t
which could assemble the better library.44 Not only family member
friends but also employees of the Medici Bank throughout Europe a
as book agents. Though little of this type of material has been publi
it is possible that a careful search of the records and accounts in the Med
Archives would produce information on the acquisition of specific b
and manuscripts-such as whether our manuscript was bought in
North, and from whom, or had already found its way to Italy. Any
information, besides narrowing that 2oo-year gap, could help eithe
confirm or to alter our current beliefs concerning the social and perf
ing situation of this highly specialized repertory.
From a strictly musical point of view, a mid- 13th-century date for th
Florence manuscript suggests that the notational clarifications of m
rhythm-the ideas concerning propriety and perfection of ligatures
vocated by John of Garland and others45--had as yet made little imp
The first preserved version of John's treatise on polyphony46 may
been written as early as ca. 1240; it is possible, of course, that the sou
from which F was copied were older than that. But the new ideas d
make a definite impact on the modal notation of W2, which in sine li
discant often contains specifically Garlandian clarifications of mod
ambiguous spots; from the style of its initials, I would date this M
more than fifteen to twenty years after F. Thus if one accepts the d
of mid-century for F and between about I260 and I275 for W2, we
thereby an indication of when the notational refinements advocate
the theorists begin to appear with some regularity in the musical sources
In conclusion, F must still be regarded as the central source of No
Dame music, one that was produced in Paris during the reign
Philip the Fair, but of his grandfather St. Louis; one that is not sep
from its repertory by a puzzling chronological gulf, but one which
ing at the end of the so-called third Notre Dame generation of
posers,48 forms a fitting capstone to the accomplishments of a who
sical epoch. And such a conclusion has its own kind of propriety an
fection, too.49
48The generation after Perotin's, active ca. 1220-ca. 1250. See Ernest San
"Duple Rhythm and Alternate Third Mode in the I3th Century," this JOU
XV (1962), 285, fn. 168.
49Simultaneously but independently, Professor Robert Branner of Col
University has recently been engaged upon a study of the Parisian atelier
illuminated the Florence MS. I am indebted to him for some valuable sugg
concerning details of this article and also for allowing me to read his forth
paper, "The Johannes Grusch Atelier and the Continental Origins of the W
of Devon Painter," to appear in the Art Bulletin for March, 1972. Professor B
provides a working list of more than twenty MSS, including F, attributable
Grusch atelier, which was active between ca. 1235 and ca. 1270. I am hap
report that we arrived at substantially the same conclusion about the date of