Professional Documents
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Dawn + 04 July, 2020 by M.usman and Rabia Kalhoro
Dawn + 04 July, 2020 by M.usman and Rabia Kalhoro
Dawn + 04 July, 2020 by M.usman and Rabia Kalhoro
COLOUR Psychology
#Competitive Exams
#Essay Writing
#Current Affairs
#Historical episodes
#Pakistan Affairs
# General Knowledge
# Global Issues
# Geopolitics
# International Relations
# Foreign Policy
Quick Notes:
What is National Savings Scheme?
The organization offers several savings and investment products; including prize
bonds, saving certificates, and saving accounts. Most products are available to
resident and non-resident Pakistanis, however, some products have restricted access
and require specified criteria to be met before they are offered.[9] These restricted
access products are italicized in the following products list:
▪ Prize Bonds
▪ Premium Prize Bonds
▪ Regular Income Certificates
▪ Behbood Savings Certificates
▪ Defence Savings Certificates
▪ Special Savings Certificates
▪ Short Term Savings Certificates
▪ Pensioners Benefit Account
▪ Shuhadas Family Welfare Account
▪ Special Savings Account
▪ Savings Account
Under these regional directorates, there are 376 branches of National Savings Centers
across the country.
Detailed Analysis:
The arguments made over the years by the mutual funds are specious at best.
▪ For example, they argue that the participation of pension and provident funds
in NSS products has a disruptive effect on the financial markets of the country.
In order to for this argument to hold any merit, it will first need to be
established that the returns enjoyed by investors in NSS products diverge
significantly from the returns offered on government securities, whether
treasury bills or Pakistan Investment Bonds.
▪ If there is significant variation in the yield (supply) curves of these instruments
then an argument for ‘disruptive impact’ can potentially be made. At the
moment, however, returns on NSS instruments closely track the returns on
government securities. Mutual funds have also complained about the
redemption (pay off) feature in NSS instruments, describing it as a ‘free
lunch’, but this feature is necessary in a country where funded pension schemes
are rare and people have few options to build up long-term savings.
Conclusion:
The sad fact here is that those who have lobbied to close the door on NSS products
for pension and provident fund managers are actually the ones in search of a ‘free
lunch’. Instead of improving the quality of the product offerings or sharing the
returns they make by investing other people’s money, they are trying to grow the size
of their market by shutting down other people’s access. The reality is that retirement
funds are solidly risk averse (oppose), and if shut out of NSS, are more likely to
expand their participation in auctions (public sale) of government securities rather
than play into the hands of the sharks (exploiting person) that rule the private and
for-profit financial markets of this country. The government has allowed itself to be
played by vested interests in making this decision, to the detriment (damage) of
salaried and retired individuals. The decision should be reversed.
A CHALLENGE to the concept of merit has fortunately been beaten back (moved
back).
▪ The Federal Services Tribunal has dismissed an appeal against the combined
seniority list of male and female sub-inspectors of the Federal Investigation
Agency.
▪ The appellant (one who makes appeal), a sub-inspector at FIA-investigation,
had asked that the organisation issue segregated (separated based on race)
lists for sub-inspectors (investigation) and female SIs/ASIs (immigration) as
being separate wings.
▪ Included among the respondents were the interior secretary, the DG FIA
and 74 women FIA officials.
The government since 2003 has issued combined seniority lists for FIA sub-
inspectors belonging to the same group, on which their promotions are based.
However in 2008, segregated lists were issued, based on a sexist presumption that
women sub-inspectors were only fit to work in immigration — in other words, at a
desk job. According to this mindset, men alone have the skills and mental capacity to
undertake criminal investigations. The segregated lists deprived the female sub-
inspectors of their upcoming promotions, and allowed newly inducted male sub-
inspectors to be promoted earlier than their female counterparts.
▪ Naturally, this caused much heartburn and resentment among the women FIA
sub-inspectors. They challenged the segregated lists, and finally managed to
prevail. Indeed, they had a strong case, given it was based on their
constitutional right to be treated equally under the law, and not be
discriminated against on account of their gender. As in much of the world,
women in Pakistan too have had to fight for equal opportunities. Even while
things are changing, especially in the urban centres, the patriarchal mindset is
alive and well. It surfaces frequently to ‘claim’ a self-arrogated right to the
choicest pickings in terms of employment or to sideline women from
decision-making processes.
THE national tally (recorded) of polio cases so far this year has already crossed 50.
Cases like these from various parts of Pakistan are viewed with disbelief by a world
which is at a loss to understand the thinking that leads to opposition to immunisation
against polio. As yet, however, there are no workable solutions in sight. What has
happened in recent times, on the other hand, is that the Covid-19 pandemic has
provided the authorities here with another excuse to cover their inefficiency.
▪ Pakistan has told the Independent Monitoring Board for polio eradication
that the pandemic is the reason for the surge in polio cases here as it has
“hampered routine immunisation and campaigns”. The IMB was briefed on
various aspects of the anti-polio campaign in the country, a huge task that has
engaged the best minds for years.
▪ But Pakistan did feel the need to reassure the global monitors that nothing
about the national polio immunisation programme would be concealed from
them.
▪ Even before the pandemic struck, there were strong signs that 2020 was going
to be a bad polio year for Pakistan.
▪ The novel coronavirus poses a huge danger and is a test of our resources — in
terms of both finances and thinking out of the box.
▪ A viable (feasible) strategy is needed to address other health issues too during
the present crisis — such as building tighter networks with the help of our
doctors practising at the grassroots.
Recommendations:
The government has told the public that Covid-19 is a reality that we must all learn to
live with. We cannot forever go on blaming our failures and below-par(less than)
performances on a single emergency. There are other battles in the health sector and
these must not be neglected.
The writer is former IG Police and author of The Faltering State and Inconvenient
Truths.
Barely seven months after Independence, Bengali leader Suhrawardy warned that
the new state might destroy itself by adopting a version of Islam that is not based “on
toleration, equality, brotherhood” and by “establishing in effect a communal state
within…” In such a state, he said, “there will be no commerce, no business and no
trade. There will be lawlessness”. His words proved correct, leading to the
break-up of the country.
The Pakistan that we need must be more egalitarian and less authoritarian.
After Jinnah, the mullah, initially opposed to the creation of Pakistan, tried to
hijack the political narrative of our creation through the Objectives Resolution
of 1949. According to human rights activist I.A. Rehman, many people thought the
religious and political definition of the two-nation theory to be the same. In fact, the
political definition was used first and later clerics used its religious definition to
impose their version of faith.
Historian Dr Ishtiaq Ahmed rightly said that people, and not the state, had a religion
because if the state adopted one it became partisan. He lamented (regretted) that
religiosity often took precedence over democracy in Pakistan. After the country
became an Islamic republic in 1973 and the Objectives Resolution was included as a
substantive part of the Constitution, clerics started asserting themselves to make the
polity conform fully to their interpretations of religion. So, the first issue we must
grapple (grip and hold ) with is the role of the state as an enforcer or enabler of
faith.
Event which led to the switch of civilian government over military rule : Ayub
Khan in power
Jinnah was a firm believer in civilian supremacy over military matters. The first
senior army officer against whom he ordered a probe (investigation) as governor
general was none other than Brig Ayub Khan who was in charge of repatriation and
settlement of refugees from eastern Punjab. The mismanagement of refugee
settlement led to an inquiry against Ayub who was sent to East Pakistan. Before
leaving, he wrote to his friend Sher Ali, later major general, to put in a word with
army chief Gen Messervy. According to Maj Gen Sher Ali, the army chief, after
listening to him, said that Ayub was more of a politician than a soldier. Interestingly,
the inquiry officer was Musa Khan, later appointed army chief by Ayub Khan. After
the death in an air crash of a general tipped as the next chief, Ayub Khan became the
first native army chief.
Ayub, violating the Constitution of 1956, became a party to the imposition of the
first martial law in 1958, presiding over the destiny of a nation that the founding
father had conceived of as a democratic, pluralist polity(an advocate of a system in
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which two or more states, groups, principles, sources of authority, etc., coexist.) .
The next chief Gen Yahya presided over the breakup of Jinnah’s Pakistan. During
the 1980s, army chief Gen Zia injected fundamentalism (strict adherence to a
system of beliefs) into the army. Then it was Gen Musharraf’s turn to dupe the
nation on the slogan of ‘enlightened moderation’ while retaining the distinction
between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ Taliban. It is hoped that his conviction
(acknowledgement) will deter any future martial law. However, more important is a
change of mindset; every soldier must adhere to the oath administered on joining a
noble profession that entails (demand) the supreme sacrifice of life in defence of the
motherland.
But civilian supremacy over military matters will remain elusive unless the political
leadership provides good governance and upholds the rule of law.
Jinnah in his Aug 11 address warned against the curse of corruption and nepotism.
He stressed the role of the state in maintaining law and order. Recently, our aviation
minister reported that a third of the national carrier’s pilots had fake
qualifications and some had cleared their exams through proxies. This scam is
just the tip of iceberg in an ocean of corrupt practices in every sphere. Accoun-
tability, with no exceptions, is what we need.
Rule of law and maintenance of order require fearless judges with integrity. Our
criminal justice system is broken. There is no political will to reform the police. The
latest Police Reforms Committee report prepared in January 2019 is gathering dust.
Police in Pakistan must be depoliticised through democratic institutional
oversight. For both internal and external accountability of police, independent police
complaints authorities should be established in Islamabad and the provincial capitals.
Operational and administrative autonomy of police command must be ensured.
Functional specialisation in investigation and CT branches will enhance
professionalism. The role of police as service provider and an institution that
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protects citizens must be consciously pursued to change the present
militarisation of internal security.
Way forward
It is hoped the virus will not prove fatal to our parliamentary democracy as during the
pandemic, the politics of crisis can lead to far greater authoritarian tendencies by a
state facing the test of public dissatisfaction. Pakistan needs to be a progressive,
peaceful and prosperous nation.
The writer is former IG Police and author of The Faltering State and Inconvenient
Truths.
What lies ahead in future amid the escalating hostility : China VS India
THE recent skirmish between India and China has been reported with different
underlying assumptions and implications in the press across the globe. While
mainstream opinion makers are keeping a cautious eye on the conflict, a limited
number of hawks in the local media have exaggerated this conflict to epic
proportions, terming it as perhaps the emergence of Chinese dominance and
supremacy over the region. To be specific, it is being portrayed as a swift, glaring
victory of China over a largely subdued Indian army.
While a lot of intellects are euphoric over this recent Chinese victory over India, the
truth of the matter is that, as a result of this conflict, Prime Minister Modi has laid a
trap for the emergence of India as a new global power.
Bilateral investment and mutual interest of India and China strengthened their
backbone of the economy
Comprising almost one-third of the world’s population, both China and India are
competing for global respect. Over the last few decades, with an immense amount of
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investment in education of their masses, developing emerging markets, and global
branding of their nations, both have finally developed a stable middle class — the
backbone of the global financial system that primarily acts as a catalyst for the global
economy.
• While this competition is intense in its search for new markets and raw
materials, a few areas such as global warming and the World Trade
Organisation show an unprecedented cooperation and union between the two
countries, to the point where the West (the US in particular) seems to be the
common enemy.
• Staunch (strong) , organised objections and reservations to WTO and
Kyoto/Paris accords are a few trademarks of the Sino-Indian friendship.
• Trade between the two is estimated to be at a historic high of $84 billion.
• Both countries, more so than the West, have a monopoly over commodity
markets (ranging from oil and gas to lentils and canola oil) across the globe.
• As a matter of fact, to avoid bidding in search of new assets, the National Oil
Company of India has forged an informal consultation alliance with the
Chinese Petroleum Company.
• With similar rich histories, traditions, and multiculturalism of over 3,000 years,
both countries thus face similar challenges as well.
• Both countries have difficulty in the UN when it comes to their unimpressive
record on human rights.
The above points noting the similarities between the two nations lead to an important
question: What was going through Modi’s mind when he decided to take on China?
The Indian prime minister has based his limited but high-profile conflict strategy on
the assumption that under current circumstances,
China will not escalate any conflict in the region due to the following:
(a) It would raise uncertainty in the already in turmoil capital markets of mainland
China, which may impact the much needed liquidity that the regime requires to come
out of this economic crisis.
(b) The Chinese regime currently faces perhaps its biggest challenges in the last 50
years, which include
▪ accusations put forward by several countries, including the US, Australia and
France of a Covid-19 cover-up,
▪ the future of Hong Kong protests and its amalgamation in mainland China, and
▪ the future of Chinese firms after the international blockade of Huawei. The
downfall of Huawei, while orchestrated by the US, is an absolute delight for
the European, South Korean and Japanese tech sectors, as it brings a long-
sought fair and competitive balance to the global tech market.
With these limitations to a Chinese response, Modi has finally set the stage to
preserve his legacy as the man who will bring about India’s emergence as an
international giant. The climax of this conflict would result in a sombre (dark) and
permanent solution, which would demonstrate to the world that India could not only
stand against a global giant but also resolve complex democratic conflicts in a
reasonable manner.
▪ Firstly, there’s Vietnam and Cambodia, which are some of the fastest-growing
economies in the world and in need of a reliable defence partner against China,
making India a likely future ally.
▪ The recent rift between the US and South Korea over the purchase of an $8bn
defence system, coupled with the constant manoeuvring of US/North Korea
relationship, South Korea, along with Japan, is looking for a fellow Asian
power to confront China.
▪ The grand prize that Modi wants to deliver to his nation is a permanent
member, non-veto seat in the UN Security Council, something which his arch
rival Pandit Nehru could only dream of, which would be a delight for its
newfound allies, including Israel.
The trap has been set by the Indian prime minister, and it is now time to observe the
Chinese response, which is generally long term and routed through its allies.
The corona crisis has laid bare the fissures in the global order. This article
examines the four issues that are principal global challenges. Pandemic has
accentuated these challenges.
1) Geopolitical tensions
2) Climate crisis.
3) Global mistrust.
Geopolitical tensions
▪ Trust amongst states has plummeted to its worst since World War II.
▪ When faced with corona crisis shortages, almost all EU states
responded at the national level.
▪ Globally, at one time, more than 70 per cent of the world's ports of
entry air, sea and land restricted travel.
▪ According to a Global Trade Alert study, nearly 90 governments
blocked the export of medical supplies while 29 restricted food exports.
▪
Efficiency to self-sufficiency
Conclusion
If Pakistan wants to be "rule shapers" rather than being "rule takers", then we
need to start working in partnership at blueprints for change. It is never too
early to plan for the future.
Why in News
Recently, the third round of Corps Commander-level talks was held
between India and China. This Opinion is published in the Hindu
Newspaper.
▪ India’s Response:
o Military:
• India has moved in additional divisions, tanks and artillery across the LAC
to match Chinese deployments.
• Further, India has approved the purchase of 33 Russian fighter jets and
upgrades to 59 war planes at a cost of Rs. 18,148 crore.
Territorial Explanation:
Line of Actual Control
▪ Demarcation Line: The Line of Actual Control (LAC) is the demarcation that
separates Indian-controlled territory from Chinese-controlled territory.
▪ LAC is different from the Line of Control (LoC) with Pakistan:
o It is divided into three sectors: the eastern sector which spans Arunachal
Pradesh and Sikkim (1346 km), the middle sector in Uttarakhand and
Himachal Pradesh (545 km), and the western sector in Ladakh (1597 km).
o India's claim line is different from that of the LAC. It is the line seen in the
official boundary marked on the maps as released by the Survey of India,
including Aksai Chin (occupied by China).
o In China’s case, LAC corresponds mostly to its claim line, but in the eastern
sector, it claims the entire Arunachal Pradesh as South Tibet.
o India claims that the LAC is coterminous with Finger 8 but it physically
controls area only upto Finger 4.
o Chinese border posts are at Finger 8, while it believes that the LAC passes
through Finger 2.
THERE are two lessons from the tragic PIA crash in Karachi, and if we don’t learn
from them, the almost 100 victims would have died in vain.
Firstly — and more easily fixable — is the business about pilots flying on fake
licences. There is nothing to suggest that the captain of the ill-fated PIA flight was
one of them, but his mishandling of the aircraft is an indicator of the culture of
incompetence that rules our skies.
When an Airblue plane crashed a few miles from Islamabad a decade ago, killing all
on board, the inquiry report shone a laser on the relationship between the captain and
his first officer. Although the latter informed the captain that their approach was too
low, and they should pull up, he was ignored because to have agreed would have
indicated that his junior knew more than the captain did.
Then there was the near-tragedy at Islamabad airport some 30 years ago when the
PIA Jumbo scraped home on its belly. Initially, the pilot was praised for executing a
masterful belly landing, saving many lives. It then emerged that he had switched off
the sensor that warns pilots they were too close to land without lowering the
undercarriage.
I’m sure there are many other examples of why PIA is considered such a dangerous
airline to fly on. The powerful pilots union (Palpa) prevents any meaningful
punishment for blatantly dangerous manoeuvres.
But fake licences should not surprise us: remember the recent Axact scandal where
millions of dollars were coined by the Karachi-based firm selling fake degrees around
the world? After a flurry of arrests and court cases, the whole affair seems to have
been forgotten.
Perhaps even a dysfunctional country like Pakistan can fix the problem of fake
licences. But if this happens, it’ll be due more to foreign pressure and our image
abroad than any concern for the lives of Pakistani passengers.
However, it is the second problem that is far more pervasive and deeply entrenched.
As the Airblue report highlighted, the rigid hierarchy, even on a three-man flight
deck, was such that the first officer could not do more to convince his captain of his
Now multiply this attitude across our entire society. When the boss is convinced he
(seldom she) knows best, you will never get the optimum outcome. Take Kargil as an
example of poor planning resulting from this rigid hierarchical approach.
When Musharraf cursorily ran the broad outline of his madcap adventure past Nawaz
Sharif, there were few of the obvious questions that should have been asked. The
kitchen cabinet reportedly saw the prime minister’s mild approval, and kept quiet.
Musharraf’s team, for their part, only spoke out against the enterprise after they had
retired. They, too, were prisoners of the ‘Yes, sir! No, sir!’ syndrome. To this day, the
report of the debacle has not been released, even as an internal case study, as far as I
know.
But it’s not just the military that operates on this principle. When I was president of a
private university, I used to call weekly meetings of the teaching staff. At these
sessions, I put forth my ideas for changes, and asked my colleagues to give counter-
arguments. Although these were educated, intelligent people, they almost always
stayed quiet, or agreed with me.
And when I monitored classes from the back of the room, I noticed that students
hardly ever asked questions. Although I hated interfering, I would almost urge them
to query or criticise. Again, silence. So clearly, the senior/junior hierarchy was at
work. This is why we produce so few inquiring, curious minds.
Sucking up to the boss for promotions is a global malady, but mostly, it ends at the
end of work. Here, we live with it each moment of our lives.
Our brainwashing begins earlier than the classroom. Boys are deemed too
inexperienced to choose their careers, so their fathers decide. Girls aren’t practical
enough to choose their husbands, so their parents use force, if necessary, to select a
‘suitable’ spouse. I know things are changing for the younger generation in a certain
class. But for the majority, these major decisions are still made by parents.
Much of Asia is prisoner to this paternalistic approach, and is the poorer for it.
Individuality is crushed, and bad decision-making is just one result. When people end
up in the wrong career, or a disastrous, abusive marriage, relations between parents
and their children can be ruined for life.
I am informed by a friend that Japan Airlines trains its pilots to overcome their
childhood conditioning, and stand their ground. But how do we transfer this to our
entire society?
Judge Arshad Malik is unemployed as of Friday. That is his problem. But he could
become someone else’s problem. And this is a huge problem not because of the
problematic nature of the problem per se, but of the stakes — and players — involved
in the problem.
Is this then the end of the Judge Arshad story? Dream on.
Context may help. Judge Arshad’s fate has legal and political consequences for Imran
Khan and Nawaz Sharif. Legally speaking, experts now have to determine if Judge
Arshad’s dismissal has any bearing on his judgement against Nawaz Sharif. We
could be looking at a gruelling court battle in the weeks and months ahead. Politically
speaking, the war begins now.
This is the war PTI should be ready to fight with all its might because at stake is the
one thing that no government can afford to lose: legitimacy.
The election of 2018 was Round 2 of this bout. Round 1 was the downing of Nawaz.
Together, both rounds stitched a narrative that catapulted Imran to power. While it
was easier to talk about the help that Imran received in Round 2, it was much harder
to speak of any such stuff in Round 1. When it comes to courts and the dispensation
of justice, even anecdotal evidence piles up with great caution and trepidation. For
Imran’s opponents therefore it was easier to delegitimise Round 2 than Round 1.
This round — covering PTI’s stint in power — has been an unending series of
governance migraines for all concerned. The promise of PTI’s reformist governance
was supposed to have compensated for the problems of legitimacy in Round 2. The
opposite happened. In the absence of institutional reform and in the presence of
unending scandals — sugar, wheat, petrol, aviation, just to name a few — PTI has
succeeded in fuelling legitimacy concerns even in Round 3.
This is where we stand today in terms of a new low for PTI: legitimacy issues now
plague Round 1, Round 2 and Round 3. Together, they may start generating some
very serious questions that PTI would rather not address.
But it may be starved for choice. Round 2 cannot change; Round 1 can only get
worse and Round 3 is already afflicted with the inadequacy of performance. Early
warning signs have started becoming visible and data — both anecdotal and
otherwise — is piling up. The admission of a retired Supreme Court judge that
history will not be kind to the Panama case verdict may not have much to do with a
latest survey showing PML-N president Shahbaz Sharif rated higher as a leader
Pakistanis want today than Prime Minister Imran Khan — and this may not be linked
with the literal and metaphorical grounding of PIA; which in turn may not be
connected with the dismissal of the judge who convicted Nawaz Sharif; and yet,
somehow, these random sequencings seem to draw a discernible pattern across the
darkly clear political sky.
It is a pattern the PTI government better read correctly because it is harkening the
ghosts of deeds interred in the past. Something stirs yonder. Wrongs may yet be
righted amid cosmic corrections whose faint rumble is audible over the din of
shallow politics.
PTI’s success lay less in its politics and more in its ability to make people dream of a
better Pakistan. It was a dream easy to dream when escaping from the drudgery of
seven decades of mal-governance by a soiled leadership. But for dreams to come
true, they have to be weighted down with the armour of legitimacy and potency of
action.
Or else, you wake up — and poof, just like that — the dream is gone.
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