The Marxian and The Weberian Theories of Bureaucracy - Contradicti

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Master's Theses Graduate College
4-1983
The Marxian and the Weberian Theories of Bureaucracy:

Contradictions and Approximations
Ho
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THE MARXIAN AND THE WEBERIAN THEORIES OF BUREAUCRACY:
CONTRADICTIONS AND APPROXIMATIONS
by
K hai Leong Ho
A T h esis
Subm itted to th e
F a c u lty o f The G raduate C o lleg e
in p a r t i a l f u lf i llm e n t o f th e
req u ire m en ts f o r th e
Degree o f M aster o f A rts
D epartm ent o f P o l i t i c a l S cien ce
W estern M ichigan U n iv e r s ity

Kalamazoo, M ichigan
A p r il, 1983
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THE MARXIAN AND THE WEBERIAN THEORIES OF BUREAUCRACY:
by
Khai Leong Ho, M.A.
W estern M ichigan U n iv e rs ity
The p u rp o se o f t h i s stu d y i s to a n a ly s e (1) th e b a s ic elem ents
in M arx's and W eber's th e o r ie s o f b u re a u c ra c y , and (2) th e
c o n tr a d ic tio n s and ap p ro x im atio n s t h a t ap p ea r in b o th th e
M arxian and th e W eberian paradigm s. An a tte m p t i s made to
examine th e d y s fu n c tio n a l a s p e c ts o f b u re a u c ra c y in r e l a t i o n
to th e W eberian m odel, and th e b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n o f s o c ia lis m
which i s th e u n a n tic ip a te d consequence o f th e M arxian model.
The c o n c lu sio n o f t h i s stu d y in d i c a te s t h a t th e two seem ingly
o p p o s ite ap p ro ach es, a f t e r a l l , have c e r t a i n s i m i l a r i t i e s in
t h e i r t h e o r e t i c a l framework and in t h e i r p r a c t i c a l dilemma.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would l i k e to th an k P r o f e s s o r s C .l. Eugene Kim and
Claude S. P h i l l i p s f o r t h e i r c o n s tr u c tiv e c r i t i c i s m and i n t e r e s t
throughout t h i s p r o j e c t . An e x p re s s io n o f g r a ti tu d e i s due
P ro fe s s o r W illiam A. R it c h ie , my m ajor t h e s i s a d v is o r , f o r
b rin g in g th e s o c i a l i s t l i t e r a t u r e to my a t t e n t i o n and h i s c o n tin u ed
guidance and in p u t in th e t h e s i s . His humor and s c h o la r s h ip make i t
both e n jo y a b le and i n t e l l e c t u a l l y f u l f i l l i n g to work w ith him. I
would a ls o l i k e to th an k th e D epartm ent o f P o l i t i c a l S cie n ce a t
W estern M ichigan U n iv e rs ity f o r h a v in g given me many academ ic
o p p o r tu n itie s and c h a lle n g e s , and th e s ta y h e re h as been most
s a ti s f y i n g f o r my i n t e l l e c t u a l developm ent.
K hai Leong Ho
ii
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1320525
HO, KHAI LEONG
THE MARXIAN AND THE WEBERIAN THEORIES OF BUREAUCRACY: CONTRADICTIONS

AND APPROXIMATIONS
WESTERN MICHIGAN UNIVERSITY M. . 1983
University
Microfilms
International 300 N. Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, MI 48106
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . i*
INTRODUCTION • • • • • • * « . « • # • • • • •• • • • • • • • • ^
Review o f L ite r a t u r e
B asic P r o p o s itio n s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Methodology 13
C hapter
I . THE LEGACY OF MARX AND WEBER . . . ...................... .... . . . • 16
Marx and th e D ia l e c ti c a l A n a ly sis o f Human H is to ry

and B u r e a u c r a c y ........................ .... . . ..........................................18
W eber's C onception o f B ureaucracy and th e

R a tio n a liz a tio n o f Development . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
T h e o r e tic a l C o n sid eratio n s . .......................................... 34
The In flu e n c e and th e D ebate . . ...................... 38
II. THE BUREAUCRATIC DILEMMA OF THEORY AND PRACTICE:

THE MARXIAN MODEL ...................... . . . . . 40
Lenin and th e W ith erin g o f th e S ta t e . .................................. 41
The S ta te B ureaucracy S tren g th en ed :

The Case of S o v ie t Union . . . . . .. . . ...................... 46
A R o m a n tic is t's A ttack on O rg a n iz a tio n :

M ao's V isio n of B u r e a u c r a c y .........................................................49
The S ta te Bure a u c ra c y s tre n g th e n e d :

The Case of China ........................ . . . . . . . 54
Some C r i t i c a l Remarks . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
iii
III. THE MODERN BUREAUCRATIC PARADOXES:
THE WEBERIAN MODEL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
The S tr u c tu r e o f B u reau cracy . . . . . . ..................... 60
P arad o x es o f B ureaucracy . . . . . . . . . . . ...................... 61
The Dichotomy o f P o l i t i c s and A d m in istra tio n . ..................... 69
C oncluding Remarks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
IV. CONCLUSIONS: CONTRADICTIONS AND APPROXIMATIONS. . . . . . . 75
B u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n : A Comparison ...................... . . . . . . . . 76
D y sfu n ctio n s o f B u reau cracy : A Comparison . . . . . . . . . 84
Some C r i t i c a l E v a lu a tio n s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90
C o nclusion . . ...................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . .................. . 97
iv
INTRODUCTION
The p u rp o se o f t h i s stu d y i s to a n a ly se (1) th e b a s ic elem ents
in M arx's and W eber's th e o r i e s o f b u r e a u c r a c ie s , and (2) th e c o n tra
d ic tio n s and ap proxim ations t h a t ap p ear in b o th th e M arxian and th e
W eberian p aradigm s. An a tte m p t i s made to examine th e d y s fu n c tio n a l
a s p e c ts o f b u reau cracy in r e l a t i o n to th e W eberian m odel, and th e
b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n of s o c ia lis m which i s th e u n a n tic ip a te d consequence
o f th e M arxian model. The c o n c lu sio n o f t h i s stu d y in d i c a te s th a t th e
two seem in g ly o p p o s ite ap p ro ach es, a f t e r a l l , have c e r t a i n s i m i l a r i
t i e s i n t h e i r t h e o r e t i c a l framework and in t h e i r p r a c t i c a l dilemma.
Review o f L i t e r a t u r e
The l i t e r a t u r e r e le v a n t to th e stu d y and w hich s e rv e s to
e s t a b l i s h th e d ir e c tio n o f t h i s in q u ir y can b e d iv id e d in t o th r e e
c a te g o r ie s f o r o u r p u rpose:
(1) L i t e r a t u r e on M arx's and W eber's co n c e p tio n o f b u re a u c ra c y ;
(2) L i t e r a t u r e on th e b u r e a u c r a tic p ro c e s s o f s o c ia lis m , and
(3) L i t e r a t u r e on th e t h e o r e t i c a l fo u n d a tio n and e la b o r a tio n s
o f th e W eberian p o s itio n on b u re a u c ra c y .
I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f M arx's and W eber's c o n c e p tio n o f b u reau
cracy as s e p a r a te e n t i t i e s a r e ab u n d an t. Andras H egedus, a H ungarian
R e p r o d u c e d with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
2
p o l i t i c a l eco n o m ist, o f f e r s a M arx ist i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f M arx's
p o s itio n i n h is S o c ia lis m and B ureaucracy (1 9 7 6 ). A fte r denouncing
th o se contem porary s o c io l o g is ts who tr a c e th e s c i e n t i f i c tre a tm e n t
o f b u reau c ra cy no f u r t h e r th a n Weber, Hegedus claim s th a t s c i e n t i f i c
e x p la n a tio n o f b u reau c ra cy was f i r s t a tte m p te d by Marx. Marx,
a c c o rd in g to Hegedus, t r e a t e d b u re a u c ra c y " a s a s e t o f s u b s ta n tiv e
r e l a t i o n s to w hich c e r t a in ty p e s o f so cio -eco n o m ic a d m in is tra tio n
o r management g iv e r i s e , " and n o t as " th e b lu n d e rin g o f incom petent
o f f i c i a l s " (1976:9) as contem porary s o c i o l o g i s t s te n d to i n t e r p r e t
Marx.
Among th e n o n -M arx ist s tu d ie s i s Sherman C hang's The M arxian
Theory o f th e S ta te (1965) which a tte m p ts to i n t e r p r e t M arx's
p o s itio n on th e s t a t e i n term s o f th e h i s t o r i c a l and p h ilo s o p h ic a l
background, i t s p e r s p e c tiv e o f th e p o s t c a p i t a l i s t s o c ie ty , and i t s
d e s tin y in th e f u tu r e . However, H al D ra p e r's K a tl M arx's Theory o f
R ev o lu tio n (1977) o f f e r s th e most com prehensive review o f M arx's
co n ce p tio n o f th e s t a t e and i t s b u re a u c ra c y . D raper has attem p ted
to (1) t r a c e th e p o l i t i c a l developm ent o f th e young Marx and h is
co n ce p tio n o f th e s t a t e and c i v i l s o c ie ty from h i s c r it ic i s m s o f
H egel; (2) expound M arx's th e o ry o f th e s t a t e in r e l a t i o n to
a u t h o r i ty , f o r c e , democracy, autonomy; (3) t e s t th e u t i l i t i e s o f
th e s o - c a ll e d B onaparte model in M arx's th in k in g , and (4) examine
M arx's v is io n o f th e s t a t e beyond th e European c o n te x t.
As f o r th e l i t e r a t u r e on Weber, C a rl F r e d r ic h 's "Some Observa
tio n s on W eber's A n aly sis o f B ureaucracy" (1952) re a f f irm s th e
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c o n trib u tio n o f W eber's I d e a l- ty p e to b u r e a u c r a tic th e o r ie s f o r h is
emphasis on th e key c o n c e p t of r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n and d e - m y s tif ic a tio n
in r e l a t i o n to power i n a l l s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . A nother im p o rtan t
a s p e c t o f W eber's h y p o th e s is i s re v e a le d by F r e d e r ic B u r in s 's
"B ureaucracy and N a tio n a l S o c ia lis m : A R e c o n s id e ra tio n o f W eberian
Theory" (1952) in which he d em o n strates th a t Weber h as o v e r-e s tim a te d
th e p o l i t i c a l im portance o f th e te c h n ic a l knowledge p o s se ss e d by th e
b u r e a u c ra tic e x p e rt.
A lfred D iam ant's "The B u re a u c ra tic Model: Max Weber R e je c te d ,
R ediscovered, Reformed" (1 9 6 2 ), which has been p r a is e d as "one of
th e b e s t s h o r t d is c u s s io n s o f W eber's a d m in is tr a tiv e th e o ry a v a i la b l e
to us in E n g lish " (LaPalom bara, 1 9 6 6:88), p ro v id e s a c l a r i f i c a t i o n
from th e W eberian v ie w p o in t. A f te r su rv e y in g th e v a s t l i t e r a t u r e
which has expounded, m o d ifie d , o r r e je c te d W eber's th e o ry o f
b u re a u c ra c y , Diamant c la im s th a t most o f th e s e s tu d ie s have m is
understood W eber's w ork. In d eed , such a concern was a l s o r e f l e c t e d
in th e work o f Bendix (1977) and Mommsen (1 9 7 4 ). W eber's w r itin g s
on b u re a u c ra c y , Diamant o b s e rv e s , must be exam ined in th e b ro a d e r
s e t t i n g o f h is ty p o lo g y o f p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t y . The modern s o c ie ty
does n o t o n ly m a in ta in th e l e g a l - r a t i o n a l ty p e o f a u t h o r i ty , b u t
a ls o th e c h a ris m a tic and t r a d i t i o n a l ty p e s . The c o n s tr u c tio n o f
ty p e s of a d m in is tr a tiv e s t a f f s must b e p reced ed by th e developm ent
o f each ty p e o f a u t h o r i ty a c c o rd in g ly . By d o in g s o , th e n o n ly i s
i t li k e l y th a t "W eber's a n a ly s is o f b u reau c ra cy m ight a g a in b e used
p r o f it a b ly in r e s e a rc h " (1 9 6 2 :6 1 ).
4
However, th e co m p arativ e stu d y o f th e two models a r e few. Among
them, Bengt Abrahamsson in a work e n t i t l e d B ureaucracy o r P a r t i c i p a
tio n : The L ogic o f O rg a n iz a tio n (1977) has o u tlin e d th e b a s ic d i f f e
ren ces and s i m i l a r i t i e s betw een M arx 's and W eber's p o s iti o n on
b u reau cracy . Abrahamsson claim s t h a t Weber d i f f e r s from Marx on a t
l e a s t th r e e p o in t s : (a ) u n lik e M arx, Weber d id n o t see b u reau c ra cy
as a s p e c if i c b o u rg e o is pheonomenon t i e d to c a p ita lis m . I n s te a d ,
Weber saw th e p o s s i b i l i t y o f th e autonomy o f b u reau c ra cy and th e grow th
o f b u reau cracy a s i n e v i t a b l e ; (b) Weber d id n o t s e e b u reau cracy as
a c la s s organ b u t viewed i t a s an elem ent o f modern democracy. Weber,
how evers a ls o viewed i t as a t h r e a t to th e d em o cratic p ro c e s s . At
th e same tim e, Weber argued th a t among th e a c c e le r a to r s o f b u re a u -'
c ra c y , th e economic system i s more im p o rta n t th a n th e d em o cratic
p o l i t i c a l sy stem . Thus s o c ia lis m i s viewed a s a g r e a t s tim u lu s , and
(c) f o r Weber, th e e lim in a tio n o f b u re a u c ra c y i s n o t p o s s ib le in an
in c re a s in g ly complex s o c ie t y which r e q u ir e s more and more p r o f e s s
io n a lis m and s p e c i a l i z a t i o n . At th e same tim e , Abrahamsson i s
quick to n o te th e s i m i l a r i t i e s o f M arx 's and W eber's m odels. He
comments:
W eber's th e o ry . . . co n n e c ts th e developm ent

o f b u re a u c ra c y w ith th e i s s u e o f th e lo n g -ru n
m a te r ia l and p o l i t i c a l developm ent o f s o c ie t y .
The c a p i t a l i s t p ro d u c tio n system and economy
a r e two o f th e most im p o rta n t f a c t o r s i n
W eb er's e x p la n a to ry schem e. In th o s e r e s p e c t s ,
th e r e a re im p o rta n t s i m i l a r i t i e s betw een Weber
and th e M arx ist t r a d i t i o n (1 9 7 7 :7 9 ).
5
A nother v a lu a b le stu d y i s done by Wolfgang Mommsen in h i s
book The Age o f B ureaucracy (1 9 7 4 ). A fte r a d m ittin g th a t Weber
n e v e r d e a l t w ith M arx's th e o r i e s i n a s y s te m a tic and com prehensive
way, Mommsen rem arks t h a t
W hile M arx's th e o r i e s w ere c o n sid e re d by

Weber to be most v a lu a b le as a p a r t i c u l a r
form o f th e i d e a l - t y p i c a l c o n s tr u c tio n ,
th e y w ere a b s o lu te ly u n p a la ta b le to him
a s o n to lo g ic a l p r o p o s itio n s (1 9 7 4 :5 0 -5 1 ).
Mommsen f u r th e r o b se rv e s t h a t Weber r e j e c t s th e M arxist
b e l i e f th a t (a) th e d ic t a t o r s h i p o f th e p r o l e t a r i a t was a s u ita b le
way o f p av in g th e way f o r a s o c ie t y in w hich o p p re s s io n and
s u p p re ssio n o f c la s s e s would be a b o lis h e d , and (b) th e a b o l i t i o n
o f p r iv a t e ow nership o f th e means o f p ro d u c tio n in th e i n d u s t r i a l
economy could s o lv e th e problem s o f b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n (1 9 7 4 :5 9 ).
These p o in ts a re com plem entary to th e a n a ly s is o f Anthony G id d en s's
C a p ita lis m and Modern S o c ia l Theory (1971). Gidden p o in ts out th a t
Weber d id n o t conceive th e p o s s i b i l i t y o f th e tra n s fo rm a tio n o f th e
b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n o f s o c i a l l i f e th ro u g h th e o ccu rren c e o f s o c i a l i s t
re v o lu tio n . I n s te a d , th e s o c ia l iz e d economy would in c r e a s in g ly
s u b je c t i t s e l f to b u r e a u c r a tic a d m in is tr a tio n in view o f th e f a c t
t h a t economic o p e ra tio n s a re ta k e n up by th e s t a t e (197i :2 3 6 ).
The re a d in g s d is c u s s e d above in d i c a te to a la r g e e x te n t th e
t h e o r e t i c a l d if f e r e n c e s and s i m i l a r i t i e s o f Marx and Weber, and th e
im p o rta n t im p lic a tio n s o v e r th e two paradigm s o f b u r e a u c r a tic th e o r i e s .
6
I t would th e r e f o r e b e n e c e ssa ry to examine th e o r i g i n a l w r itin g s o f
Marx and Weber in o r d e r to d is c o v e r th e r a t i o n a l b eh in d t h e i r
p h ilo s o p h ic a l d e b a te .
The most com prehensive of M arx 's work has been p u b lis h e d in
Marx and E n g e ls; C o lle c te d Works (1975- ) . However, f o r o u r p u rp o se,
th e l e s s com prehensive S e le c te d Works o f Marx and E n g e ls, 2 v o ls .
(1962) i s u sed . M arx's c r it ic i s m s o f th e s t a t e and i t s b u reau c ra cy
are s c a tt e r e d th ro u g h o u t h i s p r o l i f i c w r itin g s . However, h i s most
a r t i c u l a t e p o s itio n on b u reau c ra cy i s found in C o n trib u tio n to th e
C ritiq u e o f H egels P h ilo so p h y o f Law (in C o lle c te d Works, v o l. 3 ) ,
The C iv il War in F ra n c e , The E ig h te e n th B rum aire o f Louis
B o n a rp a rte , and The C lass S tra g g le i n F ra n c e . I n th e s e w orks,
Marx o u tlin e d h i s r e v o lu tio n a r y view s on th e b u reau c ra cy and the
s t a t e and p ro v id ed j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r t h e i r e lim in a tio n . To a g r e a te r
e x te n t, E ngels h as h e lp e d to expand th e n e g a tiv e n o tio n o f b u reau
c ra c y . H is comments a r e m ainly found i n h i s The O rig in o f th e Fam ily,
P r iv a te P r o p e r ty , and th e S t a t e .
W eber's a n a ly s is o f b u re a u c ra c y , u n lik e M a rx 's, i s more
s y s te m a tic . I t can b e found in h i s Economy and S o c ie ty (1 9 7 8 ),
P a rt I , C h ap ter I I I : "The Types o f L e g itim a te D o m ination," P a r t I I ,
C hapter XI: "B u reau crac y ," and A ppendix I I , " P a rlia m e n t and Govern
ment in R ec o n stru c te d Germany." In th e s e e s s a y s , Weber o u tlin e d th e
b a s ic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f b u re a u c ra c y and i t s e f f e c t s on s o c i a l
developm ent.
The second c a te g o ry o f l i t e r a t u r e i s on th e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n
7
o f th e M arx ist model and th e b u r e a u c r a tic p ro c e s s t h a t a re ta k in g
p la c e in th e s o c i a l i s t c o u n tr ie s . The M arx ist p o s iti o n o f b u reau c ra cy
i s b e s t r e f l e c t e d in th e w r itin g s and deeds o f L enin and Mao Zedong;
fo r t h i s re a so n b o th a r e chosen f o r o u r p u rp o se o f d is c u s s io n . L e n in 's
S ta te and R ev o lu tio n p r e s e n ts a f r e e v a r i a t i o n o f M arx's in co m p lete
a n a ly s is o f r e v o lu tio n a r y p ro c e s s e s in r e l a t i o n to th e s t a t e and i t s
b u re a u c ra c y . In t h i s w ork, Lenin echoed many o f th e M arx ist themes
o f b u r e a u c r a tic o r g a n iz a tio n : i t s use a s an in s tru m e n t o f c l a s s domi
n a tio n , as a b o u rg eo is a p p a ra tu s , and th e w ith e r in g away o f th e
s t a t e . M ao's s ta te m e n ts on b u re a u c ra c y , how ever, a r e s c a t t e r e d
th rough o u t h i s work. H is S e le c te d Works, 5 v o ls . (1977) and
S tu a r t S chram 's The P o l i t i c a l Thought o f Mao T se -tu n g (1969) a re
c o n s u lte d . A ll i n a l l , Mao b a s i c a l l y m a in ta in e d th e M a rx is t-
L e n in is t p o s i t i o n as f a r as b u r e a u c r a tic s t r u c t u r e in th e p o s t
c a p i t a l i s t s o c ie t y i s concerned.
The l i t e r a t u r e w hich a tte m p ts to a n a ly s e th e r e la tio n s h ip
between th e ap p a ra tu s o f power and th e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e in th e
Communist c o u n tr ie s i s r e c e n t. Donald H o d g es's The B u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n
o f S o c ia lis m (1981) a tte m p ts to seek an e x p la n a tio n f o r th e gap
betw een th e M arx ist th e o ry o f b u r e a u c r a tic e x p l o i t a t i o n and th e
a c tu a l ex p an sio n of b u re a u c ra c y i n th e Communist reg im es in E a s te rn
Europe, C hina, and Cuba. Hodges claim s th a t th e m a n a g e ria l and
te c h n ic a l e x p e r t is e i n th e b u reau c ra cy r e p r e s e n t an im p o rta n t f a c t o r
in p ro d u c tio n , w hich M arx,and f o r t h a t m a tte r th e M a rx is ts , have
f a il e d to c o n s id e r a d e q u a te ly . Hodges f u r th e r comments th a t th e
8
r e a l i t y in th e Communist s t a t e s does n o t f i t in to th e c l a s s i c a l
Marxism, and t h a t th e b u re a u c ra c y , in an a tte m p t to c o n s o lid a te i t s
own power, h a s become " a c la s s f o r i t s e l f " (1 9 8 1 :6 0 ). The re a s o n f o r
t h i s , ta k in g th e c a se o f th e S o v ie t Union, i s th a t " th e r e v o lu tio n a r y
e l i t e grew t i r e d o f i t s p r o l e t a r i a n c la s s " (1 9 81:130). In t h i s p r o c e s s ,
th e b u reau c ra cy has to work w ith th e w orking c l a s s , th e p e t t y -
b u r e a u c ra tic elem en ts and th e te c h n i- b u r e a u c r a tic s tra tu m , and
e v e n tu a lly c l a s s c o n f l i c t s developed even in th e p o s t - c a p i t a l i s t
s o c ie ty . Such c o n f l i c t s , c o n tra ry to M arx's v i s io n , have le d Hodges
to th e fo llo w in g c o n c lu sio n :
Communist p r a c t i c e i s no lo n g e r m o n o lith ic
b u t ta k e s two p r i n c i p a l form s: th e c e n t r a li z in g
tendency o f th e p o litb u r e a u c r a c y and th e
d e c e n tr a li z in g tendency o f th e te c h n ib u re a u c ra c y .
What n eed s em phasizing i s t h a t b o th te n d e n c ie s
a r e anticom m unist; b o th a r e c r i t i c a l in p r a c t i c e
o f M arx ist th e o ry . In f a c t , th e y show t h a t M arx's
w orking c l a s s i s n o t th e d e c is iv e ag en t sh ap in g
s o c i a l i s t r e v o lu tio n s . That a g e n t i s th e
b u r e a u c r a tic c la s s (1981:143).
The work by two H ungarian s o c i a l i s t s , George Konrad and Iv an
S z e le n y i, r e f l e c t s th e s i m i l a r them e. The I n t e l l e c t u a l s on th e Road
to C lass Power (1979) a n a ly z e s th e e v o lu tio n and th e r i s e o f power
o f th e b u r e a u c r a tic i n t e l l i g e n t s i a in E a s te rn Europe and co n clu d es
t h a t th e y have formed in t o a c l a s s . Such a c o n c lu sio n ru n s p a r a l l e l
to Milovan D j i l a s ' work (1 9 5 7 ), which i s one o f th e e a r l i e s t to
forw ard such an argum ent. Konrad and S z e le n y i p o in t o u t t h a t th e
9
cause o f such a fo rm atio n i s th e " r a t i o n a l - r e d i s t r i b u t i v e system "
in th e S o c i a l i s t c o u n tr ie s . The b u r e a u c ra c ie s in th e r a t i o n a l -
r e d i s t r i b u t i v e system , u n lik e th e m arket sy stem , a r e n o t s u b je c t
in p r in c i p le to th e s e p a r a tio n o f power and to th e d i s t i n c t i o n
between policy -m ak in g and e x e c u tiv e f u n c tio n s . In o th e r w ords,
th e r e i s no d i s t i n c t i o n betw een th e p o l i t i c a l and economic s p h e r e s ,
and "no p lu r a lis m o f ends" (1 9 7 9 :1 5 0 ). M oreover, th e r e i s no
i d e n t i f i a b l e p o l i t i c a l c o n tro l mechanism in th e p o l i t i c a l p a r ty
b u re a u c ra c ie s and t h i s has en ab led th e b u re a u c ra c ie s to e x e rc is e
power a cc o rd in g to t h e i r own i n t e r e s t .
S im ila r c o n c lu sio n s to th o s e o f Hodges and Konrad and
S z e le n y i have been drawn by M aria H irsz o w ic z , a P o lis h s o c io lo g is t^
Her s tu d y , The B u re a u c ra tic L e v iath a n (1 9 8 0 ), p ro v id e s an o th e r
p e r s p e c tiv e on th e w ith e rin g away o f th e s t a t e as a myth in th e
Communist s t a t e s . In h e r a n a l y s i s , th e Communist s t a t e s have a c tu a lly
become b u r e a u c r a tic system s which have ex ten d ed r u l e over ev ery .
l e v e l o f s o c ia l s t r u c t u r e —th e s t a t e h as become th e "so v e re ig n
b u reau c ra cy " and th e p a r ty i s in c h a rg e . H irszo w icz o b serv es th a t
The p o s itio n o f th e p a r ty a s th e r u li n g c la s s
i n s t i t u t i o n imposed a new h ie r a r c h y o f o b je c tiv e s ;
th e m aintenance o f power h a s become th e prim ary
g o al and most s p e c ta c u la r f e a t u r e o f th e communist
a d m in is tr a tio n . The a d m in is tr a tiv e and m a n ag erial
fu n c tio n s c o n tin u e to be perfo rm ed b u t superim posed
over them a s a do m in atin g aim i s th e c o n s o lid a tio n
o f power. Behind t h a t d r iv e , th e r e i s no o th e r
c l a s s , no o th e r i n t e r e s t s and no o th e r i n s t i t u t i o n s
b u t th e r u lin g p a r ty and i t s b u re a u c ra c y , w ith a l l
i t s te n ta c l e s re a c h in g th ro u g h o u t th e s t a t e
a p p ara tu s (1 9 8 0 :1 7 ).
A nother book, The W ith erin g Away o f th e S ta te ? (1 9 8 1 ), e d ite d
by L e s lie Holmes p ro v id es an im p o rtan t a n a ly s is o f th e r o le o f th e
p a r ty and th e s t a t e i n th e Communist c o u n tr ie s . The Communist
c o u n trie s surveyed in t h i s book a r e A lb a n ia , B u lg a ria , Romania,
C hina, Cuba, C zechoslovakia, E a st Germany, Hungary, In d o c h in a , th e
USSR, and Y u g o slav ia. A fte r conceding t h a t th e f u tu r e developm ent
(o r decay) o f th e s e s t a t e s i s d i f f i c u l t to p r e d ic t a t th e moment,
Holmes co n clu d es t h a t "w ith th e p o s s ib le e x c e p tio n o f Y u g o slav ia,
th e r e a re few in d ic a tio n s th a t th e p a r t y / o r th e s t a t e i s w ith e rin g
away in th e communist w o r ld " '(1 9 8 1 :2 7 2 ).
The t h i r d c ateg o ry i s th e <l i t e r a t u r e on th e e la b o r a tio n and
e x te n sio n o f th e Weberian p o s itio n on b u re a u c ra c y . E x ten sio n and
c r i t i q u e by W eberian s c h o la rs on th e id e a l- ty p e model a r e volum inous.
I t w i l l do no j u s t i c e to review each and ev ery one o f them h e r e . One
o f th e b e s t overview s of th e l i t e r a t u r e i s done by F e r r e l Heady*s
P u b lic A d m in is tra tio n : A Com parative P e r s p e c tiv e (1979). Heady
o u tl in e s th e two dominant approaches to d e fin e b u re a u c ra c y fo llo w in g
the W eberian t r a d i t i o n : (a ) the s t r u c t u r a l approach and (b) th e
b e h a v io ra l approach. Heady goes on to d is c u s s th e co n cep ts o f
system tra n s fo rm a tio n and how a d m in is tr a tiv e sy stem s— from th e
W eberian canon— a re r e l a t e d to m o d e rn iz a tio n , developm ent, and
change. The d is c u s s io n fo cu ses on th e "m ainstream " t h e o r i s t s from
Weber, P a rs o n s, M erton, E is e n s ta d t, C ro z ie r, LaPalom bara, and Riggs
among o th e r s , and how two groups o f s c h o la r s , b a s in g t h e i r t h e o r e t i
c a l framework on Weber, view b u reau cracy a s u s u r p a tiv e o r in s tr u m e n ta l
11
in th e p o l i t i c a l developm ent o f dev elo p in g n a tio n s .
A. D u n sh ire 's A d m in istra tio n ; The Word and th e S cien ce (1973)
p ro v id e s a n o th e r overview on th e l i t e r a t u r e o f a d m in is tr a tio n and
b u re a u c ra c y . E s p e c ia lly o f i n t e r e s t i s th e second h a l f o f th e book
in which D unshire d is c u s s e s th e pre-W eberian stu d y o f th e s t a t e by
Von S te i n , Le P la y , and S aint-S im on, and tr a c e s th e developm ent
through Weber t o th e p r e s e n t approaches on o r g a n iz a tio n a l th e o ry .
D unshire i d e n t i f i e s two b a s ic r e a c tio n s to b u re a u c ra c y : th e 'r e m e d ia l'
and th e ' r a d i c a l ' . Most W eberian s c h o la r s h ip i s u n d oubtedly th e
form er one w hich em phasizes th e te c h n ic a l b e n e f i t s o f an o r g a n iz a
t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e and th e n o tio n th a t s p e c i a l i z a t i o n o f ta s k and
a u t h o r i t a t i v e c o - o r d in a tio n can be o b ta in e d a t an a c c e p ta b le c o s t by
c o n t r o l li n g and m itig a tin g th e d y s fu n c tio n a l e f f e c t s . The 'r a d i c a l '
r e a c tio n , which i s th e Marxian p o s iti o n , on th e o th e r hand, b e lie v e s
t h a t th e c o s t o f b u r e a u c r a tic s tr u c t u r e outw eighs the. b e n e f i ts and
th e r e f o r e i t sh o u ld b e a b o lish e d a lto g e th e r .
B asic P ro p o s itio n s
F our b a s ic p ro p o s itio n s a r e c o n sid e re d in t h i s stu d y :
(1) W hile Weber m ain tain ed th e s u p e r io r it y o f b u r e a u c r a tic
o rg a n iz a tio n s and th e i n e v i t a b i l i t y o f th e b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n p ro c e ss
in s o c i a l developm ent, he a ls o acknowledged th e inhum anity o f and
th e d an g ers p o sed by b u re a u c ra c y , and he w anted i t to be checked and
c o n t r o l le d . Marx, on th e o th e r hand, r e je c te d th e le g itim a c y o f
12
b u reau cracy in th e p o l i t c a l system a l to g e th e r , and viewed i t a s an
in stru m e n t o f p o l i t i c a l o p p re ssio n and economic g r a t i f i c a t i o n o f th e
p r o p e r tie d .
Thus th e two paradigm s a r e a t th e o p p o s ite ends o f th e
continuum . I t h as a ls o been determ in ed t h a t t h e i r in f lu e n c e upon
su bseq u en t t h e o r e t i c a l e f f o r t s have been s u b s t a n ti a l. However, i t
i s our second p r o p o s itio n t h a t :
(2) The M arxian model o f b u re a u c ra c y fa c e s a dilemma and
c e r t a i n c o n tr a d ic tio n s betw een th e o ry and p r a c t ic e .
L ik ew ise, such dilemma and c o n tr a d ic tio n s a re a ls o found
w ith in th e W eberian framework, alth o u g h n o t to th e same e x te n t.
Thus o u r t h i r d p r o p o s itio n i s t h a t :
(3) W hile th e M arx ists such a s L enin and Mao a r e v ig o ro u s ly
a tta c k in g b u r e a u c r a tic o r g a n iz a tio n as a d e sp o tic a u to c ra c y o f
c i v i l s e r v a n ts and as an in stru m e n t f o r c la s s e x p l o ita t io n , th e
most s e l f - c r i t i c a l , c o n s tr u c tiv e , and s c h o la r ly ex am in atio n s o f
th e d y sfu n c tio n s o f b u reau c ra cy a re coming from th e W eberian camp.
Given th e above s ta te m e n ts , t h i s stu d y w i l l examine th e
M arxian and th e W eberian en co u n ter w ith th e b u r e a u c ra tic dilemma.
I n l i g h t o f t h i s , our f o u r th p r o p o s itio n i s t h a t :
(4) The c o n tin u a l c r it ic i s m s o f th e "malady o f b u reau cracy "
i n th e W eberian m odel, and th e r a p id grow th o f b u r e a u c ra tic o rg a n i
z a tio n s in th e s o c i a l i s t c o u n trie s s u g g e s t an approxim ation o f th e
two models in b o th th e o ry and p r a c t i c e .
13
Methodology
I n o rd e r to t e s t th e f i r s t p r o p o s itio n co n ce rn in g th e b a s ic
d if f e r e n c e o f M arx's and W eber's models o f b u re a u c ra c y , i t i s
n e c e s s a ry to go i n t o two so u rc e s. F i r s t , th e o r i g i n a l w r itin g s of
Marx and Weber w i l l be examined. S ince th e p rim ary i n t e r e s t o f t h i s
stu d y i s M arx's and W eber's views on b u r e a u c r a tic o r g a n iz a tio n s , th e
f i r s t c h a p te r w i l l in c lu d e a d is c u s s io n o f M arx's and W eber's
co n ce p tio n o f human development i n r e l a t i o n w ith b u re a u c ra c y , and
w i l l la r g e ly ig n o re M arx's and W eber's s ta te m e n ts on law , economy,
r e l i g i o n , p h ilo so p h y and o th e r i s s u e s , o th e r th a n th o se co n cep ts
and s ta te m e n ts which were u t i l i z e d fo r b u r e a u c r a tic fo rm u la tio n s.
Second, th e w r itin g s o f M arx's and W eber's i n t e r p r e t e r s must b e
c o n s u lte d . S in ce th e l i t e r a t u r e i s v a r ie d and abundant, o u r approach
w i l l be s e le c te d to se a rc h f o r g u id e lin e s to th e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n
o f Marx and Weber.
I n an a tte m p t to j u s t i f y th e second p r o p o s itio n co n cern in g
th e dilemma o f M arxian model of b u reau c ra cy a s th e o ry a p p lie d in
p r a c t i c e , an a n a ly s is o f b u r e a u c r a tic t h e o r i e s by some M a rx ists is
r e q u ir e d . L enin and Mao a re s e le c te d among o th e r M a rx ists p rim a rily
b eca u se th e y a re b o th t h e o r i s t s and sta te sm e n o f M arxism, and
b eca u se th e c o u n trie s under t h e i r id e o lo g ic a l c o n tr o l amount to a
t h i r d o f hum anity. In t h i s r e s p e c t, L e n in 's What i s to b e Done? and
S ta t e and R e v o lu tio n , in which he o u tlin e d h i s t h e o r e t i c a l in t e r p r e
t a t i o n o f M arx ist b u re a u c ra c y , a r e th e focus o f o u r a n a ly s is . However,
14
i t i s n o t easy to d is c u s s M ao's c o n tr ib u tio n to th e M arx ist a n a ly s is
o f o rg a n iz a tio n as he was n o t s y s te m a tic in such a s u b je c t , as n o te d
p re v io u s ly . However, an atte m p t i s made to s y n th e s iz e h is i n t e r p r e t a
ti o n o f b u reau c ra cy and h is a n t i c i p a t i o n o f th e b o u rg eo is s o c ie ty
from h i s s e le c te d w r itin g s and e v e n ts t h a t have o ccu rred in China
under h i s ste w a rd sh ip .
The t h i r d c h a p te r w i l l a tte m p t a c o n te n t a n a ly s is o f some
d e f in i ti o n s o f b u re a u c ra c y in th e W eberian t r a d i t i o n . The em phasis
w i l l be p la c e d on th e d y s f u n c tio n a l a s p e c ts o f b u r e a u c r a tic o rg a n i
z a tio n s in th e modern W estern s o c i e t i e s . A lthough i t would be more
s i g n i f i c a n t and m ean in g fu l to in c lu d e th e d is c u s s io n s o f th e r o le
o f bu reau cracy in th e p o l i t i c a l , econom ic, and s o c i a l a re n a o f th e
d ev elo p in g s t a t e s , such a ta s k o f q u a n t if ic a tio n i s beyond th e
a v a ila b le scope o f t h i s s tu d y . By im posing t h i s l i m i t a t i o n , i t i s
p o s s ib le to fo cu s on th e c e n t r a l i n t e r e s t o f t h i s t h e s i s , nam ely,
th e c o n tr a d ic tio n s and th e dilemma o f b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n in modem
s o c ie ty .
F in a lly , th e f o u r th p r o p o s itio n co n cern in g th e approxim ation
and consensus o f th e models i s d is c u s s e d in th e f o r th c h a p te r as a
c o n c lu sio n . Evidence produced by t h i s stu d y s u g g e s ts th r e e tr e n d s :
(a) th e re i s a r a p id ex p an sio n o f th e b u r e a u c r a tic o r g a n iz a tio n s in
modem s o c ie ty as Weber has p r e d ic te d , and as a g a in s t th e w ish es o f
Marx; (b) th e r e i s a ls o a growing concern f o r such a ra p id p r o l i f e
r a t i o n and growth o f b u r e a u c r a tic in t e r f e r e n c e '.in a l l s p h e re s o f
s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l l i f e of th e c i t i z e n r y , as was th e co n cern o f
15
b o th Marx and Weber; and (c ) th e r e i s an t h e o r e t i c a l and p r a c t i c a l
a p p ro x im atio n , am idst d if f e r e n c e s in p h ra s e o lo g y , c o n c e p ts , e n v iro n
m ental s i t u a t i o n s and s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l sy stem s, betw een th e
M arxian and th e W eberian m odels.
CHAPTER I
The Legacy o f Marx and Weber
. The t h e o r e t i c a l c o n tr ib u tio n s o f Marx and Weber have s u b sta n
t i a l l y in flu e n c e d th e two paradigm s t h a t a r e p r e v a i lin g in contempo-

j
r a r y s o c i a l th o u g h t: th e r a d i c a l and th e o rth o d o x paradigm ( C h ilc o te ,
1981). In d eed , th e v a rio u s sc h o o ls o f s o c io l o g ic a l and p o l i t i c a l
th in k in g have claim ed t h e i r t h e o r e t i c a l p a re n ta g e from Marx and
Weber (A tk in so n , 1972). The leg acy o f b o th men have p a ra d o x ic a lly
p o is e d a s e r io u s dilemma in- th e s y n th e s is o f modem p o l i t i c a l
p h ilo so p h y (Lindblom, 1982). T h e ir c o n tr ib u tio n s sh o u ld th e r e f o r e
in e v ita b l y be th e s t a r t i n g p o in t f o r in v e s t i g a t i o n in t o th e d e f i n i
t i o n a l scheme and c l a s s i f i c a t o r y arran g em en ts o f b u re a u c ra c y .
Much o f W eberian th e o ry has been a s s im ila te d in t o W estern
contem porary th o u g h t and h a ile d as o f g r e a t e s t h e u r i s t i c v a lu e o f
i n t e r p r e t i n g th e W estern c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e s , e s p e c i a ll y th e American
s o c ie ty (T iry a k ia n , 1975). Such a t a s k was m ainly ta k en by T a lc o tt
P arso n s who h as r e f in e d many o f W eber's g e n e ra l p r o p o s itio n s in to
s e t s o f s ta te m e n ts t h a t have been employed i n a w ide ran g e o f
com parative in v e s t ig a t io n s . A lthough th e r e e x i s t s e r io u s c r it ic i s m s
o f h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f W eber's work (Cohen e t a l , 1975), P arso n s
h as re a ffirm e d W eber's r e f u t a t i o n o f Marxism w ith h i s own fo rm u la tio n
o f human h is to r y (1 9 2 9 :4 0 ). In d eed , w h ile Roth (1965) acknowledged
16
17
th e in f lu e n c e o f Marx on Weber, he concluded t h a t Weber h as n e v e r
used a M arxian te rm in o lo g y .
While W eberian th e o ry has become th e m ainstream o f s o c i a l
ortho d o x th in k in g , p r im a r ily because o f i t s i n t r i n s i c s c h o la r ly
s u p e r io r it y as a co m p arativ e approach to m a c ro s o c io lo g ic a l i n v e s t i
g a tio n s , M a rx ist th o u g h t,in c o n t r a s t , h as been s u b o rd in a te i n i t s
in flu e n c e , most o b v io u sly i n th e W estern s c h o la r ly t r a d i t i o n . This
p erh ap s can be e x p la in e d by i t s " r e d u c ti o n is t" n a tu r e (R oth, 1977:XV).
However, M arx ist id e a s in t h e i r n eo -M arx ist form a r e making a
comeback by T hird World d e v e lo p m e n ta lis ts . Such a p re v a le n c e of
M arx ist ways o f th in k in g in th e l e s s developed c o u n tr ie s a r e s a id
to be caused by th e u n p le a sa n t r e l a t i o n s w ith th e in d u s t r i a l i z e d
and c a p i t a l i s t W est, and th e s t r a i n s e x p erien ced d u rin g th e e a r ly
p e rio d o f i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n (Wessen, 1976:118).
D e sp ite many s i m i l a r i t i e s i n t h e i r v ie w p o in ts (L ic h th e im , 1961;
Z e i t l i n , 1968) and th e common agreem ent on th e c h a r a c t e r i s t i z a t i o n
o f l i b e r a l i s m as b o u rg e o is id e o lo g y (A s h c ra ft, 1972), Marx and Weber
h e ld op p o sin g view s on s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , developm ent and th e
b u r e a u c r a tic o rd e r (B endix and R oth, 1971; G iddens, 1971; A tk in so n ,
1972). T his dichotom ous c l a s s i f i c a t i o n p ro v id e s an i n i t i a l p r e te x t
f o r c o n s id e rin g and c o n tr a s tin g th e in f lu e n c e o f Marx and Weber on
b u r e a u c r a tic th e o r i e s .
18
Marx and th e D i a l e c t i c a l A n aly sis o f

Human H is to ry and B ureaucracy
D ia le c tic and H i s t o r i c a l M a te ria lis m in Development
M arx's view o f dev elo p m en tal p ro c e s s i s deeply ro o te d in h i s
m a t e r i a l i s t i c i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f human h i s t o r y . He saw most th e o r i e s
as b o u rg eo is and id e o lo g ic a l and th e r e f o r e m eaningless as f a r a s th e
e x p la n a tio n s o f s o c ia l tr a n s f o r m a tio n s a r e concerned, and r e je c te d
the p h ilo s o p h ic a l Id e a lis m and i t s s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l im p lic a tio n s
d eriv e d from H egel. He so u g h t a c l e a r and d i r e c t view o f th e w orld
and in p a r t i c u l a r i t s dev elo p m en tal p ro c e s s through h i s t o r i c a l
p e rio d s from p r im itiv e communism, fe d u a lis m , c a p ita lis m , and
u tlim a te ly communism. In e s s e n c e , M arx's id e a s o f developm ent was
e v o lu tio n a ry (Chodak, 1973:24) and h i s th e o ry was t i e d to h is
u n d erstan d in g o f d i a l e c t i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l m a te ria lis m .
For Marx, th e economic u n d e rs ta n d in g o f h i s t o r y i s e s s e n t i a l
to h is to r y viewed a s c l a s s s t r u g g l e . S in ce th e fo u n d atio n of
s o c ie ty i s b u i l t upon th e means o f p ro d u c tio n , c o n tr o l o v er them
is o f g r e a te s t im p o rtan ce; t h e r e f o r e , th e p r o p e r tie d c la s s i s in
p e rp e tu a l c o n f li c t w ith th e la b o r in g c l a s s who a re e x p lo ite d . I t
was th e "p ro d u c tiv e fo rc e s " and th e "n o n -p ro d u c tiv e fo rc e s " t h a t
were in c o n f l i c t a t c r u c i a l h i s t o r i c a l ju n c tu r e s . Thus, to Marx,
p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t s were in r e a l i t y economic and c la s s c o n f l i c t s .
In s h o r t, Marx wanted to p ro v e:
19
(1) th a t th e e x is te n c e o f c la s s e s i s o n ly bound
up w ith p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l p h ases in th e
development o f p ro d u c tio n ; (2) t h a t th e c la s s
s tr u g g le n e c e s s a r i ly le a d s to th e d ic ta to r s h ip
o f th e p r o l e t a r i a t ; (3) t h a t t h i s d ic ta to r s h ip
i t s e l f only c o n s ti tu te s th e t r a n s i t i o n to th e
a b o litio n o f a l l c la s s e s and to a c l a s s l e s s
s o c ie ty ( Marx and E n g els, 197 5 :5 7 ).
Marx th e r e f o r e t i e d th e dev elo p m en tal p ro c e s s very c lo s e ly
w ith economic change. Marx b e lie v e d th a t ec o n o m ic -te c h n o lo g ic a l
change can tra n sfo rm th e s u p e r s tr u c tu r e , th e b a la n c e o f human
c u l tu r e . Change f o r Marx i s a r e f l e c t i o n o f a d i a l e c t i c a l c o n tra c tio n
i n th e d iv e rs e s o c ia l fo rc e s em erging from c o n f l i c t .
In summary, M arx's h i s t o r i c a l m a te r ia lis m em phasized th e
grounding o f th e o ry on th e f a c t s o f economic and te c h n o lo g ic a l
r e a l i t y . H is to r ic a l m a te ria lis m , t h e r e f o r e , p ro v id e s th e n e c e ssa ry
p e r s p e c tiv e o f developm ent. For Marx,
H isto ry i s n o th in g b u t th e s u c c e s s io n o f th e
s e p a ra te g e n e ra tio n s , each o f w hich e x p lo its
th e c a p i t a l fu n d s, th e p ro d u c tiv e fo rc e s handed
down to i t by a l l p re c e d in g g e n e ra tio n s . . .
t h i s co n ce p tio n o f h i s t o r y depends on o u r a b i l i t y
to expound th e r e a l p ro c e ss o f p ro d u c tio n , s t a r t i n g
o u t from th e m a te r ia l p ro d u c tio n o f l i f e i t s e l f ,
and to comprehend th e form o f in te r c o u r s e connected
w ith t h i s and c re a te d by t h i s mode o f p ro d u c tio n
. . . as th e b a s ic o f a l l h i s t o r y (Marx and E n g els,
1973:57-58).
Marx in te r p r e te d developm ent from th e economic p o in t o f view ,
a s h i s t o r i c a l p ro cess o f "an immense accu m u latio n o f com m odities"
20
(Marx, 1967, v o l. 1 :3 5 ) , and t i e d c lo s e ly to th e p o l i t i c a l
developm ental p ro c e ss w ith th e economic p e r s p e c tiv e . The economic
p e r s p e c tiv e , th e n , i s in tu r n t i e d c lo s e ly to th e s t a t e , w hich i s
th e most im p o rtan t means th a t would c o n tro l th e means o f p ro d u c tio n .
The s t a t e , f o r Marx, i s a government dom inated by th e
b o u rg e o is ie and s e rv e s th e economic and p o l i t i c a l f u n c tio n s o f
one c l a s s a t th e expense o f o th e r s . The n o tio n o f an in d ep en d en t
b u reau cracy which s o a rs above s o c ie ty a s an a l ie n a t e d e x p re s s io n
o f i t s p e r v e r te d power i s c e n t r a l in M arx's c o n c e p tio n o f th e s t a t e
and i t s b u re a u c ra c y .
B ureaucracy a s a C la ss Organ
The c r i t i c a l a n a ly s is o f th e H eg elian n o tio n o f th e s t a t e le d
Marx to a fundam ental fo rm u la tio n o f b u reau c ra cy (A v in e ri, 1972;
L ie b ic h , 1982). H egel b e lie v e d t h a t th e b u reau c ra cy co u ld s o lv e th e
c o n f l i c t betw een th e s t a t e and th e c i v i l s o c ie t y , and could sta n d

V,
as a n e u t r a l a r b i t e r . Marx, how ever, con ten d s th a t th e c o n f l i c t i s
ir r e s o lv a b le in t h i s f a s h io n , and th e " s o lu tio n s " betw een th e
in d iv id u a l and groups and th e s t a t e a r e p u re ly fo rm a l, and th e r e
fo re unw orkable. What began a s H e g e l's p r e s c r ip t io n f o r c o n f l i c t
r e s o lu tio n ended w ith th e t o t a l dom ination o f th e in d i v id u a l and
groups by th e p o l i t i c a l s t a t e , and th e b u reau c ra cy w i l l o n ly use
th e commonweal to f u r t h e r th e i n t e r e s t o f th e eco n o m ically dom inant
c l a s s . I t i s , in e f f e c t , a lic e n s e d i n s t i t u t i o n f o r c l a s s dominan-
t i o n , and th e r e f o r e , a c l a s s o rg an . T his n o tio n i s b e s t ex p ressed
21
by E n g els:
The s t a t e i s n o th in g b u t th e o rg an ized c o l le c t iv e
power o f th e p o s se ss in g c l a s s e s , th e landow ners
and th e c a p i t a l i s t s , as a g a in s t th e e x p lo ite d
c l a s s e s , th e p e a sa n ts and th e w o rk ers. What th e
in d iv id u a l c a p i t a l i s t s . . . do n o t w ant, t h e i r
s t a t e a ls o does n o t w ant. I f th e re f o r e th e
in d iv id u a l c a p i t a l i s t s d e p lo re th e h o u sin g s h o rta g e ,
b u t can h a r d ly be p ersu ad ed even s u p e r f i c i a l l y
to p a l l i a t e i t s most t e r r i f y i n g consequences, th e
c o l l e c t i v e c a p i t a l i s t , th e s t a t e , w i l l n o t do much
more (Marx and E n g els, 1962, v o l. 1 :5 4 7 ).
Marx f u r th e r dem otes H e g e l's u n iv e rs a l c la s s to j u s t an o th e r
c la s s w ith s e l f i s h i n t e r e s t s . To H egel, b u reau cracy i s a means to
an end f o r th e c i t i z e n r y —th u s he d efen d s i t ; b u t to Marx, i t i s
th e means which s e rv e s th e i n t e r e s t s o f th e eco n o m ically dominant
c l a s s —he a tta c k s i t . The b u re a u c ra c y , acc o rd in g to Marx, p o sse sse s
th e c e n t r a l power o f th e s t a t e and a t th e same tim e i s p o sse sse d by
it.
A lie n a tio n
M arx's co n c e p tio n o f th e b u re a u c ra c y i s th a t i t r e p r e s e n ts
th e eco n o m ically dom inant c la s s s ta n d in g above s o c ie ty , b u t a t th e
same tim e a l ie n a t e d from s o c ie ty . T his i s th e main f e a tu r e o f
M arxian b u re a u c ra c y : a l ie n a t io n . The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f detachm ent
in o f f ic ia ld o m 's r e la tio n s h ip to th e mass o f th e p e o p le , and th e
g u lf i t c r e a te s w i l l produce more te n s io n s between them. I t i s
M arx's s tr o n g c o n v ic tio n th a t th e " a li e n a ti o n " elem ent in th e
22
b u re a u c ra c y i s n o t o n ly u n d e s ira b le , b u t a ls o s e l f - d e s t r u c t i v e . The
te n s io n s produced in th e c la s s c o n f l i c t betw een th e eco n o m ically
dom inant c l a s s and th e eco n o m ically le ss -d o m in a n t c la s s w i l l
e v e n tu a lly explode and b r in g about a p r o l e t a r i a n r e v o lu tio n which
c o n tr o ls th e s t a t e a p p a ra tu s . As Marx f o r e s e e s , th e s t a t e b u reau cracy
i t s e l f i s h i s t o r i c a l l y an a lie n a te d o r g a n iz a tio n a l form which te n d s
to come i n t o c o n tr a d ic tio n w ith th e s o c i a l fo r c e s th a t gave r i s e to
it.
The H ie r a r c h ia l S tr u c tu r e o f B ureaucracy
In M arx 's ju d g em en t, th e h i e r a r c h i a l s t r u c t u r e o f th e b u reau
c ra c y becomes th e c h ie f abuse o f th e b u r e a u c ra ts . The s t a t e e x i s t s
as v a rio u s b u reau s a re connected by r e l a t i o n s o f s u b o rd in a tio n and
th e y a r e p a s s iv e to o b ed ien ce. I t i s t h i s h i e r a r c h i a l s t r u c t u r e
t h a t makes th e b u r e a u c ra ts th in k th a t th e y a r e a l l p o w erfu l. They
w i l l p u rsu e th e c la s s s tr u g g le by a tta c h in g t o th em selv es symbols
and id e o lo g y w hich, p a r a d o x ic a lly , w i l l a l i e n a t e them f u r th e r
from th e m asses and th e r e f o r e u n co n scio u sly b re e d th e seed s o f
s e lf-d e s tru c tio n .
Thus, th e tr u e p u rp o se of th e h i e r a r c h iz a tio n i s to submerge
in s e c re c y , m e c h a n is tic a c tio n , f a i t h i n a u t h o r i ty and th e q u est
f o r h ig h e r p o s iti o n s . Marx rem arks t h a t " in b u re a u c ra c y th e i d e n t i t y
o f th e i n t e r e s t s o f s t a t e and o f th e p a r t i c u l a r p r i v a t e purpose i s
to e s t a b l i s h t h a t th e i n t e r e s t s o f s t a t e become a p a r t i c u l a r
p r i v a t e p u rp o se c o n fro n tin g o th e r p r iv a t e p u rp o se" (Marx and
23
E n g els, 1962, v o l. 1 :7 8 ) .
The Incom petence o f B ureaucracy
Marx a l s o a t ta c k s incom petence in th e b u re a u c ra c y . Under th e
e x i s t in g c irc u m s ta n c e s , th e b u reau c ra cy i d e n t i f i e s th e i n t e r e s t o f
th e s t a t e and i t s own p r iv a t e g o a ls . The s t a t e , a s Marx h a s s a id
again and a g a in , i s d eg rad ed in t o an i n s t i t u t i o n f o r s e g re g a te d
i n t e r e s t . I t demands t h a t th e p eo p le p u t u n lim ite d t r u s t i n th e
o ffic ia ld o m , w h ile th e s t a t e h o ld s u n lim ite d d i s t r u s t o f a l l non
o f f i c i a l s . T h is i s th e b a s ic d e fe c t which Marx s e e s in such an
i n s t i t u t i o n w hich i s n o t checked a t a l l by any o th e r form o f
in s titu tio n s .
The " W ith erin g Away" o f th e S ta te
I t i s M arx 's c o n c lu sio n t h a t c l a s s c o n f l i c t h as underm ined
th e u n ity o f th e s o c i e t y , and th e in s tru m e n ts o f p o l i t i c a l power
a re c r e a te d to s a fe g u a rd th e economic power o f th e p r o p e r tie d . As
th e c o e rc iv e and r e p r e s s iv e fu n c tio n s o f th e b u reau c ra cy become
more p re e m in e n t, th e i n t e n s i t y o f c l a s s c o n f l i c t w i l l in c r e a s e and
w ith i t th e d an g er o f r e v o lu tio n . T h e re fo re , a cc o rd in g to Marx and
E n g els, th e a b o l i t i o n o f th e s t a t e in v o lv e s th r e e s te p s : th e o v er
throw o f th e b o u rg e o is s t a t e by r e v o lu tio n , th e e s ta b lis h m e n t o f
th e d i c t a t o r s h i p o f th e p r o l e t a r i a t , and th e " w ith e rin g away" o f
th e p r o l e t a r i a n b u re a u c ra c y . E ngels e x p re sse d t h i s in th e fo llo w in g
sta te m e n t from h i s A n ti-D u h rin g :
24
As soon as th e r e i s no lo n g e r any c l a s s of
s o c ie ty to be h e ld in s u b je c tio n ; as soon a s ,
alo n g w ith c l a s s dom ination and th e s tr u g g le
f o r in d iv id u a l e x is te n c e b ased on th e anarchy
o f p ro d u c tio n h i t h e r t o , th e c o l l i s i o n s and
e x c e sse s a r i s i n g from th e s e have a ls o been
a b o lis h e d , th e r e i s n o th in g more to be re p re s s e d
which would make a s p e c ia l r e p r e s s iv e f o r c e , a
s t a t e , n e c e s s a ry . . . th e in t e r f e r e n c e of th e
s t a t e power i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s becomes su p e r
flu o u s in one sh p ere a f t e r a n o th e r , and th en
cea se s o f i t s e l f . The government o f p erso n s i s
r e p la c e d by th e a d m in is tr a tio n o f th in g s and
th e d i r e c t i o n o f th e p ro c e s s e s o f p ro d u c tio n .
The s t a t e i s n o t " a b o lis h e d " , i t w ith e r s away
(Marx and E n g e ls , 1962, v o l. 1 1 :1 3 8 ).
B efore th e s t a t e f i n a l l y w ith e rs away, th e r e w i l l b e , Marx
m a in ta in s , a t r a n s i t i o n a l p e rio d o f power when th e p r o l e t a r i a t is
in ch arg e. T his i s "a p o l i t i c a l t r a n s i t i o n p e rio d in w hich th e
s t a t e can b e n o th in g b u t th e re v o lu tio n a r y d ic ta to r s h ip o f th e
p r o l e t a r i a t " (Marx and E n g e ls , 1962, v o l. 1 1 :3 0 ).
The P a r is Commune
I t i s c l e a r th a t th e f u n c tio n a l and te c h n ic a l im p o rtan ce of
th e b u reau c ra cy a r e n o t in M arx's mind. Marx d id n o t, i n h is
c r it ic i s m s o f H egel and l a t e r w r iti n g s , make h is own system
com plete, le a v in g many q u e s tio n s unansw ered. L ichtheim comments
t h a t "Marx f o r some re a s o n s h irk e d th e problem o f th e b u reau c ra cy "
(1961:110) i n th e p o s t - c a p i t a l i s t s o c ie ty . However, th e b e s t in d i
c a tio n o f M arx's view s on th e p o l i t i c a l a s p e c ts o f th e p o s t
p r o le t a r ia n r e v o lu tio n a r y s o c ie ty i s perh ap s found in h i s d e s c r ip tio n
25
o f th e P a r is Commune which was l a t e r invoked in L e n in 's w r itin g and
M ao's G reat Leap Forward and th e G reat P r o l e t a r i a n C u ltu r a l Revolu
t i o n and where i t was so b ra z e n ly m isp re se n te d .
The P a r is Commune, s e t up in 1871, had to be viewed a s a
s i g n i f i c a n t p re o c c u p a tio n in M arx's th o u g h t. For Marx, th e Commune
r e p r e s e n ts a s o c ie ty in r e v o lt a g a in s t th e s t a t e , a model f o r f u tu r e
s o c ie ty where th e w orking c la s s w i l l have i t s own ch o ic e o f govern
ment and a d m in is tr a tio n . The e f f e c t o f th e Commune's a c tio n s would
have li b e r a te d men from th e ty ran n y o f c a p ita lis m .- The Commune w as,
Marx a lle g e d ,
a th o ro u g h ly ex p an siv e p o l i t i c a l form , w h ile

a l l p re v io u s form o f government has been
e m p h a tic a lly r e p r e s s iv e . . . . I t was e s s e n t i a l l y
a w orking c la s s governm ent, th e p ro d u c t o f th e
s tr u g g le . . . a g a in s t th e a p p r o p r ia tin g c l a s s ,
th e p o l i t i c a l form a t l a s t d is c o v e re d under which
to work o u t th e economic em an cip a tio n o f la b o r
(Marx and E n g e ls, 1962, v o l. 1 :4 7 3 ).
T his concept o f Commune was in many ways an enbodiment o f
c e r t a in n in e te e n th - c e n tu r y a n a r c h is t id e a s . The f a c t t h a t i t f a i l e d
d id n o t d e te r M arx's d is c i p le s t o e x p lo re f u r t h e r th e p o s s i b i l i t y
o f i t s e x is te n c e .
Thus Marx e x p l i c i t l y opposed th e b u r e a u c r a tic s t r u c t u r e in th e
p o l i t i c a l s t a t e , and i m p lic itl y advanced th e n o tio n t h a t such a
s tr u c t u r e would u ltim a te ly d e s tro y th e dev elo p m en tal p ro c e s s and
s t a b i l i t y in th e p o l i t y . The b u r e a u c ra ts a r e th e c h ie f c u l p r i t s f o r
26
d e t e r r in g th e tra n s fo rm a tio n o f human h i s t o r y in g e n e r a l, and th e
u ltim a te trium ph o f th e p r o l e t a r i a t o v er th e b o u r g e o is ie in
p a rtic u la r.
U n f o r tu n a te ly , Marx has f a i l e d to t e l l us what ty p e s o f
fe a tu r e s th e b u reau c ra cy w i l l ta k e in a c l a s s l e s s and s t a t e l e s s
s o c ie ty . E xcept h i s d e s c r ip tio n o f th e P a r is Commune, w hich
a c t u a ll y f a i l e d , we fin d no ev id en ce o f such a s p e c i f i c b u re a u c ra
t i c model. P erh ap s b ecau se o f t h i s , th e r e were c o n s id e r a b le p r a c t i
c a l c o n fu sio n s and chaos o v er th e Communist b u r e a u c r a tic s t r u c t u r e
w ith th o s e who fo llo w ed Marx.
W eber's C onception o f B ureaucracy

and th e R a tio n a liz a tio n o f Development
Development and C a p ita lis m
The a sse ssm e n ts o f th e c o n tr ib u tio n o f Weber on developm ent
seem to b e c o n tr a d ic to r y . T a lc o tt P arso n s a s s e r t s t h a t Weber
c o n tr ib u te s " a g e n e ra l e v o lu tio n a ry view in th e developm ent o f
human s o c ie ty " (1 9 6 8 :lx ) . But B endix s u g g e sts t h a t "Weber was n o t
i n t e r e s t e d in develo p m en tal th e o r ie s " (1 9 7 7 :3 2 6 ). In any c a s e , th e
nuances i n W eber's th o u g h t no doubt d eserv e s e r io u s and c a r e f u l
stu d y .
W eber's a n a ly s is o f developm ent i s a lo n g -ra n g e o n e. He
focused on th e tra n s fo rm a tio n and h i s t o r i c a l com parisons w ith th e
assessm en t o f a g iv en d i s t r i b u t i o n o f power w ith a view tow ard
changing i t . Weber e x p l i c i t l y a d d ressed q u e s tio n s o f how to b r in g
R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout perm ission.
27
about change—p a r a l l e l to M arx's i n t e r e s t . The g e n e ra l t h r u s t o f
W eber's work was to o u t l i n e th e p o l i t i c a l , econom ic, and p sy ch o lo
g ic a l req u irem en ts o f a new c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e w hich i s dom inated by
two c e n t r a l i n t e r e s t s : (1) th e p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y o f c e r t a i n
s o c i a l system s— and th e s t r a t e g i e s which a re a v a i la b l e to c e r t a i n
p o l i t i c a l l y dom inant groups f o r coping w ith p o l i t i c a l c r i s e s , and
(2) th e g lo b a l and perm anent s ig n if ic a n c e o f c e r t a i n ty p e s o f
s t r u c t u r a l breakdown in p a trim o n ia lis m , a n t iq u it y and fe u d a lis m
(T u rn er, 1981).
In p a r t i c u l a r , Weber w anted to d eterm in e w hat ty p e s o f
p o l i t i c a l breakdown w ere conducive to th e developm ent o f c a p ita lis m
in v a rio u s s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s . W eber's concept o f developm ent i s
based on th e g e n e ra l p rem ise t h a t a l l pre-m odern p o l i t i c a l system s
w ere, by c o n tr a s t w ith b u r e a u c r a tic a lly a d m in is te re d modem p o l i t i c s ,
t y p i f i e d by maissive s t r u c t u r a l i n s t a b i l i t i e s , w hich a c c o rd in g ly were
conducive to c a p i t a l i s t developm ent and th e r i s e o f th e modem s t a t e .
B u re a u c ra tiz a tio n a s R a tio n a liz a tio n
To M arx's em phasis on th e mode of p ro d u c tio n as d e te rm in in g
r e l a t i o n s in s o c ie t y , Weber added th e c o n te n t o f communal v a lu e s ,
th e c h a r a c te r o f p o l i t i c a l power and o rg a n iz a tio n s as im p o rta n t
d e te rm in a n ts. W eber's s t r e s s on b u re a u c ra c y and i t s developm ent in
i n d u s t r i a l s o c ie ty was p a r t l y an e f f o r t to show t h a t b u r e a u c r a tiz a
t i o n would n o t be e x c lu s iv e ly a p ro d u ct o f c a p ita lis m , b u t c o u ld be
bro u g h t about in many k in d s o f s o c ie t y , in c lu d in g s o c i a l i s t o n e s .
28
In d eed , Weber b e lie v e d t h a t s o c ie t y under s o c ia lis m would n o t
escape b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n , b u t on th e c o n tra r y , would be more s u b je c t
to i t . He w ro te:
Only by r e v e rs io n i n ev ery f i e l d —p o l i t i c a l ,
r e l i g i o u s , econom ic, e t c . to s m a ll- s c a le
o r g a n iz a tio n would i t be p o s s ib le to any
c o n s id e ra b le e x te n t to e sc a p e b u re a u c ra c y ’ s
in flu e n c e . . . . S o c ia lism w ould, i n f a c t ,
r e q u ir e a s t i l l h ig h e r d eg ree o f form al
b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n th a n c a p ita lis m (1978,
v o l. 1 :2 2 4 -2 2 5 ).
Weber c l e a r ly co n sid e re d th e developm ent o f l e g a l r a t i o n a l i t y
to be a m ajor c o n s id e r a tio n in W estern c i v i l i z a t i o n . To him , c a p i
ta lis m was th e h ig h e s t form o f r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n , and he i s o l a t e d
d i f f e r e n t a s p e c ts o f r a t i o n a l b o u rg e o is c a p ita lis m : s e c u l a r i t y ,
m axim ization o f e f f ic ie n c y , b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n and p r o f e s s io n a li z a
ti o n .
For Weber, i t was b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n w hich c h a r a c te r is e d
modern W estern s o c ie ty . W ith th e in c r e a s in g co m p lex ity s o c ie ty and
i t s s t r u c t u r e , th e need f o r r a t i o n a l a d m in is tr a tio n expand b o th
q u a n t ita t iv e l y and q u a l i t a t i v e l y . Weber rem arked:
The developm ent o f modern forms o f o r g a n iz a tio n

in a l l f i e l d s i s n o th in g l e s s . t h a n i d e n t i c a l
w ith th e developm ent and c o n tin u a l sp re a d o f
b u r e a u c ra tic a d m in is tr a tio n . T his i s tr u e o f
church and s t a t e , o f a rm ie s , p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s ,
economic e n t e r p r i s e s , i n t e r e s t g ro u p s, endowments,
c lu b s , and many o th e r s . I t s developm ent i s , to
ta k e th e most s t r i k i n g c a s e , a t th e ro o t o f th e
modern W estern s t a t e (1978, v o l. 1 :2 2 3 ).
29
Domination in econom ically advanced s o c i e t i e s i s b ased on th e
r a t i o n a l i t y o f i n d u s t r i a l c a p ita lis m , which in i t s modern form
becomes in s e p a r a b le from i n d u s t r i a l o r g a n iz a tio n ex ten d ed to s o c ie ty
as a whole and to c o n tro l th ro u g h b u r e a u c r a tic a d m in is tr a tio n . Weber
w ished to show to what e x te n t b u r e a u c r a tic o r g a n iz a tio n i s a r a t i o n a l
s o lu tio n to th e c o m p le x itie s of modern problem s. I n t h i s r e s p e c t , he
went beyond th e "m achine" model i n many s i g n i f i c a n t w ays.
Weber went to th e e x te n t o f p ro cla im in g t h a t " th e f u tu r e
b elo n g s to b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n " (1978, v o l. 1 1 :1 4 0 1 ), b eca u se b u re a u
crac y has th e
te c h n ic a l s u p e r io r it y ov er any o th e r form o f
o r g a n iz a tio n . The f u l l y developed b u r e a u c r a tic
a p p a ra tu s compares w ith o th e r o rg a n iz a tio n s
e x a c tly as does th e machine w ith n o n -m ech an ical
modes o f p ro d u c tio n . P r e c is io n , sp e e d , un am b iq u ity ,
knowledge o f th e f i l e s , c o n t in u ity , d i s c r e t i o n ,
u n ity , s t r i c t s u b o rd in a tio n , re d u c tio n o f f r i c t i o n
and o f m a te r ia l and p e rs o n a l c o s ts —th e s e a r e
r a is e d to th e optimun p o in t in th e s t r i c t l y
b u r e a u c r a tic a d m in is tr a tio n , and e s p e c i a ll y
i n i t s m o n o cratic form (1978, v o l. 1 1 :9 7 3 ).
The r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n o f b u re a u c ra c y , th e s e p a r a tio n o f church
and th e s t a t e t h a t le a d s to s e c u la r iz a t io n , and th e g ra d u a l i n s t i
t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n o f p a rlia m e n ta ria n is m a l l form i n t e g r a l elem en ts o f
th e d ev elo p m en tal model. At th e same tim e , th e growth o f b u re a u c ra
t i z a t i o n , to o , h a s h elp ed i n th e m o d e rn izatio n o f th e new s t a t e s .
Weber w ro te th a t " th e p ro g re s s tow ard b u r e a u c r a tic o f f ic ia ld o m . . .
has been t h e e q u a lly unambiguous y a r d s tic k f o r th e m o d e rn izatio n
30
o f th e s t a t e , w h eth er m onarchic o r d em o cratic" (1978, v o l. 11:1393).
C h a r a c te r is t ic s of th e B u re a u c ra tic Model
The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f W eber's b u r e a u c ra tic model have been
condensed and p re s e n te d by B lau:
1. "The r e g u la r a c t i v i t i e s re q u ire d f o r th e
purposes o f th e b u r e a u c r a tic a lly governed s t r u c t u r e
a re d i s t r i b u t e d i n a f ix e d way a s o f f i c i a l d u t i e s . "
2. "A s p e c if i e d sp h ere o f competence . . . has
been marked o f f as p a r t o f a s y s te m a tic d iv is io n
o f la b o r . . . "
3. The o f f i c i a l " i s s u b je c t to s t r i c t and
s y s te m a tic d is c i p l i n e and c o n t r o l in th e conduct
of h is o f f ic e ."
4. A ll o p e r a tio n s a r e governed by "a c o n s is te n t
system o f a b s t r a c t r u le s . . .[a n d ] c o n s is t in th e
a p p lic a tio n o f th e s e r u le s to p a r t i c u l a r c a s e s ."
5. "The o r g a n iz a tio n o f o f f i c e s fo llo w s th e
p r in c i p le o f h ie ra r c h y ; t h a t i s , each low er o f f i c e
i s u nder th e c o n tro l and s u p e rv is io n o f a h ig h e r
^one."
6. O f f i c i a l s a r e " s u b je c t to a u t h o r i ty o n ly w ith
r e s p e c t to t h e i r im p erso n al o f f i c i a l o b l i g a t i o n s ."
7. "C an d id ates f o r b u r e a u c r a tic p o s itio n s a r e
s e le c te d on th e b a s is o f te c h n ic a l q u a l i f i c a t i o n s .
In th e most r a t i o n a l c a s e , t h i s i s te s t e d by
e x a m in a tio n s, o r g u aran teed by diplom as c e r t i f y i n g
te c h n ic a l t r a i n i n g , o r b o th . They a re a p p o in te d ,
n o t e l e c t e d ."
8. B eing a b u r e a u c ra tic o f f i c i a l " c o n s tit u te s a
c a r e e r . T here i s a system o f 'p ro m o tio n s' a c c o rd in g
to s e n i o r i t y o r to a c h ie v e m e n t,o r b o th ."
(B la u , 1 9 6 6 :1 -2 ).
In s h o r t, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f th e c l a s s i c a l W eberian model
in c lu d e a d m in is tr a tiv e e f f ic ie n c y made p o s s ib le by an i n s is te n c e
on p r o f e s s io n a l s k i l l f o r advancem ent, im p erso n al d i s c i p l i n e ,
h ie ra rc h y o f a u t h o r i t y , e la b o r a tio n o f unambiguous w r i t t e n r u l e s ,
31
and s p e c ia liz a tio n o f fu n c tio n s in resp o n se to expanding s o c i a l
a c t i v i t y . Such a model i n s t i t u t e s in s o c ie ty a s t a b i l i z a t i o n o f
th e socioeconom ic o r d e r .
At th e same tim e , Weber argued th a t th e b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n
o f l i f e b r in g s w ith i t an in c r e a s in g p r o b a b il it y o f d em o cratic
p r a c t ic e , alth o u g h u lt im a te ly p r e s e n tin g a t h r e a t to d em o cratic
system s. The r e q u i s i t e s o f d em o cratic p r a c t ic e a r e to le r a n c e ,
p r e c is e l e g a l i t y , and r e p r e s e n ta tiv e governm ent. W ithin t h i s
c o n te x t, a h ig h ly e f f i c i e n t a d m in is tr a tiv e o rd e r e x tr a c ts s o c ia l
re s o u rc e s and u t i l i z e s them in r e a l i z i n g s o c i a l l y determ ined g o a ls ,
w h ile a t th e same tim e , m e d ia tin g th e com peting demands of th e
c i tiz e n r y .
The P o l i t i c a l Role o f B u reau cracy and i t s C o n tro l
Weber d e a l t w ith th e p o l i t i c a l r o le o f b u reau c ra cy and th e
p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f i t becom ing th e p o w er-w ield er i n th e p o l i t i c a l
system and i t s r e l a t e d p ro b lem s. "B u reau cracy ," Weber w ro te , " is
th e means o f tra n s fo rm in g s o c i a l a c tio n in t o r a t i o n a l l y o rg an iz ed
a c tio n . T h e re fo re , a s an in s tru m e n t o f r a t i o n a l l y o rg a n iz in g
a u th o r ity r e l a t i o n s , b u re a u c ra c y was and i s a power in s tru m e n t o f
th e f i r s t o rd e r f o r one who c o n tr o ls th e b u r e a u c r a tic ap p a ra tu s"
(1978, v o l. 1 1 :9 8 7 ).
In h is s c h o la r ly w r i t i n g s , Weber seemed to put em phasis on
th e types o f le g itim a tio n and on b u reau cracy as a s u p e rio r te c h n ic a l
in s tru m e n t, w hereas i n h i s p o l i t i c a l e s s a y s , b u re a u c ra ts a r e tr e a te d
32
as a s t a t u s group w ith v e s te d i n t e r e s t s (Beetham, 1974). Weber a ls o
n o ted th a t b u re a u c ra c y would be a t h r e a t to th e s t a b i l i t y o f W estern
c u l tu r e w ith th e advance o f c a p ita lis m . Such an advance would in e v i
ta b ly accompanied by th e developm ent o f e v e r more e f f i c i e n t b u reau
c r a c ie s . Mommsen rem arks t h a t
Weber en v isag ed th a t t h i s p ro c e s s was l i k e l y to

e v e n tu a lly r e s u l t in th e em ergence o f a 'new ir o n
cage o f s e rfd o m ', in w hich a l l forms o f v a lu e -
o r ie n te d s o c i a l conduct would be s u ffo c a te d by
. th e alm ig h ty b u r e a u c r a tic s t r u c t u r e s and by th e
t i g h t l y k n i t netw orks o f f o r m a l - r a ti o n a l laws and
r e g u l a t i o n s , a g a in s t w hich th e in d iv id u a l would
no lo n g e r s ta n d any chance a t a l l (19 7 4 :5 7 ).
Thus Weber r e a l iz e d t h a t a s b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n in c r e a s e s , th e
power o f th e b u re a u c ra ts w i l l te n d to in c r e a s e due to two i n t e r
connected c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f b u r e a u c r a tic o r g a n iz a tio n : (1) th e
p r a c t i c a l e f f e c t iv e n e s s and th e i n d i s p e n s i b i l i t y o f b u r e a u c r a tic
o r g a n iz a tio n , and (2) th e e x p e r t is e and te c h n ic a l knowledge o f th e
b u r e a u c ra ts and th e s o - c a l l e d " a d m in is tr a tiv e s e c r e ts " c o n tr o lle d
by them .
To be s u r e , Weber was t o t a l l y aware o f th e n e g a tiv e conse
quences of b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n —th e tendency o f o f f i c i a l s to ig n o re
q u e s tio n s o f s u b s ta n tiv e j u s t i c e i n a d h e rin g to fo rm al r u l e s , th e
im p e rs o n a lity o f o r g a n iz a tio n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , th e " a m o ra lity " o f
b u r e a u c ra c ie s w ill in g to s e rv e w h atev er elem ents g ain c o n tr o l over
them, and th e a n tid e m o c ra tic im p lic a tio n s o f b u r e a u c r a tic h ie ra r c h y .
33
Given t h i s ex p an sio n and m isuse o f b u r e a u c r a tic pow er, Weber
m a in tain ed t h a t such p o l i t i c a l power and b u r e a u c r a tic dom ination be
c o n tr o lle d u n d er " th e com m ittees o f a pow erful w orking p a rlia m e n t"
(1978, v o l. 1 1 :1 4 2 0 ). W right h as in t e r p r e te d Weber a s s a y in g t h a t
a s tr o n g w orking p a rlia m e n t accom plished th r e e

e s s e n t i a l th in g s : F i r s t , i t p ro v id e s th e
i n s t i t u t i o n a l means f o r e f f e c t i v e l y c o n t r o l li n g
th e u n r e s tr a in e d power o f th e b u re a u c ra c y ;
second, i t g e n e ra te s t h e - t a le n te d p o l i t i c a l .
le a d e r s h ip n ecessary -^ ^fo r/resp o n sib ly d i r e c t Uj ■
b u r e a u c r a tic a c t i v i t i y ^ t h i r d , i t p ro v id e s th e
mechanisms fo r' h o ld in g t h a t le a d e r s h ip a c c o u n ta b le
(1 9 7 4 :7 5 ).
Thus Weber re c o g n iz e d a dichotom y betw een th e p o l i t y and th e
a d m in is tr a tio n and w anted to draw a sh arp d i s t i n c t i o n betw een th e
r o le s o f th e p o l i t i c i a n s and th e b u r e a u c ra ts ; b u t he a ls o n o te d th a t
a d m in is tr a tiv e problem s, no m a tte r how te c h n ic a l th e y m ight seem,
a re in many ways in f lu e n c e d by p o l i t i c a l c o n s id e r a tio n s . Such
am biguity in W eber's tre a tm e n t o f b u r e a u c r a tic i n t e r e s t and p u b lic -
p o lic y im portance r e f l e c t s a d u alism in W eber's th in k in g (D iam ant,
1962). On th e one h an d , l e g a l - r a t i o n a l i t y o f W eber's id e a l- ty p e le d
him to c o n s id e r b u re a u c ra c y as a n e u t r a l t o o l , and on th e o th e r hand,
h i s own p o l i t i c a l e x p e rie n c e s ta u g h t him t h a t th e power i n t e r e s t s o f
th e b u re a u c ra c y may th r e a te n th e m astery o f p o l i t i c a l le a d e r s h ip .
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T h e o r e tic a l C o n sid e ra tio n s
In many a s p e c t s , Marx and Weber h o ld opposing view s on th e
fu n c tio n s o f th e s t a t e and b u reau c ra cy . Agreement can p erh ap s o n ly
be found i n th e b u r e a u c r a tic s t r u c t u r e s . In e s s e n c e , th e c l a s s -
dom ination f e a tu r e o f th e b u reau c ra cy m ain tain ed by Marx does n o t
seem to f i t in to o rth o d o x fu n c tio n s o f th e b u re a u c ra c y , nam ely, in
th e words o f Weber, " to tra n s fo rm s o c i a l a c tio n in t o r a t i o n a l l y
o rg an ized a c tio n " (1978, v o l. 1 1 :1 4 0 3 ). In l i g h t o f t h i s , th e
fo llo w in g a re a s o f c r i t i c i s m o f W eber's and M arx's model o f th e
s t a t e and b u re a u c ra c y can be c o n sid ere d :
(1) The o r ig i n o f th e b u reau cracy and th e s t a t e . In th e
M arxian m odel, th e s t a t e (and i t s b u reau cracy ) i s a power t h a t
a r i s e s as a r e s u l t o f th e i r r e c o n c il a b le c la s s an tag o n ism and
c la s s c o n f l i c t s . I t r e s t s upon th e economic c o n d itio n s o f p ro d u c tio n
which d eterm in e d i f f e r e n t c la s s e s o f s o c ie ty and r e f l e c t th e d e s ir e
o f th e eco n o m ically dom inant c la s s in c o n t r o l li n g th e means o f
p ro d u c tio n . I t i s , in e s s e n c e , a c la s s o r g a n iz a tio n . Weber acknow
le d g es th e economic b a s e s o f th e b u re a u c ra c y , b u t he r e j e c t s th e
n o tio n t h a t i t a r i s e s o u t o f c la s s c o n f l i c t . He m a in ta in s t h a t th e
bu reau cracy d e riv e s from th e l e g a l - r a t i o n a l form o f a u t h o r i ty w hich
i s th e h ig h e s t form o f s e c u la r iz a t io n in s o c ie ty .
(2) The f e a t u r e s o f b u re a u c ra c y . The M arxian model f e a tu r e s
fo u r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f th e s t a t e and i t s b u re a u c ra c y , nam ely,
o rg a n iz in g in h a b ita n t s by t e r r i t o r i e s , c r e a tin g a fo rc e and power
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o f c o e rc io n , le v y in g ta x e s and c o n tr a c tin g p u b lic d e b ts , and
p ro v id in g p r iv ile g e d p o s iti o n s f o r s t a t e o f f i c i a l s (Chang, 1965).
These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a r e d eep ly embedded in th e concept o f c l a s s
antagonism , and, i n many w ays, assume th e c o n tin u a l e x is te n c e o f
th e d iv is io n o f s o c ie t y in to c l a s s e s b ro u g h t about by a mode o f
p ro d u c tio n based upon p r i v a t e p ro p e rty . The end r e s u l t i s th e
/ e x p l o ita t io n of^w orking c l a s s . Weber, l i k e Marx, was concerned
w ith th e end r e s u l t o f th e s e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f b u reau c ra cy .
However, u n lik e Marx, Weber h a s drawn a sh arp d i s t i n c t i o n betw een
th e p o l i t i c a l and th e te c h n ic a l f e a tu r e s o f b u re a u c ra c y . I t i s
n o t p r im a r ily a c e n t r a li z e d organ o f d e c is io n , o r a s e t o f p o l i t i c a l
org an s, I t i s an enormous m achinery of b u re a u s , composed o f two
c o n tr a d ic to r y elem en ts: on th e one hand, p o l i t i c a l p e rs o n n e l w ith
t h e i r p o l i t i c a l f u n c tio n s , and on th e o th e r , a d m in is tr a tiv e p e rs o n
n e l and t h e i r in s tr u m e n ta l f u n c tio n s . In d e s c rib in g i t th u s , Weber,
u sin g h i s id e a l- ty p e c o n s tr u c tio n , has r a t i o n a l i z e d th e b u re a u c ra
t i c o rd e r.
(3) The fu n c tio n and p u rp o se o f b u re a u c ra c y . I t i s e v id e n t
t h a t th e fu n c tio n and th e p u rp o se o f b u re a u c ra c y , a cc o rd in g t o Marx
and E n g els, a re n o th in g b u t th e o p p re s s io n o f one c la s s by a n o th e r.
I t i s a v e h ic le f o r th e re in fo rc e m e n t o f th e powers o f th e b o u rg e o i
s i e . I t s e x is te n c e i s a p ro o f t h a t th e c l a s s c o n f l i c t s and c l a s s
antagonism s s t i l l e x i s t . I t a ls o h a s th e p u rp o se o f p r o te c tin g
p r iv a te p ro p e rty . Like th e W eberian m odel, Marx and E ngels to o
touched on th e m e d ia tin g r o le o f th e b u reau c ra cy betw een th e r u l e r s
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and th e r u le d , b u t in d i f f e r e n t p h ra se o lo g y . W ith th e advance o f
i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and c a p ita lis m , th e r e p r e s s iv e fu n c tio n s o f th e
s t a t e and i t s . b u reau c ra cy would in c r e a s e . The fo llo w in g s ta te m e n t
from The Communist M an ifesto b e s t sum m arises t h e i r p o s i t i o n : "The
e x e c u tiv e o f th e modem s t a t e i s b u t a com m ittee fo r managing th e
common a f f a i r s o f th e w hole b o u rg e o is ie " (1 9 6 5 :6 1 ).
Weber seems to a g re e w ith Marx as f a r as th e p o l i t i c a l
fu n c tio n s o f b u reau c ra cy a re co n ce rn ed , though w ith many r e s e r v a tio n s
and e la b o r a tio n s . The p o l i t i c a l fu n c tio n s o f b u re a u c ra c y , however
s tro n g and r e p r e s s iv e th e y m ight seem ,can be r e g u la te d and checked
by th e p a r lia m e n ta r ia n i n s t i t u t i o n s , and c e r t a i n p o l i t i c a l p i t f a l l s
can be a v o id ed . The id e o lo g ic a l u t i l i t y o f b u re a u c ra c y th r e a te n s i t s
r a t i o n a l i t y and n e u t r a l i t y , a c c o rd in g to Weber, b u t i t can be lim ite d .
F utherm ore, Weber h as added th e a d m in is tr a tiv e fu n c tio n s o f b u reau
c ra c y , w hich to him p ro v id e th e u ltim a te im portance o f th e e x is te n c e
o f th e b u r e a u c r a tic o r d e r . For Weber, th e te c h n ic a l s u p e r i o r i t y o f
b u r e a u c r a tic a d m in is tr a tio n makes i t s p u rp o se more m ean in g fu l in
term s o f r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n .
(4) The f u tu r e o f b u re a u c ra c y . Weber d e c la re d t h a t " th e f u tu r e
b elo n g s to b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n " ; Marx and E ngels b e lie v e d t h a t th e
s t a t e and i t s b u reau c ra cy w i l l f i n a l l y " w ith e r aw ay." Both were
e q u a lly a rd e n t in t h e i r b e l i e f , and p a r a d o x ic a lly , b o th w ere c o r r e c t
i n t h e i r own ways. To be s u re , Weber was e q u a lly concerned w ith th e
n e g a tiv e r e s u l t s o f b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n — as a t h r e a t t o th e d em o cratic
system , p e rs o n a l l i b e r t y , and u ltim a te ly hum anity—a s he was
37
concerned w ith th e d e m y s tif ic a tio n o f th e w orld by t h i s p ro c e s s as
b u reau cracy i s " th e m ost r a t i o n a l known means o f e x e r c is in g a u t h o r i ty
over human b e in g " (1978, v o l. 1 :2 2 3 ). The growth o f b u re a u c ra c y w i l l
c e r t a in l y th r e a te n v ig o ro u s democracy a s th e r e e x i s t s a ten d en cy f o r
some i n t e r e s t groups t o ta k e over th e a d m in is tr a tiv e f u n c tio n s fo r
t h e i r own p u rp o se. However, Weber d id n o t s e e th e u ltim a te e lim in a
tio n o f b u re a u c ra c y a s a p o s s i b i l i t y . As Abrahamsson p u ts i t :
I t i s , how ever, t h e o r e t i c a l l y c o n c e iv a b le to
d is p o s e o f b u reau c ra cy by r e tu r n in g to a s o c i a l
system composed o f v e ry sm a ll o r g a n iz a tio n s , y e t
i t i s e v id e n t t h a t Weber d id n o t se e t h i s as a
r e a l a l t e r n a t i v e . W hile b u reau c ra cy can be
c o n tr o lle d under c e r t a i n circu m stan ces th ro u g h
p a r lia m e n t, th e c o n tr a d ic tio n betw een democracy
and b u r e a u c r a tic r u le n o n e th e le s s ap p e a rs to be
perm anent (1 9 7 7 :6 5 ).
In c e r t a in a s p e c ts , Weber was lim ite d by h i s own v is io n o f
th e f u tu r e developm ent o f s o c ia lis m . H is w r itin g on s o c ia lis m was
w r itt e n b e fo re th e B o lsh ev ik R ev o lu tio n and th e r e f o r e h i s comments
were m ainly b ased on h i s e x p e rie n c e w ith th e s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s in
Europe.
Many s c h o la r s h av e gone d eep er i n t o th e d y s f u n c tio n a l f e a t u r e s
and th e p aradoxes o f t h e W eberian model o f b u re a u c ra c y . D e s p ite i t s
te c h n ic a l e f f e c t iv e n e s s and e f f i c i e n c y , th e W eberian model c o n ta in s
many lo o p h o le s a s p re s e n te d in th e d em o cratic p ro c e s s . S im ila r ly ,
Marx’ s v is io n embodied in r e a l s t a t e s was hampered by th e p e n e tr a
tio n o f th e p a r t y - b u r e a u c r a t i c - s t a t e m achinery i n t o ev ery l e v e l o f
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s o c ie ty in th e Communist s t a t e s , a s in th e c a s e o f th e S o v ie t Union
and China. P a r a d o x ic a lly , M arx's and W eber's p r o p h e tic v is io n s were
r e a l i z e d , p a r t i a l l y a t l e a s t , in th e o p p o s ite s tra tu m o f th e o t h e r 's
r i v a l fo rm u la tio n .
The In flu e n c e and th e D ebate
The t h e o r e t i c a l c o n tr ib u tio n s on b u re a u c ra c y by Weber have
in flu e n c e d th e f i e l d o f p u b lic a d m in is tr a tio n in c e r t a i n im p o rtan t
a s p e c ts . I n th e t r a d i t i o n a l orthodox stu d y o f b u re a u c ra c y , i t i s
c l e a r th a t p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s have ad o p ted many p e rs u a s io n s o f
th e W eberian id e a l- ty p e model. At th e same tim e , th e y a r e d eep ly
d is tu rd e d b y th e t r a d e - o f f s they have to make f o r b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n .
R esearch and a n a ly s is by P a rso n s, B lau, M ises, Jaco b y , P r e s th u s ,
C ro z ie r among o th e rs a f f ir m th e r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n and l e g a l i t y o f
W eber's model and co n firm th e im portance o f a modem b u r e a u c r a tic
s t r u c t u r e f o r m o d e rn izatio n and e f f i c i e n t p o l i t i c a l developm ent.
However, th e y to o em phasized th e malady and d e f e c ts of b u r e a u c r a tic
o r g a n iz a tio n a l s t r u c t u r e s . O ther s c h o la r s , in c lu d in g M erton,
S e lz n ic k , and G ouldner, have su g g ested im p o rtan t d y s f u n c tio n a l
consequences o f b u r e a u c r a tic o rg a n iz a tio n w h ile co n firm in g W eber's
e s s e n t i a l p r o p o s itio n s t h a t b u re a u c ra c ie s a r e more e f f i c i e n t th an
a re a l t e r n a t i v e forms o f o r g a n iz a tio n s .
M eanwhile, th e s t r i c t M arx ist i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f b u reau c ra cy
has been fa d in g i n t o th e background. I t s images h av e o n ly been
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r e f l e c t e d in th e works and deeds o f L en in , T ro tsk y , S t a l i n , and
Mao. As t h e o r i s t s and s ta te s m e n , L enin and Mao were th e modern
M arx ist spokesmen fo r th e e r a d i c a t i o n •o f th e s t a t e and b u re a u c ra c y ,
and w ith t h e i r own e x p e rim e n ts, had ta k e n a s te p f u r th e r th a n Marx.
On a more p rag m a tic and s c h o la r ly l e v e l , th e M arxian concept o f
b u reau cracy h a s been r e v is e d and s y n th e s iz e d in t o more m eaningful
e x p la n a tio n o f o r g a n iz a tio n a l th e o r ie s (Goldman and H outen, 1977;
Heydebrand, 1977). -
The two models a r e seem ingly a p a r t a t o p p o s ite en d s. However,
a c lo s e r ex am in atio n i n d i c a t e s t h a t p a r t i a l r e c o n c i l i a t i o n can be
made, and t h e o r e t i c a l and p r a c t i c a l g a p s, however w ide th e y m ight
b e , seem to have n arro w ed .
CHAPTER I I
THE BUREAUCRATIC DILEMMA OF THEORY AND PRACTICE:

. T H E MARXIAN MODEL
M arx's v is io n o f b u re a u c ra c y and th e s t a t e rem ained a
t h e o r e t i c a l framework u n r e a liz e d w ith in h i s l i f e - t i m e , p erh ap s
g iv in g o u t a l i t t l e sp a rk o f r e a l i t y in th e P a r is Commune. I t
was L enin, w ith h is r e v is io n is m , who h as p u t l i f e i n t o th e
c l a s s i c a l M arxist th e o r i e s o f th e s t a t e and a p p lie d them in
th e re c o n s tru c tio n o f s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s in R u ssia .
W hile th e r e s t o f th e w orld was moving tow ard in c re a s e d b u re a u c ra
t i z a t i o n under d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l sy ste m s, th e S o v ie t Union under
Lenin was b eg inning t o ex p erim en t w ith M arx's v is io n o f th e
d ic ta to r s h ip o f th e p r o l e t a r i a t and th e e lim in a tio n o f th e s t a t e
a f t e r th e B olshevik R ev o lu tio n i n 1917. S im ila r ly , Mao ad ap ted
M arxism-Leninism to an u n d erd ev e lo p ed , sem i-d ep en d en t, non-
European c o u n try , and China underw ent th e same id e o lo g ic a l
commitments to a b o lis h th e b u r e a u c r a tic a p p a ra tu s a s a r u li n g
i n s t i t u t i o n o v er th e w orking c l a s s . We w i l l examine t h e i r i n t e r
p r e ta tio n s and e x te n s io n s o f th e M arxian n o tio n o f b u re a u c ra c y ,
th e n o n - th e o r e tic a l, p r a c t i c a l c o n s id e r a tio n s and th e r e a l i t y
t h a t p re v a ile d o u t o f th e d e b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n p ro c e s s .
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L enin and th e W ith erin g Away o f th e S ta t e
L e n in ’ s h a tre d o f T s a r is t R u ssian b u re a u c ra tis m h as been one
o f th e p o w erfu l m o tiv a tin g fo rc e s in h i s r e s o lv e to r e v o lu tio n iz e
R u ssia . In S ta t e and R e v o lu tio n , L enin s t a r t e d from th e o rth o d o x
M arx ist p r o p o s itio n t h a t th e s t a t e i s th e p ro d u c t o f th e i r r e c o n c i
la b le c l a s s c o n f l i c t s and th e means by which th e r u li n g c l a s s
e n fo rc e s i t s r u l e o v er th e m asses. By d e f i n i t i o n , " th e S t a t e i s a
s p e c ia l o r g a n iz a tio n o f fo rc e : i t i s an o r g a n iz a tio n o f v io le n c e
f o r th e s u p p re s sio n o f some c la s s " (1 9 6 9 :3 2 0 ). L enin c o n tin u e d :
The s t a t e i s a p ro d u ct and a m a n if e s ta tio n o f

th e i r r e c o n c i l a b i l i t y o f c la s s an tag o n ism . The
• s t a t e a r i s e s w here, when and in s o f a r as c la s s
antagonism s o b je c tiv e ly cannot be r e c o n c ile d .
And, c o n v e rs e ly , th e e x is te n c e o f th e s t a t e
p ro v es t h a t c la s s antagonism s a r e i r r e c o n c i l a b l e
(1 9 6 9 :2 6 7 ).
L enin fo llo w ed M arx's argument o f th e s t a t e w ith m o d if ic a tio n s ,
how ever. H is view s must be examined from t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l c o n te x t.
The s t a t e i s n o t on ly d e fin e d in term s o f i t s n a tu r e o f c o n t r o l , b u t
a ls o i n term s o f su p p re s sio n o f c la s s s tr u g g le and c l a s s d o m ination.
Lenin a ls o viewed b u reau c ra cy as a b a s ic s t r u c t u r e th ro u g h which th e
c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s r u l e s . The dependence of b u r e a u c ra ts on th e b o u rg eo i
s i e makes i t p o s s ib le f o r th e p e tty -b o u rg e o is p a r t i e s to c o n tr o l th e
v a rio u s b u r e a u c r a tic p o s itio n s and th u s t h e i r pow er. B u re a u c ra tic
o r g a n iz a tio n , Lenin arg u ed , would p re v e n t mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n and
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impede th e r e a l i z a t i o n o f w orking c la s s i n t e r e s t s . To t h i s end,
b u reau cracy i s f u n c tio n a l to c a p ita lis m . As such c l a s s c o n f li c ts
become s h a rp e r, and th e p r o l e t a r i a t would e v e n tu a lly ta k e c o n tr o l
o f th e e v e n ts in form o f r e v o lu tio n . A f te r th e s u c c e s s f u l overthrow
o f th e c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s , th e y would th e n form a c l a s s l e s s s o c ie ty
and e s t a b l i s h th e a d m in is tr a tio n o f s o c ie ty by th e whole p o p u la tio n .
The s t a t e , th e n .n o lo n g e r e x i s t s — i t " w ith e rs away."
A fte r th e " w ith e rin g away" o f th e s t a t e , what w i l l be th e new
forms o f i n s t i t u t i o n and how w i l l they d i f f e r from th e o ld s tr u c t u r e s
For L enin, th e r i s e o f s o c ia lis m r e q u ir e s t h a t th e b o u rg e o is s t a t e
i n s t i t u t i o n be d e s tro y e d , and re p la c e d by " r e p r e s e n ta tiv e i n s t i t u t i -
t i o n s . " Q uoting Marx, L enin p u t forw ard th e id e a o f th e P a r is Commune
and " p r o le ta r ia n democracy" w ith " a d i c t a t o r s h i p o f th e p r o l e t a r i a t "
to check and c o n tro l th e s u p p re s sio n o f c l a s s e s .
S im u ltan eo u sly w ith an immense ex p ansion o f

democracy, w hich fo r th e f i r s t tim e becomes
democracy f o r th e p o o r, democracy f o r th e
p e o p le , and n o t democracy f o r th e m oney-bags,
th e d ic ta to r s h ip o f th e p r o l e t a r i a t im poses
a s e r ie s o f r e s t r i c t i o n s on th e freedom o f
th e o p p re s s o rs , th e e x p l o i t e r s , th e c a p i t a l i s t s
(1969:327).
In L en in ’s mind, th e a d m in is tr a tio n o f th e new p r o le t a r ia n
s t a t e w i l l b e c a r r ie d o u t n o t by h ig h ly p a id a d m in is tr a to r s
p o sse sse d o f s p e c ia l know ledge, b u t by o r d in a ry c i t i z e n s r e c e iv in g
w o rk e rs' w ages, ex ce p t in h ig h ly te c h n ic a l p o s iti o n s . By p o p u la r i-
R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f the copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout perm ission.
43
zing th e a d m in is tr a tio n , L enin hoped to e ra s e th e c e n tu r ie s - o ld
b a r r i e r betw een p eo p le and th e s t a t e . R e fe rrin g in numerous
passag es to M arx's view o f th e P a r is Commune, Lenin even ad v o cated
a system whereby th e w hole d i s t i n c t i o n between l e g i s l a t i v e and
ex e c u tiv e fu n c tio n s w i l l b e e ra s e d . However, Lenin was c a u tio u s
th a t h ig h ly te c h n ic a l p o s itio n s a re n o t t o be confused w ith th e
r o le o f th e b u r e a u c r a ts , and he was q u ic k to draw a d i s t i n c t i o n
between them:
The q u e s tio n o f c o n tr o l and acc o u n tin g should

n o t be co n fu sed w ith th e q u e s tio n o f the
s c i e n t i f i c a l l y tr a i n e d s t a f f o f e n g in e e rs ,
ag ro n o m ists and so on. These gentlem en a r e
w orking to d ay i n ob ed ien ce to th e w ishes o f
th e c a p i t a l i s t s , and w i l l work even b e t t e r
tomorrow i n o b ed ien ce to th e w ishes o f th e
armed w orkers (1 9 6 9 :3 3 7 ).
At th e same tim e , how ever, L enin w anted th e p r o le t a r ia n d i c t a t o r
sh ip to be h ig h ly c e n t r a li z e d i n o rd e r to smash th e l a s t rem nants
of th e b o u rg eo is regim e t h a t h a s c e n t r a li z e d i t s own power and to
o p e ra te a v a s t in te g r a te d economic mechanism which th e b o u rg e o is
has b u i l t up.
A fte r th e r e v o lu tio n , how ever, w ith in months a f t e r ta k in g
o f f ic e as Chairman o f th e C ouncil o f P e o p le s' Commissars, Lenin
found h im s e lf coping w ith some o f th e same e v i l s t h a t had long
b e s e t th e T s a r i s t b u re a u c ra c y . In a l e t t e r to R o th s te in i n 1921,
Lenin w ro te: "The b u r e a u c ra ts a r e t r i c k y ty p e s; they a re many
44
r a s c a l s among them, a r c h - o p p o r tu n is ts " (T ucker, 1975:716). In
a n o th e r l e t t e r to Tomsky th e same y e a r , he echoed th e same theme:
" I h ereb y tra n s m it to you in fo rm a tio n on an a s to n is h in g m a n ife sta
ti o n o f r e d - ta p e , n e g lig e n c e , b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n and heavy-
handedness in a most im p o rtan t p r a c t i c a l m a tte r " (T ucker, 1975:
7 14-15).
B ureaucracy h as been d e f e a te d , y e t th e b u re a u c ra ts
remained i n t h e i r o ld p o s iti o n s . T h is , in a n u t s h e l l ,
shows th e immense p r a c t i c a l problem s which sta n d in
th e way o f r e p r e s e n ta tiv e a d m in is tr a tio n —problem s
d e riv in g from n a t io n a l economy, c u l t u r a l under
developm ent, and c e n tu r y - o ld , f irm ly e s ta b lis h e d
p r iv ile g e s (Abrahamsson, 1 9 7 7 :4 2 ).
I t was L e n in 's b a t t l e a g a in s t th e s e sh o rtco m in g s o f th e b u reau cracy
t h a t c a s t th e Communist P a r ty i n th e r o l e o f g u a ra n to r o f e f f ic ie n c y
and e f f e c t iv e n e s s .
In h i s fundam ental work on th e P a r ty , What i s to be Done?,
L enin r e a s s e r t s th e r o le o f th e P a rty as assum ing th e r o le o f
le a d in g a l l e x p lo ite d c la s s e s i n th e r e v o lu tio n . I t would be cap ab le
o f u n i t i n g , t r a i n i n g , and o rg a n iz in g a vanguard o f th e p r o l e t a r i a t
and th e w orking c l a s s . By 1919, th e P a r ty and th e s t a t e were
in e x tr ic a b ly lin k e d and th e d i c ta to r s h ip o f th e p r o l e t a r i a t has
been tran sfo rm e d to th e d ic ta to r s h ip o f th e P a r ty . This g ra d u a l
s h i f t "was aid ed and a b e tte d by th r e e main f a c t o r s : th e f a c t th a t
th e P a r ty found power t h r u s t in t o i t s hand; th e growth o f b u re a u c ra
cy; and th e la c k o f an e f f e c t i v e w o rk e rs' r o le " (M cLellan, 1979:100).
45
L en in ’ s assum ption t h a t a t i g h t l y d is c i p lin e d P a r ty must
p re s id e o v er th e b u r e a u c r a tic o p e r a tio n s can be found in th e way
he used th e P a r ty a f t e r th e r e v o lu tio n . D o u b tless he h im s e lf did
n o t fo re s e e to what e x te n t th e P a r ty would b e in v o lv ed in d a y - to -
day management o f th e new p o l i t i c a l sy stem — f o r i t was th e grow th o f
th e P a r t y 's b u reau c ra cy th a t made p o s s ib le th e P a r t y 's grow ing
.p r a c tic e o f d i r e c t involvem ent in s t a t e a d m in is tr a tio n and economic
management.
Thus Lenin r e a l iz e d , a g a in s t h i s w is h e s , t h a t th e p o s t
r e v o lu tio n a r y b u r e a u c r a tic a p p a ra tu s d id n o t d e c lin e b u t, on th e
c o n tra r y , was expanding a t a r a p id r a t e . He e x p la in e d t h i s pheno
menon by th e "im m atu rity o f s o c ia lis m ." Once s o c ia lis m re a c h e s th e
s ta g e o f communism, th e n o n ly could th e w ith e rin g away o f th e s t a t e
be r e a l iz e d (M o u zelis, 1967).
The problem s c o n fro n te d by L enin d u rin g h i s e f f o r t s f o r th e
d e b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n p ro c e ss i s b e s t summarized by Abrahamsson:
The problem s t h a t c o n fro n t L e n in 's model o f

d e b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n a r e dependent to a g r e a t
d eg ree on what L enin saw a s th e lo n g -ru n s o lu tio n
f o r th e e lim in a tio n o f b u re a u c ra c y , i . e . , th e
i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n o f th e p ro d u c tiv e f o r c e s . On th e
one hand, we fin d th a t a p re c o n d itio n f o r t h i s
i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n would be th e p ro p e r c u l t i v a t i o n
o f te c h n ic a l, s c i e n t i f i c , and a d m in is tr a tiv e
com petence. But on th e o th e r h an d , we se e t h a t in
o r d e r to make t h i s c u l t i v a t i o n a s e f f e c t i v e a s
p o s s ib le , a t l e a s t a c e r t a i n amount o f d i s t i n c t i o n
o f work ta s k s would become n e c e s s a r y . T h is , o f
c o u rs e , in v o lv e s r i s k s o f p r o f e s s i o n a l i z a t i o n ,
permanence In p o s i t i o n s , econom ic ad v an tag es and
o th e r s o c i a l p r i v i l e g e s . F u th erm o re, o f f i c i a l s
may atte m p t to c o n s o lid a te t h e i r own p o s iti o n s
46
by making t h e i r ta s k s ap p ear to o co m p licated

to b e ex ecu ted by o th e rs (1 9 7 7 :5 1 ).
A S ta te B ureaucracy S tre n g th e n e d :
The Case o f S o v ie t Union
L e n in 's d isap p o in tm e n t w ith th e a n t i c i p a t i o n t h a t as s o c ia lis m
dev elo p ed , th e s t a t e and i t s r e p r e s s iv e organs would g r a d u a lly dim i
n is h in scope i s p erh ap s b e s t d e s c rib e d by S t a l i n 's e x p la n a tio n o f
M arx's d i a l e c t i c s . S t a l i n w ro te:
We s ta n d f o r th e w ith e rin g away o f th e s t a t e .

At th e same tim e we s ta n d f o r s tr e n g th e n in g
o f th e d ic ta to r s h ip o f th e p r o l e t a r i a t , which
i s th e m ig h tie s t and s tr o n g e s t s t a t e power t h a t
has e v e r e x i s t e d . The h ig h e s t developm ent o f
s t a t e power w ith th e o b je c t o f p re p a rin g th e
c o n d itio n s f o r th e w ith e rin g away o f s t a t e power
—t h a t i s th e M arx ist fo rm u la. I s i t c o n tr a d i-
to ry ? Y es, i t i s " c o n tr a d ic to r y " . But t h i s
c o n tr a d ic tio n i s bound up w ith l i f e , and i t
f u l l y r e f l e c t s M arx's d i a l e c t i c s (1955,
v o l. X II:3 8 1 ).
T h is perh ap s i s one o f th e f i n e s t example o f th e p s y c h o lo g ic a l
u t i l i t y o f th e co n cep t o f th e d i a l e c t i c by S t a l i n . I n p r a c t i c e ,
S t a l i n in c r e a s e d th e power o f th e s t a t e and used i t n o t o n ly as a
means o f fo rc e d i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n , b u t a lso
f o r th e m aintenance o f a v a s t m i l i t a r y complex and u b iq u ito u s
p o lic e .
A f te r L enin and S t a l i n , Khrushchev was anxious to d em o n strate
t h a t th e s t a t e was in d eed w ith e rin g away, as a means o f showing th e
47
w orld t h a t S o v ie t Union was moving tow ards Communism u nder h i s
tu t e la g e . However, un d er th e le a d e r s h ip o f B rezhnev, " a more
s ta b l e i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e h as been e s ta b l is h e d , and . . .
a tte m p ts to in d u ce th e w ith e rin g away o f th e s t a t e have been
abandoned. In f a c t th e tre n d h as been i n q u ite th e o p p o s ite
d ir e c tio n " ( H ill e t a l , 1981:208). I t i s c l e a r t h a t th e s t a t e
a d m in is tr a tio n h as been improved to r e s o lv e th e grow ing com plexi
t i e s and problem s f a c in g th e S o v ie t s o c ie t y .I n term s o f b u re a u c ra
t i z a t i o n , i t means a v a s t ex p an sio n o f m a n a g e ria l, e n g in e e rin g ,
te c h n ic a l, and s c i e n t i f i c p r o f e s s io n a ls who c o n s t i t u t e th e e l i t e s
in an in c r e a s in g ly i n d u s t r i a l i z e d s o c ie ty .
I f th e s t a t e b u reau c ra cy in th e S o v ie t Union i s h a rd ly
w ith e rin g away, th e n th e P a rty i s even s tr o n g e r , grow ing b o th in
s i z e and f u n c tio n s . L e n in 's id e a o f t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p i s t h a t o f
s u b o r d in a tio n , b u t t h i s i s somewhat d i s t o r t e d d u rin g S t a l i n and
K hrushchev e r a . The p r i n c i p l e o f d u a l s u b o rd in a tio n —w hich means
t h a t p a r ty and s t a t e a r e in te rd e p e n d e n t in term s o f a netw ork of
s t r i c t h i e r a r c h i a l d iv is io n s combined w ith o v e rla p p in g c o n tr o l by
p a r ty and s t a t e organ o v er th e same o p e ra tio n s (F a in so d , 1958;
Hough, 1969)— a p p lie s p erh ap s o n ly in th e o ry . In r e a l i t y , th e
P a rty as th e r u li n g i n s t i t u t i o n d i r e c t s and d e c id e s p o l i c i e s and
superim poses them on th e s t a t e so a s to c o n s o lid a te power. In d eed ,
th e n o tio n o f p a r ty s t a t e b e s t d e s c r ib e s th e S o v ie t a d m in is tr a tiv e
system to d a y (S kocpol, 1979; H irszo w icz, 1980).
The stu d y by A lf Edeen (1960) shows c o n s id e ra b le ev id en ce
48
t h a t th e s t a t e a p p a ra tu s in th e S o v ie t Union h as been expanding
s in c e th e R ev o lu tio n r a t h e r th a n " w ith e rin g aw ay." I n h i s s tu d y ,
Edeen compares th e p r e - and p o s t-R e v o lu tio n s t a t i s t i c s on w orking
p e rs o n n e l in th e s t a t e a d m in is tr a tio n , th e p o lic e and th e j u d i c i a l
system s— e x c lu d in g th e armed fo r c e s — and comes to th e c o n c lu sio n
t h a t th e in c r e a s e in a d m in is tr a tiv e a p p a ra tu s in numbers in th e
S o v ie t Union i s o v e r f i v e - f o l d from 1897 to 1929 (1 9 6 0 :1 7 6 ). Such
o b s e rv a tio n s have r e f l e c t e d th e f a c t t h a t a t h e o r e t i c a l framework
o f b u re a u c ra c y w hich h a s i t s o r ig in i n M arx's d o c trin e seems to be
f a l l i n g a p a r t , and p r e s e n ts i t s e l f a s one o f th e m ost s e r io u s
c o n tr a d ic tio n s i n s o c i a l i s t h i s t o r y (Hoover, 1970:303). As Skocpol
rem ark s:
The S o v ie t Union f e a tu r e d huge and c o n s ta n tly

expanding s t a t e a d m in is tr a tiv e o r g a n iz a tio n s .
T his was tr u e bo th becau se th e S o v ie t regim e w as,
from 1921 onward, o f i n t r i n s i c a l l y g r e a te r
p o l i t i c a l w eig h t th a n th e r e l a t i v e l y p o l i t i c a l l y
w eig h ty and b u r e a u c r a tic t z a r i s t s t a t e , and
b eca u se th e S o v ie t s t a t e pushed i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n
much f a s t e r and th ro u g h more d i r e c t l y p o l i t i c a l
a d m in is tr a tiv e means a f t e r th e m iddle 1920s
(1 9 7 9 :2 2 6 ).
Thus, th e s t a t e would n o t w ith e r away, a t l e a s t n o t in th e
f o r e s e e a b le f u tu r e (H oover, 1970; Hough, 1973). The t a s k o f
economic m o d e rn iz a tio n and p o l i t i c a l development would r e q u ir e
a u t h o r i t a t i v e , l a r g e - s c a l e r e s o lu t io n th a t would c o n tin u e to grow,
r a t h e r th a n to d im in is h . The tra n s fo rm a tio n o f th e economy and
49
s o c ia l development w ith th e r i s i n g l e v e l o f e d u c a tio n and mass
involvem ent in th e d ev elo p m en tal p ro c e s s would indeed need a more
s o p h is tic a te d a d m in is tr a tiv e sy stem th a n h i t h e r t o ( H ill e t a l , 1981
209).
A R o m a n tic is t's A tta c k on O rg a n iz a tio n :

M ao's V isio n o f B ureaucracy
W ith th e launch o f G reat Leap Forward i n 1958 and The G reat
C u ltu ra l R ev o lu tio n i n 1967, Mao Zedong, w ith h i s M arx ist arm or,
a tta c k e d o rg a n iz a tio n and b u re a u c ra c y w ith ro m an tic f e rv o u r. L ike
L enin, th e M arx ist co n cep t o f c la s s s tr u g g le s ta n d s a t th e co re o f
M ao's o r g a n iz a tio n th e o ry . What Mao h a s done i n essen ce i s to say
t h a t th e b u reau cracy can be used as a prim ary and a s autonomous a
so u rce o f o p p re ssio n , dom ination and e x p l o ita t io n by th e c a p i t a l i s t
c l a s s , j u s t as th e c a se o f p o s s e s s io n o f p r i v a t e p ro p e rty . Mao
a lle g e d t h a t i t should be 'sm ash ed ' a l to g e th e r . B u reau c ratism in
p o s t- r e v o lu tio n a r y China was u n a c c e p ta b le to Mao. A few e x c e rp ts
from h is "Twenty M a n ife s ta tio n s o f B u reau cracy " sh o u ld r e v e a l what
was in M ao's mind:
2. They [ b u r e a u c r a ts ] a r e c o n c e ite d ,
com placent, and th e y a im le s s ly d is c u s s p o l i t i c s .
They do n o t g rasp t h e i r w ork; th e y a r e s u b je c tiv e
and o n e -s id e d ; th ey a r e c a r e l e s s ; t h e y do n o t
l i s t e n to p e o p le ; th e y a r e tr u c u l e n t and a r b i t r a r y ;
they fo rc e o r d e r s ; th e y do n o t c a re about r e a l i t y ;
they m a in tain b lin d c o n t r o l . T his i s a u t h o r i ta r i a n
b u reau cracy . . .
50
5. They a r e ig n o r a n t; th e y a re ashamed to
ask an y th in g ; th ey e x a g g e ra te and th e y l i e ; th e y
a r e very f a l s e ; th e y a t t r i b u t e e r r o r s to p e o p le ;
th e y a t t r i b u t e m e rit to th e m selv es; th ey sw in d le
th e c e n t r a l governm ent; th e y d e c e iv e th o se above
them and fo o l th o se below them; th e y co n ceal f a u l t s
and g lo s s o v er wrongs. T his i s d is h o n e s t b u reau c ra cy
• • • .
16. They f ig h t among th em selv es f o r power and

money; th e y ex ten d t h e i r hands in to th e P a r ty ; they
want fame and fo rtu n e ; th e y w ant p o s i t i o n , and i f
th e y do n o t g e t i t th e y a r e n o t s a t i s f i e d ; th e y
choose to be f a t and to be le a n ; th e y pay a g r e a t
d e a l o f a t t e n t i o n to wage; th e y a re cosy when i t
comes to c a d re s b u t th e y c a re n o th in g about th e
m asses. T his i s th e b u re a u c ra c y t h a t i s f ig h t in g
f o r power and money . . . (Quoted i n Whyte, 1974:43).
These c r it ic i s m s o f b u re a u c ra tism s by Mao come from h is
u n d e rsta n d in g o f th e b u r e a u c r a tic way o f l i f e i n Im p e ria l China.
The b r u t a l i t y and i n j u s t i c e o f b u re a u c ra c y which Mao saw and re a d
have no doubt in flu e n c e d h i s c o n c e p tio n . Mao s y n th e s iz e d Leninism
and a p p lie d i t to C h in a 's backw ardness, and c a l le d f o r a t o t a l
tra n s fo rm a tio n o f th e b u r e a u c r a tic a p p a ra tu s .
A part from i t s M arx ist commitments, th e G reat P r o le t a r ia n
C u ltu r a l R ev o lu tio n was a ls o d ir e c te d a g a in s t L iu Shaoqi who
d if f e r e d and d iv e rg e d from Mao, among o th e r i s s u e s , in th e c o r r e c t
n a tu re and fu n c tio n s o f b u re a u c ra c y . L iu was le a n in g tow ards
e l i t i s m and c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and s t r e s s e d h i e r a r c h i a l command and
o r g a n iz a tio n a l d i s c i p l i n e . Mao, in c o n t r a s t , s tr e s s e d " o p e r a tio n a l
f l e x i b i l i t y , o r g a n iz a tio n a l d e c e n tr a li z a t io n , and th e a c tiv e r o l e
o f th e ran k and f i l e " (Kau, 1972). Mao, w ith p o l i t i c a l power a t
hand, managed to e lim in a te Liu in th e end and w ent ahead w ith h i s
51
own i n t e r p r e t a t i o n .
M ao's tr o u b le , however, was q u ic k to come. The C u ltu ra l
R ev o lu tio n a tta c k e d n o t on ly th e s t a t e b u reau c ra cy and o r g a n iz a tio n ,
b u t a ls o th e m achinery o f th e Communist P a r ty i t s e l f . Some o f th e
younger and more p r e c i p i t a t e Red Guards le a p e d to th e c o n clu sio n
t h a t Mao was i n e f f e c t c a l l i n g fo r th e a b o l i t i o n o f th e whole
n a t io n a l ap p ara tu s o f th e s t a t e , and f o r th e im p lem en tatio n o f th e
com m unitarian P a r is Commune id e a ad v o ca ted by Marx. When th e rev o
lu tio n a r y Red Guards got out o f h an d , Mao h im s e lf r e l i e d h e a v ily on
th e P e o p le 's L ib e ra tio n Army t o s e iz e c o n tr o l o f th e s i t u a t i o n .
T his dilemma o f th e o ry and p r a c t ic e was s t r i k i n g l y s im i la r to
L e n in 's .
Mao e s s e n t i a l l y borrowed th e S o v ie t model o f a d m in is tr a tio n
and o r g a n iz a tio n , e s p e c ia lly d u rin g th e K ia n g s i p e rio d (Kim, 1973).
What emerges from M ao's e x te n s iv e w r itin g s and r e p o r ts i s th a t h is
th e o ry o f o r g a n iz a tio n m inim ized e l a b o r a t e , s p e c ia liz e d b u re a u c ra
t i c s t r u c t u r e s , and was th u s c o n tra r y to th e W eberian n o tio n o f
s t r u c t u r a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and f u n c tio n a l s p e c i f i c i t y in modem
o r g a n iz a tio n s . Mao a ttem p ted to combine th e f u n c tio n s o f government
and mass o r g a n iz a tio n s in t o one "mass l i n e " s t y l e o f work, as a
s o lu tio n to a d m in is tr a tiv e problem s and, l i k e L en in , he t r i e d to
m o b iliz e th e masses to p a r t i c i p a t e i n th e p o lic y fo rm u la tio n
p ro c e ss a t th e b a s ic l e v e l of government.
I n 1958, h aving been r e l a t i v e l y s u c c e s s f u l in h is d r iv e to
c o l l e c t i v i z e and now d e s p e ra te to r e v e r s e a g r i c u l t u r a l s ta g n a tio n ,
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Mao was a p p a re n tly emboldened to go beyond te s t e d forms o f a g r ic u l
t u r a l and economic o r g a n iz a tio n s under s o c ia lis m . Thus he began to
in n o v a te through communes, d e c e n tr a li z a t io n and mass m o b iliz a tio n ,
and in th e p ro c e ss d e p a rte d from th e S o v ie t model.
The communes w ere c r e a te d i n 1958 w ith a b lu e p r i n t o f M arx's
u to p ia . They were autonomous c e l l s o f s o c i e t y , w hich would c a rry
on a g r ic u ltu r a l* i n d u s t r i a l , c u l t u r a l and even m i lit a r y a c t i v i t i e s
in a s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t , h ig h ly autonomous way, th u s g r e a tly re d u c in g
th e ta s k s o f th e c e n t r a l s t a t e o r g a n iz a tio n . In M ao's th e o ry , such
an o r g a n iz a tio n a l c o n tr o l would depend on l o c a l o r g a n iz a tio n s and
t h e i r c a d r e s , who w ere tr a i n e d and ch arg ed w ith th e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y
o f m a in ta in in g a c l a s s r e l a t i o n s h i p w ith th e p e a s a n t m asses. The
e f f i c i e n t fu n c tio n in g o f t h i s s t y l e o f a d m in is tr a tio n , Mao hoped,
would le a d an enormous r e d u c tio n i n th e s iz e o f th e s t a t e b u reau
c r a t i c a p p a ra tu s .
Mao and h is s u p p o rte rs lau n ch ed th r e e campaigns to p re v e n t
th e growth o f la r g e - s c a le o r g a n iz a tio n s . ' They a r e th e h s i a fang
campaign, th e p o lic y o f "w alk in g on two l e g s , " and th e d e c e n tr a li
z a tio n campaign (Whyte, 1974:46), One o f th e o b je c tiv e s o f th e
lau n ch in g o f th e h s i a fan g campaign i s t o red u ce th e s iz e o f
a d m in is tr a tiv e s t a f f s o f la r g e o r g a n iz a tio n s by sen d in g th e s t a f f s
to low er p o s ts (H sia fa n g , l i t e r a l l y " se n d in g down," means th e
downward t r a n s f e r o f e l i t e groups to th e mass to le a r n from th em ).
The p o lic y o f "w alking on two le g s " em phasized s m a ll, r u r a l , l o c a l l y
fin an c ed e n te r p r is e s as w e ll a s l a r g e , m odem, c e n t r a l l y fin an c ed
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urban o n es. The fin an c ed e n te r p r is e s w ere su p p o sed ly l e s s b u reau
c r a t i c in o r g a n iz a tio n a l form s, and th e y w ere encouraged i n th e
a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c to r w here th e u n i t o f p ro d u c tio n was th e commune."
In M ao's judgem ent, d e c e n tr a li z a t io n a ls o p ro v id e s a means
o f com bating b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n by tr a n s f e r i n g some powers from th e
c e n t r a l government to th e p ro v in ce s and w ith in in d iv id u a l e n t e r p r is e s
to g iv e more power t o s u b - u n its . However, th e r e e x i s t s a c o n f l i c t i n g
r e s u l t w hich Mao h im se lf d id n o t a n t i c i p a t e , t h a t i s , w h ile d e c e n tra
l i z a t i o n co u ld red u ce b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n , th e t o t a l number o f th o se
engaged in a d m in is tr a tio n w i l l n o t n e c e s s a r i ly be red u ce d , b ecau se
i t may r e q u ir e th e ex p an sio n o f th e o r g a n iz a tio n a l u n it s to which
r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s d e c e n tr a liz e d . Mao, a g a in l i k e L en in , found him
s e l f tra p p e d in h i s own framework.
By th e end o f 1958 and e a r ly 1959, th e r e was c o n s id e ra b le
d is r u p tio n o f a g r i c u l t u r a l p ro d u c tio n , and t h e r e f o r e Mao was
fo rced to b eg in h is r e t r e a t from th e e a r l y con cep t o f th e commune.
C onsequently, w h ile Mao c a r e f u lly avoided th e S o v ie t c o l l e c t i v i z a
tio n d e b a c le up to 1957, he f e l l a f t e r t h a t i n t o th e same t r a p as
h is S o v ie t p re d e c e s s o rs .
To b e s u r e , Mao n ev er came c lo s e to th e r e a l i z a t i o n o f
e lim in a tin g th e b u reau c ra cy a l to g e th e r . In r e a l i t y , th e C hinese
Communist regim e u nder Mao underwent a s e r i e s o f b u r e a u c r a tic
v a r ia tio n s from r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n to r a d ic a lis m (H. H ard in g , 1981).
M ao's s e l f - c o n t r a d i c t i o n s and achievem ents a r e p erh ap s v ery s im i la r
to L e n in 's . K raus commented th a t i n s p i t e o f th e f a c t th a t Mao was
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a n t i- b u r e a u c r a tic in h i s a t t i t u d e s , he was n e v e r th e le s s th e top
man in th e h ie ra rc h y le a d in g th e b u re a u c ra c y . " I f Mao was c l e a r ly
i d e n t i f i e d w ith th e o p p o s itio n t o b u r e a u c r a tic f a u l t s , " w ro te
K rau s, "he was no l e s s o b v io u s ly a s s o c ia te d w ith th e proud s u c c e s s o rs
o f a s o c i a l group w hich h e h e lp e d to fa s h io n " (1981:12).
A S ta t e B ureaucracy S tren g th en ed :
The C ase of China
The p o li c ie s u nder Mao, i t can b e s a id , came s h o rt o f t h e i r
id e o lo g ic a l commitments. The b u r e a u c r a tic problem s i n modern China,
a s in th e case o f th e S o v ie t U nion, a r e deep ly ro o te d in th e le g a c ie s
o f th e Im p e ria l regim e and i t s s o c i a l i s t e x p e rie n c e a f t e r th e r e v o lu
t i o n . In many ways, th e C hinese f e l l i n t o th e same tr a p as i t s S o v ie t
p re c e d e ss o r in th e deeds o f d e b u r e a u c r a tiz in g th e s t a t e a p p a ra tu s .
I n s te a d o f th e p r o l e t a r i a t ta k in g ov er th e a d m in is tr a tiv e a p p a ra tu s
a s e n v isio n e d by Marx, L enin and Mao, th e l a t t e r has grown even
g r e a t e r in power and l a r g e r in s i z e . The d isp la cem e n t o f th e o ld
r illin g c la s s e s h as r a is e d th e autonomy and in flu e n c e o f th e b u reau
c r a t s . The C hinese p o l i t i c a l sy stem i n th e p r e - and post-M ao e r a ,
i n t h i s re g a rd , rem ains a " b u r e a u c r a tic p o l i t y , " in w hich power and
d ecisio n -m ak in g a r e l i m it e d to a sm all number o f h i e r a r c h i c a l l y
o rg an iz ed e l i t e s o f o f f i c i a l s (P y e, 1 9 8 1 :8 6 ). In d eed , th e C hinese
Communist P a rty a f t e r th e r e v o lu tio n worked w ith in a system o f f u l l
tim e s a l a r i e d a d m in is tr a to r s , o p e r a tin g w ith in r i g i d and fo rm al
b u r e a u c r a tic s t r u c t u r e s . T his tr e n d was i n t e n s i f i e d by th e i n t r o -
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d u c tio n o f th e c i v i l s e r v ic e scheme w hich accompanied th e economic
reform s o f s o c i a l i s t tra n s fo rm a tio n (K rau s, 1 9 8 1 :4 ).
V a rio u s • s tu d ie s have confirm ed su ch a tr e n d . Work by F u n n ell
(1971:6) shows th a t th e number o f Communist s t a t e c a d r e s , o r w h ite
c o l l a r and a d m in is tr a tiv e p e rso n n e l in governm ent o rg an s and e n t e r
p r i s e , h as in c re a s e d from 3,310,000 in 1952 t o n e a r ly 8 m illio n in
1958. Thus, th e regim e, u sin g i t s c a d r e s , h as p e n e tr a te d in to
every l e v e l o f th e C hinese s o c ie ty . "The Comm unists," B a rn e tt
w ro te , "have la r g e ly d e stro y ed b o th th e o ld e l i t e groups and most
o f th e t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , s u b s t i t u t i n g f o r them a
new Communist P a rty e l i t e and new C o m m u n ist-esta b lish ed and
-dom inated mass o r g a n iz a tio n s , and have ex ten d ed th e form al
b u r e a u c r a tic in stru m e n ts o f P a r ty and Government r u l e down to
th e v i l l a g e le v e l" (1967:428-429).
A nother r e c e n t stu d y by H arry H arding (1981) claim s t h a t
th e C hinese regim e, from th e b e g in n in g o f i t s e s ta b lis h m e n t, h a s
been un d erg o in g b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n i n v a r io u s fO rm s ~ " th e r a t i o n a l
iz in g approach b e lie v e s i n p e r f e c t in g b u re a u c ra c y , th e e x te r n a l
rem e d ial approach a d v o ca tes c o n t r o l li n g b u re a u c ra c y , th e i n t e r n a l
rem e d ial approach p ro p o ses m odifying b u re a u c ra c y , and th e r a d ic a l
approach i n s i s t s on d e s tro y in g b u re a u c ra c y " (H. H ard in g , 1981:17)—
and i t i s th e s e v a rio u s elem ents t h a t c o n s t i t u t e th e co n fu sio n
and dilemma o f Chinese p u b lic p o lic y .
The le a d e r s h ip under Deng X iao p in g a f t e r M ao's d e a th o f f e r e d
new ev id en ce fo r b u r e a u c r a tic ex p an sio n when th e fo cu s o f b u reau
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c ra tis m h a s s h if te d from p o l i t i c a l is s u e s to a d m in is tr a tiv e is s u e s
(Morgan, 1981; K ing, 1980). W ith th e r e in tr o d u c tio n o f e f f ic ie n c y
and p r o d u c tiv ity as c r i t e r i a f o r economic and p o l i t i c a l d e c is io n s
in China a t th e p r e s e n t tim e , th e s t a t e a p p a ra tu s assumes much o f
the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r a c c e p tin g th e c o n tr ib u tio n s o f an e f f e c t i v e
s t a t e o r g a n iz a tio n . The Four M o d ern izatio n s campaign would r e q u ir e
p ro fe s s io n a lis m and te c h n o lo g ic a l knowhow, and above a l l o rg a n iz a
t i o n a l e f f e c tiv e n e s s and a d m in is tr a tiv e com petence, w hich China la c k s .
I t i s p r e d ic ta b le t h a t th e C hinese would a c t iv e l y e s t a b l i s h th e s e
bases fo r m o d e rn izatio n . I n t h i s re g a rd , " i t would be q u ite in a p p ro
p r i a t e to s u g g e st t h a t th e C hinese s t a t e i s w ith e rin g " (Krug, 1981:
75).
Some C r i t i c a l Remarks
W hile Lenin and Mao have fo llo w ed Marx i n t h e i r c o n ce p tio n
of s t a t e and b u re a u c ra c y , th e y have added some o th e r c h a r a c t e r i s
t i c s and m o d ified th e t h e o r e t i c a l s t r u c t u r e w ith t h e i r p r a c t i c a l
ex p erim en ts. T h e ir e x te n s io n s o f M arxian th e o r i e s must be viewed
in t h e i r own h i s t o r i c a l c o n te x t. At th e same tim e , i t i s rem arkable
to s e e how th e y s tr e tc h e d M arx 's n o tio n o f s t a t e l e s s s o c ie t y w ith
t h e i r own i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s .
Marx, l i k e Weber, c h a r a c te r iz e d b u re a u c ra c y by d iv is io n o f
fu n c tio n and h ie ra r c h y . L e n in 's and M ao's view s d i f f e r e d from t h i s
and d id n o t in c lu d e h ie ra r c h y among th e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f b u re a u -
57
c ra c y . For L en in , even i n th e s o - c a lle d "second s t a g e ' o f s o c i a l i s t
s o c ie t y , he n e v e r m entioned th e a b o l iti o n o f h ie ra r c h y though he
r e f e r r e d e x p l i c i t l y to th e o th e r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f b u reau c ra cy
t h a t would be a b o lis h e d . Mao, on th e o th e r hand, w anted to g e t r i d
of i t a l to g e th e r .
F or one th in g , Marx, w ith h i s urban background, d id n o t
fo re s e e th e e s s e n t i a l i t y o f r u r a l a d m in is tr a tio n i n th e p o s t
r e v o lu tio n a r y s o c ie ty . At b e s t , th e P a r is Commune id e a f i t s o n ly
h is background and p e rio d . L en in , and to a g r e a t e r e x te n t Mao,
a p p lie d t h i s co n cep t f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l management, and f o r th e
purpose o f re d u c in g th e s i z e o f th e s t a t e b u re a u c ra c y , and q u ite
u n d e rsta n d a b ly met f a i l u r e . They w ere ta k e n aback by th e co n fu sio n s
and chaos w ith th e s u b s t i t u t i o n o f e x p e r ts w ith am a te u rs, to g e th e r
w ith th e growing ex p an sio n o f b u r e a u c r a tic a p p a ra tu s a f t e r th e
p r o l e t a r i a n r e v o lu tio n .
I t can be argued t h a t i n th e continuum o f M arxism -Leninism -
Maoism, th e r e a re two s i t u a t i o n s f o r th e s t a t u s o f th e s t a t e : th a t
th e s t a t e i t s e l f i s becoming s tr o n g e r o r th a t i t i s y ie ld in g power
to th e p a r ty a p p a ra tu s . L e s lie Holmes arg u es t h a t on ly " i n th e
l a t t e r c a s e , i d e o lo g is ts can c laim th a t ’th e s t a t e ’ i s w ith e rin g
away; b u t t h i s i s tr u e on ly in a h ig h ly f o r m a l i s t i c s e n s e , in
t h a t th e fu n c tio n s o f th e s t a t e a r e ta k e n ov er by an e q u a lly sm a ll
—o r even s m a lle r--g ro u p o f p a rty o f f i c i a l s . Hence th e d i s t r i b u t i o n
o f power . . . i s n o t s i g n i f i c a n t l y a lte r e d " (1 9 8 1 :1 ). I n t h i s
s e n s e , th e Communist regim es are s t i l l re g a rd e d as h av in g b u re a u -
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c r a t i c ty p e s o f p o l i t i c a l system w here th e a l lo c a t iv e d e c is io n
making i s s t i l l made by th e " b u r e a u c r a tic c la s s " (Hodges, 1981).
The W eberian model p erh ap s can be co n sid e re d h e r e . I n s p i t e
o f i t s w eaknesses, b u reau c ra cy can n o t be av o id ed , l e t alo n e be
e lim in a te d . The e lim in a tio n o f one b u r e a u c r a tic ap p a ra tu s w i l l
ag ain c r e a te a n o th e r. Weber w ro te , "When th o se s u b je c t to b u reau
c r a t i c c o n tro l se e k to escap e th e in f lu e n c e o f th e e x i s t i n g bu
r e a u c r a tic a p p a ra tu s , t h i s i s n o rm a lly p o s s ib le only by c r e a tin g
an o rg a n iz a tio n o f t h e i r own w hich i s e q u a lly s u b je c t to b u re a u c ra
t i z a t i o n " (1978, v o l. 1 :2 2 4 ). So f a r , th e e v e n ts i n th e s o c i a l i s t
c o u n trie s as e x e m p lifie d by th e S o v ie t Union and China have proved
Weber r i g h t .
CHAPTER I I I
THE MODERN BUREAUCRATIC PARADOXES:

THE WEBERIAN MODEL
The tr e n d o f b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n in th o s e s t a t e s which claim ed
t h e i r id e o lo g ic a l I n s p i r a t i o n from Marx in many ways confim s W eber's
b e l i e f t h a t b u re a u c ra c y i s h e re to s ta y and no complex s o c ie ty can
r i d i t s e l f o f i t . I t i s a ls o c le a r t h a t th e n e c e s s it y o f a d m in is tra
t i v e a p p a ra tu s fo r s o c i e t a l developm ent i s n o t in q u e s tio n in th e
W eberian l i t e r a t u r e . In d eed , th e em phasis o f early -W e b e ria n s c h o la rs
on th e stu d y o f b u reau c ra cy was upon p ro c e s s e s and methods f o r in s u r
in g i n c i s i v e a c t io n s , and i t s e v e n tu a l growth in an in c r e a s in g ly
h u re a u c ra tiz e d s o c ie ty . F ollow ing th e W eberian v ie w p o in t, they
re g a rd b u r e a u c r a tic s tr u c t u r e s and fu n c tio n s to be th e m ajor compo
n e n ts i n th e developm ent o f p o l i t i c a l le g itim a c y in a system .
However, modem s c h o la rs a re more s e l f - c r i t i c a l in t h e i r
approach tow ard b u r e a u c r a tic o r g a n iz a tio n s . T h e ir e x p e rie n c e in
th e W estern modem s o c i e t i e s c r e a te s f e e lin g s o f profo u n d d i s t r u s t
and h e lp le s s n e s s v i s - a - v i s th e e v e r-in c re a s in g ■ b u re a u c ra tic .p o w e r.
They r e a l i z e t h a t b eh in d th e r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n o f b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n
l i e th e is s u e s o f in d iv id u a l l i b e r t y , p o l i t i c a l freedom and o rg a n i
z a tio n a l e f f e c t iv e n e s s . Thus, as f a r as th e d y s fu n c tio n s o f b u reau
c r a t i c o r g a n iz a tio n a re concerned, W eberian s c h o la r s seem to ag ree
w ith th e M arx ist view t h a t b u reau cracy i s b u t a " p a r a s i t e " in s o c ie ty .
59
60
The S tr u c tu r e o f B ureaucracy
Weber m a in tain ed t h a t th e s u r v iv a l o f b u reau c ra cy depends v ery
much on i t s s u p e r i o r i t y , w hich in tu r n r e s t s upon i t s fo rm al
r a t i o n a l i t y , o v e r o th e r forms o f o r g a n iz a tio n . From t h i s s t a r t i n g
p o in t, v a rio u s e f f o r t s have been made to approach b u reau c ra cy in
term s o f th e o r g a n iz a ti o n 's b a s ic s t r u c t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . These
w r ite r s have enum erated th e s t r u c t u r a l dim ensions o f b u reau c ra cy w ith
minor v a r ia tio n s in t h e i r fo rm u la tio n , bo th in c o n te n t and in method,
and have a r r iv e d a t s u b s t a n t i a l agreem ent (Heady, 1979:52).
R ichrd H. H a ll (1962) h as ta b u la te d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f b u reau
cracy as l i s t e d by a number o f s c h o la r s , in c lu d in g Weber, F r ie d r ic h ,
Litw ak, M erton, Udy, Heady, B e rg e r, and P a rso n s. From th e v a rio u s
l i s t s o f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , H a ll p ic k e d up th e s i x most im p o rta n t
dim ensions o f b u re a u c ra c y :
(a ) a w e ll-d e f in e d h ie ra r c h y o f a u th o r ity ;
(b) a d iv is io n o f la b o r b ased on f u n c tio n a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n ;
(c ) a sy stem o f r u l e s c o v e rin g th e r i g h t s and d u tie s o f
p o s iti o n a l incum bents;
(d) a sy stem o f p ro ced u re f o r d e a lin g w ith work s i t u a t i o n s ;
(e ) im p e rs o n a lity o f in t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and
( f ) s e le c tio n f o r employment and prom otion b ased on te c h n ic a l
competence.
These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n essen ce a re a b lu e p r i n t o f W eber's
i d e a l - t y p i c a l c o n s tr u c tio n , and s e rv e as th e r a t i o n a l e b eh in d th e
61
ra p id growth and presum ably e f f i c i e n t sy stem o f b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n .
Such c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a re im p o rta n t i n th e developm ent o f th e
so c io lo g y o f o r g a n iz a tio n s w hich i s in p e r p e tu a l "d e b a te " w ith
W eber's work. The d eb ate h as e s s e n t i a l l y fo cu sed on s e v e r a l is s u e s :
e f f ic ie n c y o f b u r e a u c r a tic o r g a n iz a tio n , i t s r i g i d i t y , h ie r a r c h iz a -
t i o n , and th e th r e a t s i t p o ses to th e d e m o cratic c u l t u r e . I t i s
a p p ro p r ia te th e n to lo o k a t th e d y s fu n c tio n s and p arad o x es o f
b u r e a u c r a tic o rg a n iz a tio n as th e y p ro v id e im p o rta n t keys fo r
o b s e rv a tio n s about th e n a tu r e o f b u re a u c ra c y i n th e W eberian canon.
P arad o x es o f B ureaucracy
Weber was concerned w ith th e s u p e r i o r i t y o f b u reau c ra cy o v er
o th e r forms o f o r g a n iz a tio n . However, a t th e same tim e , h e a ls o
h ig h lig h te d th e th r e a ts w hich would be posed by th e b u reau c ra cy to
s o c ia l s t r u c t u r e s , and e x p re s s e d h i s c r i t i c i s m s o f b u r e a u c r a tic
o rg a n iz a tio n as an i n e f f i c i e n t in s tru m e n t b a se d on th e f a c t t h a t
b u re a u c ra tic p ro ced u res a r e slo w , and th a t th e y develop r i g i d i t i e s
t h a t undermine e f f e c t iv e a c t io n . These a s p e c ts o f b u re a u c ra c y w ere
s e r io u s ly ta k en up by W eberian s c h o la r s a s s o c ie ty becomes more and
more b u re a u c ra tiz e d .
M erton, in h is famous e a sa y " B u re a u c ra tic S tr u c tu r e and
P e r s o n a lity " (1952), develops an h y p o th e s is co n c e rn in g th e s t r u c t u r a l
so u rces o f th e o c c u p a tio n a l p e r s o n a li ty o f th e b u r e a u c r a ts , and o f
m ajor ty p e s o f c o n f li c t betw een th e b u r e a u c ra ts and th e c l i e n t e l e .
62
He f u r th e r em phasizes t h e v a rio u s f e a tu r e s o f b u re a u c ra c y w hich he
c o n s id e rs as d y s f u n c tio n a l.
M erton, in e s s e n c e , i s concerned w ith r u le s as a re sp o n se to
th e demand f o r c o n tro l and s t r e s s e s d e p e r s o n a liz a tio n o f r e l a t i o n s h i p
which could le a d to c o n f l i c t in r e la tio n s h ip s w ith b u r e a u c r a tic
c l i e n t e l e . Such d e p e r s o n a liz a tio n , Merton m a in ta in s , w i l l r e s u l t
i n an in c re a s e in th e r i g i d i t y o f b e h a v io r o f th e b u r e a u c r a ts , w hich,
i n tu r n , w i l l have t h r e e m ajor consequences as in t e r p r e t e d by March
and Simon:
F i r s t , i t s u b s t a n t i a l l y s a t i s f i e d th e o r i g i n a l
demands f o r r e l i a b i l i t y . Thus, i t m eets an im p o rta n t
m aintenance o f th e sy stem . . . Second, i t in c re a s e s
th e d e f e n s i b i l i t y o f in d iv id u a l a c tio n . Simple
c a te g o r ie s r ig o r o u s ly a p p lie d to in d iv id u a l c a se s
w ith o u t r e g a r d fo r p e rs o n a l f e a tu r e s can on ly be
c h a lle n g e d a t a h ig h e r l e v e l o f th e h ie ra r c h y . T h ird ,
th e r i g i d i t y o f b eh a v io r in c re a s e s th e amount o f
d i f f i c u l t y w ith c l i e n t s o f th e o rg a n iz a tio n and
c o m p lica tes t h e achievem ent o f c l i e n t s a t i s f a c t i o n
(1 9 7 8 :1 1 2 ).
To M erton, an e a r l y p o st-W eb erian , some o f th e problem s
a s s o c ia te d w ith p a th o lo g ic a l and s e l f - d e f e a t i n g t r a i t s o f th e
b u re a u c ra ts a r e co n n ec ted w ith re d ta p e , r i g i d i t y and i n f l e x i b i l i t y ,
e x c e ssiv e im p e r s o n a lity , and r e lu c ta n c e to e x e r c is e d i s c r e t i o n . Such
b e h a v io ra l o r ie n t a ti o n s a re t y p i c a l o f th e " tr a in e d in c a p a c ity "
(1952:368) o f th e b u r e a u c r a ts , w hich i s c o n tra ry to th e r a t i o n a l i t y
o f b u r e a u c ra tic o r g a n iz a tio n s .
Merton f u r t h e r m a in ta in s th a t th e "d isp la c e m e n t o f g o a ls" has
63
made th e b u reau cracy t o ad here to r u le s and th u s become very r i g i d .
Adherence to r u l e s , o r i g i n a l l y co n ceiv ed as a means, becomes
tran sfo rm ed in to an e n d - i n - i t s e l f (1 9 5 2 :3 6 5 ). In M erto n 's term ,
t h i s i s a p ro c e ss whereby "an in s tr u m e n ta l v a lu e becomes a te rm in a l
v a lu e " (1952:365). D is c ip lin e becomes c o n fo rm ity , and b u re a u c ra ts
would ten d to seek t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s under th e system .
The fo llo w in g rem ark c o n ta in s th e ty p e s o f d y s fu n c tio n s su g g ested
by M erton, and i t d eserv es ex ten d ed q u o ta tio n :
The f i r s t ty p e , w hich may be c a l l e d ov er

o r g a n iz a tio n , in v o lv e s an e x c e s s iv e developm ent
o f th o se b u r e a u c r a tic r o u tin e s w hich, k e p t w ith in
l i m i t s , a re f u n c tio n a lly n e c e s s a ry to th e o p e ra tio n
and a la r g e a d m in is tr a tiv e a p p a ra tu s . . . . The second
ty p e i s u n d e r-o rg a n iz a tio n . T h is in c lu d e s th o s e
b u r e a u c ra tic i l l s , as in s ta n c e d by n ep o tism , f a v o u ri
tis m , g r a f t , co rru p tio n ., and th e l i k e , w hich upon
a n a ly s is , a r e found to r e p r e s e n t f a i l u r e to l i v e up
to th e re q u ire m e n ts o f b u r e a u c r a tic s t r u c t u r e . Some
c r i t i c s ,^ a d o p t i n g an a t t i t u d e o f a n t i- o r g a n iz a tio n ,
do n o t< d e fin e /th e m se lv e s to th e s e p a th o lo g ie s , but
oppose b u r e a u c r a tic s t r u c t u r e in p r i n c i p l e . This
a t t i t u d e . i s commonly Lbased on th e v a lu e s o f a more
sim ply o rg an iz ed s o c ie ty in w hich much of-M -fe^s . yj
b u s in e s s co u ld be conducted w ith in a c p a r o c i a l sp h ere " ^
c h a r a c te r is e d by p e rs o n a l t i e s r a t h e r tKan"by s tr u c t u r e s
o f im p erso n al r e l a t i o n s (M erton e t a l , 1952:396)
S e lz n ic k (1949), on th e o th e r h an d , em phasizes th e d e le g a tio n
o f a u th o r ity which would b r in g about a s e r i e s o f u n a n tic ip a te d
consequences. Like M erton, S e lz n ic k shows how th e s e consequences
stem from th e problem s o f m a in ta in in g h ig h ly I n t e r r e l a t e d system s
o f in te r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s . G ouldner (1 9 5 4 ), lik e w is e , co n cern s
h im s e lf w ith th e consequence of b u r e a u c r a tic r u le s f o r th e m aintenance
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o f o r g a n iz a tio n a l s t r u c t u r e . These t r a i t s a r e la b e le d as " a ilm e n ts
o f o r g a n iz a tio n " (M orstein Marx, 1957), and "malady o f b u re a u c ra c y " .
(C ro z ie r, 1964).
Yet even i f we assume t h a t th e b u r e a u c ra ts a r e autonomous and
make d e c is io n s r a t i o n a l l y , th e r e a re l i m i t s upon t h e i r r a t i o n a l i t y .
As Anthony Downs has p o in te d o u t, th e r e w i l l be c e r t a i n b ia s e s when
th e b u re a u c ra ts e x e rc is e t h e i r a u t h o r i ty . They can do so by th e
fo llo w in g ways:
1. Each o f f i c i a l te n d s t o d i s t o r t th e in fo rm a tio n
he p asses upward in th e h ie r a r c h y , e x a g g e ra tin g th o se
d a ta fa v o ra b le to h im se lf and m in im izin g th o se unfavo
r a b le in him.
2. Each o f f i c i a l i s b ia s e d i n fa v o r o f th o se p o li c ie s
o r a c tio n s t h a t advance h i s own i n t e r e s t s o r th e
programs he a d v o c a te s , and a g a in s t th o s e th a t in j u r e
o r sim ple f a i l t o adv an ce•th o s e i n t e r e s t s o r program s.
3. Each o f f i c i a l w i l l v a ry th e d eg ree to w hich he
com plies w ith d i r e c t i v e s from h i s s u p e r io r , depending
upon w hether th o s e d i r e c t o r s fa v o r o r oppose h i s own
in te re s ts .
4 . The d eg ree to which each o f f i c i a l w i l l se e k out
a d d itio n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and a c c e p t r i s k s in p e r
form ing h i s d u tie s w i l l v a ry d i r e c t l y w ith th e e x te n t
to which such i n i t i a t i v e i s l i k e l y to h e lp him a ch iev e
h is own p e rs o n a l g o a ls (1 9 6 7 :2 6 6 ).
The h i e r a r c h i a l s t r u t u r e and th e in c r e a s e i n s i z e o f b u re a u c ra
t i c o r g a n iz a tio n c r e a te u n fa v o ra b le im pact on th e o r g a n iz a tio n i t s e l f .
Anthony Downs h a s su g g ested t h a t la r g e o r g a n iz a tio n s have s m a lle r
c o n tro l system s from t h e i r s m a lle r c o u n te r p a r ts . C o n tro l i s im p o ssi
b le by any one man a t th e to p o f th e h i e r a r c h i a l s t r u c t u r e . Downs
a t t r i b u t e s t h i s to th e li m i t a t i o n s on th e m e n tal c a p a c ity o f th o s e
65
a t th e top (1 9 6 7 :1 4 3 ). W hile c o n tr o l becomes in c r e a s in g ly d i f f i c u l t ,
c o o rd in a tio n a ls o becomes a problem . The s u b - u n its o f la r g e o rg a n iz a
tio n s a p p a re n tly b eg in to engage i n a c t i v i t i e s t h a t a r e o u t o f th e
c o n tro l sy stem o f th o s e a t th e to p o f th e h i e r a r c h i a l s t r u c t u r e .
Thus, th e head in th e h i e r a r c h i a l s t r u c t u r e should be aware
o f a l l th e in fo rm a tio n co n ce rn in g th e o r g a n iz a tio n s o f h i s sub
o r d in a te s . As T u llo ck p u ts i t :
The head o f a h e ir a r c h y , th e s o v e re ig n , h a s , as
h i s p r in c i p a l problem in o r g a n iz a tio n a l e f f ic ie n c y ,
a rra n g in g th e s t r u c t u r e so t h a t h is i n f e r i o r s reach
d e c is io n s which he would have reach ed i f he should
have p o sse ssed as much in fo rm a tio n ab o u t th e
p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n r e q u ir in g d e c is io n as th e y do
(1 9 6 5 :1 4 1 ).
A nother a s p e c t i s t h a t l a r g e r s i z e o f b u r e a u c r a tic o r g a n iz a tio n
a p p a re n tly m inim izes th e r o le t h a t any s in g le in d iv id u a l p la y s in
th e o r g a n iz a tio n . T his i s co n n ected w ith in d iv id u a l freedom and
c r e a t i v i t y in th e o r g a n iz a tio n . T here w i l l be te n s io n s , i f n o t
c o n f l i c t s , g e n e ra te d by any in d iv id u a l who a tte m p ts to meet th e
c o n d itio n s s e t down by th e b u r e a u c r a tic o r d e r . B u re a u c ra tic o rg a n i
z a tio n s , in th e W eberian s e n s e , w i l l alw ays seek c o n tr o l, d is c i p lin e
and s ta n d a r d iz a tio n o f th e employees and te n d to view man in stru m e n t
t a l l y . Very o f te n , th e y apply q u a n t i t a t i v e , n o t q u a l i t a t i v e s ta n d a rd s
to m easure th e ex p ected r e s u l t s o f em ployees' a c t i v i t i e s . In doing s o ,
th e b u re a u c ra c y l i m i t s i t s e l f to i t s own o r g a n iz a tio n a l lo g ic and
ig n o re s th e b a s ic p r in c i p le s o f work m o tiv a tio n . T h e re fo re , b a s ic
66
re s e a rc h and c r e a t i v i t y a re c o n tra ry to th e b u r e a u c r a tic o r d e r . I t
i s , th e r e f o r e , a p p are n t th a t in d iv id u a l freedom and human c r e a t i v i t y
a re o f te n a t odds w ith th e b u r e a u c ra tic o rd e r.
The s i z e o f a b u r e a u c r a tic o r g a n iz a tio n le a d s to even more
e la b o r a te d h i e r a r c h i a l s t r u c t u r e . I f h ie r a r c h i z a t i o n goes beyond th e
r e q u i s i t e l i m i t s and j u s t i f i a b l e d im en sio n s, i t would be an o b s ta c le
to p r o f e s s io n a lis m and e x p e r tis e —i t would le a d to an e x c lu s io n o f
th e e x p e rt from th e o rg a n iz a tio n . T h is i s b ased on one o f th e
c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f h i e r a r c h i a l o r g a n iz a tio n , nam ely, i t p r e f e r s to
b ase wage d i f f e r e n t i a l s n o t on s p e c ia liz e d knowledge o r th e n a tu re
of th e work perfo rm ed , b u t on th e p o s iti o n occu p ied in th e o rg a n iz a
t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e o f th e h ie ra rc h y . F utherm ore, th e o n e -s id e d h i e r a r
c h i a l o rd e r o f th e o rg a n iz a tio n would n o t allo w th e e x p e rt to perfo rm
h is d u tie s d e l i c a t e l y , and h i s p r o f e s s io n a l q u a l i t i e s such a s m otiva
ti o n s and a s p i r a t i o n s would slow ly d is a p p e a r. Thus i t i s c l e a r th a t
th e h i e r a r c h i a l o rd e r does n o t r e l a t e i t s e l f to s p e c ia liz e d a b i l i t y
w hich an o r g a n iz a tio n would need f o r advancem ent.
This b r in g s us to M ich els' " ir o n law o f o lig a r c h y ." M ichels
b e lie v e s t h a t in c r e a s e o f s iz e in o r g a n iz a tio n s e n su re s a growing
gap betw een le a d e r s and fo llo w e rs , betw een th e s e l f p r e s e r v a tio n
aims o f th e a d m in is tr a tiv e s t a f f and th e o s te n s iv e r a is o n d 'e t r e
o f th e o r g a n iz a tio n (M ich els, 1958). The e x is te n c e o f o r g a n iz a tio n
i s p a r a l l e l to th e e x is te n c e o f o lig a r c h y . M ichels i s c l e a r about
th is :
67
O rg a n iz a tio n im p lie s th e tendency to o lig a r c h y .

In ev ery o r g a n iz a tio n , w hether i t be a p o l i t i c a l
p a r ty , a p r o f e s s io n a l u n io n , o r any o th e r
a s s o c ia tio n o f th e k in d , th e a r i s t o c r a t i c
tendency m a n ife s ts i t s e l f v ery c l e a r l y . . .
As a r e s u l t o f o r g a n iz a tio n , ev ery p a r ty o r
p r o f e s s io n a l union becomes d iv id e d in t o a
m in o rity o f d i r e c t o r s and a m a jo rity o f d ir e c te d
(1 9 5 8 :4 1 8 ).
M ich els' argum ent i s t h a t th e s iz e and co m p lex ity o f o r g a n iz a tio n
i s a c o n tr ib u tin g cau se o f i t s b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n , w hich le a d s to
an o th e r problem : ,
M ic h e ls' law o f o lig a rc h y i s an e x p re s s io n o f th e

in e v i t a b l e and u n r e s tr a in e d tendency t h a t th e
c o n f l i c t s betw een th e demands o f e f f ic ie n c y and
democracy a r e always so lv e d to th e ad v an tag e o f
th o s e f o rc e s a c tin g on b e h a lf o f e f f i c i e n c y , and
th e r e f o r e a t th e c o s t o f democracy (Abrahamsson,
1977:66).
In d eed , th e grow th o f b u reau c ra cy as a t h r e a t to th e d em o cratic
system i s r e a l iz e d by Weber h im s e lf. This p o in t i s even more f o r c e
f u l l y ta k e n up by l a t e r W eberian s c h o la r s . Jaco b y , f o r exam ple,
m a in ta in s t h a t " th e r e a l problem t h a t i s posed by th e b u r e a u c r a tic
p ro c e ss i s i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to d em o cratic v a lu e s " (1 9 7 3 :1 9 8 ).
P e te r M. B lau to o c o n s id e rs t h a t b u reau c ra cy may d e s tro y d em o cratic
i n s t i t u t i o n s , b ecau se power i s c o n c e n tra te d among a few sm all
i n t e r e s t g ro u p s. Thus, B lau co n ced es, t h e i r main i n t e r e s t w i l l be
to in c re a s e autonomy and to evade d em o cratic c o n t r o l , c o n se q u e n tly
becoming a means w hich underm ines th e d em o cratic p ro c e s s . " I f t h i s
68
i s a p a ra d o x ," Blau co n clu d ed , " i t i s a ls o a c h a lle n g e " (1 9 6 6 :2 6 5 ).
P re sth u s to o re c o g n iz e s th e problem , sa y in g t h a t b ig o r g a n iz a tio n s
" th r e a te n th e s o c i a l e q u ilib r iu m t h a t makes democracy p o s s ib le by
encouraging b o th c o n f l i c t and compromise" (1 9 7 8 :2 0 ). T u llo c k ,
confirm in g th e s e v ie w s , claim s th a t th e b u r e a u c r a tic system " te n d s
to a re d u c tio n in b o th in d iv id u a l freedom and c e n t r a l c o n tro l"
(1965:221).
These concerns w ith th e t h r e a t o f b u reau c ra cy on d em o cratic
c u ltu r e c l e a r l y a re W estern b ia s e s and v a lu e - la d e n , r e f l e c t i n g
s ta n d a rd s from th e W estern frame o f r e f e r e n c e . These v a lu e s a r e
n o t in th e concept o f th e M arxian m odel, which i s c l e a r l y opposed
to them.
Yet th e r e a re th o s e who h o ld a more san g u in e view on th e
d em o cratic a s p e c ts o f b u re a u c ra c y . Anthony Downs, f o r exam ple,
argues t h a t th e grow ing a b s o lu te l e v e l o f c o n tr o l o f b u reau c ra cy
over in d iv id u a ls d id n o t in anyway r e s t r i c t in d iv id u a l freedom .
In s te a d , he g iv e s two p o s i t i v e c o n c lu sio n s about b u re a u c ra c y :
(1) c o n tra ry to b e l i e f , th e in d iv id u a l freedom i s a c t u a l l y
expanding r a p id l y , and (2) t h a t in c re a s e d b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n
i s a c t u a ll y one o f th e cau ses o f in d iv id u a l freedom (1 9 6 7 :1 5 7 ).
However, Downs i s a ls o c a u tio u s th a t " b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n m ight
someday become so e x te n s iv e as to r e s u l t in an o v e r a l l r e d u c tio n
o f freedom o f ch o ice" (1 9 67:259).
A nother s i g n i f i c a n t g e n e r a liz a tio n o f b u r e a u c r a tic d e f ic ie n c i e s
i s th e ten d en cy o f b u r e a u c r a tic o r g a n iz a tio n to r e s i s t in n o v a tio n .
69
As s o c ie ty becomes more complex, th e r a t e o f s o c i a l change h as
g r e a tly in c re a s e d and t h i s seems to demand g r e a t e r changes i n th e
q u a lity o f l i f e and i n s t i t u t i o n s . In n o v a tio n , th e r e f o r e , becomes
n e c e s s a ry . However, b ig b u r e a u c r a tic o r g a n iz a tio n s a re o f te n
c h a r a c te r iz e d by " tr a d i tio n a l is m , s e c re c y in com m unication, a s c rib e d
r a th e r th a n ach iev ed s t a t u s , and co n cern w ith s p e c ia l p r i v i l e g e s f o r
members o f th e group r a th e r than w ith f u n c tio n a l p o l i c i e s . . .
These a r e n o t q u a l i t i e s a s s o c ia te d w ith in n o v a tio n " (Thompson, 1969:
9 0 ). Change becomes d i f f i c u l t , and th u s th e s t r u c t u r e and fu n c tio n s
o f o r g a n iz a tio n becomes s t a t i c . As P r e s th u s , c o n s is te n t w ith W eber's
fe a r, put -it:
L a te n t in d iv id u a l and o r g a n iz a tio n a l i n t e r e s t s
b lu n t b o th th e a b i l i t y and th e i n c l i n a t i o n o f
o rg a n iz a tio n s to change. P e rs o n a l and o r g a n iz a
t i o n a l g o als o f power and p r e s ti g e c h a lle n g e
th e la r g e r s o c ia l g o a ls t h a t presum ably j u s t i f y
t h e i r e x is te n c e in th e f i r s t p la c e (1 9 7 8 :3 2 2 ).
I t i s c l e a r th a t a s th e r a t e o f change in c r e a s e s , b u r e a u c r a tic
o r g a n iz a tio n s in th e t i d e o f change a r e u n av o id ab ly a f f e c t e d . " I f
such o r g a n iz a tio n s cannot a d ju s t t h e i r i n t e r n a l mechanisms to absorb
th e change, th e p r o b a b ility o f o r g a n iz a tio n a l c o lla p s e i s h ig h "
(Gawthrop, 1971:92).
The Dichotomy o f P o l i t i c s and A d m in is tra tio n
I t i s c l e a r th a t Weber r e a l i z e s th e t h r e a t o f p o l i t i c s in th e
70
b u re a u c ra tic p ro c e s s . I n t e r e s t - v e s t e d p o l i t i c i a n s would undoubtedly
use th e b u r e a u c ra tic a p p a ra tu s to f u r t h e r t h e i r aim s, Y et, as
p re v io u s ly n o te d , Weber a ls o acknow ledges th e im p o rtan t r o le w hich
p o l i t i c i a n s p la y in th e b u r e a u c r a tic p ro c e s s .T h is i s th e p o in t o f
d e p a rtu re of l a t e r e f f o r t s to s e p a r a te p o l i t i c s from a d m in is tr a tio n
in th e W eberian l i t e r a t u r e o f p u b lic a d m in is tr a tio n .
One of th e e a r l i e s t argum ents was forw arded by Woodrow W ilso n 's
"The Study o f A d m in istra tio n " (1 8 8 7 ). W ils o n 's argum ent—w hich i s
n o t in th e W eberian canon— i s t h a t c o n s t i t u t i o n a l and p o l i t i c a l
system s sh o u ld n o t i n t e r f e r e w ith everyday b u r e a u c r a tic p ro c e s s e s .
He began from th e p rem ise t h a t a d m in is tr a tiv e m a tte rs have to do
w ith " s p e c ia l means" and n o t th e " g e n e r a l p la n s " o f governm ent.
He w ro te :
The f i e l d o f a d m in is tr a tio n i s a f i e l d o f
b u s in e s s . I t i s removed from th e h u rry and
s t r i f e o f p o l i t i c s ; i t a t most p o in ts s ta n d
a p a r t even from th e d e b a te a b le grounds o f
c o n s t i t u t i o n a l stu d y . I t i s p a r t o f p o l i t i c a l
l i f e only as th e m ethods o f th e c o u n tin g house
a re a p a r t o f th e l i f e o f s o c ie t y ; on ly as
m achinery i s p a r t o f th e m anufactured p ro d u ct
(1887:221)
W ilson f u r t h e r em phasized t h a t " a d m in is tr a tiv e q u e s tio n s a r e n o t
p o l i t i c a l q u e s tio n s ." B eing s o , th e p o l i t i c a l system sh o u ld keep
i t s hand o f f th e a d m in is tr a tiv e a p p a ra tu s .
Although p o l i t i c s s e t s th e ta s k s f o r a d m in is tr a tio n ,
i t should n o t be s u f f e r e d to m a n ip u late i t s o f f ic e s
(1887:221).
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L a te r a n a ly s is and r e s e a rc h (Waldo, 1948; Appleby, 1949;.
Lepawsky, 1949) c o n tin u e t h i s argum ent o f " p o l i t i c s / a d m i n i s t r a t i o n .
dichotom y." One o f th e most im p o rta n t p o in ts o f d e p a rtu re was
forwarded by Frank J . Goodnow (1900). Goodnow d is tin g u is h e d p o l i t i c a l
fu n c tio n s from a d m in is tr a tiv e fu n c tio n s w ith th o s e analogous to th e
"m ental o p e ra tio n s " and th o se analogous to th e " a c tio n s " o f i n d i v i
d u a ls . The form er i s th e e x p re s s io n o f th e s t a t e w i l l , and th e l a t t e r
i s th e o p e ra tio n s n e c e s s a ry to th e e x e c u tio n o f t h a t w i l l —-th ese two
fu n c tio n s are r e s p e c tiv e ly p o l i t i c s and a d m in is tr a tio n .
S im ila r o b s e rv a tio n s were made by W.F. W illoughby who made a
d i s t i n c t i o n between " d i r e c t i o n , s u p e rv is io n and c o n t r o l , on th e one
hand, and e x ec u tio n on th e o th e r" (1 9 1 9 :2 2 9 ). He made a f u r th e r
d iv is io n o f fu n c tio n s t h a t i s " d i s t i n c t l y p o l i t i c a l in c h a r a c te r ."
In a l a t e r tre a tm e n t o f th e s u b j e c t , i t becomes a p p are n t t h a t
p o l i t i c s i s an in e v ita b l e and n e c e s s a ry p a r t o f th e p ro cess o f
government, w h ile a d m in is tr a tio n , on th e o th e r h an d , i s to c a r r y
in to e f f e c t th e p o l i c i e s made c l e a r by th e p o l i t i c a l p ro c e ss
( P f if f n e r , 1935:9).
Such a t h e o r e t i c a l dichotomy betw een a d m in is tr a tio n and p o l i t i c s
i s u n d erstan d a b le g iv e n th e f a c t t h a t some p o l i t i c i a n s m ight manipu
l a t e th e b u reau cracy t o c o n s o lid a te t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s , and th u s
je o p a rd iz e th e develo p m en tal p ro c e s s . But such an a tte m p t, a s
Horowitz p u ts i t , " u ltim a te ly rem ains an e x e r c is e i n f u t i l i t y "
(1982:229).
D ahl, in th e same v e in , r e v e a ls t h i s problem o f a d m in is tr a tio n
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in an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "The S cien ce o f P u b lic A d m in istra tio n : Three
Problem s" (1947). Dahl c r i t i c i z e s th e assum ption o f th e c l a s s i c a l
t h e o r i s t s t h a t a d m in is tr a tio n was a p u re ly te c h n ic a l m a tte r , v a lu e -
f r e e , unconnected w ith ends on p u rp o se s. He f u r th e r a tta c k e d th e
concept o f an " a d m in is tr a tiv e man" who would be p u re ly r a t i o n a l .
Dahl concluded t h a t a d m in is tr a tiv e th e o ry must a ls o account f o r
n o n - r a tio n a l b e h a v io r and f o r in f lu e n c e s in s e p a ra b le from th e
p a r t i c u l a r environm ent— d e m o c r a t i c ,c a p i t a l i s t , i n d u s t r i a l e t c .
That b u reau c ra cy sh o u ld be u n iq u e ly a p o l i t i c a l , o r in s tr u m e n ta l,
i s a n o tio n d e riv e d from th e m isu n d e rstan d in g o f th e p ro c e ss of
a d m in is tr a tiv e d ecisio n -m ak in g . Given th e ra p id advancement o f
te ch n o lo g y , th e e x p e r t is e re q u ire d f o r a d m in is tr a tio n i s u n iq u e ly
a lo o f from th e r e s t o f th e p e o p le , and th u s in e v ita b ly le a v e s o u t
p a r t i c i p a t i o n . P u b lic a d m in is tr a to r s a r e bound by t h e i r i d e n t i f i c a
t i o n w ith p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s . Hence, th e netw ork o f a u th o r ity and
le g itim a c y a r e in te rm in g le d between p o l i t i c s and a d m in is tr a tio n .
Thus T u llo ck c o n fe s s e s :
T here i s no way t h i s s o r t o f u ltim a te p o lic y

fo rm a tio n by lo w -ran k in g p e rs o n n e l can be
a v o id ed ; i t w i l l a r i s e on o c c a sio n in a l l
o r g a n iz a tio n s , no m a tte r how e f f i c i e n t l y
th e s e a r e o rg a n iz e d (1 9 6 5 :1 8 1 ).
Concluding Remarks
B ureaucracy i s as f r e q u e n tly a t a r g e t o f c r i t i c i s m ( from th e
W eberians a s i t i s from th e M a rx is ts . However, w h ile th e b urden o f
73
com plaint from th e M a rx ists i s th e ch arg e th a t b u reau c ra cy i s b e in g
used as an lic e n s e d i n s t i t u t i o n f o r c l a s s e x p l o ita t io n and th e r e f o r e
should be e lim in a te d a l t o g e t h e r , W eberians more f r e q u e n tly com plain
o f th e p a th o lo g ie s and d y s fu n c tio n s o f b u reau c ra cy and se e k ways to
check and r e g u la te them.
The W eberians, i n many o c c a s io n s , ag reed on c e r t a in view s—
th e b e l i e f th a t b u re a u c ra ts a r e u n im a g in a tiv e , r e lu c ta n t to ac c e p t
new id e a s , and e x tra o r d in a r y slow to abandon p o l i c i e s t h a t a re
c l e a r ly u n s u c c e s s fu l. Many have r e j e c t e d th e image o f p u b lic b u reau
cracy as ah e f f e c t i v e , e q u i ta b le , and re s p o n s iv e p ro b le m -so lv in g
mechanism.' In lo n g -ra n g e te rm s , th e a p p lic a tio n o f th e r i g i d ,
im p erso n al s id e of th e e x e c u tiv e b u reau c ra cy h as r e s u lt e d in a
ste a d y co m p ilatio n o f p e rc e iv e d lo s s e s by an expanding segment o f
th e p o li ty .
I t i s a ls o su g g ested t h a t th e h i e r a r c h i a l n a tu r e o f th e
b u r e a u c r a tic s t r u c t u r e makes i t i n e v i t a b l e t h a t i t would l i m i t th e
use o f e x p e r t s , and th e c o n f l i c t s betw een e x p e rts and a d m in is tr a to r s
w ith in o r g a n iz a tio n s a r e u n d e s ir a b le f o r in e f f i c ie n c y . These have
re p re s e n te d a more fundam ental case a g a in s t th e n o tio n o f b u reau cracy
as an e f f i c i e n t in s tru m e n t. In s h o r t , r i g i d i t y in o u tlo o k on m a tte rs
o f p o lic y i s a p ath o lo g y in c r e a s in g ly a t t r i b u t e d to b u reau c ra cy by
c r i t i c s from a l l segm ents o f th e W eberian paradigm .
A nother c r i t i c i s m i s t h a t d e s p ite i t s c la im o f th e m achinery
s te r e o - t y p e , many o f th e a s s e r tio n s o f e f f ic ie n c y and e f f e c tiv e n e s s
could n o t be found i n th e m odel. T here i s a d anger o f th e i n t e r n a l
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s t r u c t u r a l mechanisms b re a k in g down to cau se b u r e a u c r a tic o rg a n iz a
tio n to be a burden r a t h e r th a n a t o o l . Such i n t e r n a l parad o x es have
c re a te d sk ep tism s and recen tm en t from many s tu d e n ts o f b u re a u c ra c y .
However, th e W eberian c r i t i c s o f b u re a u c ra c y d id n o t, in g e n e r a l,
sugg est a form o f o r g a n iz a tio n w hich would be s u p e r io r to th e b u reau
c r a t i c o r g a n iz a tio n as Weber d e fin e d i t . E i th e r th ey made p o in ts
about th e need f o r f l e x i b i l i t y i n th e g e n e ra l m odel, o r th e y fu lm in a te
a g a in s t la r g e - s c a le o r g a n iz a tio n s in g e n e ra l, j u s t as th e y rag e a g a in s t
la r g e - s c a le and complex s o c ie t y t h a t made them p o s s ib le ( H i l l , 1972:
17).
There a re , o f c o u rs e , ways in w hich some o f th e p a th o lo g ie s
of b u reau cracy could be overcom e. The e s ta b lis h m e n t o f a new agency,
a change in th e j u r i s d i c t i o n o r re s o u rc e s v e s te d in an e x i s t i n g
a d m in is tr a tiv e o r g a n iz a tio n , in n o v a tio n i n th e developm ent o f p o lic y ,
th e e s ta b lis h m e n t o f tem porary o r g a n iz a tio n s and c o m p e titio n , among
o th e r s , a r e some o f th e c u re s a v a i la b l e f o r th e i l l s o f b u reau cracy
(Rourke, 1976). In th e same v e in , Gawthrop has s u g g e ste d o th e r
a l t e r n a t i v e forms such as th e e s ta b lis h m e n t o f b o u n d ary -sp an n in g u n it s
and th e f u s io n o f p u b lic and p r i v a t e a d m in is tr a tio n (1 9 7 1 ). I t must
be p o in te d o u t, however, t h a t such s o lu tio n s to th e problem s t i l l
invo lv e th e e x is te n c e o f b u r e a u c r a tic o r g a n iz a tio n s , and p erh ap s
th e c r e a tio n o f a d d itio n a l b u re a u c ra c ie s .T h e s e a r e c e r t a i n l y ir o n i e s
and paradoxes th a t a r e c o n fro n tin g th e e x is te n c e o f b u r e a u c r a tic
o rg a n iz a tio n s in modern s o c ie t y .
CHAPTER IV
CONCLUSIONS:
The most p la u s i b le argum ent fo r th e W eberian model and a g a in s t
th e M arxian model i s th e p ro c e ss o f b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n w hich i s q u ite
o b v io u sly ta k in g p la c e in a l l forms o f governm ental and economic
system s. On th e o th e r h an d , th e s tr o n g e s t argum ent a g a in s t th e W eberian
model and f o r th e Marxian model i s t h a t th e p a th o lo g ie s and d y sfu n c tio n s
o f a d m in is tr a tiv e o rg a n iz a tio n a re to o obvious and s e r io u s to be m o d ified,
l e t alo n e be co n cealed . The id e a of b u re a u c ra c y , from th e M arxian con
c e p tio n , h a s r a r e l y been d iv o rc e d from th e f e e l in g t h a t i t in v o lv e s
p r a c t i c a l problem s which demand r a d i c a l s o lu ti o n s . The j u s t i f i c a t i o n
o f th e e lim in a tio n o f b u reau c ra cy d e riv e s e x a c tly from th e l a t t e r arg u
ment. Whereas th e W eberians would arg u e t h a t th e p r i c e p a id fo r th e
p o s itiv e consequences o f a d m in is tr a tio n i s w o rth w h ile , alth o u g h e lim in a
ti o n i s th e a l t e r n a t i v e proposed fo r th e r o o ts and b ra n c h e s o f b u reau
c ra c y . F u r th e r , W eberians would argue th a t th e s t r a t e g y w ith th e g r e a te s t
p r o b a b il it y o f su c c e ss i s one o f r e g u la tio n , n o t e lim in a tio n . The co re
o f th e d e b a te , th e n , i s c e n te re d on two m ajor i s s u e s : th e s iz e and th e
fu n c tio n s o f th e b u r e a u c ra tic a p p a ra tu s .
75
76
B u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n : A Comparison •
Weber p r e d ic te d t h a t due to i t s te c h n ic a l s u p e r i o r i t y and i t s
focused o b je c tiv e s , th e b u r e a u c r a tic o r g a n iz a tio n w i l l in c r e a s e in
s iz e and s tr e n g th in th e c a p i t a l i s t and s o c i a l i s t c o u n t r i e s , re g a rd
le s s o f th e " r a t i o n a l i t i e s " which accompany i t . Weber a ls o p r o je c te d
th e in e x o ra b le tre n d s tow ard r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n , s e c u l a r i z a t i o n , and
fu n c tio n a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n , and a t th e same tim e w arned t h a t modem
man would b e tra p p e d i n a b u r e a u c r a tic " ir o n cage" o f h is own
a lie n a te d o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n (Mitzman, 1970). G ra n tin g th e e f f ic ie n c y
o f b u r e a u c r a tic o r g a n iz a tio n s , Weber s e r io u s ly q u e s tio n e d t h e i r
e f f e c tiv e n e s s and so u g h t ways o f c o n tr o l. W eberian s c h o la r s , r e a l i z i n g
th e i n e v i t a b i l i t y and i n d i s p e n s i b i l i t y o f b u r e a u c r a tic s t r u c t u r e ,
have c o n c e n tra te d on th e o th e r s id e o f th e b u r e a u c r a tic c o in , nam ely,
th e i r r a t i o n a l i t i e s and in h u m a n itie s o f b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n . The M a rx is ts ,
lik e w is e , a r e s tr u g g lin g w ith th e scope o f b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n and h i e -
r a r c h iz a tio n in t h e i r own ways, w h ile r e j e c t i n g th e n o tio n o f b u reau
cracy as governm ental i n t e r f e r e n c e , and th e y r e a c t w ith some degree
o f f a ta lis m t o th e s iz e and fu n c tio n s o f modem o r g a n iz a tio n .
Thus, th e o p p o s itio n s to b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n a r e in d eed g re a t
in b o th th e M arxian and th e W eberian a p p ro ac h es. The fundam ental
problems l i e b eh in d th e ty p e o f economic system s t h a t a r e o p e r a tin g
in th e s e c o u n tr ie s . In th e t h e o r e t i c a l framework, th e t o t a l command
system and th e l a i s s e z - f a i r e system s ta n d a t th e o p p o s ite ends o f
each o th e r . The fo llo w in g f ig u r e shows t h i s s i t u a t i o n :
77
T o ta l L a i s s e z - f a ir e
command ^ ----- ^ system
system
In th e m arket system o f l a i s s e z - f a i r e , a few d i s t i n c t c h a r a c te
r i s t i c s sta n d o u t: (a) There a r e no government r e g u la tio n s on demand
and supply in th e economy; (b) The ow nership o f th e means o f p ro d u c tio n
i s s t r i c t l y p r iv a t e ; (c) There i s a sh a rp d iv is io n betw een owners and
w ork ers, and (d) There i s no e x p l i c i t concern w h atev er f o r d i s t r i b u t i v e
j u s t i c e in th e economic as w e ll a s th e w e lfa re system . In such s i t u a
t i o n s , o r g a n iz a tio n a l fu n c tio n s a r e m inim al and te n d to work w ith in
t h e i r own l i m i t s .
The more one moves to th e l e f t , ap p ro ach in g th e t o t a l command
system , th e g r e a te r th e tendency f o r th e grow th o f b u r e a u c r a tic
o rg a n iz a tio n s , and most o f th e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f m arket economy
d is a p p e a r. Government in te r v e n tio n becomes dom inant in th e econom ic,
p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l l i f e o f i n d i v id u a l s , who, in t u r n , te n d to view
b u re a u c ra c ie s s u s p ic io u s ly . The economy management i n th e t o t a l
command system i s , in f a c t , "a v ery p e c u l ia r m ix tu re o f c e n t r a li z e d
d ecisio n -m ak in g , g e n e ra l p la n n in g and b u r e a u c r a tic p ro c e d u re s"
(H irszow icz, 1980:134). The b u r e a u c r a tic a d m in is tr a tio n i s ru n in
th e form o f t o t a l c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , where th e d e c is io n s a r e made a t
th e top and a r e tr a n s m itte d to th e low er l e v e l s , w h ile a l l in fo rm a
ti o n o r ig in a te s from below and p ro ceed s to th e e l i t e s f o r d e c is io n
making. I n e s s e n c e , th e system p ro v id e s a g r e a t s tim u lu s f o r b u reau
c r a t i c c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and grow th.
R ep ro d u ced with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout p erm ission
I t i s c le a r t h a t most economic system s a r e somewhere between
th e two o p p o s ite ends; f o r exam ple, th e U n ited S ta te s would be
lo c a te d in th e r i g h t segm ent, w h ile th e s o c i a l i s t system s would be
more to th e l e f t . W hile th e c a p i t a l i s t system s have been undergoing
th e b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n p ro c e s s a s a r e s u l t o f changes in b o th th e
p u b lic and p r iv a t e s e c t o r s , th e ten d en cy f o r b u r e a u c r a tic growth
i n th e s o c i a l i s t s t a t e s i s much g r e a t e r .
In d eed , th e h i s t o r i c a l e v id en ce and background to t h i s stu d y
co n firm such a tre n d . Our q u e s tio n , th e n , i s what cau ses b u re a u c ra
t i z a t i o n to in c re a s e in b o th th e c a p i t a l i s t and th e s o c i a l i s t s t a t e s ?
Are th e re any s i m i l a r i t i e s o r d if f e r e n c e s between them?
In h i s a n a ly s is o f c a p i t a l i s t b u re a u c ra c y , Anthony Downs p u ts
forw ard fo u r p o s s ib le cau ses f o r th e in c r e a s in g b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n
in everyday l i f e . They a r e connected w ith th e te n d e n c ie s o f modem
s o c i e t i e s to grow (a) l a r g e r i n t o t a l p o p u la tio n ; (b) more complex
in s p e c ia liz a tio n ; (c) more s o p h is tic a te d in te c h n o lo g y , and (d) more
u rb a n iz e d , and w e a lth ie r p e r c a p i t a a s tim e p a s s e s (1967:255-256).
To t h i s l i s t , two more p o s s ib le cau ses can be added: th e
s p o ils system which some c o u n trie s a r e p r a c t i s i n g , and th e in c re a s in g
te n s io n s in i n t e r n a t i o n a l c r i s e s . In th e c a se o f s p o ils system —o r
th e p a tro n a g e system —th e one who i s e le c te d to o f f i c e a p p o in ts
f r ie n d s o r p o l i t i c a l a s s o c ia t e s to p u b lic jo b s , w hich a r e sometimes
i r r e l e v a n t and th u s in c r e a s e th e s i z e o f th e b u re a u c ra c y . T his h as
been one o f th e most im p o rta n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f governm ents,
e s p e c i a ll y in th e U n ited S t a t e s . A lthough t h i s p r a c t ic e o f p atro n a g e
with p erm ission o f th e copyright ow ner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout perm ission.
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has been under s tr o n g a t ta c k f o r more th a n a c e n tu ry and th e refo rm
e f f o r t to e lim in a te i t h as been s u c c e s s f u l i n many r e s p e c t s , v e s tig e s
o f th e p r a c t ic e rem ain.
However, t h i s i s a more s e r io u s problem in th e d e v elo p in g
n a tio n s .T h e p r a c t ic e o f n ep o tism h a s alw ays p r e v a ile d o v er th e
p r a c tic e o f re c ru itm e n t based on a c h ie v e m e n t.lt i s c l e a r th a t
q u a l if ic a tio n s a re n o t always fo llo w ed by f u n c tio n a l a d m in is tr a tiv e
p o s ts . As Gunnar M yrdal p u ts i t :
The o v erb u rd en in g o f a d m in is tr a tio n by

u n n ece ssary d is c r e t io n a r y c o n t r o l s , and a ls o
th e clumsy p ro ced u res and la c k o f r a t i o n a l
d e le g a tio n which a r e p a r t l y caused by t r a d i t i o n
and p a r t l y by th e p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f t h a t ty p e
o f c o n t r o l s , have ten d ed to d i l u t e th e co rp s
o f o f f i c i a l s by em ploying p e rso n s o f l e s s
competence and l e s s i n t e g r i t y (1 9 7 0 :2 4 4 ).
T his would in e v ita b ly cau se a huge in c r e a s e o f p u b lic em ployees in
th e b u re a u c ra c y , and would im ply a d m in is tr a tiv e in e f f i c ie n c y and
d is h o n e s ty .
The i n t e r n a t i o n a l c r i s e s in modern p o l i t i c s have o c c u rre d
through more in te n s iv e id e o lo g ic a l d i f f e r e n c e s , as w e ll as g r e a t e r
s o p h is tic a ti o n in modem weaponry. I n te n s iv e p o l i t i c a l and id e o lo g i
c a l d if f e r e n c e s g e n e ra te an e x tre m ely co m p lica ted web o f r e l a t i o n
s h ip s among c o u n tr ie s . Such c o n f l i c t s and c o n f r o n ta tio n s in th e a re a s
o f n a t io n a l d e fe n c e , tr a d e and p o l i t i c s f r e q u e n tly le a d to th e
expan sio n s o f b u reau s and o r g a n iz a tio n s in r e s p e c tiv e c o u n tr ie s in
an atte m p t to manage and r e g u la te c r i t i c a l e v e n ts . Even i f th e c r i s e s
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were to s u b s id e , th e ten d en cy i s fo r th e b u re a u c ra c y to m a in ta in i t s
s iz e and management f o r l a t e r c r is e s and th e a n t i c i p a t i o n o f them.
I t i s a ls o c l e a r t h a t th e im p lem en tatio n o f f o r e ig n p o li c ie s
would in e v ita b ly le a d to b u r e a u c r a tic ex p an sio n . One o f th e re a so n s
is t h a t th e o r g a n iz a tio n a l o v e rla p p in g and d u p lic a tio n have f a i l e d
to c o o rd in a te among th e d iv e rs e a g en c ies p la y in g th e r o l e in f o re ig n
a f f a i r s (R ourke, 197 2 :6 6 ). Taking th e case o f U n ited S ta te s n a t io n a l
d efen ce, Corson and H a r r is rem ark t h a t th e D epartm ent o f War and
Navy b e fo re World War I I which had in c lu d e d 400,000 c i v i l i a n and
m ilita r y p e rs o n n e l has tran sfo rm ed i n t b th e D epartm ent o f D efense
employing 3 .7 m illio n c i v i l i a n and m i l i t a r y p e rs o n n e l in i t s r e g u la r
e s ta b lis h m e n t i n 1962 (1 9 6 3 :9 6 ). The an n u al b u d g et h as gone up from
900 m illio n d o ll a r s to 53 b i l l i o n d o l l a r s betw een th e W ars.Such a
b u r e a u c r a tic growth in s iz e and com plexity w ere caused by th e
fo llo w in g re a s o n s :
F i r s t , b ecau se of th e growth s tr e n g t h —in

term s o f p o p u la tio n , economic r e s o u r c e s ,
and te c h n o lo g ic a l c a p a c ity to b u il d more
d e s tr u c t iv e weapons—and th e o b v io u sly
a g g re s s iv e i n t e n t o f th e enemy . . .
Second, th e a d m in is tr a tiv e jo b r e q u ir e s
th e c o n tin u a l rep lacem en t o f p r e s e n t weapons
(jv it p la n e s and ta n k s) w ith th e most modern
weapons t h a t a r a p id ly e v o lv in g tech n o lo g y
can produce . . . T h ird , th e a d m in is tr a tiv e
can be plan n ed e f f e c t i v e l y o n ly i f th e r e i s
a c o n tin u a l flow o f i n t e l l i g e n c e on a b road
sp ectru m o f m a tte rs ra n g in g from l o g i s t i c s
to f a c to r y lo c a tio n and d e sig n and th e s t a t e
ox mind and h e a th o f p eo p le s a l l o v er th e
g lo b e (C arson and H a r r is , 1963:77).
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With th e p o s s ib le e x c e p tio n o f th e s p o ils system , th e s o c i a l i s t
s t a t e s e x h ib it a l l th e above c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , p erh ap s more d i s t i n c t .
.P o p u latio n growth i s a l l th e more obvious in th e S o v iet Union and
China where th e p o p u la tio n i s one o f th e m ajor o b s ta c le s tow ard
m o d ern izatio n and developm ent. S o p h is tic a tio n in tech n o lo g y and
s p e c ia liz a tio n r e q u ir e s p r o f e s s io n a lis m and demands a v e ry e la b o r a te
h i e r a c h i a l s tr u c t u r e i n th e Communist b u reau c ra cy as i t moves tow ard
to compete w ith W estern s c ie n c e and te ch n o lo g y . In d eed , L enin
reco g n ized t h i s , and ex clu d ed th e te c h n ic a l s p e c i a l i s t s from th e
'a d m i n i s t r a t i o n .1 (Abraham sson, 1977:48). S im ila r ly , th e s o c i a l i s t
s t a t e s a re becoming more and more u rb an iz ed i n t h e i r e f f o r t s to
r a i s e th e s ta n d a rd o f l i v i n g o f t h e i r p e o p le . In a d d itio n , th e
i n t e r n a t i o n a l c r i s e s i n th e a re a s o f tr a d e and n a tio n a l d efen c e
c o n fro n t th e s o c i a l i s t s t a t e s to o .
The M arxian ap p ro ach i s most e x p l i c i t and o p ti m is ti c in th e
e lim in a tio n o f th e s t a t e and i t s b u re a u c ra c y . However, e v id en ce h as
shown th a t i t i s p e rh a p s most d e f i c i e n t i n i t s p r a c t i c a l v is io n as
f a r as th e b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n o f s o c ie ty i s co n cern ed , as e x e m p lifie d
by th e S o v iet Union and C hina. P r a c t i c a l l y , i t has f a i l e d to ta k e
in to account th r e e a s p e c ts :
(a) The s o c i a l i s t s t a t e s have n o t been a b le to g et r i d o f th e
b u r e a u c r a tic le g a c ie s l e f t by t h e i r im p e ria l re g im e s, which th e y
have succeeded in o v e rth ro w in g . The o r g a n iz a tio n a l s iz e and ad m in is
t r a t i v e fu n c tio n s o f T z a r i s t R u ssian and Im p e ria l China rem ain a
m ajor p a r t o f th e b u r e a u c r a tic problem faced by th e new reg im es.
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Many o f th e p a th o lo g ie s a r e th u s i n h e r i t e d , such as c l a s s b i a s ,
re c ru itm e n ts b ased on a s c r i p t i o n and k in s h ip , c o r r u p tio n , in e f f i c ie n c y
and so f o r th .
One o f th e m ajor problem s a f t e r th e S o c i a l i s t R ev o lu tio n s
connected w ith th e d e s i r e o f m o d e rn izatio n was th e la c k o f e x p e rts
and p r o f e s s io n a ls who were ca p a b le o f perform ing a d m in is tr a tiv e and
te c h n ic a l ta s k s which i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n re q u ir e d (F a in s o d , 1963:254).
What rem ained from th e p r e - r e v o lu tio n a r y b u reau c ra cy w ere th e
d y s fu n c tio n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and s k i l l s and a t t i t u d e s t h a t w ere
ad a p ta b le to th e new o r d e r . To keep th e o ld b u r e a u c ra ts i n th e
a d m in is tr a tiv e a p p a ra tu s , th e new regim es e n l i s t e d them and surrounded
them w ith c a d re s and o f f i c e r s to e n su re t h e i r l o y a l t y , and th u s added
unnecessary burdens to th e a lre a d y o v e r - s iz e d b u re a u c ra c y ;
(b) The economic system o f s o c i a l i s t s t a t e s h as p u t a g r e a t
demand on th e s t a t e s and i t s b u re a u c ra c y , making i t s d isa p p e a re n c e
im p o ssib le . The p o l i t i c a l and econom ic fu n c tio n s o f th e s t a t e b u reau
cracy have become in c r e a s in g ly a p p a re n t f o r th e c o n s o lid a tio n o f
power f o r th e r u li n g p a r ty and th e r a t i o n a l i t y o f th e p la n n in g
economy (H irszo w icz, 1980; Hodges, 1981; B a r n e tt, 1967; S k o cp o l, 1979).
In th e fo rm er, i t i s used a s an in d o c tr in a tio n m ach in ery . T here i s a
need f o r th e p a r ty c a d re s to p e n e tr a te in t o ev ery l e v e l o f s o c ie ty to
spread th e id e o lo g ic a l commitments o f th e reg im es. S im ila r ly , i f
th e re i s j u s t i c e f o r econom ic d i s t r i b u t i o n , th e r e w i l l in e v i t a b l y be
huge b u r e a u c r a tic o r g a n iz a tio n s to u n d e rta k e th e enormous ta s k ;
(c) The in c r e a s e in s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and te c h n o lo g ic a l s o p h i s t i
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c a tio n tow ard m o d e rn izatio n r e q u ir e s an e la b o r a te b u r e a u c r a tic
s tr u c t u r e . T h is has been p o in te d o u t by L enin when he acknowledged V
th e d i s t i n c t i o n between s p e c i a l i s t s and g e n e r a l i s t s (1 9 6 9 :3 3 7 ).
However, in n o v a tio n f o r s o c i a l change r e q u ir e s th e developm ent o f
b o th th e s e groups and o f th e f u n c tio n s they p erfo rm . A lthough t h e i r
s iz e and fu n c tio n s a re n o t alw ays co m p letely com plem entary, th e
d iv is io n o f la b o r ex c lu d e s th e p o s s i b i l i t y o f m eaningful e lim in a tio n
in re g a rd to developm ent. C o n seq u en tly , th e r e i s no o th e r s o lu tio n
l e f t a p a r t from t r a i n i n g more s p e c i a l i s t s as w e ll a s g e n e r a l i s t
a d m in is tr a tiv e s t a f f .
The la c k o f f i t betw een th e M arxian model o f b u reau c ra cy and
th e a c tu a l h i s t o r i c a l p a t t e r n o f b u r e a u c r a tic e v o lu tio n su g g e s ts more
i n s i s t e n t l y th a n many contem porary M arx ists may w ant to adm it th e
need f o r r e th in k in g some o f th e b a s ic s o f M arxian ap p ro ach . In d eed ,
Schumpeter once co n fe sse d :
I f o r one cannot v i s u a l i z e , in th e c o n d itio n s

o f modern s o c ie t y , a s o c i a l i s t o r g a n iz a tio n
i n any form o th e r th a n t h a t o f a huge and a l l
em bracing b u r e a u c r a tic a p p a ra tu s . Every o th e r
p o s s i b i l i t y I can co n ceiv e would s p e l l f a i l u r e
and breakdown (1 9 5 0 :2 0 6 ).
True enough, th e a d v o ca tio n o f th e M arxian model f o r th e e f f i c i e n c i e s
and i r r a t i o n a l i t i e s o f b u re a u c ra c y rem ains v a l id f o r any s o c i e t i e s ;
n o th in g in th e l a s t hundred y e a r s in th e academ ic c i r c l e o r s o c i a l
e x p e rie n c e s have u n d ercu t th e co m p ellin g , in d eed n e c e s s a r y , p o t e n t i a l
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o f th a t ad v o catio n . The f a c t rem a in s, n e v e r th e le s s , th a t c l a s s i c a l
Marxism f a il e d to f o r e s e e o r a d e q u a te ly e x p la in th e autonomous power
o f th e s t a t e as a d m in is tr a tiv e and c o e rc iv e mechanisms i n th e p o s t-
c a p i t a l i s t s o c ie ty .
R eg ard less o f th e p o l i t i c a l and m oral consequences o f th e
in c re a s e d s c a le of o r g a n iz a tio n , i t ap p ears t h a t th e y a r e n e c e ss a ry
and u n escap ab le. The c o m p le x itie s o f modern tech n o lo g y and th e demand
f o r c o o rd in a te d d e liv e r y o f goods and s e r v ic e s r e a l l y mean t h a t modem
s o c ie ty must a d ju s t to th e o r g a n iz a tio n s i t h as c r e a te d — and to c o n tr o l
them i f t h i s i s d e s ir e d . In t h i s a s p e c t, Weber has gone f a r beyond
Marx, o r f o r th a t m a tte r any M a rx is ts , h as h i t h e r t o attem p ted .
D y sfu n ctio n s o f B ureaucracy:

A Comparison
The most r e le v a n t, and p erh ap s th e most p e n e tr a tin g c r i t i c i s m
by th e M arxian model on b u r e a u c r a tic o rg a n iz a tio n s i s i t s em phasis
on th e n e g a tiv e consequences and th e d y s fu n c tio n a l a s p e c ts . Marx
made i t very c le a r t h a t th e s o c i a l and a d m in is tr a tiv e p a th o lo g ie s
o f th e b u r e a u c ra tic s t a t e , which a r e d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to th e mode
o f e x is te n c e o f b u re a u c ra c y , would e v e n tu a lly b re e d i t s own seed s
o f d e s tr u c tio n . The h i e r a r c h i a l s t r u c t u r e which a l i e n a t e s th e
o ffic ia ld o m from th e m asses, th e re d ta p e , th e m a lp r a c tic e s , c o rru p
t i o n , ir r a t io n a l is m , th e e x p l o ita t io n o f c la s s e s and th e s e lf - s e e k in g
e l i t e s , a l l would le a d to th e f i n a l a s s a u lt o f i t s e lim in a tio n . The
q u e s tio n i s n o t one o f th e n e c e s s ity o f s e t t i n g up a d m in is tr a tiv e
85
s t r u c t u r e as su ch , b u t r a t h e r , p a r t l y one o f w h eth er b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n
in s o c ie t y s u rp a s s e s th e o p tim al l e v e l o f e f f i c i e n c y , and p a r t l y one
o f th e n a tu r e o f i t s n e g a tiv e e f f e c t s on p e o p le .
T h e re fo re , i t i s no s u r p r is e t h a t th e M arxian p re o c c u p a tio n i s
to c a l l f o r th e e lim in a tio n o f th e s t a t e and i t s b u re a u c ra c y f o r i t
co n ceiv es t h a t th e " b u r e a u c r a tic d is e a s e " i s c a tc h in g up w ith th e
whole s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and d e s tro y in g i t . The W eberian ap p ro ach ,
how ever, w h ile r e a l i z i n g such a d m in is tr a tiv e and s o c i a l p a th o lo g ie s ,
i s n o t w i l l i n g to tr a d e b u r e a u c r a tic i n s t i t u t i o n s w ith anarchism .
There i s no t o t a l i n s t i t u t i o n a l s u b s t i t u t e f o r b u re a u c ra c y , and
p r a c t i c a l e x p e rie n c e s r e a f f ir m th e n e c e s s it y f o r a m u lti-d im e n s io n a l
co n c e p tio n o f b u r e a u c r a tic s t r u c t u r e .
In t h i s r e g a rd , i t becomes n e c e ss a ry to lo o k a t th e p r a c t i c a l
management problem s in th e s o c i a l i s t c o u n trie s and compare them w ith
th e d y s f u n c tio n a l a s p e c ts o f b u reau c ra cy w hich c la im s i t s i n s p i r a t i o n
from th e W eberian id e a l- ty p e .
I t h as been d eterm in ed th a t b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n in th e s o c i a l i s t
regim es i s enorm ous, and f o r th e most p a r t o c c u rs as a phenomenon o f
s c a le . The most conspicuous d y sfu n c tio n s o f b u r e a u c r a tic a d m in is tra
t i o n o f th e s e regim es a re as fo llo w s:
(a ) T here i s an e x c e ss iv e growth o f r u l e s and r e g u la tio n s .
B u re a u c ra tic fo rm alism becomes th e most s t r i k i n g sym ptons and
a d m in is tr a tiv e p ro ced u res a r e so p r o l i f i c t h a t i t becomes c o u n te r
p ro d u c tiv e ;
(b) The in e v ita b l e r i g i d i t y o f th e o r g a n iz a tio n a l s t r u c t u r e
86
has p re s e n te d i t s e l f w ith enormous o b s ta c le s f o r e f f ic ie n c y and
e f f e c tiv e n e s s ;
(c) O v e r c e n tr a liz a tio n in th e b u r e a u c r a tic s t r u c t u r e has
caused unavoidable d e la y s i n d ecisio n -m ak in g on p o l i c i e s th a t
needed im m ediate a t te n ti o n and a c t io n . T his i s due to h ie r a r c h iz a -
tio n which in tu rn p ro d u ces u n n ece ssary d e la y s ;
(d) There i s e x c e s s iv e tim e a n d e f f o r t s p e n t on c o o rd in a tin g
a c t i v i t i e s as th e number o f u n it s and th e numbers o f le v e l s need
t o be c o o rd in a te d i s so enormous in n a tu r e ;
(e) There i s th e d isp la c e m e n t o f g o als due to th e o rg a n iz a
ti o n a l inducem ent which th e a d m in is tr a tio n p ro v id e s and th e n a tu re
o f ta s k s to be perform ed. The s u b o rd in a te s a re always concerned w ith
what th e s u p e rv iso ry o rg an s co n ceiv ed o f t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s , and
d is re g a rd th e r e s u l t s ach iev ed th ro u g h such a c t i v i t i e s ;
( f ) There are th e d efen se mechanisms c h a r a c te r is e d by
se c re c y a g a in s t c l i e n t s , custom ers and o u ts id e r s . This h a s enabled
th e a d m in is tr a tiv e a p p a ra tu s to av o id s o c i a l c o n tr o l, th e d is m is s a l
o f com plaints and c o n s is te n t su p p o rt by h ig h e r a u t h o r i t i e s
(H irszow icz, 1980:135-136).
These f a c to r s can be found th ro u g h o u t th e s o c i a l i s t adm inis
t r a t i v e system , and th e y a r e g e n e r a lly reg ard ed a s th e u n p le a sa n t
y e t un av o id ab le t r a i t s o f b u re a u c ra c y p e r s e . I f such p a th o lo g ie s
a r e compared w ith th e m a lad ie s o f b u reau c ra cy in th e W eberian
e x p e rie n c e , th e s i m i l a r i t i e s im m ediately s ta n d o u t. I t i s ap p are n t
th a t b o th system s have to pay a v e ry heavy p r ic e f o r th e p o s iti v e
r e s u l t s o f b u r e a u c r a tic a d m in is tr a tio n , and i t seems th e r e i s no
87
e x c e p tio n to th e r u l e .
However, d if f e r e n c e s do e x i s t , and th ey l i e i n th e scope of
b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n in b o th system s. Whereas in th e s o c i a l i s t system ,
b u r e a u c r a tic d y s fu n c tio n s and d i s t o r t i o n s seem to b e an i n v i s i b l e
fo rc e p r e s e n t everyw here, in th e c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e s th e y seem to be
c o n fin e d to s e le c te d a r e a s o f s o c ia l,e c o n o m ic , and p o l i t i c a l l i f e .
There i s a ls o a c o n tin u a l sp read o f b u r e a u c r a tic o r g a n iz a tio n s in to
th e p r iv a t e s e c to r where i t s v i s i b i l i t y i s n o t so o b v io u s. The
m arket sy stem w ith keen co m p etitio n among th e e n t e r p r i s e s has
p a r t i a l l y e lim in a te d some o f th e m alad ies in th e p ro d u c tiv e fo rc e s
o f b u r e a u c r a tic s t r u c t u r e . The im pact o f a d m in is tr a tio n i s s tr o n g , and
c e r t a i n l y more so i n th e s o c i a l i s t c o u n trie s w here a l l p ro d u c tiv e
a c t i v i t i e s in th e n a t io n a li z e d economy a r e in t e g r a te d i n t o th e
c e n t r a li z e d system o f command.
The W eberian m odel, in t h i s r e g a r d , s h a re s a c e r t a i n consensus
w ith th e M arxian m odel. For Marx, th e d y s fu n c tio n a l a s p e c ts o f
b u reau c ra cy se rv e a s th e id e o lo g ic a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n o f th e s e p a r a te
n e s s betw een th e s t a t e and th e c i v i l s o c ie ty . Whereas th e W eberians
would arg u e t h a t th e b u r e a u c r a tic p a th o lo g ie s have e n lig h te n e d them
to c o n s id e r a d m in is tr a tiv e c o n tro l and b a la n c e s e r io u s ly . To be s u r e ,
th e y ex p e c t t h a t th e advance o f tech n o lo g y and s p e c ia liz e d knowledge
to overcome most o f , i f n o t a l l , th e n e g a tiv e phenomena and c h a r a c te
r i s t i c s o f b u re a u c ra c y , and th ey a tta c h p a r t i c u l a r h ig h hopes to th e
ways hy w hich th e y th in k in e f f ic ie n c y can be co m p letely overcome.
A lthough Weber acknowledged th e r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n o f b u reau c ra cy
88
in s o c i a l developm ent, he n e v e r th e le s s u s u a lly viewed t h i s p ro c e s s
w ith p e s s e m is tic r e s ig n a t io n . Indeed th e scope o f b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n
would s u g g e s t some form s o f mechanism f o r c o n tr o l. The W eberian
model h a s d is c u s s e d th e d y s fu n c tio n a l a s p e c ts in g r e a t d e t a i l s .
However, th e problem o f b u r e a u c r a tic power was g iv en s p e c ia l
a t t e n t i o n . Weber h im s e lf co n sid e re d a v ery la r g e number o f mechanisms
for l i m i t i n g th e sco p e o f system s o f a u t h o r i ty i n g e n e ra l and b u reau

cracy i n p a r t i c u l a r . These mechanisms a s n o te d by Albrow (1970) f a l l
in t o f iv e m ajor c a t e g o r ie s : (a) c o l l e g i a l i t y ; (b) th e s e p a r a tio n of
power; (c) am ateur a d m in is tr a tio n ; (d) d i r e c t dem ocracy, and (e)
r e p r e s e n t a tio n .
I n a d d itio n , th e r e i s th e s i x t h c a te g o ry : c o n c e n tra te d
e x e c u tiv e a u t h o r i ty o r th e p l e b i s c i t a r i a n c h a ris m a tic r u l e . T his
concep t i s i n t e r p r e t e d by Mommsen (1974) as W eber's a n t i - a u t h o r i t a r i a n
v e rs io n o f c h a r is m a tic r u l e . Mommsen m a in ta in s t h a t Weber was s k e p tic a l
o f th e s te a d y growth o f b u r e a u c r a tic s t r u c t u r e which je o p a r d iz e s in d i
v id u a l freedom .
He c o n s id e re d s ta g n a tio n and o s s i f i c a t i o n th e
r e a l d an g ers o f h is ag e, r a t h e r th a n c h a r is m a tic
b re a k -th ro u g h s . In h i s o p in io n , th e f a t a l
d e c lin e o f dynamism and m o b ility i n p o l i t i c s
would b e cu red only by one a n t id o te , nam ely
" c h a r is m a tic le a d e r s h ip ." C h arism atic le a d e r s
had to check th e a s p ir a t io n s o f th e b u re a u c ra c y .
They had to b reak up i t s d ead ly r u le o f r o u tin e
by t h e i r unique c a p a c ity to s e t new g o a ls and
to opem new p a th s i n s o c i e t i e s hampered by
p o l i t i c a l s ta g n a tio n and b u r e a u r a tic r o u tin e .
I t was Up to them to keep th e "open s o c ie ty "
open a g a in s t th e inhuman fo rc e s o f b u re a u c ra
t i z a t i o n (Mommsen, 1974:93-94).
89
The Weberian model c o n s id e rs th e f r e e p a r lia m e n t—w hich i s
o b v io u sly ab sen t in th e s t a t e s o c i a l i s t sy stem most c l e a r ly
id e n t i f i e d w ith th e M arxian t r a d i t i o n — in th e modem s t a t e s to be
o f v i t a l im portance in ch eck in g b u re a u c ra c y . I t em phasizes power
w ith r e s p o n s ib il ity and a c c o u n ta b i lit y , and th e need f o r p a rlia m e n
ta r y committee to s a fe g u a rd th e freedom f o r in d iv id u a l c i t i z e n s .
In d eed , th e r e i s p erh ap s no fo u n d a tio n f o r th e f e a r th a t b u re a u c ra
t i z a t i o n p re s e n ts i t s e l f as a fu n d am en tal o b s ta c le to r e p r e s e n ta tiv e
government, o r in t h i s r e g a r d , an e f f i c i e n t a d m in is tr a tio n f o r th e
p eo p le. The c a p i t a l i s t sy stem h as r e a l l y o p e ra te d under a system o f
" b u re a u c ra tic dem ocracy," in w hich g o v ern m en tal d e c is io n s a re made
in b u r e a u c ra tic s e t t i n g s , o u t o f th e p u b lic e y e , w ith o u t je o p a r d iz in g
th e r e p r e s e n t a t' on o f i n t e r e s t groups and th e c i t i z e n r y (Y ates, 1982).
There a re e f f o r t s by W eberian s c h o la r s to ap p ly th e id e a l- ty p e
bureau cracy to th e d ev elo p in g n a t io n s . The im p o rtan ce o f governm ental
bu reau cracy fo r a p o l i t i c a l system in th e d e v e lo p in g n a tio n s to
develop "a h ig h l e v e l o f i n t e r n a l r e g u l a t i o n , d i s t r i b u t i o n , o r
e x tra c tio n " (Almond and P o w ell, 1966:323) h a s been re c o g n iz e d . In
th e W eberian l i t e r a t u r e o f p u b lic a d m in is tr a tio n , th e r e i s a
c o n tin u a l deb ate on th e p o l i t i c a l r o l e o f th e b u re a u c ra c y and th e
p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f i t s becoming th e p o w e r-se e k e rs in th e p o l i t i c a l
system . There i s a c o n tin u a l s h i f t betw een two p o in ts o f view ;
th o se who view b u reau c ra cy m ainly a s a s te p p in g s to n e f o r th e
s u c c e s s fu l and e f f i c i e n t im p lem en tatio n o f p o l i c i e s on th e one
hand ( B r a ib a n ti, 1969; Esman, 1966, 1972; Brown, 1962; Heady, 1970;
90
B in d e r, 1962), and th o s e who view b u reau cracy as a stu m b lin g b lo c k ,
o r an in s tru m e n t o f pow er, making i t th e m a ster o f th e p eo p le on
th e o th e r (R ig g s, 1963, 1964; LaPalorabara, 1963; Goodnow, 1964).
While th e r e a r e e m p iric a l and t h e o r e t i c a l d if f e r e n c e s betw een th e
two camps, th e r e i s no doubt t h a t modern, com plex, in te rd e p e n d e n t
s o c i e t i e s cannot g e t a lo n g w ith o u t b u re a u c ra c y , th u s co n firm in g th e
W eberian v iew p o in t o f b u r e a u c r a tic fu n c tio n s .
Some C r i t i c a l E v a lu a tio n s
I t i s c l e a r th a t th e c o n tr a d ic tio n s o f th e o ry and p r a c t ic e in
th e M arxian approach have c re a te d enormous problem s f o r th o s e who
claim t h e i r i n s p i r a t i o n from Marx. At th e same tim e , c r it ic i s m s o f
th e p a th o lo g ie s in th e a d m in is tr a tio n cannot be ig n o re d a lto g e th e r .
S im ila r ly , th e r e a r e paradoxes and ir o n ie s p r e s e n t i n th e W eberian
th e o ry , which cannot be re s o lv e d a t th e p r e s e n t moment. In t h i s
re g a rd , b o th models s h a re th e p r a c t i c a l problem s in t h e i r own r i g h t .
The ap p ro x im atio n s o f th e M arxian and th e W eberian models can
be summarized as fo llo w s :
(1) Both models made e x te n s iv e c r it ic i s m s o f b u r e a u c r a tic
o rg a n iz a tio n and exposed th e p a th o lo g ie s and d y s fu n c tio n s o f
b u r e a u c r a tic a d m in is tr a tio n in modem s o c i e t i e s . In d e e d ,th e to n e
and s u b sta n c e o f W eb erian s' and M a rx is ts ' c r i t i c a l comments a re
very s im i la r and com plem entary (M erton, 1952; Neuman, 1952, L en in ,
1969; Mao,1977). The m ajor d if f e r e n c e l i e s in th e " s o lu tio n "
91
o f b o th m odels. For th e W eberian, th e most m ean in g fu l and p ro b ab le
s o lu tio n i s r e g u la tio n ; w hereas fo r th e M a rx is ts , th e p a th o lo g ie s ,
and d y s fu n c tio n s o f b u r e a u c r a tic o r g a n iz a tio n s j u s t i f y t h e i r e lim in a
ti o n . The fo llo w in g f ig u r e i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s p o in t:
M arxian Model W eberian Model
I
The t h r e a t s o f b u reau c ra cy : The t h r e a t s and p a th o lo g ie s
(a) An organ f o r c l a s s e x p l o ita t io n ; o f b u re a u c ra c y :
(b) A means to advance th e i n t e r e s t s (a) A t h r e a t to democracy and
o f th e p r o p e r tie d ; in d iv id u a l freedom ;
(c) The incom petence o f o ffic ia ld o m ; (b) R i g i d i t i e s and e x c e ss iv e
(d) A lie n a tio n o f th e S ta te from th e im p e rs o n a lity ;
c i v i l .so c ie ty ; (c) R e s is ts in n o v a tio n and
(e) An u ltim a te t h r e a t f o r th e change;
re a liz a tio n of a c la s s le s s (d) Red ta p e , s e c re c y , co rru p
s o c ie ty . tio n , e tc .
(e) An u ltim a te t h r e a t to
hum anity.
A consensus t h a t th e p re se n c e
o f p a th o lo g ie s and d y s fu n c tio n s
in b u r e a u c r a tic o r g a n iz a tio n s
a r e co m pelling
E lim in a tio n R e g u la tio n
The c r it ic i s m s o f th e M arxian model on b u r e a u c r a tic o rg a n iz a
tio n such as th e incom petence o f o f f ic ia ld o m , a l ie n a t io n and r i g i d i
t i e s and so f o r th a r e r e le v a n t in b o th th e models a s e v id e n t from
th e p r a c t i c a l consequences o f b o th th e c a p i t a l i s t and th e s o c i a l i s t
system s. The W eberian m odel,w hile acknow ledging th e r a t i o n a l i t y
and e f f e c tiv e n e s s o f b u r e a u c r a tic o r g a n iz a tio n s , i s s h a rin g th e s e
c r it ic i s m s w ith th e M arxian model.
(2) S im ila r ly , th e s iz e o f th e a d m in is tr a tiv e a p p a ra tu s must
be c o n sid ere d ar. th e m ajor p r a c t i c a l approxim ation betw een th e two
m odels. The M arxian p o s iti o n o f th e e r a d ic a tio n and e lim in a tio n o f
th e s t a t e , however firm i t may seem, h as been shaken by th e r a p id
growth o f b u r e a u c r a tic o r g a n iz a tio n s in th e s o c i a l i s t system . The
p r e d ic tio n o f Weber— t h a t b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n i s in e v ita b le in th e ::
f u tu r e —p ro v es to b e c o n s is te n t w ith th e h i s t o r i c a l tre n d o f s o c i e t a l
developm ent.
M arxian Model W eberian Model
th e o re tic a l
outcome
W ith er th e S ta te B u re a u c ra tiz a tio n
The f ig u r e above i l l u s t r a t e s th e argum ent. The M arxian model
h as d iv e rte d from th e t h e o r e t i c a l n o tio n of th e w ith e rin g o f th e
s t a t e to converge w ith th e W eberian n o tio n o f b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n in
s o c i e t a l developm ent. Such p r a c t i c a l ,n o n - t h e o r e t i c a l consequences
may have caught th e M a rx ists by s u r p r i s e , however. They a re
in c re a s in g ly aware o f t h e e s s e n t i a l i t y o f b u reau c ra cy in m oderniza
ti o n and th e d ev elo p m en tal p ro c e ss in a c o u n try 's economy and p o l i t y .
93
T his i s most a p p a re n t in th e r e c e n t o r g a n iz a tio n a l refo rm s in China
which a r e a tte m p tin g to u se th e W eberian i d e a l - t y p i c a l c o n s tr u c tio n
in b u r e a u c r a tic o rg a n iz a tio n s (K ing, 1980). In t h i s r e g a r d , th e
th e o r e t i c a l trium ph seems to b elo n g to Weber r a t h e r th a n to Marx.
(3) The s e p a ra tio n o f a d m in is tr a tio n from p o l i t i c s in th e
W eberian id e a l- ty p e i s one o f i t s m ajor c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . This
b if u r c a te d v is io n d e riv e s from th e W estern b e l i e f t h a t p r o f e s s io n a lis m
should be a p o l i t i c a l , o r in s tr u m e n ta l. As n o te d p r e v io u s ly , th e
W eberian dilemma l i e s in t h i s s e p a r a tio n . Such a d i s t i n c t i o n seems
to be im p o ssib le g iv en th e advancement o f te c h n o lo g ic a l hardw are
and so ftw are w hich would in e v ita b l y le a v e s o u t p a r t i c i p a t i o n (T u llo c k ,
1965:191; H orow itz, 1982:229). The M arxian model re c o g n iz e s such a
problem , though n o t from th e te c h n o lo g ic a l p o in t o f view . R ath er i t
acknowledges t h a t b u r e a u c r a tic th e o ry i s p a r t o f a com prehensive
p o l i t i c a l th e o ry and th e r e f o r e i s in s e p a r a b le from v a lu e s and system s
o f lo g ic (F le ro n and F le ro n , 1 9 7 2 :6 3 ). From th e s e p o in ts o f view , i t
must be s a id t h a t th e a d v o ca tio n o f th e M arxian model t h a t th e
s e p a ra tio n o f a d m in is tr a tio n and p o l i t i c s i s im p o ss ib le and u n n ece ssary
i s n o t w holly t r u e , n o r i s th e W eberian b e l i e f t h a t i t sh o u ld b e so.
Given th e d e s i r a b i l i t y and d i f f i c u l t i e s o f such a s e p a r a tio n , th e
M arxian and th e Weberian models have f a i l e d to come o u t w ith a
s a t i s f a c t o r y s o lu ti o n .
94
C onclusion
Some e f f o r t s were made by s o c i a l i s t s c h o la r s t o c o o rd in a te
a l l fo rm u la tio n s on b u reau cracy under one common t h e o r e t i c a l r o o f
i n o rd e r to f i n a l l y a r r iv e a t a u n if ie d th e o ry o f b u re a u c ra c y
(H eiskanen, 1976), b u t Abrahamsson h as commented t h a t " th e views
and id e a s o f d i f f e r e n t a u th o rs co n cern in g th e em ergence o f b u reau
cracy a r e so d i s t a n t from each o th e r as to re n d e r u n i f i c a t i o n
im p o ssib le" (1 9 7 7 :3 6 ).T h ere i s perh ap s some t r u t h s i n b o th v iew s.
While th e c o n tra d ic tio n s between th e b u r e a u c r a tic t h e o r i e s — and
w ith in them—have proved to be i r r e c o n c i l a b l e , i t i s a ls o a p p are n t
t h a t many elem en ts— p a r t i c u l a r l y th e p r a c t i c a l consequences— of th e
models a r e m erging in to some forms o f c o n sen su s.
W hatever th e e x p la n a tio n o f th e s i m i l a r i t i e s and d if f e r e n c e s
between th e M arxian and th e W eberian a p p a ro a c h e s, one obvious
im p lic a tio n o f th e s i m i l a r i t i e s i s t h a t t h e two paradigm s can
p ro b ab ly le a r n a g r e a t d e a l from each o t h e r , p ro b a b ly more so f o r
th e M arxian from th e W eberian. In th e l i t e r a t u r e o f M arxian b u reau
c ra c y , W eberian t h e o r i s t s w i l l f i i d v ig o ro u s and l o g i c a l a n a ly s e s of
o rg a n iz a tio n and th e d ia g n o s is o f b u re a u c ra tis m s b e a rin g h e a v ily on
th e concerns o f human v a lu e s . In th e a n a ly s is o f th e W eberian ap p ro ach ,
M arx ists w i l l f in d a r i c h s to r e o f id e a s th e y seem t o be t o i l i n g to
rep ro d u ce in d e p e n d e n tly . Such exchange o f id e a s c o u ld perh ap s
s i g n i f i c a n t l y m odify t h e i r id e o lo g ic a l c o n c e p ts and to e r a s e th e
d i s t i n c t i o n betw een id e o lo g ic a l and s c i e n t i f i c th in k in g .
Lindblom rem arks t h a t th e c o n v e n tio n a l th e o ry o f d em o cratic
p o l i t i c s i s in no way s u p e r io r to th e r a d i c a l th e o ry . In d eed ,
" c o n v e n tio n a l th e o ry i s e m b a rra sin g ly d e f e c tiv e . I t g r e a tly needs
to c a l l more h e a v ily on r a d i c a l th o u g h t" (1 9 8 2 :2 0 ). P erhaps in
t h i s s p i r i t , th e M arxian and th e W eberian th e o r i e s o f b u reau c ra cy
would p o s s ib ly l i n k t h e i r d if f e r e n c e s .
S ch o lars in th e two paradigm s s ta n d to g a in by s h a rin g t h e i r
m a te r ia ls more e x te n s iv e ly i n th e f u tu r e th a n th e y have in th e p a s t.
More im p o rtan t a r e th e in d i c a ti o n s t h a t th e o ry in b o th a re a s i s to
a la rg e e x te n t im p riso n ed by th e p rem ises and p e r s p e c tiv e s and
reaso n in g o f an e a r l i e r day , tra p p e d in t o r e c a p i t u l a t i n g and r e f i n i n g
fa m ilia r co n cep ts in s te a d o f d ev elo p in g assum ptions t h a t m ight f r e e
th e o ry from th e c y c lin g lo o p in to which i t h a s f a l l e n . A lthough
th e re a re im p o rtan t e x c e p tio n s , i t ap p ears t h a t much modern
w r itin g s and id e o lo g y i n b o th paradigm s ten d to r e t r a c e e s ta b lis h e d
p a th s in s te a d o f f in d in g new ones.
A ll th in g s c o n s id e re d , i t may be s a id t h a t th e a d m in is tr a tiv e
p ro c e ss has developed on more o r l e s s th e same s c a le in c o u n trie s
where c o n s t i t u t i o n a l r u le p r e v a i ls and in th o s e under a u t h o r i t a r i a n
government. The same p r i n c i p l e a p p lie s i n th e t o t a l command system
and th e l a i s s e z - f a i r e m arket system . As H orow itz rem arks:
W hatever th e economic sy stem , our epoch b e a rs

w itn e s s to a c o n s ta n t ex p an sio n i n s t a t e power,
b u re a u c ra c y , and a d m in is tr a tiv e dom ination and
d is p o s iti o n o f p e o p le . The economic system a
n a tio n l i v e s under h as become l e s s im p o rtan t
th a n th e f a c t o f s t a t e grow th and i t s a l l o c a t i v e
machanisms (1982:233)
I t i s th u s c l e a r th a t no sy stem can c la im i t s s u p e r i o r i t y o f
e f f ic ie n c y and e f f e c tiv e n e s s o v er th e o th e r as f a r as th e b u reau
c r a t i z a t i o n p ro c e ss i s co n cern ed . I r o n i c a l l y , th e M arxian and th e
Weberian m odels, w ith a l l t h e i r c o m p le x itie s and d if f e r e n c e s , may
y e t fin d some com fort from each o t h e r 's s i m i l a r i t i e s o f p r a c t i c a l
dilemma.
97
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Western Michigan University

Master's Theses Graduate College

The Marxian and the Weberian Theories of Bureaucracy:

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W estern M ichigan U n iv e r s ity

Khai Leong Ho, M.A.

W estern M ichigan U n iv e rs ity

The p u rp o se o f t h i s stu d y i s to a n a ly s e (1) th e b a s ic elem ents

in M arx's and W eber's th e o r ie s o f b u re a u c ra c y , and (2) th e

c o n tr a d ic tio n s and ap p ro x im atio n s t h a t ap p ea r in b o th th e

M arxian and th e W eberian paradigm s. An a tte m p t i s made to

to th e W eberian m odel, and th e b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n o f s o c ia lis m

which i s th e u n a n tic ip a te d consequence o f th e M arxian model.

The c o n c lu sio n o f t h i s stu d y in d i c a te s t h a t th e two seem ingly

o p p o s ite ap p ro ach es, a f t e r a l l , have c e r t a i n s i m i l a r i t i e s in

t h e i r t h e o r e t i c a l framework and in t h e i r p r a c t i c a l dilemma.

I would l i k e to th an k P r o f e s s o r s C .l. Eugene Kim and

Claude S. P h i l l i p s f o r t h e i r c o n s tr u c tiv e c r i t i c i s m and i n t e r e s t

b rin g in g th e s o c i a l i s t l i t e r a t u r e to my a t t e n t i o n and h i s c o n tin u ed

guidance and in p u t in th e t h e s i s . His humor and s c h o la r s h ip make i t

both e n jo y a b le and i n t e l l e c t u a l l y f u l f i l l i n g to work w ith him. I

would a ls o l i k e to th an k th e D epartm ent o f P o l i t i c a l S cie n ce a t

W estern M ichigan U n iv e rs ity f o r h a v in g given me many academ ic

o p p o r tu n itie s and c h a lle n g e s , and th e s ta y h e re h as been most

The follow ing explanation o f techniques is provided to help clarify markings or

2. When an image on the film is obliterated w ith a round black mark, it is an

4 . For illustrations that cannot be satisfactorily reproduced by xerographic

HO, KHAI LEONG

THE MARXIAN AND THE WEBERIAN THEORIES OF BUREAUCRACY: CONTRADICTIONS

WESTERN MICHIGAN UNIVERSITY M. . 1983

I . THE LEGACY OF MARX AND WEBER . . . ...................... .... . . . • 16

Marx and th e D ia l e c ti c a l A n a ly sis o f Human H is to ry

W eber's C onception o f B ureaucracy and th e

T h e o r e tic a l C o n sid eratio n s . .......................................... 34

The In flu e n c e and th e D ebate . . ...................... 38

II. THE BUREAUCRATIC DILEMMA OF THEORY AND PRACTICE:

Lenin and th e W ith erin g o f th e S ta t e . .................................. 41

The S ta te B ureaucracy S tren g th en ed :

A R o m a n tic is t's A ttack on O rg a n iz a tio n :

The S ta te Bure a u c ra c y s tre n g th e n e d :

The S tr u c tu r e o f B u reau cracy . . . . . . ..................... 60

P arad o x es o f B ureaucracy . . . . . . . . . . . ...................... 61

The Dichotomy o f P o l i t i c s and A d m in istra tio n . ..................... 69

IV. CONCLUSIONS: CONTRADICTIONS AND APPROXIMATIONS. . . . . . . 75

B u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n : A Comparison ...................... . . . . . . . . 76

D y sfu n ctio n s o f B u reau cracy : A Comparison . . . . . . . . . 84

The p u rp o se o f t h i s stu d y i s to a n a ly se (1) th e b a s ic elem ents

in M arx's and W eber's th e o r i e s o f b u r e a u c r a c ie s , and (2) th e c o n tra ­

d ic tio n s and ap proxim ations t h a t ap p ear in b o th th e M arxian and th e

W eberian p aradigm s. An a tte m p t i s made to examine th e d y s fu n c tio n a l

a s p e c ts o f b u reau cracy in r e l a t i o n to th e W eberian m odel, and th e

b u r e a u c r a tiz a tio n of s o c ia lis m which i s th e u n a n tic ip a te d consequence

o f th e M arxian model. The c o n c lu sio n o f t h i s stu d y in d i c a te s th a t th e

two seem in g ly o p p o s ite ap p ro ach es, a f t e r a l l , have c e r t a i n s i m i l a r i ­

t i e s i n t h e i r t h e o r e t i c a l framework and in t h e i r p r a c t i c a l dilemma.

The l i t e r a t u r e r e le v a n t to th e stu d y and w hich s e rv e s to

(1) L i t e r a t u r e on M arx's and W eber's co n c e p tio n o f b u re a u c ra c y ;

(2) L i t e r a t u r e on th e b u r e a u c r a tic p ro c e s s o f s o c ia lis m , and

(3) L i t e r a t u r e on th e t h e o r e t i c a l fo u n d a tio n and e la b o r a tio n s

I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f M arx's and W eber's c o n c e p tio n o f b u reau ­

cracy as s e p a r a te e n t i t i e s a r e ab u n d an t. Andras H egedus, a H ungarian

in M arx's and W eber's th e o r i e s o f b u r e a u c r a c ie s , and (2) th e c o n tra

two seem in g ly o p p o s ite ap p ro ach es, a f t e r a l l , have c e r t a i n s i m i l a r i

I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f M arx's and W eber's c o n c e p tio n o f b u reau

As f o r th e l i t e r a t u r e on Weber, C a rl F r e d r ic h 's "Some Observa

b u re a u c ra c y , Diamant c la im s th a t most o f th e s e s tu d ie s have m is

them, Bengt Abrahamsson in a work e n t i t l e d B ureaucracy o r P a r t i c i p a

tio n : The L ogic o f O rg a n iz a tio n (1977) has o u tlin e d th e b a s ic d i f f e

in c re a s in g ly complex s o c ie t y which r e q u ir e s more and more p r o f e s s