Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Development Discourse On Gender and Communication in Strategies For Social Change
Development Discourse On Gender and Communication in Strategies For Social Change
Karin Gwinn Wilkins (PhD, University of Pennsylvania, 1991) is an assistant professor in the Radio-
Television-Film Department at the University of Texas at Austin. Her research interests include devel-
opment communication, international communication, media, and social change. The author would
like to thank the University of Texas for supporting this research through a summer fellowship, the
Center for American History for their assistance with the Development Communication Archive, anony-
mous reviewers for their constructive suggestions, along with John Downing, Robert Hornik, Rob
Huesca, Emile McAnany, Bella Mody, Nancy Morris, Peter Siegenthaler, Leslie Steeves, and Jody Wa-
ters. An earlier version of this manuscript was presented at the 1998 International Communication
Association conference in Jerusalem.
46
Development Gender Discourse
Theoretical Approach
47
Journal of Communication, Winter 1999
48
Development Gender Discourse
tion of their work illustrates implicit assumptions made about men’s and women’s
roles in the development process. For example, Lerner’s (1958) classic text con-
trasting the life of a male Turkish village chief, representing traditional values,
with that of a male grocer, representing modernity, chronicles the lives of men,
while diminishing women’s roles. Although women did not figure in his analyses,
Lerner did hire a female interviewer, who was “ordered . . . by the numbers:
thirtyish, semi-trained, alert, compliant with instructions, not sexy enough to im-
pede our relations with the men of Balgat but chic enough to provoke the women”
(p. 29). This example is not intended to isolate Lerner’s work as a specialized
case, but to suggest that early theorists trivialized women’s roles in the develop-
ment process. Valdivia’s (1996) more extensive analysis of early development
theorists’ work confirms a pattern of discourse that minimizes women’s employ-
ment and participation in development projects and constrains mediated images
of gender roles. Early views of development obfuscate women’s economic contri-
butions, instead highlighting their role as vulnerable reproducers (Escobar, 1995a;
Parpart, 1995).
The mid-1970s marked a shift in attention to women in development, along
with other critical transitions in the field of development communication (Rogers,
1976; Schramm & Lerner, 1976). A WID strategy advocated including women as an
explicit focus in order to achieve development goals (Dagenais & Piché, 1994).
Based on her experience implementing a WID project, Spronk (1992) explained
that project documents articulated not just the intentions of the practitioners, but
of the institutional expectations regarding appropriate beneficiaries and practice.
In 1975, WID was placed on a global agenda when the UN sponsored a confer-
ence in Mexico City to launch the Year of Women. This facilitated the designation
of the Decade for the Advancement of Women (1976 until 1985; Staudt, 1990).
As a discourse, WID served to organize principles for the production of knowl-
edge about women by states, institutions, and communities (Escobar, 1995a, p.
210). WID constructed women as actively contributing to society through their
economic production and human reproduction (Staudt, 1985). Boserup’s (1970)
research on the importance of women’s contributions to agricultural production,
which tended to be underpaid if compensated at all, inspired a focus on women’s
role as economic agents. WID also pointed to a need to improve women’s access
to education, employment, and political participation (Parpart, 1995; Valdivia, 1996),
conditions considered in earlier models of modernization that tended to privilege
male constituents. Throughout the Decade for the Advancement of Women, sev-
eral scholars recognized limits to using media to promote social change, such as
problematic stereotypes of women in media texts, a lack of women’s employment
in positions of power in media industries, and poor access to mediated technolo-
gies as a source of information, particularly among rural women.
Following the Decade for Women, attention to WID gradually shifted toward a
concern with gender and development (GAD). This shift from “women” to “gen-
der” resonates with an understanding of gender as a socially constructed category,
rather than essentializing sex as a biological condition (Dagenais & Piché, 1994;
Parpart, 1995; Riaño, 1994). GAD attempted to position women as active agents of
social change situated within social and structural systems of patriarchy and power
49
Journal of Communication, Winter 1999
(Cardinal, Costigan, & Heffernan, 1994; Dagenais & Piché, 1994). Steeves (1993)
drew our attention to critical scholarship about the political economy of commu-
nication and participatory approaches to development (Freire, 1983) to propose
the creation of a global, imagined feminist community that challenges power
relations. As a model of social change, a GAD approach to development locates
power within normative and structural conditions (Parpart, 1995), in contrast to
earlier development frameworks that privilege the importance of the individual in
social change.
Recent literature has proposed a new shift toward “international feminisms”
(Sreberny-Mohammadi, 1996), recognizing differences across class, race, and other
social categories (Fernea, 1998; Luthra, 1996; Mackenzie, 1995; Riaño, 1994). Re-
specting diversity across women, a move toward international feminisms has sought
a collective identity across women as an imagined community of participants
seeking to change a global history of patriarchy and domination (Cardinal, Costigan,
& Heffernan, 1994; Steeves, 1987, 1993).
Existing development institutions have responded to WID and GAD by creat-
ing new structures (e.g., establishing WID divisions in the United States Agency
for International Development [USAID], Canadian International Development
Agency [CIDA], and the United Nations Development Programme [UNDP]) and
strategies (articulating gender-sensitive guidelines). New organizations (e.g., the
United Nations Development Fund for Women [UNIFEM], Development Alterna-
tives with Women for a New Era [DAWN], Self Employed Women’s Association
[SEWA], Women’s International Network [WIN], and Women’s International News
Gathering Service [WINGS]) have also been formed to facilitate collective mobili-
zation toward global feminist issues (Wilkins, 1997). The 1995 United Nations
Fourth World Conference on Women and the Non-Governmental Organization
(NGO) Forum in Beijing attracted more than 30,000 participants, five times as
many as had the conference 20 years earlier. Despite the introduction of new
structures, conferences, policies, and organizations, the emphasis on women’s
programs may be diminishing (Dagenais & Piché, 1994, p. 59), limited by a lack of
resources (Staudt, 1990), women in senior management positions (Parker & Fried-
man, 1993, p. 117), and appropriate gender stereotypes (Ferguson, 1990).
A feminist approach to development highlights many issues worth examining,
including the gendered constructions of intended beneficiaries in communication
interventions, the lack of female representation in existing development agencies,
the efforts of women’s groups to promote social change, women’s access to com-
munication technologies, and inappropriate stereotypes employed in strategic
messages. I focus on the first of these issues, concerning the role of gender in
institutional discourse on project beneficiaries, by exploring organizational docu-
mentation on communication interventions. Next, I consider the role of communi-
cation campaigns in strategic social change.
50
Development Gender Discourse
We in the Third World already have the experience of being objects of adver-
tising techniques and we believe that social marketing represents exactly the
opposite of what we have been fighting for over the last 25 years: a communi-
cation approach that places strength in the community and aims to change the
passive receptor of messages into an active communicator. (p. 20)
51
Journal of Communication, Winter 1999
52
Development Gender Discourse
Research Approach
The central issue in this research concerns the nature of institutional discourse on
development communication. Specifically, how does this discourse articulate the
role of gender in constructions of project beneficiaries and the role of communi-
cation in the process of social change? Moreover, does this discourse vary across
organizational or historical contexts?
I explored these questions through an analysis of population, health, and nutri-
tion projects implemented since 1975 (the first year dedicated by the UN to the
recognition of women’s roles in the development process). Although WID and
GAD encouraged development interventions that would improve a variety of con-
ditions for women (including access to formal education and economic opportu-
nities), the areas of population, health, and nutrition command a much higher
proportion of development resources and are more likely to target and reach a
higher proportion of women than other sectors of development (Helzner & Shepard,
1990; Jaquette & Staudt, 1985; Population Council, 1997).
These analyses were based on institutional documentation of health, nutrition,
and population projects1 acquired through the Development Communication
Archive in the Center for American History at the University of Texas at Austin.2
The selection of documents includes all development communication projects in
these fields (N = 262) implemented since 1975. The unit of analysis was the project
implemented in one geographical site. When possible, multisite programs were
counted according to each individual project. Only those interventions imple-
mented in communities outside North America and Western Europe were included
in this analysis.3
1
This project sample includes 37% in the area of population, 40% in health, 13% in nutrition, and 10%
from the areas of population and health dealing exclusively with AIDS.
2
Funded by USAID, the former Clearinghouse for Development Communication had been maintained
most recently by the Academy for Educational Development (AED). This Archive is now administered
by the Radio-Television-Film Department (RTF), through the College of Communication, and the
Center for American History at the University of Texas at Austin.
3
Studied projects were implemented in the Caribbean or Latin America (46%), Africa (27%), the Middle
East or Asia (25%), and in multiple regions (2%).
53
Journal of Communication, Winter 1999
4
Agreement coefficients across two coders are estimated at or above .80 (year implemented: 1.0; fund-
ing institution: .87; social change strategy: .80; television: 1.0; radio: 1.0; film-video: 1.0; audiovisual:
.93; newspapers-magazines: .87; other print: 1.0; telephone: 1.0; folk: 1.0; interpersonal: 1.0; women as
reproducers: .87; women as other: .93; men-fathers: .93; youth: 1.0; low-SES: .93; mid-SES: 1.0; con-
sumer: .93; rural: .87; urban: .87; professional: 1.0; general: 1.0).
5
It is important to acknowledge that no claim can be made that these “informing” projects are more or
less “participatory” than the others, given the research focus on discourse and not praxis.
54
Development Gender Discourse
implemented between 1975 and 1984 (54% of the studied projects), roughly ap-
proximating the Decade for Women, which lasted until 1985, from projects imple-
mented after 1985.
Given that the collection was sponsored by USAID for many years, it is not
surprising that most of the projects in the sample (55%) were funded through
USAID. About one quarter (27%) were funded through NGOs, 10% through mul-
tilateral agencies, 5% through national governments in developing countries, and
3% through other bilateral donors or other sources. Projects on which USAID
worked with other donors on a particular intervention were coded as USAID
projects. Similarly, when a multilateral organization worked with NGOs, the project
was coded as a multilateral strategy. NGO projects then represented those inter-
ventions attracting neither bilateral nor multilateral support.
I did not assume that this sample of documents reflected a population of projects
or actual practice in the field. Therefore, significance statistics, used to assess a
relationship between a randomly selected sample and a population, have limited
value for this study. Although this sample represented all appropriate project
descriptions identified in the Archive, it was limited in that it represented a purpo-
sive selection of materials deemed worthy by previous administrators of the col-
lection. In addition, this research was limited by focusing on written documenta-
tion, which summarizes and selects aspects of project experience as bureaucratic
discourse, distinguished from praxis or actual project implementation in the field.
Findings
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Journal of Communication, Winter 1999
Information 9 42 66 42 57 30
Education 1 23 16 29 0 9
Structure 10 12 8 0 0 9
Note. Column percentages reflect the percentages of the total number of strategies (N =
262) used by each organization. Row percentages reflect the percentage of each type of
intervention strategy based on the total number of strategies.
if breastmilk could carry a brand name from which someone makes a profit,
there would be no shortage of advertising and education in behalf of its ben-
efits, of the best way to feed an infant or of proper nutrition for the lactating
mother. (Manoff & Cooke, 1977, p. 2)
56
Development Gender Discourse
57
Journal of Communication, Winter 1999
changing social norms. These included NGOs’ work in Nigeria to discourage so-
cial acceptance of female circumcision and early marriage (Supriya, 1991); an
NGO strategy in the Dominican Republic to change traditional gender roles as
reflected in media (Andujar, 1982); and a UNFPA project in Jamaica to alter the
conception that fertility is a reflection of virility and femininity (AED, 1986a).
Educating programs were designed to facilitate long-term consequences rather
than cause short-term change, through their use of television, radio, print, and
interpersonal sources.
Whereas campaigns attempting to alter norms focus on addressing social change
within a community, projects addressing structural conditions locate social change
in political, economic, or other institutional contexts. Many projects paid tribute to
the delivery of health, nutrition, and population services, such as USAID and
multilateral programs using interactive radio to assist physicians working in re-
mote areas (Hudson, Forsythe, & Burns, 1983). These projects attempted to change
the structures of health care, family planning, and nutrition services. Projects ad-
dressing structural conditions also tended to rely on radio, print, and interpersonal
sources.
6
Viewing audiences as “targets” implies a rather mechanistic, passive model of the communication
process. When social marketing is used to explain development communication projects, this vocabu-
lary tends to be employed. In this discussion, the word “target” reflects a strategic approach to commu-
nication intervention.
58
Development Gender Discourse
Reproducing
Women 30% 35% 11% 36% 25%(66)
Other Women 14 15 41 14 22(57)
Men-Fathers 10 4 9 14 9(23)
Youth 20 4 3 21 13(35)
Low SES 27 0 11 7 19(49)
Urban 7 0 6 0 6(15)
Professional 29 15 19 0 23(59)
General 11 23 14 7 13(34)
Note. Percentages exceed 100% because projects tend to use more than one description
or target more than one audience.
Most projects addressing men (9%) fell in the realm of population (20%, com-
pared to 2–4% of other fields). Women may be seen in terms of their relationships
with men as well as with children. As one report explained, modernization projects
must press for improving the status of women, since “not only educated men . . .
do not want ignorant village women for wives” (Chaney, 1978). A project in Bali
focused on men by perpetuating local power structures. “Approaching Balinese
men through the Banjas satisfied the Balinese fact of life that men are publicly
acknowledged heads of the household. They also represent the family before the
law and before the gods, who are considered male ancestors” (Pret & Pret, 1977).
Some evaluations of projects focusing on mothers, such as a child survival project
in Honduras, concluded that “educational messages should be aimed at both
parents in the family” (Vigano, 1985). However, very few of the studied projects
focused on “parents,” “married couples,” or “families.”
Some projects focused on youth (13%), particularly young women. In one case,
a project report explained that “early pregnancy is a major health and social prob-
lem throughout the region and the world. Adolescent mothers are ill-prepared
psychologically, physically, financially and socially to accept the responsibilities
of motherhood” (Kincaid et al., 1988). As with mothers and pregnant women,
adolescents appeared to constitute a vulnerable group in these project descrip-
tions. Adolescents were more likely to be seen as needing persuasion (21%) than
education (13%) or information (3%). Projects addressing adolescents were more
59
Journal of Communication, Winter 1999
likely to use video (37%) than projects that did not address adolescents (13%).
Moreover, two thirds of the projects addressing adolescents used telephone hotlines,
a channel not used with any other audience.
Other categories were also used in descriptions of audiences. Some audiences
were defined in terms of their spatial location: 17% of projects focused on rural
populations, but fewer addressed urban populations (6%). Audiences also were
categorized according to socioeconomic status (SES; 19% targeted people with
low levels of income or education, and 11% targeted those with middle levels of
income or education). Other projects (13%), typically those devoted to AIDS, did
not specify narrow target audiences, defined in terms of gender, age, socioeco-
nomic status, spatial location, or structural position. Rather, they addressed a more
broadly defined group, such as nation or city.
Some projects focused on reaching “consumers” (10%), reinforcing the social-
marketing assumptions framing some project activity. All projects designating au-
diences as consumers fell within the persuasion framework, specifically, as social-
marketing projects. This consumer may be of lower or middle SES, but should
have enough resources to pay a small fee for products or services, as suggested in
descriptions of the SOMARC program (Brown, Friedman, Janowitz, & Leung, 1988).
Integrating a focus on consumerism with the role of women in development, one
report suggested that projects should address women’s roles in “improving health
and nutrition so that people have the energy to work” (Chaney, 1978, p. 14).
Similarly, another project connected a woman’s maternal responsibilities with her
ability to make “careful and prudent” consumer choices in a market (Smith &
Meyer, 1979).
Related to the framework directed toward addressing structural conditions in
promoting social change, many projects specifically focused their attention on
professionals (23%), such as health workers or policy makers. In one example, a
USAID project focused on convincing leaders of prominent public and private
population institutions of the value of “natural family planning” methods (USAID,
1987a). Projects targeting professional groups were more likely to use interper-
sonal sources (61%) than projects that did not (30%).
60
Development Gender Discourse
also used this frame in 42% of their projects. USAID was much less likely to
employ this informing frame (9%). Attending to structural issues appears to cap-
ture somewhat similar attention across USAID (10%), multilateral (12%), and NGO
(9%) projects, but not among government projects.
Constructions of audiences also varied with organizational context (see Table
2). Domestic public (36%), multilateral (35%), and USAID (30%) programs were
more likely to address women as reproducers in their projects than were NGOs
(11%), whereas a more general category of “women” tended to fall in the domain
of NGO project activity (41%) at more than twice the rate of other projects (14% of
USAID, 15% of multilateral, and 14% of government projects). USAID (20%) and
governments (21%) were more likely to target adolescents than were other orga-
nizations (3–4% of other projects). Rural audiences tended to be favored more by
NGOs (26%) than by multilateral agencies (19%), USAID (14%), or government
(7%) programs. Projects focusing on middle-SES audiences were funded through
USAID (19% compared to 0–1% of other projects), whereas projects focusing on
low-SES audiences were slightly more varied. USAID alone categorized audiences
as consumers in 18% of their projects. Along with being less likely to use social-
marketing procedures, multilateral groups (23%) tended to prefer a broad defini-
tion of audiences more than did NGOs (14%), USAID (11%), and governments
(7%).
It should be acknowledged that project implementation involves several orga-
nizations, not just the funding institutions addressed in these analyses of organiza-
tional contexts. These donor organizations themselves act in relation to recipient
organizations and other donors as referents, collaborating on projects, or working
toward similar goals. Even when organizations are working separately, they tend
to know about others’ activities, so that they might initiate distinctive programs. In
the case of a USAID Healthcom project in Jordan, project officials initially in-
tended to work with UNICEF on a diarrheal disease program. However, project
staff decided that rather than duplicate UNICEF efforts, they would attend to
breastfeeding and child-spacing issues (McDivitt, 1991).
Development organizations may also face constraints within the host country.
For example, a USAID nutrition program met resistance when it was seen as an
“attempt on the part of the United States to develop a market for its own soy
production” because “soy is not part of the traditional diet in any part of Bolivia”
(Smith & Meyer, 1979). Similarly, the SOMARC population program met opposi-
tion in Zimbabwe, where “contraception has been an extremely sensitive and
political subject to most black Zimbabweans . . . when all population control
efforts were seen as being aimed specifically at blacks” (SOMARC, 1987). Organi-
zational contexts embody a variety of conditions and agencies then within donor
and recipient arenas.
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Journal of Communication, Winter 1999
Strategies for social change did appear to change over time. Although the pro-
portion of projects intending to foster educational or structural change remained
relatively constant, an emphasis on informing strategies during the Decade for
Women appears to have been replaced by persuading strategies among projects
supported by USAID. In contrast, multilateral and NGO projects generally focused
less on persuasion in the latter time period. They concentrated slightly more on
informing projects in the case of the former category of development institution
and more on educating in the case of the latter.
These interventions also shifted in their tendencies to use selected channels.
Since the Decade for Women, projects have decreased their use of radio, audiovi-
sual materials, newspapers, and magazines, whereas video and film (perhaps re-
placing less advanced forms of audiovisual communication), telephones (along
with the growth of social marketing and attention to adolescents), folk media, and
interpersonal sources have increased.
Although attention to women’s role as reproducer has remained consistent
over time, projects focusing on women’s other roles have decreased since the
Decade for Women. Between 1975 and 1984, 27% of all projects attended to
women (not as reproducers), but this proportion subsequently dropped to 16%.
Although attention to urban groups remained relatively constant over time, the
proportion of projects devoted to rural audiences and low-SES beneficiaries also
declined over time. In contrast, youth did not become a significant target audience
until after the Decade for Women.
Since the Decade for Women, there has been a growth in persuasion interven-
tions at the expense of informing strategies within USAID health, nutrition, and
population projects. Moreover, attention to women (not as reproducers) and to
other marginal groups, such as those in rural areas and with lower levels of edu-
cation and income, has declined. It appears that the Decade for Women has been
replaced by a “Decade for Privatization” for USAID, as social-marketing projects,
closely associated with the private sector, attempt to capture a middle-SES, con-
sumer audience with the ability to purchase products and services.
The development industry articulates knowledge and power about social change,
communication, and beneficiaries through discourse on project intervention, situ-
ated in organizational and historical contexts. In this final section, I consider the
implications of gendered constructions of beneficiaries and of divergent approaches
to strategic communication intervention.
Gender serves as a critical mode of categorization in constructions of project
beneficiaries. Women dominate the focus of attention in development discourse
on health, population, and nutrition projects, in their capacity to nourish children,
men, and even the economic well-being of their communities. Although attention
to women in terms of their biological condition has remained relatively constant
62
Development Gender Discourse
over time, attention to women in other capacities has decreased since the Decade
for Women. A “global feminist” approach to development would critique what
appears to be essentializing gender according to reproductive capacity in a way
that promotes motherhood as a universal role for women, rather then celebrating
diversity in women’s intentions, experiences, backgrounds, and capabilities. Stress-
ing the need to recognize power dimensions within women’s domestic, profes-
sional, and social contexts, GAD proponents would advocate interventions de-
signed to change structures or norms. However, few projects attempt to promote
social change as a gradual, macrolevel process. Instead, the dominant discourse
targets women as individuals who need to change their actions to achieve devel-
opment goals. WID, as an approach to development, does not appear to question,
but rather to expand upon an economic emphasis in development by illuminating
women’s contributions. This approach to project intervention corresponds with
marketing strategies of commercial media industries, such as women’s magazines,
by attributing value to women through their capacity to consume.
Development communication interventions build on several approaches to so-
cial change. Some projects, typically those supported through multilateral agen-
cies, pursue long-term educational strategies, resonating with feminist appeals to
acknowledge the role of context in social change. These multilateral strategies
also correspond with a European approach to public broadcasting, foregrounding
the social and civic values perpetuated through the media, despite the transition
toward privatization in West European broadcasting industries (Blumler, 1992).
Informing strategies supported by NGOs attempt to produce more participa-
tory and culturally relevant communication programs. However, while attempting
to construct projects that address local needs, these interventions are faced with
the potential problem of perpetuating inegalitarian power structures within com-
munities, particularly across gender.
Persuasion projects, notably those supported by USAID, tended to interpret
media as a social-marketing tool to promote individual modernity. Although some
have argued that social marketing works against a participatory approach, others
have attempted to subvert social marketing to challenge rather than support mul-
tinational commercial operations. An illustration of such resistance took place in
Micronesia in the mid-1970s, when local groups promoted the consumption of
indigenous coconuts as a beverage, competing directly against the sale of globally
manufactured soft drinks (Rody, 1978). With this example, I suggest that linking
multinational commercial corporate activity to a model of social change is not
inevitable, but rather, part of bureaucratic discourse situated in organizational and
historical contexts.
Characterizing social change within a commercial structure resonates with glo-
balization trends privileging the role of multinational corporations as dominant
institutions. Instead of struggling against this corporate dominance, USAID, as a
public agency, appears to support privatization as a necessary if not sufficient
precursor to modernity. This emphasis on privatization can be seen as part of the
U.S. approach to foreign and domestic policy initiated during the Reagan admin-
istration. USAID institutional discourse, linking modernity with the private sector,
63
Journal of Communication, Winter 1999
resonates with the dominant ideological structures of this donor community. How-
ever, the transition toward privatizing public programs may be more disruptive
than beneficial to the process of social change.
Situating institutional discourse within historical and organizational contexts
may enhance an intermediary bridge across theory and practice and between
academic scholarship and project implementation. To address the limitations of
the studied sample, a broader research project might also include attention to
other sectors of development, such as education, microenterprise, and new tech-
nologies. This would advance a more comprehensive assessment of development
discourse. This research does not assess the consequences of specific strategies.
However, future studies could focus on evaluations of development projects, not-
ing their relative accomplishments, grounded in differing constructions of success.
Although the discourse of development communication may recognize the
importance of considering gender in the process of social change, organizational
structures and norms may inhibit the successful implementation of projects. De-
spite the considerable attention directed toward women in health, nutrition, and
population projects, women’s conditions have not improved. This failure should
not, however, be attributed as a direct consequence of development communica-
tion. Rather, the problematic conditions of women, along with the interventions
designed to resolve them, need to be situated within a broader context of dis-
course and practice that privileges individual consumption and structural
privatization in strategies for social change.
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