Article

Journal of Social Work

2016, Vol. 16(1) 47–65
Salir adelante ! The Author(s) 2014
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DOI: 10.1177/1468017314560301

from the Mexican jsw.sagepub.com

immigrant experience
Ashley-Marie Vollmer Hanna
University of Denver, USA

Debora Marie Ortega

University of Denver, USA

Abstract
 Summary: Although migration and immigrant issues have been well studied in soci-
ology, economics, and demography there is significantly less information specific to
Latino immigrants within the field of social work. This is of particular concern as the
population of Latino immigrants and their children continues to grow and access areas
of social work practice and policy development. This research study focuses on under-
standing the experience of first-generation immigrants of Mexican origin living in
Denver, Colorado, through the use of qualitative research methods. Seven Mexican
immigrants living in Denver described their experience through an in-depth interview
process. Grounded theory was the chosen method for analysis.
 Findings: Four themes emerged during the data analysis process: (1) ‘We are working
people’; (2) ‘I am not an animal’ (experiencing racism, prejudice and discrimination); (3)
fear; and (4) internal strength. Together these themes create a conceptual framework
that is useful as a starting place to understand the lives and culture of Mexican immi-
grants. This conceptual framework highlights how immigrants negotiate racism, preju-
dice, discrimination, and fear through their strong work ethic and the belief in their
ability to ‘salir adelante’ (to persevere or better oneself or one’s family situation).
 Applications: Results indicate that Mexican immigrants are faced with numerous chal-
lenges, particularly due to racist laws, discriminatory procedures, and acts of prejudice.
However, results also suggest that Mexican immigrants and their cultural resources
provide a source of hope, allowing them to persevere even as they face challenges.
The findings have several implications for direct service, advocacy and social justice, and
social work education.

Corresponding author:
Ashley-Marie Hanna, University of Denver, 2148 S. High St., Denver, CO 80220, USA.
Email: Ashley-Marie.Hanna@du.edu

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48 Journal of Social Work 16(1)

Keywords
Social work, Mexican immigrant, Latino immigrant, immigrants, children and families,
cultural competency, qualitative methods

Immigration legislation in 1965 expanded immigration and shifted United States

immigration policy in four ways. First, it ended the explicit exclusion of Latinos
and Asians found in prior immigration laws (Cole & Chin, 1999; Harris, 1993;
Massey, Durand, & Malone, 2002), Second, it ended the explicit preference for
Western European immigrants (Johnson, 2009). Third, it opened immigration to
highly skilled and professional labor (arguably an implicit exclusion of immigrants
of color) (Johnson, 2009). Finally, it created opportunities (although often through
a long and arduous process) for family members living abroad who had relation-
ships with citizens or residents of the United States to emigrate to the United States
(Johnson, 2009).
This legislation resulted in a sizeable shift in the ethnic makeup of the U.S.
population by expanding opportunities for immigration from Latin America and
Asia (Passel, 2011). In the 1990s alone, five million Mexicans emigrated to the
United States (Card & Lewis, 2005; Pew Hispanic Center, 2009). As of 2010,
foreign-born persons of Mexican origin living in the United States comprised
approximately 30% of the total foreign-born population, constituting
11,711,000 people (Acosta & de la Cruz, 2011; Martinez & Ortega, 2009;
Salazar et al., 2008).
In addition, the immigration policies and practices of the 1990s created a dra-
matic change in the settlement patterns of Mexican immigrants (Card & Lewis,
2005). Prior to the 1990s, approximately 80% of Mexican immigrants were
concentrated in California and Texas; however in the 1990s, the geographic distri-
bution of Mexican immigrants widened as they began to settle in Southeastern,
Northwestern, and Mountain states. Cities like Atlanta, New York, and Denver
experienced increased inflows of Mexican immigrants. Denver’s large growth in
population (approximately 19%) in the 1990s ‘was almost entirely attributable to
an increase in the city’s Hispanic population, the majority of whom are immigrants
from Mexico’ (Brookings Institute, 2003, p. 4).
As Mexican immigrants have become more likely to remain in the United States,
the U.S. has simultaneously increased internal immigration enforcement, including
the detainment and deportation of unauthorized immigrants. Prior to 1990, immi-
grant deportations were consistently below 35,000 annually (U.S. Department of
Homeland Security, 2011). Although the documented number of deportations was
30,039 in 1990, this number slowly climbed in the early 1990s reaching 69,680 in
1996. Following the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act
(IIRIRA) in 1996, there was a sharp increase in deportations, reaching 189,026 by
2001. In the last decade, since the Patriot Act and creation of U.S. Immigration
and Customs Enforcement agency (ICE), the number of deportees has continued
to increase exponentially, reaching record high levels in 2009 (395,165)

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Hanna and Ortega 49

(U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2011). Since then, the number of deport-
ations has remained fairly consistent.
According to the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), approximately
90% of those detained are of Latin American decent, 62% from Mexico and
another 25% from Central America (Schriro, 2009). The deportation statistics
are fairly consistent with the detention statistics, with one major exception;
Mexicans disproportionately experience high rates of deportation. In 2010, 58%
of the unauthorized immigrant population was from Mexico, yet they represented
73% of deportees for that year (U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2011).
Also similar to the detention findings, despite that fact that DHS claims to target
criminal immigrants, the majority of those who are deported are considered by
DHS to be non-criminal removals (U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2011).
Given these statistics it is not surprising that the 2008 National Survey of Latinos
indicated that Latinos feel increasingly targeted by law enforcement (Lopez &
Minushkin, 2008). The 2010 National Survey of Latinos found that 45% of
Latino immigrants know someone who has been detained or deported by the federal
government in the last year (Lopez, Morin, & Taylor, 2010). The stress and strain of
deportation is just one of the many difficulties and stressors faced by immigrants who
already experience problems of poverty, low educational achievement, and discrim-
ination (Hovey, 2000; Lopez & Minuskin, 2008; Lopez et al., 2010). Both the 2008
and 2010 National Survey of Latinos (Lopez & Minushkin, 2008; Lopez et al., 2010)
describe the difficulty unauthorized immigrants had finding jobs and securing hous-
ing related to their unauthorized status. Even when Latinos are legal residents,
recently nationalized or citizens for multiple generations, they experience grave dis-
parities in the areas of health, education, and social class (Cordero & Kurz, 2006;
Martinez & Ortega, 2009; Salazar et al., 2008). These disparities place Latino immi-
grants in direct contact with social workers in social welfare institutions as well as in
interventions designed to ameliorate these social ills.
Today, social workers, especially in the United States and Canada, are increas-
ingly likely to come into contact with Latino immigrant families. In fact, findings
from a study using national data suggest that 8.6% of the children involved in child
welfare agencies are children of immigrant families and within that group, there is
an overrepresentation of Latinos (Dettlaff & Earner, 2010). Currently, the Latino
immigrant youth population is over three times larger than any other immigrant
youth ethnic group, comprising 58% of the entire immigrant youth population
(Passel, 2011). As a result, fields of social work practice have had increased contact
with Latino immigrants and their children, specifically in the areas of health,
mental health, and school settings. Appropriate social work services and the related
social justice concerns and interventions that emerge for these families are ham-
pered and complicated by the ever changing immigration policies of the United
States and the number of social workers who are inadequately prepared to address
cultural and linguistic issues (Dettlaff, 2012; Dettlaff & Earner, 2007; Earner, 2010;
Gelfand & Bialik-Gilad, 1989; Vidal de Haymes & Kilty, 2007). Social workers
continue to be confused by or in need of education about the rights of their clients

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50 Journal of Social Work 16(1)

in an environment that continuously and ineptly attempts to address immigration

policy reform.
This study focuses on understanding a small portion of the immigrant popula-
tion, specifically, first-generation Mexican immigrants living in Denver, Colorado,
through the use of qualitative research methods. Qualitative research methods
allow for a portrayal of the Mexican immigrant as more than a one-dimensional
figure. These immigrant stories allow the reader to understand the multilayers of
context, culture, and the intersection between U.S. American sociopolitical per-
spectives and the consequences to Mexican immigrants.

Terminology
In order to explore the Mexican immigrant population, it is important to under-
stand basic terminology found in the literature. An immigrant is a person who
enters a country with the intention of remaining permanently (Erisman & Looney,
2007). This definition includes any foreign born person whether they have under-
gone a naturalization process to gain citizenship or remain a non-citizen of the U.S.
(Gryn & Larsen, 2010).
Immigrant groups are often categorized by immigrant status. The terms used for
people authorized by the government to live and work in the United States are legal
immigrant, legal resident, permanent resident, or green-card holder (U.S.
Citizenship and Immigration Services, 2011). In the literature, an immigrant who
has not been granted authorization to visit, live, or work in the U.S. is referred to
as an unauthorized or undocumented immigrant (Hoefer, Rytina, & Baker, 2010).
Although migration has been most extensively studied in sociology, economics, and
demography (Solheim, Rojas-Garcia, Olson, & Zuiker, 2012), there continues to be a
gap in the literature specific to Mexican immigrants in the United States (Butler &
Bazan, 2011; Cleaveland, 2012; Miller & Valdez, 1984; Negi & Furman, 2009). Existing
literature indicates that the decision to leave Mexico and work in the U.S. is complex,
and not spontaneous or cavalier, and is often based on both a financial need and a
moral obligation to provide for the family and/or the fear of growing violence in
Mexico (Cleaveland, 2010, 2012; Negi & Furman, 2009; Solheim et al., 2012).
Findings from a two year ethnographic study of 32 unauthorized male Mexican
day laborers document the earnings difference between Mexico and the United
States (Cleaveland, 2012). In this study, respondents consistently described the
very little money (50–100 pesos) they earned per day in Mexico compared to the
$10 per hour wage they earned in the U.S. (Cleaveland, 2012). Once in the United
States, the life for Mexican immigrants is not easy (Cleaveland, 2012) and they
often face stigmatization and discrimination (Casanova, 2012). Additionally,
Mexican immigrants face economic and occupational challenges in the U.S. regard-
less of their education level and English language proficiency (Gentsch & Massey,
2011; Miller & Valdez, 1984). Findings utilizing longitudinal data (from 1986 to
2008) from the Mexican Migration Project (1986–2008), including a sample of
1,553 documented immigrants and/or naturalized U.S. citizens indicates that

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working conditions for legal immigrants worsened after the increase of border and
internal immigration enforcement of 1996 as a larger proportion of the migrant
work force had fewer rights due to their unauthorized immigrant status or tem-
porary visa status (Gentsch & Massey, 2011).

Methods
Thus far, there are few research studies that address Mexican immigrants’ descrip-
tions of their experiences in the United States. Consequently, a qualitative approach
was deemed to be most appropriate to answer the research question ‘What is the
lived experience of Mexican immigrants living in Denver, Colorado?’ Prior to begin-
ning this research study and after receiving approval from the University of Denver
Institutional Review Board, the researchers took time for self-reflection to discover
and acknowledge any bias concerning the Mexican immigrant population. The
researchers worked to bracket or disengage ‘from all past theories or knowledge
about the phenomena’ and withhold ‘. . . existential assent of the phenomenon’
(Giorgi, 1994, p. 206). In addition, the first author of this article kept field notes
and memos throughout the data collection and analysis process and consistently
reflected on presuppositions to ensure that they were appropriately bracketed.

Participants
Seven Mexican immigrants participated in this study. They emigrated to the U.S.
from different parts of Mexico (Guanajuato, Zacatecas, Mexico City, Jalisco, and
Tamaulipas). The ages of the participants ranged from 27 to 54. The primary
language of all participants was Spanish. There were two male and five female
participants in the study. Three participants had less than a high school education,
one had a high school education, one had some college and two had a college
degree or higher. Two participants came to the U.S. legally (with appropriate
authorization), had access to the immigration process, and remain in the country
legally today. The other participants entered the U.S. without the appropriate visas
or came into the country with a visitor visa, overstayed their visa and therefore
were considered to be unauthorized immigrants at some point in their time living in
the United States. This relatively small sample of immigrants represented many
types of documentation statuses (i.e., asylum seeker, legal visitor who transitioned
to an unauthorized immigrant and then to a legal permanent resident, unauthor-
ized immigrant who crossed the border illegally continues to be an unauthorized
immigrant, and an unauthorized immigrant who crossed the border illegally and
has since transitioned into a legal permanent resident).

Data collection
Snowball sampling was used to find participants for the study because immigrants
and unauthorized immigrants in particular are, as one participant remarked,

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52 Journal of Social Work 16(1)

‘shadows in this [U.S.] society’ (Participant C). Their invisibility and the import-
ance of remaining undetected necessitated an approach that transferred a level of
trust from the key informants to the interviewer.
The initial sampling criterion was for respondents who are first-generation
adult (18+) Latino immigrants living in the greater Denver metro area.
Participants were contacted and interviewed by the first author of this article.
They were given the opportunity to meet at their home, the researcher’s home
(in the Latino community), or another private location of their choosing. Five
interviews were scheduled in the participants’ homes and two were held at the
researcher’s home. A total of seven interviews were conducted; six were individ-
ual interviews and one was an interview with a heterosexual married couple. Six
of the seven interviews were completed in Spanish and one interview was in
English; one interview was excluded from analysis, as the participant was not
Mexican and therefore had some unique experience related to their cultural
context.
All participants signed an informed consent form, not only consenting to the
interview, but also consenting to be audio-recorded and contacted for follow up
questions or clarification. There was one formal interview question: ‘How has it
been for you to emigrate from Mexico and live in Denver, Colorado?’ Each inter-
view began with this same question and then participants were encouraged to guide
the direction of the conversation. On occasion, the formal interview question was
restated and appropriate follow-up questions were asked to encourage further dia-
logue, deeper explanation, and expansion of ideas.
Official audio-taped interviews lasted between 45 minutes to 2 hours; however,
2 to 4 hours were spent with each participant, allowing time for further discus-
sion and member checking. Preliminary conversation prior to the interview was
used to develop rapport, address the researcher’s status as an outsider, interest in
this topic (Mexican immigrant experience), and to discuss participants’ questions
or concerns. While many topics were discussed in extended conversations with
participants both before and after the interview, the discussion of the first
author’s insider and outsider role appeared paramount as it allowed the first
author to build trust and rapport with the participants. Equally important was
the researcher’s discussion with participants after the interview, which gave par-
ticipants the ability to share without the audio recorder (which appeared to make
a few participants quite nervous and stunted in their conversation). Since much
information was shared in the time after each interview (both in person and over
the phone), field notes were written to document the various communications
that were not recorded. When necessary, participants were contacted in the post-
interview conversations to confirm or clarify information and responses from
their interviews.
As all but one participant chose to complete the interview in Spanish, it was
necessary for most interviews to not only be transcribed but also translated. The
first author transcribed the interviews and then translated the Spanish transcripts
into English. As Spanish is the researcher’s second language, the researcher

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Hanna and Ortega 53

reviewed each Spanish transcript and translated English transcript with a native
(Mexican) Spanish speaker to verify that the translation was correct.

Analysis
Grounded theory was the chosen method of interview and analysis. The intent of
grounded theory is to generate theory, emphasizing ‘steps and procedures for con-
necting induction and deduction through the constant comparative method’
(Patton, 2002, p. 125). It is focused on the creation of ‘conceptual frameworks
or theories’ favoring ‘analysis over description, fresh categories over preconceived
ideas and extant theories, and systematically focused sequential data collection
over large initial samples’ (Charmaz, 2006, p. 187). Atlas-Ti 6 was utilized to aid
in the coding and analysis process.
There were three cycles of coding: pre-coding cycle, first cycle, and second cycle
(Saldana, 2009). In-vivo coding was used in the pre-coding cycle. In-vivo coding
uses the actual words of participants as codes instead of codes created by the
researcher (Saldana, 2009). In-vivo coding allowed the researchers to become
more familiar with the data and recognize emerging themes using the participant’s
own words. In order to find themes and phenomena that might have been over-
looked in the initial in-vivo coding, the researchers then coded line-by-line using
gerunds (Charmaz, 2006). Finally, the researchers began focused coding using the
most frequently used codes to more efficiently ‘sift’ through the data (Charmaz,
2006). The researchers then reviewed the data and focused codes and began to
create networks, connecting and creating links between the most common codes
used by participants.
To further enhance the trustworthiness of the study, the researchers shared the
findings with multiple participants from the study. Participants were also asked to
share feedback about the findings. Participants were specifically asked to define the
phrase salir adelante and explain the meaning of the phrase. This was an important
way for the researchers and practitioners to understand the cultural nuances behind
this frequently used phrase.

Findings
Four overarching themes were identified through the review of participant inter-
views. These themes reflect the values of Mexican immigrants as well as their ability
to persevere through the barriers and hardships they face. The four themes that
emerged from the data were (1) ‘We are working people’; (2) ‘I am not an animal’
(experiencing racism, prejudice, and discrimination; (3) fear; and (4) internal
strength (perseverance, ‘luchar,’ and ‘salir adelante’). Together these themes
create a conceptual framework that is useful as a starting place to understand
the lives and culture of Mexican immigrants. This conceptual framework highlights
how immigrants negotiate racism, prejudice, discrimination, and fear through their
strong work ethic and the belief in their ability to ‘salir adelante.’ Each component

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54 Journal of Social Work 16(1)

of the conceptual framework is more thoroughly described in the subsections that

follow.

‘We are working people’

Participants described a relationship to work that recognized the importance of
work even when the work was menial and/or undesirable. The act of working, as
well as a job well done were areas of personal pride rather than, or perhaps despite,
the type of work available to respondents, even when respondents were profes-
sionals in Mexico but only had access to menial jobs in the United States. In fact,
working was one of the characteristics used to describe Mexican immigrant iden-
tity: ‘We are working people, honest and responsible’ (Participant E).
Respondents described their location in the work hierarchy as being relegated to
low-status jobs: ‘I do a job that a lot of people don’t want. And I do it with love’
(Participant A). Yet there was a clear identification between working and success.
The prevailing belief is that if one works hard, even at the most menial job, then
success is attainable: ‘. . . from the time I arrived here in the U.S. I worked very hard to
make something right for the future’ (Participant F). The importance of work as well
as its identification as a desirable attribute persisted throughout the interviews, even
in the face of an awareness of a sense of servitude: ‘You make yourself a slave . . . you
work and go home, work and go home and it continues like that’ (Participant B).

‘I am not an animal’ (experiencing racism, prejudice, and discrimination)

While work was an important characteristic and source of pride, it did not protect
respondents from experiences of racism, prejudice, and discrimination. High levels
of education from their country of origin, even when coupled with having the
appropriate visas and documentation, did not protect immigrants from experiences
of work-related discrimination. For example, one participant whose educational
vita included graduate degrees and work as a university-appointed faculty member
in Mexico, found himself without work options and pushed into manual labor in
the United States: ‘To have come and for the first time you all of a sudden have to
grab a shovel. I had never in my life grabbed a shovel and dug a hole in the ground.
It was tremendous, it was drastic’ (Participant C).
Dehumanization was a theme that emerged throughout the interviews. Various
participants discussed feeling treated as less than human: ‘[Mexican immigrants are
treated as] instruments to become rich, to generate wealth . . . and not human beings’
(Participant C). Participants noted that they were not thought of or treated as intel-
lectual equals of many U.S. American citizens: ‘The wealthy people are thinking that
the [Latinos], we just come here to clean the bathrooms. Like, they don’t think we
can do more things’ (Participant A). This sentiment was particularly prevalent in
participants’ descriptions of the existing stereotypes and treatment of Mexicans,
Latinos, and immigrants: ‘They will always see you as a Mexican. They will
always see you as inferior because they call us lazy and dirty . . . and it is not true’

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Hanna and Ortega 55

(Participant E). This participant shared the flagrant disrespect she encountered when
ordering food from a restaurant: ‘Why did they throw the food at me? I am not an
animal. I am a human. We want, we demand respect that is the most important thing,
we hurt when they treat us like that because we are people’ (Participant E).
Participants discussed experiencing prejudice and discrimination at work: ‘A lot
of women have a lot of bad experiences just for being immigrants’ (Participant A).
Unfair wages, particularly for those who were unauthorized to work in the United
States, were specifically mentioned as discriminatory acts encountered by respond-
ents: ‘They pay less because I didn’t have my papers’ (Participant A).
Language is another area where the participants experienced prejudice and dis-
crimination at work and in everyday life: ‘Well sometimes they make fun of you,
with jokes, because, because we don’t understand the language’ (Participant E).
Participants also recognized the importance of learning English and that those who
spoke at least some English were treated with more dignity and respect: ‘When you
speak a little English, you can see a difference. For a lot of seniors, like my parents,
it is hard for them to learn another language. I can see the difference between how
they treat me and my parents’ (Participant A).

Fear
Fear is overarching and seems to affect most aspects of participants’ lives.
Participants discussed the fear of police, fear of leaving their homes (i.e., driving,
going to restaurants, going out into the street, going on vacation, etc.), fear of
being deported, and fear of being separated from their families. Participants also
described how the laws have created fear and how this fear affects their lives.
Participants described a deep fear of the police within the Mexican immigrant
community, so much so that they are afraid to interact with the police. They
reported feeling increasingly targeted by laws and afraid of law enforcement offi-
cers. Police were not their protectors but their persecutors: ‘I don’t see police like
they will protect us, I see them as racists, like they will hurt us and separate me
from my family, but that’s it . . . a police officer is like an immigration officer’
(Participant D). Another participant said, ‘You know if you get a ticket or some-
thing, they will stop you and ask for your [immigration] status, and if you don’t
have a current identification or use an identification from your country, you go
directly to immigration [detention]’ (Participant E).
Participants also described encounters with racial profiling and racist police offi-
cers: ‘The problem is that they treat us based on our race above anything else’
(Participant C). Numerous participants recounted personal experiences with racist
police officers: ‘Right now for no reason they stop the [Latino] people for being my
color, they stop them, they arrest them and if they have a small problem or ticket,
they deport them’ (Participant A). This participant explained that many immigrants
won’t even call the police for help in a time of need: ‘They [Mexican immigrants]
don’t call the cops. They are afraid’ (Participant A). The fear of the police runs so
deep that many immigrants don’t want to leave their homes or drive: ‘I was working

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56 Journal of Social Work 16(1)

as a waitress. The immigrant people are afraid to go to a restaurant. They are afraid
that the police will stop them because they are a [Latino] person’ (Participant A).
Participants shared that immigrants are afraid to be out in the streets for fear
that police will stop them. This fear interferes with their deep sense of community
(a common Mexican cultural value):

Many people are scared to go out in the street, people who are immigrants, they are
scared to go out in the street now, because the police will stop them . . . My peers are
scared now. They are afraid that if they get together that immigration will get them.
That if they are having a little meeting that immigration will raid them. (Participant E)

It is not uncommon for Mexican families to have members with a variety of immi-
grant statuses. Consequently, family members who are citizens can be separated
from parents and siblings who are not authorized to be in the United States. For
instance, one participant was deported and separated from her family but returned
to the United States without an immigrant visa to be with her children. This same
participant also explained that her children are currently separated across two
nations. Both of her sons, unauthorized immigrants, who arrived in the U.S. as
young children, were deported, but both of her daughters, U.S. American citizens,
are living in the United States. The participant explained, ‘The law separates
them . . . They [daughters] can’t go and they [sons] can’t come . . . and now, I
don’t know, I would like to split myself in two. One [part of me] there [in
Mexico] and the other here [in the U.S]’ (Participant F).
For most participants, deportation means family separation. These two fears
(deportation and family separation) are closely connected:

So, I was more afraid because I have two children and my husband [who are citizens]
and I haven’t been in Mexico since I was 12 years old . . . I haven’t gone to Mexico for
15 years so I don’t know many people. It has been 15 years since I have seen my
family, so I would not like to leave my children, or my husband. (Participant D)

Mixed-status families, including immigrants and their U.S. citizen family members,
are often forced to think about family separation: ‘My husband, what will he
do with my children alone? And he says, ‘‘What am I going to do alone?’’’
(Participant D).
Families are being torn apart due to immigration policies that limit the ability of
unauthorized immigrants who have been living in the United States for an extended
period of time to become legal residents. For some, the fear that their family will be
separated runs so deep that they have chosen to return to Mexico, bringing United
States-citizen children and spouses to Mexico. A participant explained that her
brother, an unauthorized immigrant, was very afraid he would be deported and
separated from his wife, a Mexican immigrant, and his child, who are U.S.
American citizens: ‘He was very afraid because he had a son and his wife. He
told them, ‘‘No, it is better that we go to Mexico, there we will be better’’’

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Hanna and Ortega 57

(Participant D). The participant also shared that her sister in-law, a U.S. citizen, is
married to an unauthorized Mexican immigrant: ‘She wants to go to Mexico. She
says that if they send her husband to Mexico, she is going to Mexico with him and
with their children. She is very afraid, very afraid, and he is afraid’ (Participant D).
This extreme decision to move to Mexico negatively affects the future of U.S.
citizen spouses and children who are forced to leave their homeland, the United
States of America, and live in Mexico, a country with fewer educational and occu-
pational opportunities.

Internal strength
In this study internal strength manifested itself in various ways. Some described
perseverance. Others described the need to fight against structural barriers or fight
for their family. Most described the internal motivation to salir adelante. The term
salir adelante is not easily defined in the English language. Its most literal transla-
tion is to get ahead, however, this does not appropriately capture the full meaning,
including the cultural nuances. For example, a Euro-American might incorrectly
interpret the phrase ‘to get ahead’ through an individualistic perspective, under-
standing it to include stepping on others or passing others by in order to get ahead.
This is not the case for Mexican immigrants. Although salir adelante means to do
what one needs to move forward toward a better life, upward mobility, it does not
insinuate competition in order for upward mobility to occur. In order to better
grasp the meaning of the term, it is helpful to add some context, noting the various
ways participants used the phrase salir adelante to better the social, education,
economic, etc., situation of oneself or one’s family.

Perseverance. Despite the racism, discrimination, prejudice, and fear that Mexican
immigrants face on a daily basis, the participants described an ability to persevere
in the face of challenges and setbacks. One respondent demonstrated perseverance
when she explained her positive attitude in the face of barriers: ‘I know that there
are barriers. There are barriers in your life . . . I know that I am going to break them
because, whatever it takes, [I] always think in the positive’ (Participant D).
A solution-focused positive attitude was a characteristic found in the participants.
For instance, one participant voiced a sense of collective perseverance:
‘Nevertheless, we are all here, yes, we have to look for solutions’ (Participant C).
Time and time again, respondents described a persevering attitude that pushed
them to continue forward no matter what. A participant declared, ‘I won’t, I won’t
fall, I get back up’ (Participant D). This strength appeared to be partially drawn
from a shared belief in a higher power that was an integral part of participants’
identities:

. . . God put us on these paths to remove all of the rocks on the path and try really
hard. There are always things to do, always. . . . An exit, always, there are always
doors . . . various [doors] might be closed, and some are open, just try and don’t say,

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58 Journal of Social Work 16(1)

‘No, no you can’t.’ Say, ‘Yes, you can, yes you can, you can.’ You will be able to.
(Participant D)

‘Luchar’. The term luchar means to fight or to battle. Participants used the term
luchar to describe fighting against something and/or fighting for something.
Respondents described an inner strength that pushed them to fight against
almost any challenge that they face. One respondent declared, ‘The world won’t
close on me, here or in Mexico, however, I will battle’ (Participant F). Respondents
described the need to fight against the barriers created by unauthorized immigra-
tion status: ‘One has to battle with a fake social security card, invented, or another
person’s. Well, this makes jobs more difficult, to rent a house is more difficult, to
have a driver’s license is difficult, one has problems with everything’
(Participant C). Participants also discussed fighting against barriers to housing,
work, and discrimination: ‘Well, everything is being refused, even apartments to
live in, everything is being refused. So, no license, no apartment where you can live
and no work . . . the discrimination . . . but there we fight . . . to make money for
family’ (Participant D).
The inner strength found within participants also allows them to fight to
improve themselves and their life in different ways: ‘They never give up, that this
is the most important, to fight for the dreams of every family, fight and fight
because it is very difficult . . . to live far from your family, far from your family’
(Participant E). Participants explained that when Mexican immigrants don’t have
anything, they have a hope that enables them to move forward and fight to reach
their dreams: ‘Yes, to have nothing, to arrive with our hands empty here, to start to
fight, step by step and arrive where we are now . . . strong, dedicated to fight and
triumph, not only to fight, but also to triumph’ (Participant C).

‘Salir adelante’. The term salir adelante stood out as a term with cultural meaning.
This phrase was used a total of 33 times throughout the interviews. Participants
described the United States as a country with the necessary opportunities to salir
adelante. For example, a participant shared, ‘One comes to the U.S. to salir ade-
lante’ (Participant B). One of the many opportunities found in the United States are
the numerous job opportunities, particularly when comparing the U.S. with
Mexico. A participant explained, ‘we come . . . to work, to sobre salir, to salir
adelante’ (Participant E). This statement is also demonstrative of the more trad-
itional belief held by immigrants moving to the United States, that the American
dream can be reached through hard work and determination. These job opportu-
nities found in the United States allow an immigrant to make money, which is
another component of the phrase salir adelante. A participant said, ‘I started to like
it [United States] because of the money I made and I began to salir adelante and
everything’ (Participant B). Another participant shared, ‘when you feel the money,
it is different, money that is worth more than in your country, it completely changes
your life’ (Participant E). For some, in order to salir adelante in the United States,

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Hanna and Ortega 59

it is necessary to learn English and/or study. One participant said, ‘It would be
good if one would try hard at work and learn English and not do bad things, salir
uno adelante’ (Participant B). Another participant acknowledged that children were
able to salir adelante by gaining an education: ‘The children that are American
citizens . . . many of them are studying, saliendo adelante’ (Participant C).

Discussion
The purpose of the qualitative study was to understand the lived experiences of
Mexican immigrants living in Denver. Through analysis of the immigrant inter-
views, a conceptual framework was created. This framework highlights the struc-
tural and social racism, discrimination, prejudice, and fear faced by Mexican
immigrants daily. Specific challenges such as difficult work, discrimination, lack
of documents (i.e., social security number and a driver’s license), language barriers,
and fear illuminates the process of marginalization for first-generation Mexican
immigrants. The framework also highlights Mexican immigrants’ strengths. These
strengths include, but are not limited to, strong work ethics, the importance of
family, and the ability to persevere in the face of numerous challenges.
This study also confirms some of the findings from the 2008 and 2010 National
Survey of Latinos (Lopez & Minushkin, 2008; Lopez et al., 2010) related to jobs,
housing, and immigration enforcement. Participants discussed the difficulty
unauthorized immigrants had finding jobs and securing housing related to their
unauthorized status, as well as the deteriorating conditions facing Latinos. For
example, similar to the findings of the 2008 National Survey of Latinos, the par-
ticipants reported that the laws and law enforcement are increasingly targeting
unauthorized Latino immigrants (Lopez & Minushkin, 2008). Although the 2010
National Survey of Latinos found that 45% of Latino immigrants know someone
who has been detained or deported by the federal government in the last year, every
participant in this study reported knowing individuals or families who have been
affected by the detainment and deportation of a friend or family member (Lopez
et al., 2010). The findings of this study also confirm existing literature that describes
the difficulties and stressors faced by immigrants (Hovey, 2000; Lopez & Minuskin,
2008; Lopez et al., 2010). For example, participants described separation from
family, language difficulties, and discrimination as sources of stress (Hovey, 2000).

Implications for social work

Social work has a long history of involvement in immigrant communities, most
notably in the work of Jane Addams and her Hull House colleagues (Jansson, 2009;
Rappaport, 2001). While the face and color of the immigrant population has
changed since Addams began her work, the troubles and social ills created if not
exacerbated by public policies, as well as the presence of cultural gifts, remain
present for modern immigrants, as it did for immigrants of the 18th and early
19th centuries.

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60 Journal of Social Work 16(1)

Troublingly, though not specifically asked in the interview, the fact that none of
the participants reported contact with social workers or social service agencies
indicates that they are not accessing services for themselves or their U.S. citizen
children, which in effect increases their hardship. As one participant said, ‘I haven’t
requested food stamps [for my U.S. citizen children] and I have been a single
mother. I have never requested this, or welfare, of course not’ (Participant F).
Consequently, the absence of their relationships with social workers or social ser-
vice agencies is problematic for both the families and the social workers. All areas
of social practice are affected by and have the potential to influence the conditions
of Mexican immigrants. Below are a few implications for several areas in the
field of social work.

Direct service. Social workers across the country describe increasing contact with
families who are at least partially comprised of immigrants (Vidal de Haymes &
Kilty, 2007). In addition, it is projected that by 2050, the immigrant child popula-
tion will make up at least one-third of the U.S. child population (100 million)
(Passel, 2011). Given the projected growth of both the immigrant and the Latino
population, it is a near certainty that social workers’ contact with both immigrants
and Latinos will continue to grow. It is imperative, therefore, that all social work
professionals have an understanding of immigrant rights at the local, state, and
national levels. The success or failure of the interventions and the resulting conse-
quences to families might depend on the social worker’s understanding of immi-
gration policies and the pressures experienced by immigrant families.
Fear was an overarching theme in this data. An important implication for ser-
vice providers (social workers, educators, counselors, etc.) is the need to under-
stand the impact of fear, particularly when working with the Mexican immigrant
community and their family members (authorized and unauthorized). Although
studies have indicated that both foreign-born (68%) and native-born (32%)
Latinos report worrying ‘some’ or ‘a lot’ that a close friend, family members, or
themselves, will be deported (Lopez et al., 2010), limited literature is available to
add insights into understanding how such fear affects individuals, the family unit,
and the community as a whole. This is an area that would benefit from further
investigation.

Advocacy and social justice. Social workers need to advocate for more humane state
and federal immigration laws and policies. State and federal policies that have led
to increased immigration enforcement, including the detainment and deportation
of unauthorized immigrants, have devastating effects on families, splitting them
apart and forcing U.S. citizen children to leave the U.S. in order to be reunited with
deported parents (Brabeck, Lykes, & Hershberg, 2011; Brabeck & Xu, 2010;
Capps, Castañeda, Chaudry, & Santos, 2007; Chaudry et al., 2010; Fix &
Zimmerman, 2001; Kremer, Moccio, & Hammell, 2009; Sládková, Mangado, &
Quinteros, 2012; Xu & Brabeck, 2012). In addition, some state policies that have
recently been introduced have implications for social workers working with

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Hanna and Ortega 61

immigrant families by criminalizing service delivery in areas not traditionally

thought of as immigrant specific, like child welfare, school social work, and ger-
ontology. For example, although various sections of Georgia’s HB87 have since
been blocked, it attempted to penalize people caught transporting unauthorized
immigrants and those who knowingly conceal, harbor, or shield an unauthorized
immigrant from detection (National Conference of State Legislatures, 2012).

Social work education. Given the growth in the Mexican and larger Latino immigrant
population, it is necessary for bachelor and graduate social work schools to incorp-
orate discussion of this large and heterogeneous group into the curriculum.
Discussion of immigration policy, the rights of authorized and unauthorized immi-
grants, ethical challenges that face social workers when working with the Latino
immigrant community (noting the differences in states affected by a fresh wave of
anti-immigrant sentiment and policy), and cultural issues all need to be discussed.
Discussion of these issues should not be limited to one course, but should be spread
throughout the curriculum in policy courses, community courses, direct-practice
and clinical courses, and research courses.

Limitations
The findings from this study are not generalizable to all Mexican immigrants nor
are they meant to represent the experience of all Mexican immigrants. Seven
Mexican immigrants living in Denver, Colorado participated in the study. These
participants are demographically diverse in the following ways: previous residency
in various Mexican states, immigration statuses (i.e., authorized versus legal per-
manent resident), genders, educational backgrounds (i.e., less than high school
education versus graduate level), levels of English language ability (i.e., almost
no English language ability versus nearly fluent English language ability), and
economic status (i.e., below the poverty line versus middle class). This study dem-
onstrates the commonalities of the Mexican immigrant experience despite the par-
ticipants’ differences. It is not meant to describe or detail every aspect of the
Mexican immigrant experience and the multitude of differences within this experi-
ence. Instead, the aim of this study is to begin to understand the multilayers of
context, culture, and the intersection between U.S. American sociopolitical per-
spectives and the consequences to Mexican immigrants through their portrayal as
more than one-dimensional figures, which is all too often how they are portrayed in
the U.S. media and public discourse.

Conclusion
Although it is of the upmost importance for social workers to understand the
influence of current anti-immigrant policy and sentiment on Latino immigrants
and the larger Latino community, it is equally important for social workers to
focus on strengths of Mexican immigrant families for the purpose of using

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62 Journal of Social Work 16(1)

strengths as the tools to ameliorate problems or deficits. Acknowledging and

understanding the strengths of the Mexican immigrant community will allow
social workers, educators, and counselors to better serve this population. Further
research should take a Strengths Perspective of the Mexican immigrant population.
Such research will allow educators, social workers, and other helping professionals
to better serve this community by providing culturally appropriate services that
build on the clients’ strengths.

Ethics
Human subjects approval was granted by the University of Denver Institutional Review
Board (reference number 2012–2209).

Funding
The data collection for this research study was a requirement of the first author’s doctoral
program (Social Work 5402: Qualitative Research Methods). No direct funding was pro-
vided. However, this article is the result of support provided by the University of Denver
Latino Center for Community Engagement and Scholarship.

Acknowledgments
We would like to acknowledge the time, effort, and trust of the participants of this study.
Without their participation, this article would not be possible. It is a difficult time both
politically and socially for many immigrants in the United States, particularly unauthorized
immigrants and those of Latino descent. The participants of this study were willing to share
their stories despite the risk and fear associated with speaking out. One participant acknowl-
edged that her husband, a U.S. citizen, did not want her to participate in the study.
However, she decided to move forward with the interview, ‘so that the people see, so that
they see what one is going through, because it is not just me, various people are living
this . . . I want that [people] hear or that they think, that they think a moment if they were
in our position, what would they do?’ (Participant D). We would like to recognize this
courage and determination for it is people like the participants in this study that make
change possible where it seems impossible.

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