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Giovanni Gorini

Preroman and Roman Coinage in North Eastern


Italy (II–I cent. B.C.)
Now I hope that one has provided, in the last decades, a pattern, at least for North-
East Italy, with an evaluation of new finds very precise, with chronological determi­
nation of individual archeological stratigraphic units, comparable with the Austrian
and Slovenian patterns. The validity of the numismatic evidence is possible only
when site data on all archeological artefacts (thus also coins) are very precisely doc­
umented and carefully analyzed. So in dealing with coin finds as a primary histori­
cal source, the quantity of data (number of coins found) is not as important as their
quality (carefully recorded context of all coin finds), and I will show some new con­
clusions, always provisional, waiting for the final analysis of all the coins found in
North-East Italy region, on the area under my observation and study.
The first new evidence is coming out from the Enemonzo hoard which has greatly
changed1 the approach to the chronology of one of the first issues of Norican coinage,
i.e. the ‚Kugelreiter Type‛. The essential synthesis for all this coinage still remains the
typological classification of Göbl2, but all the chronology and the historical picture
has to be changed and, as a consequence, also the chronology of all the so-called
‘Norican’ issues. It was already noted that also the distinction between east and west
‘Norican’ coins do not correspond to any clearly separable archaeological groups of
the late La Tène period in the south east Alps, nor do they accord with the assertion of
historical geographers3. The new evidence for an absolute chronology of the ‘Norican’
coins can be found in the hoard where 40 ‘Kugelreiter’ coins (34 anepigraphic and
6 with legend X (= T) in North-Etruscan/Venetic characters) and 359 Roman Repub­
lican victoriatii, have been found all together in a bronze situla in the ground. The
chronology of the latter coins is, according the classification of M. Crawford from 212
to 170 BC4 as period of issue, and if we look to the evidence of Roman Republican
coin hoards with such victoriati hidden in Italy5, we see that none is later than 125
B.C.6 as a burial date. Furthermore the general good preservation of coins is indicating
that they were in circulation together in the same period. Thus we can conclude that
the chronology of the 40 Kugelreiter, must roughly be in the same time and not, as

1 GORINI 2005.
2 GÖBL 1973.
3 MACKENSEN 1975, p. 249; the problem of a new classification and denomination of this coinage
was also proposed by Kolniková 1996, p.18.
4 CRAWFORD 1974.
5 There is evidence of a considerable presence of coin hoards with Roman victoriatii and imitation
of the Massalian drachmas in Cisalpine Gaul: PAUTASSO 1967.
6 BACKENDORF 1998.

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 Preroman and Roman Coinage in North Eastern Italy (II–I cent. B.C.)   387

suggested Göbl, in 60 ca. B.C.7 Starting from this evidence I have gone further on to
rebuilt the die sequence of all the Kugelreiter coinage, and arrived to the conclusion
that I can suggest three main periods for this coinage, but, of course, the coinage not
lasted for sixty years and each issue was minted only for a very short periods:

Period A: 180–160 B.C.


Period B: 160–130 B.C.
Period C: 130–120/115 B.C.

If this general picture is valuable, we can go to the evidence of the coin weights and
hoards, and we can recognise four main phases of Iron Age coinage in ‘Noricum’
spanning some two hundred years.
We can put, at the end of the Kugelreiter type coinage, also the issues with CAVA,
BOIO, in the years 130–100 B.C. and the TINCO/COPPO types in the years between
100 and 90 B.C.8. This second period is possible to call ‘transitional’, as the legends
are remembering Venetic letters, as in the Malta/Koschach hoard 19979 or in another
hoard a bit later10. As an evidence for such a chronology we can consider also a hoard
from Kärnten, with four coins of the type TINCO, of whom three plated, joined with a
Roman Republican semis of 153 B.C.11 Furthermore one coins in the Enemonzo hoard
was restruck with the legend earlier read as VOKK 12, which justifies such a chrono­
logy a bit later.
The third period of the Norican coinage are coins minted with Latin legends like
TINCO, COPPO, NEMET, ADNAMAT, ACCA, ECCAIO, COGESTILO, ELV13 and we can
put this period between 90/89 B.C. and 50/49 B.C.14 There are many huge hoards15
with such coins, which do not hold oldest types and are buried in the years around
the annexation of the Regnum Noricum to Rome16.
The fourth period covers the latest Norican issues. Small silver coins and dates
to the independence of the Regnum Noricum at the middle of first century B.C. when
the Romans in c.56 B.C. founded Iulium Carnicum (Zuglio)17, perhaps in relation wich
the place of Magdalensberg, which started with own coinage in the same years18. In

7 GÖBL 1973, p. 59, for various suggestions for dating the beginning of ’Norican’ coins minting see
the table in P. KOS- A. ŠEMROV 2003, p.388 and MIŠKEC 2003 ; KOS 2007.
8 GORINI 2005, p. 84.
9 GÖBL 1998; MARCER 2005; MARCER 2006.
10 DEMBSKI 2001.
11 DEMBSKI 1996, in the hoard there was perhaps also a denarius of 47/46 B.C.
12 KOS 2004.
13 See a new specimen in Auktion LHS 100, 23/24 April 2007 Zürich, n.4, weight 10,17 gr.
14 GORINI 2005, p. 85.
15 Cfr. BUORA 1994, p. 19.
16 Pl. n. hist. III,148.
17 GREGORI 2001, p. 175.
18 KRMNICEK 2010; GORINI 2013.

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388   Giovanni Gorini

15 B.C. took place the capture of the Regnum Noricum thus in this area the quantity of
Roman coinage in circulation rose rapidly and it is very improbable that any ‘Norican’
coinage seem to have been minted after the Roman conquest, but it remained in cir­
culation till Claudius, i.e. 54 A.D. The small silver coins of Magdalensberg type imi­
tating the obol of Massalia19 occurs on a wide range of sites than any previous series,
although sanctuaries remain the commonest sites of finding and were produced in a
huge quantity.They circulated in North East Italy till Rovigo provincie20 (Appendix I).
At least consider the reasons of these coinages and their function on the basis
of the Enemonzo hoard and the others ‘Norican’ finds, I can conclude on a minting,
above all, for military reasons and not for a “some kind of market-based monetary
economy at least in the region of far eastern Cisalpine Gaul”21. In the first periods the
denomination (tetradrachms) are too much high for the everyday life of the second
century B.C. in region which shall be in first century B.C. Noricum, and in the last
period the issues from 50/49 B.C. in advance, should be the help of Norici to Caesar in
49 B.C.22, which then spreaded in a wide region. In fact at this occasion the coinage
should be the same case of “currency made by Rome” as in Peloponnese or in Spain23.
Now for a better knowledge of the transitional phase between Celtic and Roman
period in North-East Italy, I concentrate myself to regard some transitional necropolis
of the Veronese (Tab. 1) area which show continuity for many decades as that of S.
Maria di Zevio, Lazisetta24 with 15 drachms of Massaliotan imitation plus 21 Roman
Republican, out of 123 preaugustean coins. In Isola Rizza25 2 drachms of imitation
plus 1 Rom. Rep. denarius, out of 62 coins; in Povegliano with 15 drachms of imitation
plus 11 Rom. Rep. denarii, out of 125 coins; in Valeggio26, 1 drachm of imitation, out of
22 coins; in Vigasio27 3 drachms of imitation, out of 18 coins found.
The percentage of the silver coins (Celtic and Roman Republican) is therefore 29%
at S. Maria di Zevio, 21% at Povegliano, 16% at Vigasio, 4,8% at Isola Rizza and 4,5%
at Valeggio. These data to which we can add many other, prove the transition from a
Celtic phase to a romanized phase distinguished just by putting a coin into grave28
(Tav.I).

19 GORINI 2001.
20 GORINI 2011.
21 KOS-ŠEMROV 2003, pp. 390–91.
22 Caes. de bell civ. I,18. And it is well known that the Romans emitted quinari between 101 B.C. and
99/97 B.C. to finance settlement activities in Cisalpine Gaul (CRAWFORD 1985, pp. 182–3)
23 WARREN 1999, p. 377; KNAPP 1987.
24 RMRVe, III/ 2, 36/1.
25 RMRVe, III/2, 15/1.
26 RMRVe, III/3, 38/5 e BIONDANI 1995.
27 RMRVe, III/2, 34/5(1).
28 This is not the place to compare these data from a necropolis with others from inhabited sites,
at least until we don’t have the volume on the coins findings of the city of Verona, which is in an ad­
vanced stage of drafting edited by A. Arzone, D. Calomino and F. Biondani, therefore I not exaggerate
the figure of Cremona with a ‘strong presence of the Celtic’ coin for the presence of 4 coins (ARSLAN

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 Preroman and Roman Coinage in North Eastern Italy (II–I cent. B.C.)   389

Tab. 1: Celtic and Roman Settlements

Places Massaliot imitations Roman Republic Total coins


Drachms Denarii preaugustean

S.Maria di Zevio
Lazisetta 15 21 123
Povegliano 15 11 125
Isola Rizza 2 1 62
Valeggio 1 22
Vigasio 3 18

Then in the late Roman Republican period the aes coinage predominates in the
normal day-to-day monetary circulation in the towns in the X regio as, Tridentum,Ve-
rona, Vicetia, Padua, Altinum, Opitergium, Aquileia etc. The general figures are denarii
about 5%, sestertii to 10 %, dupondii from 5 to 20 % and asses from 60 to over 80 per
cent. For example at Altinum these latter in real figures are 758, only for the augustean
moneyers and more for Augustus till Claudius (Tab. 2).
In Altinum on the quality of currency they are asses for 97,3% infact of 963 coins
found in graves only 25 are not asses and particularly 11 republican sestantal asses
halved, 4 denarii, 7 dupondii and 3 quadrantes. The same picture in the necropoles
of Padua, Este, Brescia29 and Riva del Garda where the relation is slightly different:
12 asses compared with 1 denarius, 1 dupondius, 3 quadrantes and 3 sestertii on an
amount of 27 coins found. The trend in Altinum is that the high value currency begins
with the Flavian period and goes on. Of course we are lacking more wide statistical
enquiry to base on, but the trend is confirmed by the 1700 Altinum graves.
I suppose that the low denomination currency was covered by quadrantes, which
we found in a 10 per cent percentage in our sites. So very careful consideration of the
coin finds from the area of the regio X present a strong argument for the existence of
quadrantes instead of augustean and tiberian halved coins as shortage of low-value
coins30. Now I quote the evidence of a new excavation in Aquileia in 2009, here in a
domus between two sealed strata (US 348) of two floors31 an sextantal assis (24,81 g.)
very weared had found with augustean fragmentary ceramic (Lamboglia 28 and Lam­
boglia 6 blach paint). This confirms a long circulation of sexantal asses, which were
halved by Augustus reform. So the theory of non-circulation of Augustean moneyers’
asses halved in Italy is now confirmed on the basis of our evidence32, but not everyone

2007, p. 312), in comparison, for example to Altino of which we possess recent and accurate data
RMRVe VI/1, RMRVe VI/2, ASOLATI 1999 e GORINI 2003.
29 BONINI 2005.
30 KOS 1986, p.38 misunderstands my observations on halved coins during or according Augustean
rules, but not of Augustus.
31 STELLA 2011.
32 STRACK 1902.

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390   Giovanni Gorini

agrees33. On the same line is the phaenomenon of the imitations or copying and that
of the countermarking,which are occasionally present in our coin finding, confirming
again that it was characteristic predominantly in the military sites along the Rhine
and in provincial areas, not in Rome and in Italy34.

Tab. 2: Altinum : Bronze Coins from the Augustean Reform to Marcus Aurelius

Nominals Quantity Percentage

Sestertii 210 7,00 %


Dupondi 100 6,00 %
Asses 2387 87,20 %
Semisses 1 0,04 %
Quadrantes 40 1,50 %

Total 2738 100,00 %

For the monetary supply in the area it is possible to think above all again to the mili­
tary presence, starting from II and I century B.C. (Caesar in 56 B.C. wintered in Aqui­
leia) by provisioning from the local population, untill the constitution the regio X
under Augustus. Then the public administration is providing the supply, when many
buildings in stone in the region are from the last years of the I century B.C. and also
in the Julio-claudian periods we have the highest supply of coins on the market. This
period is well represented in many sites and the coin circulation in North-Eastern
Italy at various sites differs only in its varying intensity.The well-published casual
finds from some of the more important sites in the regio35 have been considered and
for concluding, it should be noted that the interpretation of coin finds at individual
sites, without considering the comparative material from the broader region very
often results in superficial and irrilevant conclusion. Variations in the intensity of the
circulation during individual periods of the different issues are mainly due to variable
local economic or political conditions and, some time, also to the system of catalogu­
ing or to considering the lenth of the periods considered.

33 KOS 1986, p.38–39 but he not considers that his area not belongs to Augustean Italy for a good
portion.
34 KOS 1986, p.40 adds the southeastern Alpine region.
35 Figures in CALLEGHER 1998 and compare HOBLEY 1998.

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 Preroman and Roman Coinage in North Eastern Italy (II–I cent. B.C.)   391

Appendix I

Distribution the Norican Obols found in North-East Italy

Places De Nominations N° of Coins Literature

AMARO (UD) loc.”la terrazza” Obols 30 GORINI 2011, pp.136–137


Monte Barda(UD) Obol 1 GORINI 2011, pp.136–137
Pieve di Cesclans Obols 3 GORINI 2011, pp.136–137
CORNINO, loc.”Sompcornino” Obols 2 GORINI 2011, pp.136–137
ILLEGIO, tower Broili Obol 1 GORINI 2011, pp.136–137
LUINT, castelliere Obols 60 GORINI 2011, pp.136–137
MOGGIO,abbey of Sant Gallo Obols 55 GORINI 2011, pp.136–137
OVARO, hill near Lenzone Obols 15 GORINI 2011, pp.136–137
PINZANO Castello of (PN) Obol 1 GORINI 2011, pp.136–137
POZZALIS, loc. Madrisio Obol 1 GORINI 2011, pp.136–137
RAVEO, Mount Sorantri Obols 22 GORINI 2011, pp.136–137
RAVEO, Cuel di Cur Obols 3 GORINI 2011, pp.136–137
Monte Roba Obols 20 GORINI 2011, pp.136–137
SAN PIETRO DI ZUGLIO, Obol 1 GORINI 2011, pp.136–137
SOCCHIEVE, Pieve of Castoia Obols 12 GORINI 2011, pp.136–137
SUTRIO Obols 8 GORINI 2011, pp.136–137
TRIBIL DI SOTTO, Mount San Obols 20 GORINI 2011, pp.136–137
Giovanni
VERZEGNIS,Colle Mazeit Obols 12 GORINI 2011, pp.136–137
VERZEGNIS, farmhause Dueibis Obols 3 GORINI 2011, pp.136–137
ZUGLIO, village Obols 3 GORINI 2011, pp.136–137
ALTINO Obol 1 RMRVe,VI/1, p.75
CASTELRAIMONDO (UD) Obol 1 BUORA 1994, p.14.
FORGARIA Obols 3 Unpublished
CONCORDIA-MARIGNANA Obols 12 Unpublished ; GÖBL 1973,
tavv. 44–45
LAGOLE (Pieve di Cadore-BL) Obol 1 G. GORINI,Moneta e terri-
torio in età romana nel Bel-
lunese, “Archivo Storico di
Belluno Feltre e Cadore”,
LXII(1991), pp.117–146.
MONTE ALTARE (V. VENETO) Obols 108 RMRVe, II/1, pp. 431–438
MORANZANI (Mira-VE) Obol 1 Unpublished

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392   Giovanni Gorini

ODERZO Obols 2 RMRVe, II/2, p.161; 1


Inedito
SAN GIORGIO DI NOGARO (UD) Obol 1+? B. CALLEGHER, Segnala-
zioni di monete pre-
romane nelle regioni
nord-orientali d’Italia,
“Bollettino del Museo
Civico di Padova”, LXXX
(1991), pp.307–320.
VILLA DI VILLA (Cordignano-TV) Obol 1 Unpublished
CAMPAGNA LUPIA Obol 1 GORINI 2011
CASTEL GUGLIELMO(Rovigo) Obol 1 Unpublished

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394   Giovanni Gorini

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