THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF GENDERED MIGRATION 589

DISCUSSION NOTE

The Social Construction of

Gendered Migration
from the Philippines*

Internal Migration in Thailand

Patterns of Spouse/Fiance Sponsorship to Australia

Changing Occupational Characteristics

of U.S. Immigrants*

The Social Construction of Gendered Migration

from the Philippines

Migrant Workers and Labor Market

Segmentation in Japan
 DISCUSSION NOTE

The Social Construction of

Gendered Migration
from the Philippines*

James A. Tyner
University of Southern California

Despite a considerable amount of research conducted on Asian labor

migration, decidedly little attention has focused on the vulnerability and
exploitation of women overseas contract workers. This article examines
how the social construction of gender influences the migration of Filipina
overseas workers and contributes to the increased vulnerability and ex-
ploitation of women migrants. In particular, direct and indirect socia-
lization processes, as well as gendered and racial stereotypes, are manifest
within the labor recruitment process, helping to channel women migrants
into the domestic services and entertainment sectors of this migration flow.

A growing, and too often neglected, global issue in migration studies is

the exploitation of women overseas contract workers (OCWs). Conside-
rable research has focused on contemporary Asian labor migration patterns
(Arnold and Shah, 1986; Gunatilleke, 1986; Abella, 1992; Battistella and
Paganoni, 1992; Huguet, 1992; Skeldon, 1992). Research has also examined
the costs and benefits of labor migration for countries (Stahl, 1988; Agos-
tinelli, 1991; Vasquez, 1992) as well as individuals and families (Cruz, 1987;
Cruz and Paganoni, 1989). Decidedly less research has examined the vulne-

* Research for this article was funded by a Fred H. Bixby Fellowship for Population
Research. The author thanks two anonymous reviewers for their comments on an earlier
version of this paper.

Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, Vol. 3, No. 4, 1994 590

rability and exploitation of women overseas contract workers (Orozco,1985;
de Guzman, 1984; Sancho and Layador, 1993). Most information on the
exploitation of migrants is scattered throughout the literature, found in
social commentaries, journalistic reports or descriptive accounts of particu-
lar types of migrants such as domestic workers or entertainers (David,
1991; Palma-Beltran and de Dios, 1992; Sancho and Layador, 1993). Current-
ly, there is no explicit attempt to provide a theoretical basis to our under-
standing of the vulnerability and exploitation of women overseas contract
workers.
It is very difficult to provide a universal explanation for the variety of
exploitative practices—double-charging of fees for labor contracts, false
contracts, physical and sexual abuse—that are prevalent in the migratory
process. Some practices are readily explainable and generalizable, e.g.
the deception by illegal recruiters for quick and easy profit is made at the
expense of unwary migrants. It is questionable, however, whether a holistic
explanation for the exploitation of migrants exists (or is even desirable,
given the place-specificity of many migration flows), since all types of wor-
kers are susceptible to various forms of exploitation. Some, however, are
gender specific and, in fact, have important policy considerations.
The purpose of this article is to examine how the social construction of
gender influences migration and how this contributes to the increased vul-
nerability and exploitation of women migrants. Building on recent deve-
lopments in social construction theory (Ng, 1986; Aguilar, 1989; Jackson,
1989, 1994; Jackson and Penrose, 1993), my central thesis is that underlying
social structures—while only partially responsible for migration1—play a
significant role in shaping gender differences in international labor migration
flows. Employment opportunities (i.e.“men’s” work and “women’s” work)
are not biologically determined, but socially constructed. Specifically,
women’s labor in overseas contract work has been largely relegated to ser-
vice sectors, such as domestic work and entertainment. These positions are
usually independent, in the sense that workers often perform their duties
alone and in private. Additionally, these positions place women in subser-
vient roles, where the very job description is either to “serve” or to “enter-
tain.” Combined, these two conditions contribute to women’s increased
vulnerability and exploitation in overseas contract work. Empirically, this
thesis is supported by a case study of contemporary Philippine international
labor migration. Using interviews with government officials, private

1
The literature reflects an effort to move away from traditional determinants of labor export
(e.g. poverty, overpopulation) to more institutional considerations such as labor recruitment
mechanisms, policies, and capital investment. See Shah and Arnold (1986); Abella (1992, 1993);
Alegado (1992).
592 ASIAN AND PACIFIC MIGRATION JOURNAL

recruiters, and non-governmental organizations, I document the causes

(social construction of gendered migration) and consequences (increased
vulnerability and exploitation) of this migration flow.
The intent is not to imply that only women, or Filipinas, are exploited
as migrants, but rather to highlight how the social construction of gendered
migration increases the vulnerability of many women migrants by confining
these workers into more marginalized occupational niches. As Jackson and
Penrose (1993: 2) attest, if we can learn how “specific constructions have
empowered particular categories, we can disempower them or appropriate
their intrinsic power, to achieve more equitable ends.” And to this end, we
may be in a better position to identify viable policies and programs for the
protection of overseas contract workers (Tyner, forthcoming).

The Social Construction of Gender and Gendered Migration

Chant and Radcliffe (1992: 19) observe that "although sex has long been
recognized as a variable in migrant selectivity, female migration has only
recently been included within the rubric of general migration theories."
Since the late 1970s, but especially in the late 1980s and early 1990s, there
has been an increasing number of studies on gender and migration (Phi-
zacklea, 1983; Fawcett, Khoo, and Smith, 1984; Orozco, 1985; Simon and
Brettel, 1986; Radcliffe, 1990, 1991; Chant, 1992a; Palma-Beltran and de
Dios, 1992; Sancho and Layador, 1993). In general, the study of women in
migration has paralleled advances made within the larger field of women’s
studies, shifting from an emphasis on the documentation of patterns, to the
explanation of patterns (see Bowlby et al., 1989: 158). Early work identified
biases in previous studies, such as methodological problems of interviewing
only “male heads of households”; interviewing women when their spouses
were present; discounting women’s labor force participation, thus ignoring
economic motives for female migration; and assumptions that women
migrate predominantly with men (husbands) or to join husbands.
One area that is lacking in gender and migration research is theory
building (Thadini and Todaro, 1984; Radcliffe, 1990; Chant, 1992a, b; Chant
and Radcliffe, 1992). Some migration theories preclude a priori the study of
women while others are modified to explain the participation of women,
albeit as a residual or aberrant phenomenon. Considerably fewer theories
or models have directly addressed gender and migration simultaneously.
This discussion contributes to theory building of gender and migration by
adapting recent work in social construction theory to the study of gendered
migration. This is parallel to developments in contemporary feminist
scholarship, as McDowell (1992: 400) identifies:
THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF GENDERED MIGRATION 593

[T]he shift of emphasis in feminist scholarship away from women

towards gender, allow[s] issues about the social construction of,
and geographical variations in, masculinity as well as femininity to
be raised.

The Social Construction of Gender

Social construction theory represents a fundamental attack on the imposition,

and continuance, of social categories previously conceptualized as naturally-
occurring and immutable. It is a perspective which is “concerned with the
ways in which we think about and use categories (e.g. class, gender, race)
to structure our experiences and analysis of the world” (Jackson and Pen-
rose, 1993: 2). Specifically, a social construction perspective challenges the
sexist ideologies embedded within biological determinism. The basic
premise of biological determinism, as it applies to occupational differences
between the sexes, is that women and men perform different kinds of jobs
because they have different biologically based abilities (Curthoys, 1986:
320). Thus, women are perceived to be naturally skilled at domestic work
(e.g. child-rearing, cooking, and cleaning). In fact, most societies, across
historical periods, have tended to assign females to infant care and to the
duties associated with raising children because of their biological ability to
bear children (Amott and Matthaei, 1991:14).
Proponents of a social construction perspective, conversely, maintain
that differences between women and men result from the development of
sexist ideologies which confuse biological differences with sociological dif-
ferences. In particular, the beliefs about “male” work and “female” work
stem from a sexist ideology that is transmitted through a socialization
process (Curthoys, 1986). Socialization refers to a lifelong process whereby
children grow up and develop as socially-defined men and women: the
biological sexes are assigned distinct and often unequal work and political
positions (Amott and Matthaei, 1991: 13). Support for this argument is
well-founded (Jackson, 1989; Radcliffe, 1990, 1992). Radcliffe (1990, 1992),
for example, finds that Peruvian women are socialized from an early age
to perform domestic tasks. In fact, “patterns of gender subordination ...
influence the consolidation of a pool of domestically trained, undervalued
peasant girls before their entry or supply to the labour market as domestic
servants” (Radcliffe, 1990: 382). Ironically, the prevalence of women in the
paid domestic sphere may even prevent the socialization of other members
to perform household tasks. Duarte (1989: 199) argues that:
the very presence of the domestic worker discourages the
collaboration of male household members, children, and teenagers.
594 ASIAN AND PACIFIC MIGRATION JOURNAL

The fact that domestic service is available, therefore, reaffirms

machismo and patri-archy in the heart of the family.
This is correct—to a point. The fact that the domestic worker is pre-
sumed to be female reinforces patriarchy. The ability of a woman to hire
a domestic worker to assume responsibilities for reproductive tasks may
still be seen as liberating, in the sense that these women are able to enter the
paid work force. However, since patriarchal structures relegate domestic
work to the confines of other, often ethnically or racially different, women,
this process does, in fact, reinforce existing social relations. Indeed, social
constructions of gender cannot be considered separate from social
constructions of class, race, or even nationality (Amott and Matthaei, 1991;
Glenn, 1992; Jackson and Penrose, 1993). This is particularly evident when
migration brings individuals from diverse cultures into contact. In Peru,
migrant domestic workers are “looked upon by their employers as a
homogenous inferior group, because of their [the employees] peasant
origins” (Radcliffe, 1990: 384). Glenn (1992: 33) demonstrates how “the
racial division of labor [within the United States] bolstered the gender
division of labor indirectly by offering white women a slightly more
privileged position in exchange for accepting domesticity.” Duarte (1989:
199) finds in the Dominican Republic that “the fact that [the female em-
ployer] is in a position to employ a domestic worker reinforces, rather than
challenges, patriarchy and the subordination of women in the society.” At
the international level it becomes clear that “ethnic” and “nationality”
differences are equally privileging. For example, Filipina maids are looked
down upon by Hong Kong or Singaporean employers (Tan and Deva-
sahayam, 1987; Amarles, 1990). Indeed, the liberation of native women in
developed countries frequently results from the oppression of migrant
women, often of color.

The Social Construction of Gendered Migration

A social construction perspective has important implications for migration

research. Through a sensitivity to how concepts of gender are socially
constructed, it is possible to examine how these influence the migration,
employment, and even exploitation of women and men. As Guest (1993:
224) writes, “to understand the determinants of gender differences in mig-
ration flows it is necessary to recognize that, within a society, sex roles,
although not immutable, are historically determined.” It should come as no
surprise, therefore, that previous research found that women often did not
migrate independently of men. In many cultures throughout history,
socially-constructed norms and values have impinged on the migration
THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF GENDERED MIGRATION 595

behavior of women. For example, the independent migration of women

in Bangladesh has historically been constrained by patriarchal structures
and purdah (Pryer, 1992: 141). Pittin (1984: 1312) likewise finds that the
migration of Hausa women in Nigeria has been constrained by “social
impediments designed to control women.” Similar constraints are found
through Latin America, Asia and the Middle East (Wilkinson, 1987; Rad-
cliffe, 1990, 1991).
The social construction of gender channels women into specific roles.
First, because of direct socialization to perform household tasks, many
women may genuinely be limited to domestic-service oriented occupations;
they may not have the skills required for other employment opportunities.
Clearly, when women are precluded from obtaining higher education, or
even vocational training, they are effectively prevented from higher skilled
and higher paying occupations. In Peru, for example, “peasant families
have tended to favour their sons’ education and training, whereas daugh-
ters continue to face parental unwillingness to fund formal education or
skills development" (Radcliffe, 1990: 382). In Thailand, as well, the son’s
education is commonly perceived as more important than the daughter’s.
In fact, the son’s education is often supported not by his parents, but by a
daughter who had previously migrated (Singhanetra-Renard and Prabhud-
hanitisarn, 1992: 163).
Second, women may have greater opportunities for factory employment
because of perceived benefits to employers. Women are specifically recrui-
ted because of sexist (and racist) stereotypes: these include dominant
images of women as cheap, docile, temporary, and being predisposed to
factory work, such as having nimble fingers and good eyesight (Floro, 1991;
Eviota, 1992). Other times migrant women are in demand because indige-
nous women are not allowed to work. Women in some Middle Eastern
countries, for example, are not allowed or encouraged to perform household
tasks, thus creating a huge demand for domestic workers (Eelens and
Speckmann, 1990). Moreover, as standards of living have risen in these
countries, there has been a simultaneous increase in the demand for domes-
tic work. The number of Sri Lankan domestic workers employed in the Gulf
States, for example, increased from 4,898 to 41,912 during the period 1986-
1991. In Hong Kong and Singapore also, the entry of indigenous women
workers into waged labor has necessitated a rapid influx of domestic
workers from less developed countries (Skeldon, 1992).

The Gendered Nature of Philippine Labor Migration

Despite early recognition that women predominate in flows of domestic

workers and entertainers, migration research has neither adequately
596 ASIAN AND PACIFIC MIGRATION JOURNAL

examined, nor critically questioned, this situation. Chiengkul (1986: 312),

for example, discusses the labor migration of Thai workers to the Middle
East and writes:
Almost all Thai workers in the Middle East are male. The conditions
in the labor-importing countries have discouraged the migration
of female workers. Most of the job opportunities for females are confined
to domestic service. (Emphasis added)
Within Sri Lanka, likewise, Eelens and Speckmann (1990: 300) note that
it is becoming more difficult for men to find employment overseas:
The reason for this sex discrepancy in migration opportunities is
that the recruitment of male laborers, who are mainly active in
development projects, is highly dependent on the economic trends
in the Middle East, while that of housemaids relates to the living
standards in Middle Eastern households.
These two statements vividly illustrate that international labor migration
is not gender-free, but highly differentiated based on social constructions
of gender. More important, however, they illustrate the uncritical accept-
ance of observed patterns, without addressing the causes or consequences
of this imposed gendering of migration. In neither case is it questioned why
job opportunities for females must be confined to domestic services. Have
migrants been socialized into accepting certain roles? Are these sexual
divisions of labor regulated by policy? What are the consequences of this
gendered migration? To better address these questions, I provide an over-
view of the Philippine labor-export policy to examine how social cons-
tructions of gender contribute to: (1) patterns of gendered migration; (2) the
social construction of gender in the Philippines; and (3) the social construction
of Philippine labor migration. This is followed by an examination of the
subsequent vulnerability and exploitation of Filipina overseas contract
workers.

Trends in Philippine Overseas Labor Migration

Within overseas labor migration, men and women from the Philippines
migrate in near equal numbers. In 1987, for example, of the 382,229
deployed Philippine contract workers, 47 percent were women.2 However,
occupational patterns reveal significant gender differences (Table 1).

2
Throughout this article I primarily utilize 1987 data. These data are the most complete and
recent data supplied by the POEA during the writing of this article.
THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF GENDERED MIGRATION 597

TABLE 1
DEPLOYED PHILIPPINE OVERSEAS CONTRACT WORKERS
BY OCCUPATION AND SEX, 1987

Occupation Total Male Female

Professional,Technical 71,614 40,393 31,221

(56.4%) (43.6%)
Entertainers 33,924 2,345 31,579
(6.9%) (93.1%)
Administrative, 1,503 1,372 131
Management (91.3%) (8.7%)
Clerical 13,694 9,888 3,806
(72.2%) (27.8%)
Sales 3,722 1,773 1,949
(47.6%) (52.4%)
Services 128,704 21,904 106,800
(17.0%) (83.0%)
Agriculture 2,215 2,202 13
(99.4%) (0.6%)
Production, Construction 126,853 121,911 4,942
(96.1%) (3.9%)
TOTAL 382,229 201,788 180,441
(52.8%) (47.2%)

SOURCE: Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (1987).

Specifically, Filipinas are underrepresented in higher level positions

and overrepresented in lower level positions, as reflected by their dominance
in both service and entertainment sectors. These do not, however, appear
to be reflective of the skill levels of Philippine women in general. During the
1980s, for example, Filipinas made up 55 percent of all professional and
technical positions in the Philippines, but only 44 percent of all professional
and technical Philippine workers deployed overseas (Tables 1 and 2).
Simultaneously, Filipinas comprised 44 percent of all sales and service
workers in the Philippines, yet represented 82 percent of all Philippine sales
and service workers deployed overseas. In fact, women comprised 98 per-
cent of all domestic workers deployed, and these numbers are hidden in the
general category of “services.”
Because of the significant interrelation between occupation type and
geographic destination, it is possible to further discuss gender differences
exhibited in Philippine labor migration patterns based on major world
598 ASIAN AND PACIFIC MIGRATION JOURNAL

TABLE 2
FILIPINO WORKERS 15 YEARS AND OVER IN THE PHILIPPINES
BY OCCUPATION AND SEX, 1990

Occupation Total Male Female

Professional, Technical 1,434,070 634,633 799,437

(44.3%) (55.7%)
Administrative, 920,493 549,951 370,542
Management (59.8%) (40.2%)
Clerical 763,048 298,013 465,035
(39.1%) (60.9%)
Sales & Services 954,647 537,025 427,622
(56.3%) (43.7%)
Agriculture 6,589,176 6,055,725 533,451
(91.9%) (8.10%)
Production, Construction 3,204,981 2,629,100 575,881
(82.0%) (18.0%)
Elementary Occupations1 3,765,793 2,144,271 1,621,522
(56.9%) (43.1%)
Non-Gainful2 15,474,331 3,442,305 12,032,026
(22.3%) (77.7%)
Unclassified 3,465,859 1,882,033 1,583,826
(54.3%) (45.7%)

SOURCE: National Statistics Office (1990: Table 16).

1
Elementary occupations include market stall vendors, domestic helpers, caretakers,
miscellaneous laborers, and so forth.
2
Non-gainful occupations include housekeepers (own home), pensioners, and students.

regions. The Middle East region has continually received the largest pro-
portion of Philippine OCWs since the late 1970s and into the early 1990s. In
1987, of 382,229 Philippine labor migrants deployed worldwide, 272,038
(71 percent) were deployed to this region. This migration system is com-
posed primarily of men engaged in the production/construction sector. Of
the total number of Philippine OCWs deployed to the Middle East, 68 per-
cent were men. Women overwhelmingly found employment in two sectors:
services (56 percent) and professionals (32 percent). The Asian region, as
opposed to Middle Eastern destinations, is characterized by a predomi-
THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF GENDERED MIGRATION 599

nance of female labor migrants: 92 percent of Philippine OCWs to this

region are women. Within Asia there are distinct occupational patterns of
Philippine OCWs. Both Hong Kong and Singapore import women domestic
workers from the Philippines (Table 3), whereas Japan imports women to
work in the entertainment industries. In 1987, of the 46,790 workers dep-
loyed to Hong Kong and Singapore, 99 percent were women, engaged
primarily as maids and other servants. The phenomenal demand for Fili-
pina domestic workers in Hong Kong and Singapore has been explained
primarily by the large number of indigenous women entering the paid
labor force, thus necessitating a demand for foreign maids to provide
family care (Skeldon, 1992).
The predominance of women engaged in the entertainment industries
in Japan is even more pronounced (Table 4). In particular, Japan accounts
for the largest share of all deployed women migrant entertainers from the
Philippines. In 1987, out of a total of 31,579 Filipina migrant entertainers
deployed worldwide, 31,292 (99 percent) were destined for Japan. Viewed
from another perspective, of the 33,791 deployed Philippine OCWs to
Japan, 93 percent were Filipina entertainers. Bear in mind these numbers
reflect only legally admitted labor migrants; when illegal entrants and
overstayers are included, estimates of Filipinas working in the entertainment
industries in Japan range from 60,000 to 150,000 (David, 1991; de Dios,1992).
Similar to the Asian region, labor-importing countries of Europe (e.g.
Greece, Italy, and Spain) and the Americas (e.g. Canada and the United
States) predominantly employ women. Of the 5,643 workers deployed to
Europe in 1987, nearly 83 percent were women; over 91 percent of the Fili-
pina OCWs destined to Europe were domestic workers. Occupational
patterns to the Americas are comparable to Europe, in the sense that a large
proportion (31 percent) of all Philippine OCWs deployed are female
domestic workers. This situation is unlike Europe, however, in that both
the United States and Canada also import a large proportion of women (53
percent) engaged in professional sectors (e.g. doctors, nurses).
Two final regions—Africa and the Pacific—reflect a predominance of
male Filipino OCWs. The majority of these workers are engaged in produc-
tion/construction occupations, reflecting an emphasis on the development
of infrastructure throughout Africa and the Pacific. However, there is a
smaller, but socially important, number of professionals deployed to these
regions (especially in Nigeria; see Saliba, 1993).
To what extent are these observed patterns reflective of institutional
regulations, or underlying structural conditions that influence, but do not
determine, deployment practices?
600 ASIAN AND PACIFIC MIGRATION JOURNAL

TABLE 3
TOP TEN DESTINATIONS OF LEGALLY DEPLOYED PHILIPPINE
DOMESTIC WORKERS BY SEX, 1987
Destination Total Male Female
Deployed

Hong Kong 30,152 318 29,834

(1.1%) (98.9%)
Singapore 16,638 26 16,612
(0.2%) (99.8%)
Saudi Arabia 9,090 285 8,805
(3.1%) (96.9%)
United Arab Emirates 8,561 132 8,429
(1.5%) (98.5%)
Qatar 2,243 87 2,156
(3.9%) (96.1%)
Malaysia 2,125 0 2,125
(0%) (100.0%)
Brunei 2,067 62 2,005
(3.0%) (97.0%)
Kuwait 1,683 10 1,673
(0.6%) (99.4%)
Greece 1,679 33 1,646
(2.0%) (98.0%)
Italy 1,668 168 1,500
(10.1%) (89.9%)

SOURCE: Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (1987).

TABLE 4
TOP FIVE DESTINATIONS OF LEGALLY DEPLOYED PHILIPPINE
ENTERTAINERS BY SEX, 1987
Destination Total Male Female
Deployed

Japan 33,249 1,957 31,292

(5.9%) (94.1%)
Hong Kong 254 197 57
(77.6%) (22.4%)
Italy 99 6 93
(6.1%) (93.9%)
United Arab Emirates 60 26 34
(43.3%) (56.7%)
Korea 34 27 7
(79.4%) (20.6%)

SOURCE: Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (1987).

THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF GENDERED MIGRATION 601

The Social Construction of Gender in the Philippines

The Filipino household is commonly viewed as egalitarian (Javillonar,

1979; Green, 1980) and the relatively high position of women in the
Philippines is thought to date back to the pre-colonial era.3 This social
structure is evidenced by the many gender-neutral kinship terms in the
Tagalog vocabulary (Medina, 1991: 23-24), including asawa (spouse), anak
(son or daughter), apo (grandchild), bata (child) and siya (he or she). And
even though men are generally recognized as the head of the household,
women are thought to control the household through budget management
and resource allocation. However, studies have increasingly indicated that
the Filipino household is not as egalitarian as once thought (Aguilar-San
Juan, 1982; Eviota, 1986, 1992; Aguilar, 1989; Floro, 1991). Indeed, the
majority of Filipino couples follow the traditional division of labor or task
allocation, with the husband as the breadwinner and the wife as the
domestic (Medina, 1988: 123). Aguilar (1989: 543), for example, suggests
that “egalitarianism is merely a tag that has been foisted upon a set of
relations it really does not fit.” Specifically, she argues that the wives’ role
as household manager does not translate into an increase in power or status
within the household. Bulatao (1984: 352), in a survey of nearly 1,600
women, concludes that wives seldom make decisions by themselves in any
region throughout the Philippines—a conclusion supported by Floro (1991:
109). Moreover, over 90 percent of the women in the Bulatao study
indicated that they needed their husbands' permission to either go out with
friends or to lend money to relatives. This latter finding, in particular, raises
doubts as to Philippine women being in control of their households and
household resources.
Philippine society thus reveals distinct gender roles, resulting from a
lifelong socialization process. This process occurs in two different, yet
simultaneously and mutually reinforcing guises: direct socialization and
indirect socialization. Direct socialization results when the child is expli-
citly and directly taught standards, values, and proper behavior for boys
and girls (Medina, 1991: 48). This form of socialization often results from
family interactions and schooling. In Philippine society, for example:
The binatilyos (adolescent males) participate in many affairs of the
com-munity with more freedom, tolerance and understanding
from their parents, while the dalagitas (adolescent females) generally
stay at home to take care of the siblings and other “womanly”

3
More detailed accounts of the social construction of gender in the Philippines are found in
Aguilar-San Juan (1982); Aguilar (1989); Medina (1991); and Eviota (1992).
602 ASIAN AND PACIFIC MIGRATION JOURNAL

chores like washing clothes, cooking the meals, and other work
activities connected with the upkeep of the house (Medina, 1991:
123-4).

Although both parents play an active role in socialization, the mother

assumes the bulk of childcare responsibility because it is she who spends
more time at home and has a more intimate relationship with the child.
This fact reinforces the Filipino stereotype of the woman playing the do-
mestic role (Medina, 1991: 196).
In school, girls are often channelled into home economics courses (sew-
ing, cooking, vegetable gardening), while boys learn woodworking, knot-
tying, and agricultural techniques.4 Textbooks also reflect gender biases.
Aurora de Dios and her colleagues (1987) find, for example, that although
negative images are not as prevalent as in other media venues, women are
still shown in very limited activities, mostly confined to domestic roles.
Women are also defined, in general, by their relation to men (as wives,
sisters, or mothers). The most prestigious roles for women found in the
study were those of teachers and nurses. Moreover, not only are roles limi-
ted, but the behavior of women is conditioned to an inferior, or dependent
position. Women are routinely portrayed as passive, obedient, submissive,
and docile (de Dios et al., 1987), relying on the more successful or forceful
male figurehead.
Indirect socialization, conversely, refers to the process whereby the
child learns cultural values and norms from his or her observations and
experiences (Medina, 1991: 48). Media, in particular, have been influential
in reenforcing images of women and men. A five-month survey undertaken
in the Philippines during 1985 revealed some particularly relevant results
regarding the social construction of gender roles. Traditionally, the perceived
role of Filipino wives, according to Sevilla (quoted in Medina, 1991) is that
of “a loving and loyal mate to her husband”; one who is “responsible for
keeping the marriage intact by her patience, submission, and virtues.”
Furthermore, she is a “diligent housekeeper” and the family treasurer who
budgets the money for the various family needs (quoted in Medina, 1991:
123). Azarcon-dela Cruz (1988) discusses how television shows reinforce
these images of motherhood, beauty, docility, subservience to men. Women
in radio serials are most often “portrayed as wife, mother, mistress or
domestic helper”(p112). Indeed, television shows often portray men as
“the main breadwinner who must support the family at all costs”(p. 95).

4
Gender biases in education are being challenged, albeit slowly. Home economics classes
are now referred to as “Home Technology and Livelihood Education,” with both boys and girls
participating in these classes.
THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF GENDERED MIGRATION 603

Radio and television ads likewise portray women as the epitome of

beauty, docility and household efficiency. Women are more likely to
appear as mothers, wives and household help, while men are rarely
present. These reinforce the image that home and household are solely a
woman’s domain. Other common images portrayed women as girlfriends,
dates, and sex objects. Print ads as well “have persisted in reinforcing the
stereotyped images of women as less important, less intelligent, of less
consequence and weaker than men”(p. 38). Many advertisements also
imply that women buy products, not so much for personal satisfaction, but
rather for male approval and acceptance. For impressionable children,
these ads could easily be the source of role models and future expectations.

The Social Construction of Philippine Labor Migration

Historically, racial and sexual stereotypes have been institutionalized

within labor markets (Glenn,1992; Ng, 1986; Hossfield, 1994). Ng’s (1986)
study of an employment placement agency reveals the process by which
immigrant women were commodified into specific locations in the Cana-
dian labor market. Glenn (1992) likewise identifies the channelization of
immigrant women into certain jobs, such as domestic work. Within the
Philippine labor migration industry, however, there are no institutional or
officially sanctioned policies restricting Filipinas to employment in domestic
services and entertainment sectors. Neither are men or women specifically
channelled or counselled into these sectors. Guidelines and regulations of
the Philippines Overseas Employment Administration (POEA), for example,
do not specify any distinction in employment contracts; thus (at least in the
country of origin) there seem to be no restrictions on male/female employ-
ment. Additionally, an examination of Standard Employment Contracts
provided by the POEA reveal no specificity regarding the sex of domestic
workers. Indeed, some contracts repeatedly make reference to “he/she”
and “his/her” when outlining employment parameters. In the case of
Singapore, however, the contract only makes reference to women, as in:

The worker is expected to commence her daily duties by ensuring

that reasonable morning requirements of the Employer and his/
her family are met and prepared on time and shall ensure that her
day’s chores are fulfilled before retiring to bed.

However, while not officially endorsing a gender-based policy, the

marketing strategies of the POEA may unintentionally contribute to the
social construction of gendered migration. The cover of a pamphlet lauding
604 ASIAN AND PACIFIC MIGRATION JOURNAL

the virtues of “Filipino manpower”5 distributed by the POEA, for example,

reveals six Filipinos, dressed according to their job. Of the three women,
one is dressed as a nurse, a second as a maid, and the third as an entertainer
(wearing a mini-skirt and holding a guitar). Of the three men, one is holding
a t-square (an engineer perhaps?), a second is dressed as a construction
worker, and the third as a ship-based officer. Inside, the text reveals that
Filipinos are “properly educated and well-trained, proficient in English
and of sound temperament” (emphasis added). This last statement might be
read as implying the docility and subservience of all Filipino workers.
Although not officially sanctioned, underlying social constructions of
gender are manifest within policies and programs of international labor
migration. This manifestation is most evident in specific recruitment
practices. When foreign principals submit “manpower” requests, they are
required to specify the skills needed and qualifications desired. For many
occupations, such as domestic services and entertainment work, employers
often request potential employees based not on skill, but rather personal
characteristics (e.g. young, attractive, or happy). “Help-wanted” adver-
tisements placed in various Hong Kong newspapers read: “Cheerful, live-
in Filipina maid/cook wanted” or “Temporary Filipina maid wanted for
month ... clean, tidy appearance” (Mission for Filipino Migrant Workers,
1983).
In effect, women OCWs are commodified to fit pre-existing and exter-
nally-imposed images of what women/women-migrants should be and
should perform. The social construction of female maid, in particular, ref-
lects a mixture of gender and racial stereotypes. Moreover, hiring practices
reveal the existence of racist hierarchies as to the most desirable, or accep-
table, nationality. In Italy, for example, “Filipino women [as opposed to
African women] ... appear at the top of the hierarchy as determined by the
preferences of Italian families for domestic workers” (Andall, 1992: 45).
Hornziel (1990, quoted in Andall, 1992: 45) states that "in middle-upper
environments Filipino domestic workers, with their knowledge of the Eng-
lish language, also offer an element of cultural prestige."
In Jordan, also, maids are ranked according to skin color, commu-
nication abilities, beauty and fashionable appearance (Humphrey, 1991:
56). Hierarchies such as these have translated into relatively higher wages
for better educated, light-skinned, English speaking Filipinas, as opposed
to poorly educated, dark-skinned, non-English speaking Sri Lankan women.

5
Official terminology used by government and private agencies for labor export is
“manpower.” While recognizing the sexism inherent in this term, I nevertheless have chosen
to retain usage according to Philippine practice.
THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF GENDERED MIGRATION 605

Women migrants are no longer viewed as individuals, but rather as

products to be exported and imported. In Japan, Filipinas are often order-
ed through catalogues just as one might order office supplies. Tono (1986:
71) relates that in the Philippines:
[A]fter a woman is targeted, her picture is taken and filed in a cata-
logue. Promoters exchange their catalogues and show them to
customers, such as bar managers. “This girl is a 17-year-old high
school student. She’s got a terrific body, but is a drug addict,” is a
typical comment by the promoter when he shows the women’s pic-
tures in the catalogues.
Entertainers are doubly exploited because of race and sex. As Duenas
(Philippines Free Press, April 4, 1987) writes of Filipinas:
[She] is a downgraded woman in Japan. In that country where sex
dominates the preoccupation of men and is a billion-dollar in-
dustry, the image of the Filipina is that of a shameless “Japayuki-
san” whose only purpose in coming to Japan is to sell her body for
Japanese yen. In the booming, countrywide sex trade, which in
Japan is not looked down on as dirty business, the “Japayuki-san”
is treated as merchandise, a commodity to be listed in the buy-and-
sell catalogues.
In Hong Kong, Filipinas and domestic service have become so merged
in the popular culture that a doll sold widely in Hong Kong is called simply
"Filipina maid." Indeed, the word "Filipina" in Hong Kong has come to
mean amah, a term for maidservant (Aguilar, 1989: 10). A sample of adver-
tisements placed by recruitment agencies in Hong Kong read: “Available
with videotapes. Excellent Filipina babysitters, housekeepers,” “A brand
new selection! Filipina and Sri Lankan Maids,”“A wide selection of Filipina
maids with colour TV viewing” (Mission for Filipino Migrant Workers,1983).
Notice also the selling points used by recruitment agencies to attract
customers. They boldly proclaim “wide selections” to choose from. In fact,
this preview is often vital. Within some labor-importing countries, the abil-
ity to employ a Filipina maid is seen as a status symbol. Similar to “owning
the right car” and “living in the right area,” it has become essential to
employ the proper maid. Humphrey (1991: 56), for example, finds that in
Jordan, “domestic servants are essentially an item of consumption with
symbolic value.”
The private sector is often compliant with these requests. When foreign
employers specify “provincial girls,” believing them to be better “trained”
in domestic skills (i.e. cooking, cleaning, and childcare), labor recruiters
continually leave the confines of Manila in search of better “products.” Pro-
vincial girls, it is assumed, are less likely to be attracted by “bright lights”
and thus more willing to remain isolated as live-in maids.
606 ASIAN AND PACIFIC MIGRATION JOURNAL

The recruitment of women in the provinces is, however, partially a

response to supply. Some recruiters are finding that larger cities such as
Manila are “tapped out.” Many of the women residing in Manila, for ex-
ample, have fallen prey regularly to illegal recruiters and have lost consi-
derable sums of money; therefore they are less able to pay the processing
fees for overseas employment.6 Conversely, if recruitment is conducted in
the provinces, recruiters often find pools of fresh applicants that potentially
have the financial resources required for overseas employment.
Entertainers, likewise, are specifically recruited in provincial areas;
this counters a common-sense assumption that entertainers are recruited
in the entertainment districts of Manila. According to the recruiters, “once
the girls work in [Philippine] nightclubs, they are hard to control.” It is
thought that these women have already been exposed to difficult and dif-
ferent situations; foreign employers, therefore, would no longer be able to
impose discipline on the entertainers.
In short, employment opportunities are not deliberately or intention-
ally separated according to sex by the POEA and the private sector. Women
can, and do, find employment as doctors, nurses, engineers, as well as
domestic workers and entertainers. Men likewise find overseas employment
as domestic workers and entertainers. However, global assumptions of
men’s work and women’s work are manifest within the dominant flows of
migrant workers from labor-exporting to labor-importing countries.
Additionally, labor recruiters do employ social constructs about “provincial”
girls when approaching applicants for overseas employment. Moreover,
requests by foreign employers indicate that these constructs are widely
known and accepted. Not only do these constructs influence the recruitment
within the Philippines, but also the specific selection of “the Philippines”
as opposed to other labor-exporting countries.

The Exploitation of Women Overseas Contract Workers

All labor migrants are susceptible to some forms of exploitation. Financial

fraud is probably the most common, resultant from unscrupulous recruiters
overcharging worker-applicants. However, I suggest that the imposed
gendering (occupational channelization) of international labor migration
has placed women in significantly more vulnerable positions, vis-a-vis
their male counterparts. This is most evident in the domestic and enter-

6
This is not to imply that prospective labor migrants who have lost considerable sums of
money to fraudulent recruiters cease in the attempt for overseas employment. Indeed, worker-
applicants often go into debt, borrowing from families, friends, and loan sharks to pay recruit-
ment fees (see Lindquist, 1993).
THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF GENDERED MIGRATION 607

tainment sectors where job requirements have placed women in subservient

positions, catering to domestic needs or sexual pleasures. The Standard
Employment Contract for Filipino household workers in Singapore, for
example, describes the employees’ duties:
The Worker undertakes to perform diligently and faithfully all
duties of a domestic nature such as but not limited to laundry,
cooking, child or baby care, general cleaning and housekeeping of
the residence of the employer and other relevant household chores
which the Employer may from time to time require.

The Worker is expected at all times to observe proper decorum and

shall be courteous, polite and respectful to her Employer and
members of his/her family. She shall also observe the Code of
Discipline for Filipino Workers and abide by the laws of Singapore
and respect its customs and traditions.
Entertainers, especially, are in vulnerable positions; their very job
description is to provide “entertainment.” The Philippine Senate even
recommended that Filipino entertainers be provided hazard pay! According
to de Dios (1992: 49), these women are “selling a particular brand of female
sexuality that caters to the needs and satisfaction of male clients and custo-
mers.” Entertainers are thus simply sexual objects, or products, to be used
at the convenience of customers.
Why is this so? In 1990 the Philippine Senate questioned why are
Fili-pino migrant women concentrated in the lowly-paid service
sectors such as domestic helpers, chambermaids, entertainers,
prostitutes, and nurses all over the world although most of them
are in fact college graduates or professionals? (Philippine Senate,
1990: 37).
The previous section indicates that other overseas employment oppor-
tunities (e.g. professionals), according to the rules and regulations governing
the deployment of Philippines OCWs, are open to women. However, the
current global demand reflects a desire for Filipinas as servants. Their
education and professional skills are not desired, but rather their "beauty,
cheerfulness, and hospitality."
The commodification of women migrant workers has, in part, contri-
buted to the widespread exploitation of overseas workers across cultures.
Simply put, when migrants are not viewed as individuals, but by the
functions they perform, they become nonentities: products. Employers can
select applicants through catalogues, order them through the mail (through
608 ASIAN AND PACIFIC MIGRATION JOURNAL

the POEA), and have them delivered. Foreign workers arrive with a con-
tract and instruction manual (job description). For some employers, their
newly-purchased workers represent a considerable investment. In Singa-
pore, for example, employers are required to deposit a S$5,000 deposit to
ensure the good behavior of foreign domestic workers (Tan and Devasa-
hayam, 1987; Amarles, 1990). Good behavior means, in part, that domestic
workers are not allowed to marry Singaporeans, get pregnant, or engage
in any employment other than that contracted. Rather than risk losing this
deposit, draconian measures are emplaced to provide for the “good” beha-
vior of domestic workers. As a result, domestic workers are under constant
surveillance.
Nevertheless, women still enter into overseas employment contracts;
they are the ones who ultimately sign the contracts. Does this indicate that
women willingly engage in these vulnerable occupations? Are they willing
partners in a process of commodification? To answer these questions, we
must look closer at the process of migration.
The act of migration may be seen as liberating: an exercise of free choice
to escape a negative situation. According to African-American feminist bell
hooks (1984:5), however, being oppressed means the absence of choices.
We can thus examine the gendering of migration, and the act of migration,
from the standpoint of choices. Existing studies have consistently revealed
that women (and men) undertake overseas work because of a lack of em-
ployment opportunities within the Philippines (Cruz and Paganoni, 1989;
Ballescas, 1992; Palma-Beltran and de Dios, 1992). I contend that the re-
duction of choices to either service sector jobs or entertainment related
occupations represents an absence of choices: the lack of opportunities in
the Philippines, coupled with limited opportunities based on subservience
and sexuality, reflects an institutionalized system of oppression. This
oppression is often exemplified by a private sector that claims they are
providing a valuable service. According to members of the private sector,
women “choose” to engage in occupations that native workers shun (e.g.
those jobs which are dirty, dangerous, and demeaning) because no other
job is available in the Philippines. But choice in this context is illusory. The
acceptance of lower-wages, the tolerance of contract violations, the threat
of physical and sexual abuse—these are not conditions which migrants
willingly accept. Rather, oppression within the Philippines, combined with
global demands for housemaids and dancers, is why women are “willing”
to leave their families while caring for other people’s families in foreign
countries. In short, when migration becomes the only option, it is no longer
a choice. Orozco (1985) refers to these women as economic refugees.
THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF GENDERED MIGRATION 609

Conclusions

Current patterns of international migration, especially contract labor

migration, are changing. The rapid industrialization of capital-rich but
labor-short countries of the Middle East (notably Saudi Arabia and Kuwait)
and Asia (Hong Kong, Japan, and Singapore) stimulated new and major
flows of temporary labor migration. Concomitantly, the origins of temporary
contract workers shifted from predominantly Mediterranean and European
countries toward South and Southeast Asia (e.g. Indonesia, the Philippines,
Sri Lanka, and Thailand). Linkages between labor-sending and labor-
receiving countries are now more likely to reflect capital-linkages rather
than colonial or post-colonial linkages.
Coincident with changes in international migration patterns have been
significant theoretical advances in migration research, especially in
consideration of women migrants (Radcliffe, 1990, 1991; Chant, 1992a,b;
Chant and Radcliffe, 1992). Previous work has shown that women do not
migrate predominantly in association, or in conjunction with men. None-
theless, many aspects of gendered migration, such as exploitation, remain
unexplored. Indeed, current migration research reflects an uncritical
acceptance of the sexual division of labor of overseas contract work. When
gender differences are discussed, aggregate patterns are revealed at best,
thus contributing little to our understanding of the conditions leading to
these patterns, and outcomes resultant from these flows.
In part, this lack of awareness mirrors the “invisibility” of female mi-
gration. In countries such as Italy and Japan, for example, female migrants
had been arriving in large numbers before any significant inflows of male
migrants. However, it was not until the latter began to arrive that the “mi-
grant invasion” generated any public response. On one hand, this is a re-
flection that women are not perceived as a threat, which according to
Andall (1992: 42) “suggests that a paternalistic form of sexism may [be] at
play.” Women migrants also predominantly find employment in the
domestic sphere, previously vacated by indigenous women workers.
Thus, in the example of Italy, women migrants “have not essentially been
perceived as representing a threat on the labour market, but rather are seen
as filling a vacuum left by Italian women” (Andall, 1992: 43). In Japan, also,
migrant women are seen as filling voids created by the occupational
advancement of Japanese women. Indigenous women are less willing to
work in the domestic services or entertainment sectors. These changes have
created “labor” shortages, thus necessitating large influxes of foreign
women. On the other hand, the lack of concern surrounding the import of
women’s workers is related to their employment niches. As Andall (1992:42)
610 ASIAN AND PACIFIC MIGRATION JOURNAL

correctly observes, the concentration of women in the domestic sphere has

meant that they “have literally been hidden from view.”
Drawing on recent developments in social construction theory, I have
examined how the social construction of gender and gendered migration
channels women toward selected occupations within the international
division of labor: domestic workers and entertainers. These occupational
niches, in turn, place women in far more vulnerable positions, thus exacer-
bating exploitative practices.
Two findings are particularly relevant. First, the social construction of
women in the Philippines may predispose women to take the roles of
domestic helpers or entertainers. Early socialization processes reinforce
the expectation that women are to excel in reproductive tasks. However,
while occupational roles are significantly influenced by the social con-
struction of women's roles, these roles are neither deterministic nor immu-
table, and should not be viewed as such. Further research is clearly needed.
Are women socialized into the belief that they are only qualified to perform
service-oriented functions? Are women more likely to comply with abuses
because of continued messages of docility, subservience, and maintaining
their proper place?
Second, gendered migration is not formally instituted within Philippine
labor-export policy; rather, patterns of gendered migration reflect the
acquiescence to global demands predicated on racist and sexist assumptions.
Although regularly criticized for the deployment of women in both do-
mestic services and entertainment sectors, the POEA maintains that they
are merely responding to the global demands for labor, demands which
currently reveal a shift from a predominance of construction and production
to that of services. These trends are evidenced by data obtained from the
Client Referral Assistance (CRA) system of the POEA. Beginning in 1985
the POEA established this system to facilitate and assist new foreign
employers (principals) hiring Filipino workers by locating reputable private
recruitment agencies in the Philippines. As such, the CRA system provides
a unique glimpse into current demands and future trends of global labor
requests. In 1991 skills in high demand included medical workers (47 per-
cent of new job orders); service workers (23 percent); operation and mainte-
nance workers (18 percent); and entertainers (11 percent). For 1992, 82 per-
cent of new employers requested domestic helpers. Private recruiters also
have also been continuously criticized for preying on women. And like the
POEA, the private sector maintains that they are simply responding to
market demands. Moreover, the private sector sincerely believes that it is
providing a much needed service to an ailing country; through recruiters’
efforts, employment is provided to hundreds of thousands of individuals,
THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF GENDERED MIGRATION 611

something the government has not been able to do. However, the acquies-
cence on the part of the POEA and the private sector does, in fact, indicate
that these institutions are willing cater to an international and sexual divi-
sion of labor which confines women to vulnerable occupations.
In all fairness, the POEA does go to great lengths in an attempt to
protect Filipino overseas contract workers. These attempts are primarily
evidenced by the introduction of complex and highly regulated procedures
for the deployment of workers (especially entertainers). Unfortunately,
however, rules and regulations may lead to greater vulnerability. Recent
guidelines pertaining to the deployment of entertainers, for example, are
overly concerned with certifying that only “reputable” and “legitimate”
entertainers are deployed (see Tyner, forthcoming). These policies represent
a faulty identification of the problem: that only illegal or non-skilled enter-
tainers are subject to abuse. The newly implemented solution, therefore, is
to increase the number of testing and training requirements for potential
migrant entertainers. These guidelines, however, overlook the observation
that all Filipinas engaged in the entertainment sectors, legal or illegal,
trained or untrained, are employed in a vulnerable occupational niche.
Moreover, increased costs accrued by potential migrant entertainers may
ultimately place these individuals in a greater position of debt-bondage;
research on the conditions of Filipina migrant entertainers reveal that
many women, legal or otherwise, are coerced into illegal and dehumani-
zing acts because of debt-bondage (Iyori, 1987; de Dios, 1992; Ballescas,
1992). The POEA also routinely sends Marketing Missions overseas; often
the function of these meetings is not marketing per se, but to address welfare
problems. Admittedly many of these missions and policy guidelines follow
sensationalized reports of abuses overseas.7 However, the POEA has res-
ponded to potential sites of exploitation. In 1992, for example, a Canadian
club attempted to hire a group of Filipina entertainers; however, deployment
was denied when the POEA found out that the dancers would be required
to dance nude on table tops. The POEA would also like to deploy a higher
percentage of skilled professionals, and not just domestic workers and
entertainers. This is evidenced by long range agendas. However, the POEA
must also simultaneously respond to both global market demand and
domestic considerations in the Philippines. The Department of Health, for
example, informally reminds the POEA that rural areas are suffering from
a lack of qualified health-care workers. Thus, while there is no official pol-
icy or memorandum on the deployment of skilled professionals, the POEA
is acutely aware of internal pressures.

7
Many policies were formulated and implemented following the highly publicized death
of Maricris Sioson, an entertainer deployed to Japan, in 1991.
612 ASIAN AND PACIFIC MIGRATION JOURNAL

The messages embedded within this article are not to imply passive
acceptance of exploitation on the part of women migrants, nor to deny the
autonomy of these women. And though the literature reveals examples of
resistance on the part of abused women (Ballescas, 1992), there is also
evidence that these women may more likely defer to the demands of their
employers (de Guzman, 1984; Tan and Devasahayam, 1987; Amarles, 1990;
Ballescas, 1992; Battistella and Paganoni, 1992). In Japan, for example,
entertainers who have been physically abused by customers often tolerate
their plight in silence; managers do not want to antagonize future customers
(de Dios 1992: 49) and risk losing business. Live-in domestic workers are
often isolated, indeed held prisoner, and are thus unable to find assistance
(Amarles, 1990; Battistella, 1992). Further research is clearly needed on the
response and resistance of migrant workers. Insights derived from this
understanding of the social construction of migration patterns may,
however, better lead to actual policy considerations. As Glenn (1992: 35)
observes, “If race and gender are socially constructed rather than being real
referents in the material world, then they can be deconstructed and chal-
lenged.” To accomplish this, additional research is also required to under-
stand how institutions translate underlying structural conditions to influence
the “gendering” and even “racialization” of migration flows.

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