Arte Gladiatorie The Ancient Roman I

Acutt 2015 Arte Gladiatorie
Arte Gladiatorie:
The ancient Roman institution and its perpetuation in
Western martial culture
Jamie Acutt, Dip DigM M IDM MIMAS
jamieacutt@eskirmology.co.uk
Abstract
This paper traces the seven core characteristics which defined the Ancient Roman Schools of
Arms (the Ludi Gladiatorii), and how those characteristics may be found across Europe in the
Germanic, French, English and Italian institutions of martial culture.
The paper begs the question to what extent these characteristics were inherited from the ancient
period, or posthumously recreated in the High Middles Ages.
1
Introduction
By the early modern period (15th – 18th centuries), there were a number of institutions scattered
across Europe which all shared a focus upon martial culture. In England, we find the Company of
Maisters of the Science of Defence, an institution founded in London, and considered to have been
commissioned by Royalty to control the activities of martial culture within the realm. Similarly,
we also find a number of institutions in the German speaking lands, such as the Marxbrüder,
Luxbrüder, Federfechteren etc. In Italy, there was also a pseudo-institution of the Bolognese school.
When we look at the characteristics of these schools, and the manner in which martial culture
was conducted, we identify familiar patterns.
Each institution maintained a concept of Gladiatorialism, adhering to a posthumous association to

ancient customs, and characterised by the concepts of practical testing (challenging), awarding
recognition by means of symbolic laurels. Within the challenge, we find concepts such as the use
of a stick on behalf of the judge, and a schema for how combats should be conducted. In the
institution itself, we also find a hierarchy of positions, usually lead by a school-owner, and with
ranking associated with tested physical capability within the field.
These institutions of the early modern period demonstrate such recognisable traits, that we
might speculate as to where they originated. In this paper, I shall explore and describe the
ancient institutions of Greece and Rome, and attempt to outline the correlations with the
institutions of the early Modern period. The Middle Ages represent a difficult period in tracing
the emergence of these institutions, but there may be evidence that Romano-tribes continued the
martial culture of Rome, but reframed the context of it from entertainment to a test of personal
honour.
It is not my focus or intention to describe these early modern institutions. Such descriptions
have been amply provided by Wassmanssdorf (1870), Schaer (1901) (German institutions), Castle
(1885), Aylward (1956), Brown (1997) (English institution), and Anglo (2000) (all institutions). I shall
focus upon demonstrating the characteristics of the ancient period, and how they correlate with
the practice in the early modern period.
There are therefore two factors we must consider: the general wider martial/physical culture of
the ancient period, as well as the institution itself. These two factors will determine whether there
was indeed provenance for ancient martial culture to have still been active by the stage-gladiators
of the 18th century.
2
Part 1: Martial culture

Martial arts, as we shall see, have always traced their roots, historically, to the ancient Greeks.
Ancient Greek martial and physical culture was mature even in those early times, and was
institutionally established. The precedent was set, therefore, that all those who came afterward
should desire to trace the legitimacy of their tradition back to the Greeks.
Precedent of Greek martial culture

The driving function of martial culture in Greece was arguably for the education of the youth
(paediae). Later, many masters cite the young as their target audience. For example, Liechtenauer
significantly began his Zedel (schedule) with an appeal to youth, as observed by Jacobs &Ukert
(1838, 107).
According to Plato (Theog. 122), Plutarch (de Audit, 17) and Clitoph (497), the training for Greek
youth was based upon three categories: Grammar (γράμματα), Music (μουσική) and Gymnastics
(γυμναστική). Of the three, Gymnastics was considered to be the ample basis upon which all
exertions of the mind should be built, as we later find in Rabelais (Gargantua1 ). The rationale for
such primacy was according to the ancient proverb that “a sound mind resides within a healthy
body” (Mens sana in corpore sano, or in its original Greek: Νοῦς ὑγιὴς ἐν σώματι ὑγιεῖ)2. The
achievement of the mind was therefore considered to have been predicated and determined by
the health of the body.
Within the system of Gymnastics may be derived all number of physical activities, from ball
games to physical competition, yet those skills particularly of interest were running (δρόμος),
throwing of the discus (δίσκος), stone and Javelin (ἄκων), jumping and leaping (ἅλμα), wrestling
(lucta, or πάλη), boxing (Pugilatus, or πυγμή), the pancration (pankratium, παγκράτιον), and dancing
(ὀρχήσις).
These training exercises were part of the established method from the classical Authorities
(auctoritas), such as Hippocrates and Galen. Physical training was entirely based upon the work of
Physicians, or Doctors, who prescribed the kinds of activities, were beneficial to health and
strength.
Galen of Pergamon was a 2nd Century Physician who was educated in medicine of the
Hippocratic school. He believed that training came in three forms, Strength (vis) to build muscle
1 English translation by Sir Thomas Urquhart of Cromarty.

2 This is derived from the saying by Thales, and used in a poem by Juvenal (“orandum est ut sit mens sana in corpore
sano.” Satire 10, 356)
3
and power; Agility (celeritas) to build quickness of action and reaction; Resistance (vehemens, or
violens, a term referring to Aristotle’s “violation”, or “violent” actions – those which went against
nature) for acclimatisation/habituation to hardship. Thomas Linacre’s translation of CLAUDII
GALENI DE SANITATE TUENDA (On the Preservation of Health, Book II), records the
types of exercises which should be considered part of a healthy exercise regime. These exercises
were used throughout medieval Germany, and indeed across Europe for centuries. Galen
explains that the most prized exercises were divided into three parts, of varying intensities
dependent upon the quality (qualitas) of the body.
Persistence of Greek martial culture

Later, these exercises were grouped as the Quinquertium (Roman: “Five Arts”, or quinque-ars,
Greek: Pentathlon), listed as running (cursus, δρόμος), throwing of the quoit (discus, δίσκος), stone
and Javelin (jaculatio, ἄκων), jumping and leaping (saltus, ἅλμα), wrestling (lucta, or πάλη), boxing
(Pugilatus, or πυγμή), the pancratium (pankratium, παγκράτιον), and dancing (ὀρχήσις). This was
attested to by Mercurialis in his De Arte Gymnastica (v7, 123), and cited regularly by chivalric
instruction such as Castiglione (1528), translated by “Sir Thomas Hoby The Courtyer of Count
Baldessar Castilio”.
According to this latter book, The Book of the Courtier by Castiglione3 (1528), the knight was
expected,
“To be skilful in all kind of martial feats both on horseback and on foot, and well-practised in them: which
is his chief profession, though his understanding be the less in all other things…
To play well at fence upon all kind of weapons…To swim well. To leap well. To run well. To vault well.
To wrestle well. To cast the stone well. To run well at tilt, and at ring. To tourney [i.e. compete]. To fight
at Barriers. To play at Jogo de Pau4.To fling a Spear or Dart.”
Gymnastic skills, according to sources, were quite common, such as lifting one’s weight, forming
the bridge position as well as lifting weights. There were also specific drills to developing tactile
and reactive skills. His holistic training in physical, spiritual and intellectual matters supported the
position which he sought. The Holy Roman Empire upheld the ancient customs and traditions
of Rome, training its youth in a form of education partly originating from Greek progenitors
with a distinctly Teutonic flavour. Ancient exercises part of the Pentathlon, such as Javelin
3 My source was in the English translation made by Sir Thomas Hoby (The Courtyer of Count Baldessar Castilio).I have
updated the wording here to make it understandable to a modern audience.
4 Castiglione mentions that one should be conversant with the martial feats of other countries, especially Jogo de
Canne (adjusted for modern readers to the correct “Jogo de Pau”) of Portugal, Spain (Juego del Palos) and France
(Jue de La Cannes).
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throwing, Heavy stone throwing, Wrestling, Running, Jumping and Dancing were coupled with
scholastic pursuits.
Rabelais (1494–1553) began his work Gargantua5 with a description of his classical training, citing
in hyperbole, the many ancient authorities to whom his chivalric education appealed, including
“Pliny, Athenaeus, Dioscorides, Julius Pollux, Galen, Porphyry, Oppian, Polybius, Heliodore,
Aristotle, Aelian”, studing literacy, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy and music. And when he had
completed this form of training, Gargantua and his Master Ponocrates, then proceeded to “most
gallantly exercising their bodies, as formerly they had done their minds”. His first physical
activity was Gymnastics, then riding with the lance wherein “with a sharp, stiff, strong, and well-
steeled lance…” he was able to “force up a door, pierce a harness (plate-armour), beat down a
tree, carry away the ring, lift up a cuirassier saddle, with the mail-coat and gauntlet…” a set of
hefty skills, even more so, we might imagine when harnessed in “…complete arms from head to
foot.” He then proceeded to the core of his martial training, performing feats with the “battle-
axe”, a weapon in which Gargantua was so dextrous, his “nimble, strong, and smooth
management of that weapon” meant that he “surpassed all knight of arms”. Amongst all this, he
also trained to:
 Throw the javelin

 cast the dart,
 throw the bar,
 Lift boulders,
 Armed
o play with the two-handed sword,
o backsword
o Spanish tuck,
o the dagger,
o poniard,
o with a buckler,
o with a cloak,
o with a target.
o the boar-spear or partisan,
o the halberd.
 unarmed
o Wrestling,
o running,
o jumping6
 swimming7
5 English translation by Sir Thomas Urquhart of Cromarty.

6 “he would skip over a ditch, spring over a hedge, mount six paces upon a wall, ramp and grapple after this fashion
up against a window of the full height of a lance.”
7 “He did swim in deep waters on his belly, on his back, sideways, with all his body, with his feet only, with one
hand in the air, wherein he held a book, crossing thus the breadth of the river of Seine without wetting it, and
5
These examples are used by the writer to communicate a thorough education to his reader. The
narrative suggests that these were the skills required of someone pursuing the achievement of
Knighthood. Most other narratives of the period similarly cite the same: Fischart later cites the
same example. In fact, most period explanations given as to the origin of martial skill routinely
attribute them to antiquity.
Hans Sachs (1494-1576), a celebrated 16th century German inheritor of the troubadour
movement (Meistersinger) also cited (1545, “fechtspruch” evidently paraphrased in places from
Rabelais, and himself later paraphrased by Rösener) classical sources for physical education
relating to the martial arts, stating that Hercules founded it in Arcadia, passing it to Poliderus,
and his son Isthmia. Von Gunterrodt (1579), himself a martial arts historian, cited Galen and the
origin of the martial arts in the ancient Greek Palaestri. Likewise, Mercurialis wrote in his 1569
work De arte gymnastica (On the art of gymnastics), similarly citing classical sources. In fact, for
hundreds of years, the model prescribed by Galen for the preservation of health, was the
foundational instructions for anyone pursuing physical education. Von Gunterrodt (1579, 28-29)
also cited Mercuriales (2:9) himself, offering a course schedule in Arms (including German
translation). Within his work, there is certainly quite nuanced references to classical (Greek and
Roman) sources within most martial arts sources from the middle ages and its true significance
and relationship with those sources may well perhaps remain uncertain (in agreement with
Schaer, 7).
We know that the Classical world held much significance to our medieval forebears, and as such
Knights were viewed as being the contemporary equivalent of great mythological warriors, such
as Hector and Achilles, or the famed Gladiators of Rome. This is no more in such clear focus
than in the work of Paulus Hector Mair.
Paulus Hector Mair’s appeal to antiquity

Paulus Hector Mair (1517–1579), a councillor of the City of Augsburg, was a significant
contributor to the archive of sources available to us today. Mair was evidently passionate about
the Knight Martial Arts, since he gathered together many of the sources known to us today. Such
a collection was made at a substantial cost, yet at greater cost was the 16 th century revisions he
made of those sources, collecting them together into several compendia. His compendia
dragged along his cloak with his teeth, as did Julius Caesar; then with the help of one hand he entered forcibly into a
boat, from whence he cast himself again headlong into the water, sounded the depths, hollowed the rocks, and
plunged into the pits and gulfs.”
6
comprised a number of works, some written solely in German, some in Latin, and some in a
mixture of the two; and they were lavishly illustrated by the finest artists of the period. The
source for such financing was revealed later to have been drawn from the city of Augsburg, and
given that those sources were paid for by the citizens of Augsburg, his works and his collection
were auctioned to recoup some of the costs. Mair himself was hanged for embezzlement, and
considered nothing more than a thief who occupied a high-position. Yet as a modern Historical
Martial Arts (HMA) practitioner attempting to recreate lost fencing systems, Mair’s effort has
proven invaluable for us. Consolidating and grouping techniques together, which had hitherto
been strewn across numerous older sources, as well as applying captions to previously
uncaptioned illustrations, Mair fills many of the gaps in our understanding of these lost martial
arts.
The importance of Mair’s work is revealed in his historical biography on the Art of Combat, in
which he draws a great wealth of mythical and historical characters in his overview of the ancient
history of the Art. Weaving in as many Heroic names as possible, his history crescendos into the
technical aspect of his contemporary Martial Art. Mair refers back to “the kings of Athens in
Greece, from whence the knightly art began” (des kunigs zu Athen in Griechenland in welchem raich die
ritterliche kunst im anfang), in his substantial history of the martial arts. Perhaps, his attempt at
offering the entire corpus in Latin translation8 might have been an attempt to align the two
concepts (ancient and contemporary) into the minds of his readers.
Mair’s attribution was perhaps both literal and posthumous. The authority of the classical world,
and the potency of association with it fixed a real gravity upon the Martial Arts, and thus linking
medieval practices to ancient one’s not only proved legitimacy, but also supplied a greater air of
authority. But this perhaps wasn’t the only reason for linking to the ancient world – there is
evidence which suggests that Medieval Physical Education was not only credited to the ancient
world – it was almost a continuation of those practices. For this reason, Medieval Physical
Education was based upon Classical models, and in fact the pervading omnipresence of
Antiquity and its symbolism should certainly not be underestimated. In many frontispieces even
up to the 17th and 18th centuries, there remained powerful and classical iconography, with
representations of Greek and Latin gods and deities symbolic of virtues prized not only by the
ancients but also by contemporaries.
But physical education, and the distinctly martial skills, found within that education was not the
only component which may be traced to antiquity. The institution too, the hierarchy and
8 Opus Amplissimum de Arte Athletica (Cod.icon. 393), and later a bi-lingual version: Cod. 10825/10826
7
relationships between instructor and student, the manner of training, of ranking and achievement
were also based upon Classical models. And such institutional models may be traced across
Europe, perhaps all sharing the common root derived from Roman Imperialism.
Mair mentioned in his grandiose history9 how the Manful and Knightly game of fighting (ritterspil
des fechtens) was descended from God, and influenced by the noble arts of the Romans. His
‘history’ (loose though it might be to historical fact) demonstrates that the nobility certainly
considered not contemporary warriors to be worthy of emulation, but those of the Golden Age
of Europe’s ancient past. Pollux, Mercurio, Probas, King Theseus (kunig Teseus) are all mentioned
in association with the Art’s mostly mythical origins, since it was (according to Mair) born
amongst the warring states of ancient Greece (Athens, Argos, Sparta, Corinth).
It was the King of Athens who Mair attributed to being a key influence in the Art’s development,
stating that it was there in “which the beginning of the study of combat is known to have been
common….around the year 1224 BC10”. Citing Livy (59 BC – AD 17) as his source, Mair
continues to expand his premise that “therefore are decended, this Art of Manliness, as we have
come to understand it, from the Kings and Princes of the aforementioned Lands and
Kingdoms.11” indeed, perhaps stemming itself from the very founder of Rome, Romulus, whose
strength and skill in the Art of Combat according to Plutarch allowed him to found a Kingdom
of great worth, function and honour.
From that great empire also came Julius Caesar, as well as Crispus Palustinus. Mair says “that he
was a master of the Knightly Art of Fighting”12, who, as the first Roman Emperor, established
the Campus Martius (what Mair calls “platz Marcio”) as a place to fight. This time citing Suetonius,
Mair demonstrates that such practice was passionately adhered to by his descendants, Augustus
and Tiberius who made it the basis of Roman culture. The traditions of Combat Schools in
Ancient Rome are evidently drawn in parallel to those which Mair had observed in his own age,
given that there were indeed so many rituals and characteristics of those Ancient Schools of
combat which correlated so well with those of 16th Century Augsburg.
Mair is therefore keen to demonstrate links between these ancient Greek and Roman practices
and schools, and those of the German Lands. Citing the highly-educated Doctor Johannes
9 Cod. 10825, 6r
10 Ibid, “Welch dann ein anfang der lernung des fechtens in gemain gewesen ist…anno 1224 vor der geburt unsers
heilands Jhesu Christi”
11 Ibid, 7r “Zuvor ist gehört, Wie das dise ritterliche kunst der manlichkait, von den gelert verstendigen, auch von
den künigen und fürsten, als vorsteer der landen und künigreichen…”
12 Ibid, “das Er die maister der ritterlichen kunst des fechtens”
8
Aventinus’ Chronicle of Bavaria (Bayerische Chronik, Annales Bojorum, 1517), Mair explains that (in an
admixture of myth and history), following the time of the Biblical Jacob, the mythical father of
the German-speaking lands, King Gampar13 (1711–1667 BC, Gambrinius) was known as
“Kempffer” (fighter), demonstrating a use of the word “Kampff” which he took from the
ancient origins of the term as demonstrated in the work of Homer, Orpheus, Ariostiphus,
Diodorus, Siculus, and Strabo14 besides many others, suggesting that the sources of inspiration
for German warriors was, even at this early age, based upon those of Rome.
This evidence is clearly not enough, as Mair continues his citation of Aventinus’ reliable source
on the mythic origins of duelling in Germany: he says that regardless of who first used the name
“kampff” or “kempffer”, it was Hercules, son of Osirus (Oryz15) King of Egypt, who brought the
Art of Combat to Germany. Moreover, Mair states that something has also been commonly said
that the Art of Combat existed long before the Trojan War. Mair then goes on to cite yet further
examples of ancient combat arts:
 Eusebius wrote that Corinthian warriors practiced combat in 1088BC, and that by means
of the fighters and duelling masters, the King of Corinth ruled his kingdom peacefully
for 35 years16.
 The famed Trojan warriors of ancient Greece from the Iliad, cited as Pyrechmen “der
kempffer”, Hector, son of Priam. Amongst these we find historically valid examples
including Pittacus of Mytilene17, and Alexander the Great.
 Finally examples of single combat are taken a step further, with David and Goliath used
as scriptural provenance for such a procedure, as well as the duel between the Horatii
and Curiatii (a Roman legend of Patriotism attested by Livy (Book 1:24-6) and Dionysius
(Book 3)). Another historical example cited by Mair followed in Titus Manlius
Torquatus.
It is almost impossible for modern historians to say with certainty as to whether the Art of
Combat followed a tradition stretching back to Ancient Greece and Rome, yet early modern
historians (such as Mair) seem to suggest a propensity to attribute the Art to those ancient and
13 Aventinus, Chronika des Hauß Bayern, p49 calls him the “seventh king of the German Lands”. Aventinus’ work is
highly polluted with references to ancient Gods as historical kings: Osiris, Juno, Eres, Hercules, Hermes etc are all
referred to as Kings. Moreover, scriptural heros such as Abraham, Jacob, Isaac etc also receive attribution as the
fathers of the German speaking lands. Therefore Aventinus’ accuracy as historian is highly questionable if not
entirely fabricated, yet his accuracy for recording contemporary view on myths in defining his Age is invaluable.
14 Ibid, p50.
15 Ibid, p47.
16 Mair, Cod. 10825, 8v.
17 Ibid 9r. Pitacus Mitilonaus,
9
mythical times as ancestry for contemporary practices. It may simply be that mankind has always
being a species keen to combat and contest for space and resources – and that the Greeks and
Romans are merely the oldest civilisations capable of demonstrable evidence of such. For this
reason, the martial arts of ancient Greece and Rome may not have any credible tradition
stretching from those times to the middle ages. It is merely incidental that those oft-cited
pinnacles of European civilisation took part in war, yet the fact that Mair cites them is
significant.
On the Five Arts

The Five Arts were so common in the period, with their association with martial culture at least,
that appeals to it were found in close proximity to martial arts instruction. The regularity is
demonstrated substantially perhaps in narratives of the period. Authors keen to assert ancient
legitimacy and comprehensiveness of training commonly cited the Five Arts. Such activities are
reflected in the martial lyrics of the “poem of the pell” (MS 243, Cotton Titus A.xxiii and
Ashmole MS45.II). This particular work cited Vegetius, and the ancient practices of warfare so
common in the chivalric literature which martial arts forms part. The verses found in couplets
5-7, which are found quite commonly within Chivalric literature18 of the period19:
5 9 Mit frowden yben With joyful exercise:

stainwerffen vnd stainschüben Stone throwing and stone lifting,
6 11 Tanczen vnd springen, dancing and leaping,
Fechten vnd ringen, fighting and wrestling,
18These verses have been extrapolated from the research of Schaer (1901).
19Such narratives are often overlooked in the course of study for HEMA. Principally though, the rephrasing and
rewording of lyrics often provide insight as to contemporary meanings extrapolated from the more common
sources. Take for example the scant description of the guards provided by Liechtenauer in his Zedel. Little is
offered directly in his instruction other than naming them and to abandon the others.
Now consider the paraphrase of Pentzenauer, paraphrased martial verse such as that of Liechtenauer, but crucially
expands upon the original verse to tell us (line 45):
45 Wiltu von dannen tragen, If you wish to carry away

den Meisterlichen Krantz, the champions’ laurel
Vier hutten mustu haben. Four guards must you have,
gehören auch an Tantz. Contingent also upon dancing.
Die wil ich dir jetzt nennen. Each I will name for you.
50 so soltu sein bericht, So you shall be informed,

Ochs, Alber, Pflug, lern kennen. Ox, Fool, Plough, learn to know.
Von Dach auch nicht vornicht. From Roof also don’t collapse.
Die viere soltu fechten, These four you shall fence,
vnd dauon halten allein. And hold these alone.
55 So hastu die Gerechten, So you have the correction,

vnd pfleg die in gemein.19 And these tend to be common.
10
7 13 Stechen vnd turnyrn, jousting and tourney,

Schön frawn hofiren. flatter beautiful women.
Building upon the narrative to assert Lancelot as the classic hero, in the classic poem Lanzelet
(v279), we are told that the hero:
und hiez in leren schirmen And here was taught fencing
And as part of that martial training, later too, we are informed of the skills he has mastered with
more detail:
Lanzelet.(v. 2675—2676)
vehten, rennen, springen, Fencing, charging, jumping

loufen, schirmen, ringen, Running, duelling, wrestling,
These descriptions are very much common, and we also find the association between the skills
of the ancients correlated with the skills of knighthood, in Wigalois (v. 1254—1258):
Aller hande riterspil All hands knightly play,

Lerten in die riter vil, Taught in the knightly way,
ßuhurdieren, unde stechen, Bohurt, and joust,
Diu starchen sper zebrechen, Lances you strongly abreaking,
Schirmen, unde schiezzen. Fencing, and shooting.
Later, we find the complete description of the skills expected of the knight, Wigalois (v. 2648—
2656) in Old German:
Si sähen buhurdieren. They attend the Bohurt

Die knappen tiostieren, That cracking jousting
Tanzen, unde singen, Dancing and singing
Schiezzen, unde springen; Shooting and springing
Als ich iu nu sagen wil, As I now indeed will say
Aller hande riterspil All hands knightly play
Was da äne mäze vil. Whatever is done without much moderation
11
So these were found with such concentration that The Five Arts must have been a part of
martial culture, as to be inextricably linked. Even in the more famous Nibelungenlied (307, 2-3),
throwing of javelins is expected of the young warrior:
schirmen mit den schilden und schiezen Fencing with shields and throwing many
manegen Schaft. javelins.
In Garel (v. 20'134—20'147), we find terminology exactly the same as that which we saw in
Talhoffer’s verse:
wolt er buhurdieren, He would bohurt

tanzen, tjostieren, Dance, joust,
loufen oder springen, Run or jump,
den stein werfen oder ringen, Throw the stone or wrestle,
schermen, den schaft schiezen, Fence, shoot the javelin
As well as in the Fastnachtspiele (266, 16.)
schirmen, ringen, tanzen und springen. Fencing, wrestling, dancing and leaping.
These training exercises were part of the established method from the classical Authorities
(auctoritas), such as Hippocrates and Galen20. The effect of these Classical ancients upon the
physical education of Europe throughout the Middle Ages was significant. It seems that the
composers of these Chivalric epics cited the same set of exercises specified by Galen, to
demonstrate their heroes as having undergone a classical and established training regimen. It is
therefore very interesting that Talhoffer also cites these exercises in his own version of the verse
(Königsegg Zedel, XIX.17-3, 1v; KK5324, 1v).
20Book 2 by Thomas Linacre of CLAUDII GALENI DE SANITATE TUENDA (On the Preservation of Health),
records the types of exercises which should be considered part of a healthy exercise regime. These exercises were
used throughout medieval Germany, and indeed across Europe for centuries. Galen explains that the most prized
exercises were divided into three parts, of varying intensities dependent upon the quality (qualitas) of the body.
Those exercises were stated as running (δρόμος), throwing of the discus(δίσκος), stone and Javelin (ἄκων), jumping
and leaping (ἅλμα), wrestling (lucta, or πάλη), boxing (Pugilatus, or πυγμή), the pancratium (pankratium,
παγκράτιον), and dancing (ὀρχήσις). This was attested to by Mercurialis in his De Arte Gymnastica (v7, 123), and cited
regularly by chivalric instruction such as Castiglione (1528), translated by “Sir Thomas HobyThe Courtyer of Count
Baldessar Castilio.”
12
Part 2: The Institution (Palaestra)

The gymnasium (γυμνάσιον) was primarily the place where training occurred in agonistic and
athletic arts (ἀγωνιστική and ἀθλητική), and was separate from the public gymnasium which was
more akin to a leisure centre. In the more narrower sense, it referred to the training hall for
athletes and competitors.
Among the Dorians, however, they were regarded chiefly as institutions for hardening the body
and for military training; among the Ionians, and especially the Athenians, they had an additional
and higher object, namely, to give to the body and its movements grace and beauty, and to make
it the basis of a healthy and sound mind.
Gymnastic exercises among the Greeks seem to have been as old as the Greek nation itself, as
may be inferred from the fact that gymnastic contests are mentioned in many of the earliest
legends of Grecian story; but they were, as might be supposed, of a rude and mostly of a warlike
character. They were generally held in the open air, and in plains near a river, which afforded an
opportunity for swimming and bathing. The Attic legends indeed referred the regulation of
gymnastics to Theseus (Paus. I.39 § 3), but according to Galen it seems to have been about the
time of Cleisthenes that gymnastics were reduced to a regular and complete system. Great
progress, however, must have been made as early as the time of Solon, as appears p580from
some of his laws which are mentioned below. It was about the same period that the Greek towns
began to build their regular gymnasia as places of exercise for the young, with baths, and other
conveniences for philosophers and all persons who sought intellectual amusements. There was
probably no Greek town of any importance which did not possess its gymnasium. In many
places, such as Ephesus, Hierapolis, and Alexandria in Troas, the remains of the
ancient gymnasia have been discovered in modern times. Athens alone possessed three
great gymnasia, the Lyceum (Λύκειον), Cynosarges (Κυνόσαργης), and the Academia (Ἀκαδημία);
to which, in later times, several smaller ones were added. All places of this kind were, on the
whole, built on the same plan, though, from the remains, as well as from the descriptions still
extant, we must infer that there were many differences in their detail. The most complete
description of a gymnasium which we possess, is that given by Vitruvius (V.11), which, however,
is very obscure, and at the same time defective, in as far as many parts which seem to have been
essential to a gymnasium, are not mentioned in it.
The instructions in the gymnasia were given by the Gymnastae (γυμνασταί) and
the Paedotribae (παιδοτριβαί); at a later period Hypopaedotribae were added. The Paedotribes was
13
required to possess a knowledge of all the various exercises which were performed in
the gymnasia; the Gymnastes was the practical teacher, and was expected to know the
physiological effects and influences on the constitution of the youths, and therefore assigned to
each of them those exercises which he thought most suitable (Galen. De Valet. tuend. II.9.11;
Aristot. Polit. VIII.3.2). These teachers were usually athletae, who had left their profession, or
could not succeed in it (Aelian, V. H. II.6; Galen, l.c. II.3, &c.).
14
There are two strands of martial education found within the Roman period, the first was the
military and the regimentation of rank-and-file martial art, or the skills used by a number of
individuals to act as a single unit. The second was duelling and prize-fighting, exemplified
perhaps in the Gladiatorial games (Ludi Gladiatorii). The martial arts of the High Middle Ages
have traces of both components.
Roman military training

Sources for Roman military training and organisation may be found in Xenophon (The Cavalry
Commander), Polybius (Histories), Ascleoptiodotus (Tactics), Frontinus (Strategems), Livy (History
of Rome), Arrian (Tactica), Vegetius’ Epitome of Miliary Science (De Rei Militari). Of these,
perhaps Vegetius is the most important to us here, since his work was routinely cited in Martial
Arts texts around Europe for centuries, and was even copied into manuscripts alongside actual
martial arts techniques. We have already seen how later authors cited and illustrated methods
described by Vegetius, as well as depicting Latin authorities to weight their comments.
The Romans were famed for their military effectiveness. Roman military might dominated
Europe for centuries, following a pattern developed in Greece called the Phalanx. Polybius
(6.24.1-2) tells us how a unit consisted of 120 men, governed by two officers (centurions), with two
subordinates (optiones). Soldiers in the Roman army submitted to an oath (coniuratio), to maintain
their orderliness (ordinatio) in combat, “not to flee the battlefield, or to abandon their place in the
line”, and were only permitted to abandon rank if they needed to recover a weapon, to save a
friend or to strike an enemy (Livy 22.38.2-5).
On single combat
Yet it is single combat, what Florius calls the “…abridged form of the war”, which is of most
interest to us, because rank-and-file techniques are reliant upon the body of the Unit, fighting
together. Single Combat is perhaps more consistent with how we perceive “martial art” today.
Moreover, it is this particular form of combat which will become the catalyst for the
development of formal combat systems in the medieval period.
The format for such a procedure was described by Livy, that “After obtaining the consul's
permission, he marched, completely armed, into the open ground between the two armies.”
(Livy, 7:26). In this case, the procedure evidently follows the same format as that described by
Homer in The Illiad. Livy earlier happened to mention that justification for such a single combat
was because of honour:
15
“It was a point of honour in those days for the leaders to engage in single combat, so he eagerly accepted
the challenge, and they charged with such fury, neither of them thinking of protecting himself, if only he
could wound his foe, that each drove his spear at the same moment through the other's shield, and they
fell dying from their horses, with the spears sticking in them.” (Livy 2:6)
In book 5, Livy tells us that Single Combat was such a decisive means of settling a battle without
resort to the slaughter of entire armies where he cites the description of Torquatus (“adorned with
a chain”). Furthermore, Gallus, said: “This combat was so decisive of the whole war that the
Gallic army fled from their camps in a panic and crossed into Tibur and, shortly afterwards, into
Campania.” So clearly it was even an effective means of winning wars.
Support for duelling emerged as a practical means of settling disputes, which gained legal
sanctions, particularly across the Holy Roman Empire. Balthazaris Ayalae observed in 1582:
“A wise man ought, then, to exhaust all other expedients before having recourse to arms. But of course no
blame attaches to those who resort to this kind of conflict for the public good and not for vengeance or
private hate, for their conduct is even laudable. Accordingly a man who engages a public enemy in single
battle pursuant to the orders of his general or with his consent (apart from which such irregular fighting is
not permissible) not only does not sin against the laws and statutes of the Popes, but ought also to derive
great glory from his act, as in the case of Torquatus, Corvinius, Marcellus, Scipio, Emilianus, and others.
For such combats are demonstrably lawful, upon the same principle as that upon which a war is just in
which the combatants meet a glorious death on behalf of fatherland or Church. 21”
The martial arts practiced in Rome for single combat were cultured by the Gladiators (the name
derived from the symbol of their profession because it was core to their practice – the gladius, or
sword. The name therefore means “swordsman”). These gangs of fighters made fighting their
profession, their lives depended upon their martial arts skills and behaviours, and the proven
techniques passed on by its veterans became essential to the Gladiator’s survival. For this reason,
it is logical to deduce that Gladiatorial martial arts were practical, efficient and highly tested.
By the middle ages, duelling practices were sanctioned by ruling elites. The nobility existed within
the context of being the “Men of War”, and from that perspective it seems right that the mode
for settling disputes should be a test of martial skill. Often noblemen had far more than just
themselves at stake from a casual slur or insult on one’s character, their estate was at risk too –
and all those who patronised the insulted party would similarly be implicated. As the Fight-
master Hans Talhoffer (dated to 1459) cites “no one likes to be publically insulted (lit: “loudly
21Scriptural evidence that such a practice had biblical support. “God, within the meaning of the divine prohibition;
to destroy an enemy is not an act of homicide, nor such as natural law forbids, but is part of the duty of a good
soldier.” I have written on the mechanics and resources of duelling elsewhere.
16
cut up with words”) by someone who enjoys it”22, and so it was the nobleman’s right to restore
his ‘honour’ and offense to his character by the ancient entitlement to duel.
We have already seen how ancient the custom was for settling social and personal disputes by
means of Arms. It was these ancient practices, the Germanic Holmgang and the Roman
Gladiatorial combats which became sanctioned during the medieval period. From the Holmgang,
we discover a continued practice of isolating the combatants to avoid intervention. In one
source, the Gelnhausen Kampfgericht, we are told how “Then shall one hold the Court on the
marshland (schiffswasen), as it would have been held since ancient times” which seems highly
reminiscent of the Holmgangr of the ancient Germanic tribes.
Similarly, akin to the Gladiatorial duels, we also find pomp and procedure – a procession to the
place of combat, a specific place for the duel to be held (the barriers: Schrank, Champs Klos, or
Campus Martius), as well as the presence of Officials, particularly a continuance of the use of a
Virger (stick-bearer) who became known as the Gries-warten (sand-wardens, or “Sand-waiters”).
Such a reference is also poignant because ancient Greek pankratiasts fought in an arena called
‘skamma’ or Sand-pit.
Justification for the practice was also granted by the Church, which reconciled the event as a
Trial of God (Gottesurtheile). Indeed, in trials of right and wrong, ultimately no man may be
assigned as Judge: even the modern law-court may be subject to hearsay, in which Lawyers are
paid a few to use Rhetoric to cast the most favourable light on their client – this doesn’t always
mean that the plaintiff or defendant is Just in his cause, but rather whose Lawyer has the best
Rhetoric at his disposal to convince a Jury. During the Middle Ages, only almighty God was
sanctioned with this role of omniscience. By means of the outcome, God decided who was Just,
and who was Unjust, and whose cause was in fact the Truth.
Because of this decision on behalf of God, a concern with “weighting” an outcome by the Form
of the combatants was of primary concern. In which case, avoiding undue advantage in arms,
physical strength etc were all re-balanced in a bid to offer a fair test and avoid polluting God’s
Judgement. Justice of the case depended upon a ‘fair’ ordeal. Therefore, concerns as to physical
health and ability were given and articles written to support such a fair test. Anyone who was
physically weak, lame or disabled was required to be represented by proxy.
22 daz jm nymant gern sin Eer laut abschniden mit wortten;
17
Various locations were central to these early martial law-courts. The Swabian Hall was one such
location mentioned as having had substantial connections with duelling (Gottesurtheile), being a
legal stronghold for the procedure23. Over time, German law sanctioned other centres for such
procedures: the County-court (Landgericht) at Nuremburg with its Duelling-court (Kampfgericht) at
Fürth, and the County-court at Franken or Würzburg24.
The Duelling-Courts were maintained and governed by patronage of leading noble families. A
number of noble families were closely involved in the Duelling-courts, who drew in lawyers and
experts in combat to generate suitable procedures. This was a sector of society bustling with
educated fellows - a sector keen to oversee a fair and Just process.
One such family, the Seckendorff’s were a well-established noble family of Nuremberg. Their
ancestral home was Heilbronn, and a number of them were high-profile members of the
Schwanen Orden (The Order of the Swan), an order whose base was also at this location. The
order was based upon maintaining the Art of Combat, as well as devotion to the Virgin Mary.
This Knightly Order played a significant part in maintaining the Kampfgerichte, and we shall see
how many generations of fight-book authors may be traced to have connections with this Order.
The Seckendorff’s were one of the key noble families, and unsurprisingly, biographies of the
family also appear within a number of Fight-books. Hans von Seckendorf was a founding-
member of the Order, and so too were a considerable number of noble families from the region.
Their association was for laudible purposes, and even their wives were members of the Order.
Seckendorff (1792) later wrote of his family history, in which he described how his family were
involved in the County-court of Nuremburg, but specifically involved in the Duelling-court. The
Statutes of the Holy Roman Empire, published in 161325 recorded a full account of those
procedures, sanctioned and overseen by Hans von Seckendorff at Fürth. This statute (Ordnung)
was dated to 1413 and described the procedure for duelling in full, involving 63 Articles and
Provisions. Unlike duels between commoners which took place with no armour and only clubs
(kolben) and or shields (schildt, scutum), duels between noblemen (Edelkampfen) were stipulated to
attend in full armour and with a Sword or other weapon (Article 2).
23 “Man findet in alten Teutschen geschrifften, das zu schwäbischn hall an dem Kochen und zu Würtzburg,
besondere kampffrecht gehalten, auch vil kämpff alda gehalten worden sind.”
24 im fünfzehnten und sechzehnten Jahrhundert eigene Kampfordnungen; so das Kampfgericht zu Schwäbisch-Hall,
das Landgericht zu Nürnberg mit dem Kampfgericht zu Fürth, das Landgericht zu Franken oder Würzburg”
25 P. 85, Reichssatzung Deß Heiligen Römischen Reichs, Band 2. & also recorded in Schottelius (1648, 1234)
(http://diglib.hab.de/drucke/ko-306/start.htm?image=01278)
18
The simple ‘functional selection’ involved meant that only those who had survived, and whose
approach to combat worked was passed on and became the ‘stock of knowledge’ surrounding
combative behaviour. But where could these practices have originated? Let us turn now to
explore the institution as it was documented in Rome itself.
Ludi Gladiatorii
The origin for Gladiator schools (the Ludi Gladiatorii), it is thought, was from the practice of
Munera (funeral) rituals in which slaves (clientum) and captives were sacrificed upon the pyre with
their masters or manes (Anthon, 208; Adam, 229). Such an event (edebat) was given by an editor
(also munerator or dominus) who was assigned to carry out the event on behalf of a magistrate, and
therefore performed a civic duty. Perhaps the first recorded exhibition was that recorded by
Valerius (Max., ii. 4,7) and Livy (Epit., 16), in which the funeral of Junius Brutus is arranged by
his sons Marcus and Decimus in 264BC. This funerary 'gift' to the dead often took place in the
cattle market (Forum Boarium), which may well have become the origin for the title assigned to
school managers, “Lanistae” (plural, or Lanista singular), a term thought to stem, rather
grotesquely, from the word laniena, meaning "butcher shop" (Johnson, Robinson et al, 218).
The Lanista’s profession was to exhibit his fighters, effectively turning the funeral rituals into a
spectacle, in which this inter-play of life-and-death was acted out by fighters who will most likely
die in the course of the combat. The Lanista made a substantial amount of money out of his
stock of warriors, and as such the Lanista sourced his fighters from the bottom rungs of society.
Just as the Muneral rituals were combats amongst the ‘dispensable’, so too the Lanista sourced his
Gladiators were most often drawn from a stock of fit and healthy captives (Valerius. Probus, 19)
or slaves (Suetonus, Jul, 26; Spart., Hadr, 9). These gladiators were known as gregarii, referring to
the untrained and unskilled, closely associated with the word "aggregate", and formed the main
bulk of the school. These pitiful gladiators were condemned to death by means of the sword (ad
gladium damnati). They were usually killed within the first year.
Others were condemned to die by means of the public exhibition (ad ludum damnati). Perhaps
Roman society couldn’t be held liable for issuing the death-penalty directly, but they could
sanction combats in which the condemned would be punished by death during its course.
Tertullian mentioned that such a rite was designed to reduce the impiety felt on behalf of those
sanctioning the deaths by allowing them to be trained to fight – such that the death became the
judgement of God rather than by them. It was a means to obscuring their own distaste for such a
procedure, by masking it with pleasure and entertainment (Kyle 2004, 43). An equivalent today
19
might be if we were to pose members of ‘death row’ to fight with one another, and that such
combats should be open to spectators. Death would therefore not be harrowing to an audience,
because they were condemned by capital punishment, and ‘marked for death’ anyway. At least in
this function, perhaps, they ‘gave something back’ to society by offering enjoyment to an
audience. This proposition may well be distasteful to a modern readership, and Suetonius
(Aug.45) tells us that the emperor Augustus later prohibited this type of 'prolonged execution'
(gladiatores sine missione edi prohibuit). This point regarding capital punishment should be particularly
noted, as this “judgement of God” will later be inherited by medieval Lawyers to justify the
procedure of Trial by Combat.
During the Roman period, these condemned fellows could however redeem themselves through
combat – those condemned and shunned by society could rise from their low social status to
become near celebrities, contradictory as it may seem. Audiences would view warriors, those
who were so close to the gates of death, yet demonstrating virtues (virtus) of resistance,
endurance, skill, deception and prowess, on perhaps a weekly basis. After watching the same
gladiators for several weeks, enjoying his combats, recognising him perhaps by a helmet or
armour motif – it is not difficult to understand how, even from the dirt such warriors could rise
to contrast as famed and revered heroes. The greater the contrast and the lower the beginning,
the more incredible their rise in achievement was held to be.
This might well contribute to explain why later, it was known for free men26 to enter into wilful
submission (by sincere volition to be defamed - infamia) to a Lanista, and take the contract of
Sacrementum Gladiatoria (Gladiator's Oath). Mair similarly cited the practice of oath-taking for
duellists (Forma Jurisiurandi). Such an oath, the spoken contract, burdened the gladiator to be
“burned by fire, bound in chains, to be beaten, to die [by the sword]” (uri, vinciri, verberari, necari)27.
Such an oath bestowed virtue upon the oath taker, confiscating his own rights as a Roman, to
submit to the laws of life-and-death outside of the civil laws of the Roman state.
Such an oath effectively nullified the citizen’s right to Citizenship, and was a considerable
offence to most fundamental Roman civil rights. According to the challenges published by the
schools, as many as 9 out of 28 were found to have been born ‘free-men’. These gladiators were
known as auctorati (Suetonius, Vitell, 12), and thus their hire was called auctoramentum (the name of
26 Juvenal (ii.43, vi. 254, viii.191) Livy. (xxviii.2), Suetonius (Ner. 12) Dom. (4) and Tacitus (Annals, xv, 32) confirm
the kinds of people who wilfully became gladiators.
27 Kyle (...., 87) tells us how this sacralisation of what Seneca called the animo gladiator (gladiator’s spirit), meant that
the Sacrementum simultaneously represented the devotion (devotio), consecration (consecratio), and execration
(execratio) of the spirit to be either redeemed or sacrified by means of ordeal. A similar oath was taken by soldiers
turning them into miles sacratus.
20
the contract; Suetonius, Tib. 7; Livy, xliv., 31) often taken for the opportunity for financial gain
(quaestus causa). Success in the arena would increase one’s social worth (dignitas) or honour and
military prowess (virtutis causa), and would derive not only higher pay, but also significant gifts
from fans.
Even Emperor’s assumed the role of Gladiator – at least eight were trained Gladiators. They also
manipulated the rites of the arena to assert their own agendas. Cobb (..., 53) tells us (citing
Suetonius) that Caligula had a young noblemen called Proculus extracted from his seat to fight for
the emperor’s entertainment, and despite having successfully killed both Gladiators he was
matched against, Caligula still had him beheaded out of jealously. Nero similarly was recorded
(by Suetonius) as having forced over four hundred senators to fight in the arena.
Familia Gladiatorii
Regardless of their personal histories prior to entering the school, this stock of fighters
composed the school (ludi), and the group of members was known as the familia gladiatorii
(gladiator family). They were instructed and managed by teachers who took care not only of the
training (dictata et leges, “lessons and rules”) of young gladiators (tirones), but also purchasing new
slaves to be trained, and arranging for the fights and matches for fees - in a sense he also
performed a role akin to the modern concept of an 'Agent'. The contract was governed using the
laws associated with hiring (locatio-conductio), in which if a gladiator was killed in action, the death
was deemed to be the same as a sale without payment (emptio-venditio). Therefore the gladiators
were an investment on behalf of the Lanista, a considerable assert to generate revenue, and hence
the death of a famed gladiator incurred a substantial financial loss to the Ludi. For that reason, in
order to avoid premature death prior to the Spectacle, in the school fighting was done with
wooden swords (rudes), to avoid the risk of injury or death during training. The motivation for
this was no-doubt was purely business. It was in the Lanista’s best interests for his school to keep
his Gladiators in the best health, strength, and training.
The Lanista achieved this by providing the best medical care available. In accordance with the
stipulations by Greek doctors Hippocrates and Galen, a considerable effort was placed upon
maintaining good diet, to support the increased strength required for such a profession, from
which stems the term "the gladiator's mess" (sagina gladiatoria) (Suetonus, Jul. 26. Aug, 42;
Tacitus, Histories, ii. 88.). Galen in particular was a surgeon, who tenured at a Gladiator school
where he not only cared for them and performed doctorial duties, but also applied his surgical
expertise to teach them how to cut and penetrate more effectively.
21
Expertise in a number of weapons increased the value of a gladiator simply because he could be
used in more fights, and offer variety to an audience. During training, sparring was a significant
source of skill development, in which the Lanista would act as an instructor for good habits. He
was often depicted stood between or beside combatants acting in the capacity of 'umpire',
holding a stick (virga - from whence we receive the English term "stickler"28) which represented
his authority, as well as being used to punish those who did not submit to his authority 29. In this
capacity, this referee held the same position as that seen in the ancient Greek Hellandokai.
Quite arguably, the true purpose of training was for the ‘spectacle’ (spectacula gladiatorum), for the
show. Most shows took place in an open space, whilst the largest shows – exhibiting the pinnacle
of Gladiatoria celebrities took place in arenas – the largest being the Colliseum.
The Challenge or Prizing

A commonplace component found in both German and English institutions was the concept of
‘playing the prize’. This consisted of issuing the bill of challenge, for public trial (Aylward, 31;
Castle, 29-32). In Spain too, we may find the trial and granting of diplomas in this manner
(Anglo, 9), as well as the earliest records of the French masters (dated 1489 in Paris. See Anglo,
10).
In precisely the same manner, in ancient Rome, a few days before an exhibition, a Challenge
(libelli, munus pronunciare, proponere or edicta) would be published, stating the arrangements of the
names who were to fight, the date, time and place for the exhibition (Cicero, Ep. ad Fam., ii. 8;
Suetonius, Jul., 26).
On the day of the exhibition, fighters were lead in pairs in procession (the so-called ‘Pompa’;
Horace, Sat, i., 7, 20) to the place of the combat. In the institutions of England and Germany,
there were similar affairs (Aylward, 32; Brown, 39). Back in Rome, once arriving at the venue, the
editor conducted tests on the swords to ensure they were sharp enough (probatio armorum, Dion
Cass, lxviii, 3; Suetonius, Tit, 9), no-doubt doing this before an audience – much like the Shaolin
monks demonstrate the sharpness of their weapons by cutting melons prior to applying them to
their bodies. This offers the audience an appreciation of the risk involved, therefore increasing
the level of amazement at their feats.
28 This is found also in the concept of using force instead of diplomacy in the Latin proverb: a baculo, “By means of
the rod”
It has the meaning of using a threat of force instead of logic or persuasion.
29 Interestingly, the ecclesiastical “verger” also performed the same role, whose name derives from this punitive
stick.
22
The first event was a 'warm-up' (praelusio) consisting of sham-duels fought with wooden swords
(rudes), presumably similar to the ‘rallies’ played by tennis players prior to the commencement of
the match. Mercurial in his De Art.Gymnast. (v7) also makes a comment on this feature of ancient
training. Hippocrates (De Vict. Rat. III vol. I p716) suggested therefore that warm up exercises
(Ἀνακινήματα, ‘preparatory exercise’) should be done to warm and prepare wrestler’s for more
vigourous activity. Other similar warm-up activities included punching a punchbag-like object
(the korykus or Κωρυκομαχία) (Mercur. de Arte Gymn., 123); shadow-boxing (skiamachia,
Χειρονομία), and wrestling (pale, Παλή), or arm-locking/wrestling (Ἀκροχειρία).
By the signal of the war-trumpet, the main events were announced.
Victorious gladiators were prized with a set of palms (Suetonius, Caligula, 32; Amongst the
Germans, the ‘Meisterlichen Krantz’) in a wreath. Such a wreath was worn by Emperors
symbolising nobility, excellence and the pinnacle of achievement. Wreaths still maintain this kind
of representation of excellence and high achievement, found in modern logos and also presented
in sports such as the Grand Prix – now perhaps a pan-European symbol of Excellence, but
being traced back to Greece and Rome.
Those gladiators who were discharged from a long service, or slaves granted freedom for
outstanding performances were given the symbol of gladiatorial training - wooden sword (rudis),
a rented weapon during training, but owned by the end. These discharged gladiators were thus
known as the Rudiarii (Cicero, Philip, ii. 29; Horace, Ep., I., 1, 2). Some gladiators were
condemned (ad gladium damnati) despite good performance in combat.
So features of the Roman institution (ludi gladiatori), were:
 A group of martial artists (famalia gladiatorii)

 The use of wooden weapons for training (rudis)
 The issue of Challenges (Libelli), and proof of skill by public trial
 Matches of Combat with a Lanista bearing a wooden stick or staff (virga)
 A training schedule
 The Five Martial Skills - Quinquertium (Pentathlon)
o Galen's training methods
 The winning of the laurel wreath.
23
As we have seen, the monopolising guilds and companies of the early Renaissance in Germany
and England all maintained the same formats within their institutions.
24
Martial culture of the low Middle Ages

The remnants of this time were Romanised tribes of Europe who, whilst under Roman
occupation, had entered into bargains of security and trade. These tribes were now
disenfranchised, and their romanitas (Roman-ness) was unsanctioned by wider society.
Whilst the fall of Rome represented dramatic change, it also became a catalyst for new
opportunity. Populations spread from their native countries and embarked on settling in new
parts of Europe during a period known as the Völkewanderungzeit (lit: time of wandering
populations), or the “Great Migrations”. Exploiting the opportunity presented by the lack of
coherent government, these peoples uprooted, whilst territories remained in a state of flux, those
looking to have dominion over land may have taken it by force, or simply claimed it where no
strong claim was found. Territorial disputes became crucial to social order. Since maintaining and
securing, or besieging and seizing territory required force in Arms, those who held such
resources would enter into partnership with bands of warriors. Maintaining military strength was
crucial to security in an age when no universal legislation could be sought or appealed to for
redress.
It is perhaps only logical that social stability favours intellectual and liberal pursuits, whilst social
upheaval favours warfare and control. In the wake of such change, highly masculine traits began
to be favoured. Those who were strong in arms were most valued, and a commerce of “martial-
capital” developed. Control of land, and holding on to it, in an unlegislated society came down
simply to those who were most powerful in arms. Western Europe now fell under the dominion
of a Germanic tribal ‘brand’ of society. As Newark (1996, 51) observed: “The Germans wanted
peace and security as much as anyone, but on their own terms…They wished to transform the
Roman into a German Empire, or more properly, into an assembly of Germanic kingdoms. In
this they succeeded. Power was handed from Roman landlords to German landlords”.
Germanic tribes (comitatus, druhtiz)

There were in fact a number of Germanic tribes, each united by a common phonetic language,
and ethnic culture, but quite separate in terms of territory. Following the shift in power from
Roman to Germanic dominion of Europe, more tribal values asserted themselves on the
subcontinent. Nicolle (1995, introduction) related how Europe’s intellectual peak was followed
promptly by “several centuries during which western Europe remained backward.” Yet this was
not to say that Germanic culture was inferior to the Latin which preceded it, but rather that it
valued completely different aspects of life. Whereas Rome before the collapse had favoured
intellectualism, the Germans favoured martialism.
25
It was from this staunch war-like culture, the German comitatus, Frankish truste and Carolingian
vassi dominici, that predicated the birth of knighthood in its most recognisable form. Indeed, it
was the foundation with an emphasis on masculine past-times which ultimately became the
knighthood we can recognise.
It was customary for young men to be trained in the arts of war in order to become useful to the
tribe or to society in defence. “They do no business public or private except in arms”, observed
Tacitus, “The Germans have no taste for peace; renown is easier won among perils, and you
cannot maintain a large body of companions except by violence and war.” Tacitus continued,
painting a very machismo image of the Germanic warrior:
“When the time comes, one of the chiefs or the father or a kinsman equips the young warrior with shield
and spear in the public council. This with the Germans is the equivalent of our toga - the first public
distinction of youth. They cease to rank merely as members of the household and are now members of the
tribe. Conspicuous ancestry or great services rendered by their fathers can win the rank of chief for boys
still in their teens….”
The later Knightly custom for recognising the “coming-of-age” of warriors from childhood into
manhood, is thought to have derived directly from Germanic practices.
“To lose your shield is the most dishonour of all: one thus disgraced may not be present at a sacrifice or
enter a council. After a defeat many survivors have been known to hang themselves to end their infamy.
When the fighting begins, it is shameful for a chief to be outdone in bravery, and equally shameful for the
followers not to match the bravery of their chief: to survive one's chief and to return from battle is a foul
disgrace which lasts as long as life…”
Such a description would not be out-of-place in a description of the seppuku (ritual suicide)
amongst Samurai. Crucially, Tacitus observed how “Real distinction and strength belong to the
chief who has always around him a band of chosen warriors, to be a glory in peace and a
protection in war”. With this observation we may note an important characteristic of the
Germanic tribesmen: that they valued war-like culture and masculine traits, but also that they
networked into groups in order to reinforce their strength and mutual protection.
Another important item is clear as a distinguishing mark from Roman warbands. Germanic
chieftains were responsible for the supply of arms and armours to his vassals. “The companions
are prodigal in their demands on the generosity of their chiefs. It is always ‘give me that war-
horse’ or ‘give me that bloody and vicious spear’”
26
Practice of martial arts was imperative to their society, and one which prized masculine
achievements and prowess. The King’s Mirror (Konungs skuggsjá, Speculum regale), believed to have
been written in Norway around 1250, records instructions for the type of training which was
carried out in the Norwegian Royal Court:
…go to your chambers and put on heavy armor; next look up some fellow henchman (he may be
a native or an alien) who likes to drill with you and whom you know to be well trained to fight
behind a shield or a buckler. Always bring heavy armor to this exercise, either chain-mail or a
thick gambison, and carry a heavy sword and a weighty shield or buckler in your hand. In this
game you should strive to learn suitable thrusts and such counterstrokes as are good, necessary,
and convenient. Learn precisely how to cover yourself with the shield, so that you may be able to
guard well when you have to deal with a foeman. If you feel that it is important to be well trained
in these activities, go through the exercise twice a day, if it is convenient; but let no day pass,
except holidays, without practicing this drill at least once; for it is counted proper for all
kingsmen to master this art and, moreover, it must be mastered if it is to be of service…For one
thing, you may have a pole prepared, somewhat heavier than a spear shaft, and put up a mark
some distance away for a target; with these you can determine how far and how accurately you
can throw a spear and do it effectively. It is also counted rare sport and pastime to take one's
bow and go with other men to practice archery. Another pleasant and useful diversion is to
practice throwing with a sling both for distance and for accuracy, and with a staff sling as well as
with a hand sling, and to practice throwing stone missiles. Formerly the custom was for all who
wished to become expert in such arts and thoroughly proficient in war and chivalry to train both
hands alike to the use of weapons. Strive after the same skill, if you find yourself gifted for it,
inasmuch as those who are trained in that way are the most perfect in these activities and the
most dangerous to their enemies. (trans. Larson 1917, Section 2:38)
The laws of the period may well have been devised to ensure such practice was made, as per
Aristotle’s definition of the Oligarchy30. The sagas of the Scandinavians report a number of
martial, and quite poetic, names for their weapons, as listed by Oakeshott: “Odin’s Flame, the
Ice of Battle, Serpent of the Wound, the Dog of the Helmet, Battle-snake, The Fire of the
Shields, The Battle-Fire, Torch of the Blood…Tongue of the Scabbard…” (Oakeshott 1960,
151).
With the comitatus, we can already recognise a number of building blocks more commonly
associated with the medieval Knight. These components lead to the effective creation of a
30 Such as item 51 in the Law of Ine of Wessex.
27
warrior-elite, who, having secured domains and kingdoms through force of arms soon came to
be redundant in a secured society. As Oakeshott observed:
“By about 1030 the work of these people was finished. All the invaders had been absorbed or driven back.
The Danes had setteled down and become good Catholics in France and eastern England; the Saracens
were safely bottled up in Spain; the Magyars and the Salvs were back beyond the Oder: but the feudal
nobility remained; invinsible with its terrible cavalry, impregnable in their castles, and as much of a menace
as its foes ever had been. The problem of every monarch and prelate was how to find something for it to
do before it tore Christendom to pieces.”
Conclusion
So we have seen how ancient customs and martial culture found their transitions through to the
middle ages. The features were have covered within these ancient periods were as follows:
 A martial culture:
o Training in the Five Arts
o Part of wider physical culture
 An institution:
o A hierarchy of instructors
o The proposition of combat as ‘ordeal’
o Leadership of four masters
o An approved curriculum
 The concept of ‘licencing’ (licentiatus, freiheit) or granting freedom to train.
o During training
 An athletic program of physical education based upon Greek models.
 Use of music during training, following battlefield models.
 Wooden weapons for safety
 Regulatory and prescriptive rules for Safety.
o A public trial of skill
 Again, supportive use of music
 A judge who wielded a staff
 A laurel wreath prize
These aspects were perhaps simply based upon the traditions and rituals inherited from Greece
and Rome.
28
Speculations
Even the nouns used to denote rank within the fencing-schools suggest a shared origin. Some of
the most ancient records of institution in the high middle ages were in Spain, where the terms
used by the Romans were still demonstrated.
Latin German English
Tyro/tiro Neuling Novice
Lusor Fechter (fencer) Schollar
Licentiatus Frei-fechter (free-fencer) Free-schollar
Magister Meister Maister
Consider, for example, the licence document of the “Lanista, seu magister in usu Palestrinas” (Anglo,
9; Castle, 32). Is this document, and the similar diplomas believed to have been present in France
(Anglo, 10), evidence of legitimate transition of an institution from Rome to medieval Europe?
Even in modern sports which retain a legitimate legacy, we find the use of sticks by the judges of
the competition (‘sticklers’ in modern Cornish wrestling). Might this be a throw-back to the
ancient Hellendokai of Greece?
29
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31

Arte Gladiatorie The Ancient Roman I

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Arte Gladiatorie The Ancient Roman I

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Acutt 2015 Arte Gladiatorie

Jamie Acutt, Dip DigM M IDM MIMAS

Each institution maintained a concept of Gladiatorialism, adhering to a posthumous association to

Part 1: Martial culture

Precedent of Greek martial culture

1 English translation by Sir Thomas Urquhart of Cromarty.

Persistence of Greek martial culture

 Throw the javelin

5 English translation by Sir Thomas Urquhart of Cromarty.

Paulus Hector Mair’s appeal to antiquity

On the Five Arts

5 9 Mit frowden yben With joyful exercise:

45 Wiltu von dannen tragen, If you wish to carry away

50 so soltu sein bericht, So you shall be informed,

55 So hastu die Gerechten, So you have the correction,

7 13 Stechen vnd turnyrn, jousting and tourney,

und hiez in leren schirmen And here was taught fencing

vehten, rennen, springen, Fencing, charging, jumping

Aller hande riterspil All hands knightly play,

Si sähen buhurdieren. They attend the Bohurt

wolt er buhurdieren, He would bohurt

As well as in the Fastnachtspiele (266, 16.)

Part 2: The Institution (Palaestra)

Roman military training

22 daz jm nymant gern sin Eer laut abschniden mit wortten;

The Challenge or Prizing

By the signal of the war-trumpet, the main events were announced.

So features of the Roman institution (ludi gladiatori), were:

 A group of martial artists (famalia gladiatorii)

Martial culture of the low Middle Ages

Germanic tribes (comitatus, druhtiz)

30 Such as item 51 in the Law of Ine of Wessex.

Latin German English

Tyro/tiro Neuling Novice

Lusor Fechter (fencer) Schollar

Licentiatus Frei-fechter (free-fencer) Free-schollar

Magister Meister Maister

The Wiktenauer Project, http://www.wiktenauer.com

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