CHAPTER 1

18*^ C E N T U R Y M A H A R A SH T R A

E C O N O M IC . P O L IT IC A L AND S O C IA L C O N D IT IO N S

In Uie beginning of the 14^ century, Malik Kafur, a nobleman under the Sultan of Delhi, Alauddin Khilji,

defeated the Yadavas. Thus, Muslim Rule b ^ an in Maharashtra and continued for over 350 years till Shivaji

established '‘S-waraJya " or tlie People’s Rule. Brave and courageous men from Maharashtra were in services of
I

tlie Muslim rulers and fought their masters’ battles. Tliey were given landed property as Vatans, in lieu of their

^services. These Vatans were the mair? sources of their livelihood and they fought more battles and were granted

more lands. Even Shivaji’s father Shahajiraje Bhonsale was in the service of the Adil Shah of Bijapur. Vatans

in lieu of their services were on hereditai_y basis. This tradition was discontinued by Shivaji, recontinued by

Rajaram and later Shahu. Peshwaship or the post of the Prime Minista- was granted to Balaji Vishwanath Bhat,

a young adventurous man from Konkan in 1713 A.D.

The whole of the 18^‘ century is known as ” or the Period of the Peshwas (1713 to 1818 A.D.);

■hich during the reign of Bajirpo II, was abolished by the British. These were the conditions in the Maharashtra

vvhen the Briti.'^h rule took over.

Social life in Maharashtra under the Peshwas centred around the village communities. Autonomous in

matter.? ot administiation, these village communities were economically self-reliant and largely self-sufficient.

'Fliey contained all the constituents of a miniature State as well and were in position to provide opportunities of a

full life to iheir members,

A village was essentially a community of farmers witli Jin addition of a few traders and ailisans required

to satisfy their daily needs and a small administrative staff The term Ballet and also the iuiru, its synonym,

signifies the village artisans. Tliese artisans were normally twelve in number but it varied from village to village

according to its needs. E con om ic, s e if iiance and s e if governm ent may be said to be the m ost outstanding
 features of the village communities of the period. Ihey were divided, function-wise, into thi ee groups, such as

the cultivators, traders and artisans and the administrative staff, and the institutions like Balute were adequate to

^nieet their economic and administrative needs. The Balute or baluiedar, were hereditary village servants. Kam

was synon>Tnous term used for Balute. Rut it was rarely used during the period under study.

The economy of the village communities was largely based on the barter system and as a corollary had

algo to be as self-reliant as possible. On account of the primitive mode of transport and exchange facilities, the

village communities were constrained to secure, as far as possible, goods and services required by them within

the village itself and develop a convenient system of paying those services and goods by their own produce.

^ According to tlie Balute system, various artisans whose services the cultivating community was in need

of, were permanently bound to tlie village by a mutual contract of services and rewards in produce. The office of

Balutedar was regarded as his Vatan, that is to say, it was permanent and hereditary. The villagers could not

remove a balutedar, nor could they withhold his balute, the due share of the produce. This system, therefore,

gave economic stability to its members and thereby strengthened the basis of the village community. For, by

assuring continuance of occupations to tiie individuals who practised them on a hereditary basis, the system

aisured uninterrupted supply of goods and services to the village communities and at the same time offered a

guaranteed economic career to its occupants.

 Women, in addition to their domestic work, which was quite a lot, due to the joint family system

consisting of large families and everything being done by hand, helped their menfolk in fields as helpers. Their

work was taken for granted and it was not paid. 'Fhere was no facility of vocational training and yet the women

belonging to Ironsmith (Lohar),VJashennen (Parii), Oilmen (Teli) castes were very efficient in their work but

the>' were paid low wages. A record in the Peshwa accounts shows a Partin (washerwoman) been paid 2 annas,

as remuneration fur washing the clothes for 10 days of a newly delivered woman and her infant . This record

indicates that the labour was very cheap.

In tlie domestic field, a woman had secondai'y status, there was no question of her earning separately from

the family. There was no opportunity to earn even if she tried to do so. Occupation was based on the caste and

each practised his hereditary one, being professed for generations. There was no interference of one caste in the

occupation of the other, each one practising its own. A woman belonging to the Salee ( a class of weavers)

worked as a labourer on wages for two years, this was against the caste tradition or rules, therefore her caste men

excommunicated her , This punishment of excommunication was worsed than that of death. This restricted

the economic field for women.

In addition to farming, which was the main occupation, the people favoured landed property or some
't
t'citain economic basis like Vritti, Inam or Vaian which were more or less of pemianent nature. People were

?ilso attracted on a large scale, to military services because it brought regular payment and affluence. There was a

case rqaorted by Major Broughtoi^ in 1809 A.D. A woman, dressed as a man, name Jorawarsingh, joined Jean

Baptise s Brigade, as a soldier. She had no parents, only one brother, who was in debt and imprisoned for its

non-payment. She worked for three} cars and on suspicion by another soldier, was discovered. Both, Bayajabai

and Daulatrao Shinde, on being informed, offered her a job which she refused. Daulatrao, paid her debts and

-filter some time she resigned from the anri>. Her brotlier was released (3)

25 .
livelihood but then, that could not be sufficient to repay her brother’s debts nor his release from the prison.

.\rmy service was periiaps the only job that paid regular and definite substantial wages. She had to disguise

hersell as a man for her safet>- as there were no sei-vices for women in the army.

She paid her debts honourably but must have refused the offo-s of Shinde out of fear of wliat would be

expected from her in return of the payment. Her case reflects the hardships of women to earn as a woman in the

men’s world.

It seems, she was not interested in the fine arts like music and dancing, or was trained for it. For an

ordinary woman, from ancient times, spinning and weaving were of great help in times of difficulty. Textile

industry was a very important and prosperous industry in India down to 1850 A.D. and was conducted mainly as

a cottage industry'.

TTie Peshwas donated large amounts as Dakshlna or cash to learned Brahmins in the month of Shravan

every yeju. Records show that Brahmin women and beggars were included in the lot that received the Dakshina.

But this was restricted to a month per year and was not a regular source of income.

There are various records showing women as Kirtankars. Kirtati means narration of Pauranic Tales with

the accompaniment of music. Women performed these Kirtam on various occasions but they were few. Kirtans

are the cultural activity of Maharashtra and its main object is to develop the morals of the common people. It is

plso a form of entertainment, setting the listener’s minds at peace. During the pa^iod of study, lack of formal

education and educational facilities was thus balanced by these Kirtans and Pauranic Tales. In order to be a

Kirtankar; a person had to be well ;acquainted with Nathbhagawat, Dynyaneshwari, Abhangas ofTukaram and

narrative poems. The moral of the Kirtan had to be explained in simple but attention seeking words and language.

The audience consisted of common aiid illiterate people. Kirtan was included in various programmes performed

at Shaniwarwada, the Peshwa residence in Pune, on Ganesh festivals and other occasions. Records show that

Rs 5/- were paid to Jiubai Kathekari, in tJie month of Shravan in 1766 A.D. and that Rs. 5/- were paid to

liachyabai Gosawin Chaphalkar, in the month of Bhadrapad in 1780 A.D.

26
 i I 1
^ J- I vv a 1^ V J vr flO U I W p wur\ p W l l K 'V J 'k-’ i k J U C X im iU i W I « ^ V l LULI V 'H VJ. A V/TTt4\4W 141 ( V I J Vt4 r U 1 << . X t *W|J w

forms were not suitable for women. There was no scope for women Kirtankars, although they had competency

to peiform.

In the joint family set up, Paiturition (the process of child-birth) was conducted at home, under the

T supervision of some elderly members. Those who had experience, would practise mid-wifery. There was no

formal training of any sort. Middle aged widows were trained by elderly senior females, who in their turn, were

trained in the same manner.

There would be a separate room, reserved for the process of childbirth. This room would be neat, swq)t

and clean but dark. Light and air was considered as dangerous for the newly bom and the mother.

Separating the placenta, or cutting off the umbilical cord was regarded as the separation of the infant

from the mother. This was done by a senior member or a widow past the age of childbearing for it was
V

considered as a great sin.

Altliougli mid-wifery was practised, it was not considui ed as the social work in the modem sense nor as a

profession. Mid-wives were granted inams and gitls for the safe delivery by the family as tokens of appreciation.

Esubai Sohoni, who served as the mid-wife, at the accouchment of Lady Gangabai was granted for the services

rendeied, a gold chain weighing about 21 tolas, worth about Rs. 336-7/- by the orders of Sakharam Bhagwat

and Balaji Janardhan Phadnavis

t Government gave aid to the children of the men in its services. This aid was given to them after the death

of their father and was called Balpanveslii or the maintenance of the children although it included all the

dependants of the deceased. If the deceased had a son, however minor he was, he was granted tlie hereditaiy

Vatan and the post his father held e.g. When Shankaraji Narayan Sachiv died, Chatrapati Shahu granted the post

of Sachiv to his one year old son. The widowed mother Yesubai managed the administrative side If this aid

was discontinued for any reason, it could be recontinued on the application by the heirs

^ If tlie son was minor, the aid would be provided till he attained majority. The government would

meantime provide the family with cash, clotlies and com. Mukund Keshav Sabnis of Mirgard died leaving

27
 W ll i l i V t JliO I w > VCU O viu ivjaiiJKu. iviiHiiicii vTUi' juiii iii^ .' 'liid li jjosi wncn nc wouiQ oc IZ) yc .j.'). l^oi 3

(g)

years the family was provided with cash, clothes and com
j
Some Muslim soldiers died during the campaign at Mohe, in prant Sorate. Their families were granted

(9)
Rs. 15/- in cash per annum and 3/4 kJiaridi ( a measure of 20 maunds) rice each
-T'
In 1116 - 11 A.D. tho'e was a siege at Revadanda and some help was sent from Fort Raigarh. Two men

were killed, the mother and brother of Saiii^iiaji Jaggad and the mother and brother of Abdul Rehman were each

given a grant of Rs. 20/- per annum. These families lived at their native places and received the grant at home.

However, there is no mention of any girl been given balpamieshi. Probably a girl had only marriage expenses to

wony about and the Peshwas gave financial aid for it from their private accounts.

If the deceased had no son, half the Vatan was granted to his widow. Some times the widow of such

^deceased would petition for a new grant and she would immediately receive it. Sakhubai, wife of Jayaji Ranoji

Shinde, came to Pune and petitioned that her husband Jayaji had served loyally and had died on the battle-fields.

Tliere was a need to maintain the family and hence some provision should be made by the Peshwa Her

petition was sanctioned and she was granted some villages. Even if the deceased be a soldier, his widow would

receive a minimum of Rs. 10/- per annum as a pension.

Even if the man died due to any other reason and not only serving on the battle-fields, his widow would

g'.t a pension e.g A servant at Fort Tringalwandi was killed by a tiger, hence his mother was gi anted a pension of

I ts 7/- per annum permanently (M>ium). Tliere are some records of such pensions granted in the rojnishi (diary)

of Balaji Bajirao alias Nanasaheb Peshwa. e.g. Fakir Mohammad died in the government service. His mother and

i^'idow wa-e granted 2 kfujnJi rice per annum, was a record in 1746 - 47 A.D. (page 90).

Some times a widow would petition to the Peshwa and establish her right to claim it e.g. TTie Killedar or

he olficer in charge of a fort, of Hathgad, Khoje Dayam, was granted Mauje Kalwan Baglan as an Inam village.

3ayam died witliout an issue. His illegitimate son got \htSofiad of the village transferred on his naine. Dayam’s

-^idow brought Uiese facts to the notice of the Peshwa. Tlie sanad was cancelled and the widow was granted a

) liionofR s. 1000/ - per annum

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 Chatrapati Rajaram granted the wife and daughter of RamchandraNilakantha .^ a ty a , who had served the

master loyally, 2 villages. Janakibai, the wife was granted Mauje Murbad, Taluka Sangameshwar as inam land

and the daughter Thakubai, received Mauje Kidwai, inam as Dudha-bhat Vatan. These were to be enjoyed as
T~ ■ ■
heredita;^ lands, the taxes, both, present and future were exempted. The renewal of the grant deed was not

necessary ' . Dudh-bhat means literally a meal, this was granted as a necessity to those younger in age.

The rich and powerful men gave gifts to their daughters and sisters and other female relatives. Such gifts

were called as Sadi-choli or Choli-barigadi Vatan. These gilts were meant to be for the bare necessities eg.
I
Govind Sunder Deshpande Kangondh of Balapur, during his life time, had given his daughter Rs. 300/- per

annum for Choli-Bangadi. This was discontinued by his son. Vedashastrasampanna Vasudeobaba Dixit brings

^ this to the notice of Janoji Bhonsale, Senasaheb. An order was issued to Krishnaji Govind to continue the

amount

Another example was that of Bhanabai, wife of Visaji Ragliunath Sontakke Kulkami of Kasbe Majakur,

who was granted inam lands (one hundred and twenty Bighe) near Ndiar Sheri, on the border of Babhulgaon.

Her husband had served the royal family of Bhonsle and therefore Jijabai, the mother of Chatrapati Shivaji, had

granted this land to Bhanabai as Choli-Bangadi Vatan, to be enjoyed hereditary and demally.

^ Widows were also provided with lands and cash for their maintenance. Rcuida-roti vatan literally

means widow’s maintenance. It also meant a marriage settlement in provision of widowhood. The custom of

making a marriage settlement was prevalent in Gujarath. However, pensions granted for widows have been

recorded as Balparveshi Peshji or pensions e.g. Gopalrao Girje had a pre-deceased son. He gave instructions to

Narayan, Bhima, Yadoba, Balkrishna, Dhondu and Narsoba whom he gave the Inam Vritti. These men had no

right to gTlint it to another. Gopalbhat also makes provisions for the maintenance for his widow and daughter-in-

law for their life time. There was also a provision for his daughter’s marriage expenses and Rs. 25/- per annum

tor miscellaneous expenses in the deed''

 Ill UJW jV-'llll lO illllJ OWt U vriuv/yr VV/L*IV4 Viuilli K 'H I J iilu iiiL ^n i.u iV N .'. v/a»w u

for refusing to provide his widowed sister-in-law with maintenance. In another instance, one Anantrao Lele was

asked to give Rs. 500/- to his step-motlijr, who was living separately *■’'1 However, the allowance thus granted

to a widow was only for her life. Afler her death, it used to lapse to her sons

W hai a married dauglit^ was sent away from her natal home to her marital home, she was presented with

jewelieiy and clothes. Chatrapati Shaliu had the daughter of Chatrapati Shivajill of Kolhapur visiting his

house-hold as guest at Satara. When she left, she was presented with jewellery worth Rs. 10,000/- (names of the

jewellery not mentioned otherwise it would have thrown light on the types of ornament worn by women during

the period under study) |

» - Politicat conditions :

18* century Maharashtra, (1713 - 1818 A.D.) although politically had the continues impact of the

Peshwas and is ioiown as Peshwai, may broadly be divided into three stages. The beginning, the period of

stability and peace and of expansion, the post Panipat period and the end.

Aurangzeb’s armies achieved notable successes in tlie Deccan in 1689 A.D. When Shivaji’s son and

successor, Sambhaji was defeated and killed, his widow Yesubai and son Shahu were taken as prisoners. The

^ Marathas were defeated but WCTe not tamed to submission. The whole nation rose in anns and the war against

tlie Moghuls turned into a people’s war. Rajaram, tliu younger son of Shivaji carried on the struggle till his death

in 1700 A.D. lliere after, his widowed Queen Tarabai, who acted as the Regent to his minor son Shivaji II

offered tough resistance to Aurangzeb. Tarabai, administered the kingdom on behalf of her minor son, from

Kolhapur. She retused to surrender the kingdom to or share it with Shahu when he was released from tlie

Mogiiul camp.

Hence, Shahu coronated himself in 1708 A.D. and made Satara his capital city. Most of the noblemen on

^ Tarabai’s side left her and joined Shahu. Shahu renewed their hereditary’ positions and Vatan lands. He gr anted

new Vatans to those who helped him in establishing his power in the Maratha kingdom. Shahu was not satisfied

30
 wiUi tlie work of the then Prime Ministei' or tlie Peshvva, Bariropant Pingle. Hence he granted the seat of Peshwa

to Balaji Vishwanath Bhat, on recommendations of Abaji Purandare on 17^‘ November 1713 A.D. at Manjari,

near Pune. Shahu was well acquainted with the merits and tlie capacity of Balaji Vishwanath, who was in touch

with Shahu in the imprisonment of the Moghuls and had helped him at various times.

Shahu’s return to Maharashtra was a signal for civil war in the land. Tarabai had declared him an

imposter and claimed the throne for her minor son. A battle was fought at Khed (Octobej' 1707 A.D.) between

Taiabai’s forces and Shahu’s troops in which Balaji sided with Shahu. Shahu won the day more by the diplomacy

of Balaji, who won over Tarabai’s commander-in-chief Dhanaji Jadhav towards Shahu’s side.

In 1708 A.D. Senapati Dhanaji Jadhav died and Shahu appointed his son, Chandrasen as Uie new Senapati.

Chandrasen had leanings towards Tarabai. As a safeguard against the possible treachery of

^ Chandrasen, Shahu created the post of Sena-Karte (Organiser of the Forces) and appointed Balaji to that

post on 20 August 1711 A.D.

Kanhoji Angre, the Warden of the Marches of the western coast, openly declared support to the party of

Tarabai, defeated and <\nested Shahu’s Peshwa, Bahiropant Pingale and threatened to march on Satara, Shahu’s

capital city. At tiiis critical hour, Balaji came to the rescue and by his extraordinary skill in diplomacy won over

Kanhoji to Shahu’s side without fighting a battle.

Chatrapati Shahu did not merely give the Peshwaship to Balaji, he also gave the sole authority to rule the

Maratha kingdom. Tlie Peshwa, on behalf of the Chatrapati, arranged for and succeeded in various military

campaigns but the Raja never fought any battle. Probably, his childhood, which he had spent in the Moglul

imprisonment (from 7 to 25 years, 1689-1707 A.D.) and those years he had spent in luxury and inactivity, had

some effect on his later life. He had no experience of war-fare and probably had little warrior spirit.

The deed executed by Chatrapati Shahu empowo'ed the Peshwas to manage the whole government, on the

condition of perpetuating the Chatrapati’s name and keeping with the dignity of the House of Shivaji. This deed

< was ratitled later on by Shaliu’s successor Ramraja when he agieed to renounce all powers on condition of a

small tract of land near Satara being assigned to his own mairagement.
 v^iiau oiicutu i w t Mil — ------------

at Satara. The transfer of sovereign power from the descendants of Shivaji and Shahu to the hands of the Peshwa

had an important impact not only on the pohtics but also on the social life of Maharashtra.

Afler the death of Chalrapati Shahu, the capital was transferred from Satara to Pune, where a new centre

of powerful politics was established. The Peshwas granted Vatan lands to new emerging noblemen along with

the old families from the times of Shivaji. Naturally, these new families had their loyalties attached to the

Peshwa rathei' than the Chatrapati, who was a nominal head by thm.

Balaji Vishwanath, the first Peshwa, a self-made man, died on 2"'^ April 1720 A.D. From a scratch, he

rose to the position of the Peshwa, the Prime Minister of the Maratha kingdom. He is remembered today not as a

bravo soldier but as a statesman.

^ On 17* April 1720 A.D. Chatrapati Shahu appointed Bajirao, the eldest son of Balaji Vishwanath as the

next Peshwa. Bajirao was a young man of 19 years, but he combined youthful energy with an old head. He had

received good Laining in administration and diplomacy under his fatlier, Balaji Vishwanath.

The task before the young Peshwa was really difficult. The Nizam challenged the Maratha position in the

South and their right to collect Chauth and Sardeshmukhi from the six Moghul provinces. Part of the

Swjrajva taritory was under the control of the Siddi of Janjira. Sambhaji II of Kolhapur branch of Shivaji’s

family refused to recognise the superior position of Shahu and the tendencies of many a Maratha chiefs were a
✓
serious threat to the Chatrapati’s authority. Bajirao approached tJie tasks with bold imagination and skill and

ultimately succeeded in overcoming all the difficulties. He established the Maratha supremacy in the Deccan and

fonnulated the policy of the conquest nf the North.

TJie Bundelas, a Rajput class ruled over the hilly countrj’ east of Malwa, between River Jamuna and

Narmada. They had offered heroic resistance to Emperor .'^kbar, Jehangir and even .\urangzeb. Bundelkhand

was included in the Mughul governorship of Allahabad. Mohammed Khan Bungash, on his appointment as the

Mugliul Governor of Allaliabad, decided to wipe out tlie Bundela authority. Tlie Pathan chief successfully

pushed his plans and captured Jaitpur, the strongest foitress •-^ the Bundelas and drove Chatrasaal the Bundela

32
leader to the great extremities. At tne appeal irom unairasaai, a iviarauia aiiny irauiuu duhucikiuuiu m

1728 A.D. One after the other, all surrendered territories were retrieved from the Mughuls. Chatrasaal felt ver>’

grateful, held an open Darbar in honour of the young Peshwa and assigned a large part of tlie territory including

Kalpi, Sauger, Jhansi and Hirdenagar to the Peshwa as a Jagir. It was in this campaign tiiat the Peshwa met

Mastani and fell in love with her. Their love was strongly opposed by his family throughout the rest of their

lives.

Bajirao was great as a soldier, diplomat, statesman and an empire builda-. All the twenty years of his

Peshwaship, he as on move, marching, figliting and winning battles. He is remembered as \hQjigJuing Peshwa

He well understood the Maratha weakness in heavy artillery and therefore would avoid a close struggle with tJie

enemy in the plains. He would by clever manoeuvres cut off the adversary’s supplies and thus humble him. This

was tlie method he employed at Palkhed and Bhopal against the Nizam. The strong point of the Maratha army

was its speed and mobility’.

During tliis period, the Maratha rule was spread over the Indian continent from the Arabian Sea to the

Bay of Bengal and the map of India was dotted with numerous centres of Maratha power. The political centre

was shifted from Delhi to Pune. Bajir^t^ had the head to plan and hands to execute it.

The office of the Peshwa had virtually become hereditary in the family of Balaji Vishwanatli. When

Bajirao died on 28^ April 1740 A.D. his eldest son, Balaji Bajirao alias Nanasaheb was the next nominee of

Chatrapati Shahu. Already under Bajirao, the supreme power had passed into the hands of the Peshwa, eclipsing

the authority of tlie Chatrapati.

Henceforth, the Maratha king became a nominal head ;nid the Peshwa emerged as the real iiiui effective

head of the Maratha Confederacy'. Nanasaheb set in right earnest to complete the task left half fulfilled by his

fathei He relentlessly woriced for the expansion of Maratha power, both in the South and the North. The

Maratha state reached its territorial zenith extending from Kattock to Attock and Gujarath, Malwa and

Bundelkhand passed under direct Maratha administration.

 idministration. The administration of justice was greatly improved and civil courts became tnie guardians of

he people's rights. The revenue administration was greatly improved and his collectors were compelled to

naintain r ^ l a r accounts.

Peshwa Nanasaheb estabUshed a strong police force in Pune for the punishment of miscreants. The

i^anchayat systan was reformed and made more workable. He gave attention to the development of trade, built

ind improved roads. Trees were planted along the roadside for shade. He gave donations for religious purposes

ind a number of temples were build during this period.

Towards the closing months of 1759 A.D., Ahined Shah Abdali, with a large anny crossed the Indus river

ind overran Punjab. Finding resistance impossible, Jankoji and Dattaji Shinde of the Maratha side, had to fall

>ack towards Delhi. In the encounter tliat followed at Barasi Ghat, some ten miles north of Delhi (on January

1760 A.D.), Dattaji was killed. J|Unkoji Shinde and Mallharrao Holkar failed to check the advance of Abdaii and
i
the laUer occupied Delhi.

To reassert Maratha authorit) in the north, the Peshwa sent his cousin Sadashivraobhau to Delhi. Bhau

captured Delhi on 22"'^ August 1760 A.D. Proceeding from Delhi on 7* October, Bhau captured Kunjapoora to

relieve pressure of Delhi. The two armies laced each other on the battle-field of Panipat in November 1760 A.D.

Both sides were handicapped for want of supplies. Since no meeting was found nor negotiations were possible,

the battle was fought on 14^ January 1761 A.D. The Marathas lost the day. The Afghan victory was complete

and the Maratha casualties were heavily estimated at 75,000. There was not a home in Maharashtra that did not
1
mourn the loss of a member arid several houses their very heads. An entire goieration of leaders was cut off at

one stroke.

The Maralha loss of manpower was veiy great. Out of about one lakh persons, only a few thousands

escaped alive. So great was the disaster that for nearly three months the Peshwa could not get authentic details

about the casualties nor about the fate of the Maratha leaders. The Peshwa succumbed to the news of the disaster.
I

He died on 23 June 1761 A.D. at Parvati Hills in Pune.

34
 1 nt) I'CiSIIWa I UlU UIl UlC LCli ILUI IC.'b calciiucu vy r c a u w a vva^ k^k j i h i h h ^ u oiivj ^Jt.L uui mg, uiu i un^ \ji.

Nanasaheb. Maharashtra was introduced to the culture and traditions of the people of these extended provinces.

Tlie characteristics of tlie period known as Peshwai were prominent in this period. There was an increased

number of Bralmiin men, both in tlie adi linistration and in the military services, which had an impact of thought,

culture and religious rituals on the life of people. This po“iod may be rightly called BraJimin PadashaJii rather

than Hindu Padapadshahi, the dream of Shivaji and continued to be so during the later years.

The battle of Panipat which closed the flood tide of Maratha conquest, may be regarded as a serviceable

hiiitorical boundaiy maik for this period. The next 60 years bring out, one by one, the weak points in the

chai acters of the rulers. The later Peshwas’s policy departed fi\ jn the principles laid down by Chatrujjati Shivaji

and pursued more or less by Rajaram and Shahu.

History of the battle-field of Panipat usually aids with the death of Vishwasrao, disappearance of

Sadashivraobhau, deaths of Dattaji and Jankoji Shinde and the loss of one whole generation. But what about the

woinen and children that had accompanied their men-folk, the Maratlia army, with an intention of pilgrimage to

the holy places?

Nana Phadnavis, then a mere youth of 19 years had escaped from the battle-field, his wife joined him

safely at Jigni, near Delhi. His mother was informed to be dead by a soldio" {Khidmaigar, a valet, a page j. Nana

believed the information and on his return home performed her funeral rites (without having seen her body).

Having the news of his motho" in the imprisonment of Ahmed Shah Abdali, Nana writes to Damodarpant Hingne,

the Feshyva Vakil at Delhi,” to do all to release her from the imprisonment”. Nana was ready to pay any price, in

fact all tliat he possessed in return. But he did not wish her to return home, for living in tlie Muslim aimy she

could have been \m'p\irQ(Bhrashta).

He fuiUier instructs Hingne to make provisions to send her to Prayag, the sacred place, to end her life by

emerging herself in tlie holy waters of river Ganges. He further adds, even if she had managed to remain pure and

wished to go to Kashi, her wishes should be fulfilled . Nana Phadnavis’s motlier was a middle-aged woman

mid ;i widow Nana’s letter to Hingne indicates the attitude towards such victims.

35
relafive in such a critical stage was a serious grief. Yet he writes such a note, not because he loved his mother

less but the impact of religious ideas was greater than affection.

Abdali carried with him 22 thousand women and childrai, ( men being killed) to Alglianistan. While

marching through Punjab, on his return journey, tlie Sikh forces attacked him on the banks of river Sutlez, to loot

the treasures that he had carried from the Marathas. The Sikhs fought the Guerrilla warfare and never faced him

directly. They managed to save about 2000 women from Abdali. The rest 20,000 were carried away with him.

Tliere must be atleast 5000 to 7000 woirien, even tliough the rest were children.
i

VVhat was their fate? Where did they disappear? Did the women released by the Sikhs return home?

Almost all would certainly have liked to come back to their old homes and society. It must be that they knew

that their fate was sealed once and for ever, the moment tliey had fallen into the hands of the enemy and that too a

iVIuslim enaiiy. No return was possible for tliem; they had to adjust themselves with their captors and the new

surrounding.

,Afler crossing Punjab and relieved from the danger of the attack from the Sikhs, Abdali started selling

these victims as slaves. They were sold for Rs. 10/- each. The buyers wore tlie tribes from Khyber Pass, people

of Afghanistan and soldiers of Abdali’s army. Within 6 to 8 months, all were sold except tliose reserved by

Abdali for his personal use. The rest disappeared in the valleys of Afglianistan.

The Marathi women-folk, wearing 9 yards sarees, nose-rings, red marks on their foreheads as the mark of

tlieir marital status, wore Afghani Perari, covering their body with Boorfdia, totally vanished; so much so that

even their sons and grandsons forgot them and wiped their memories from the minds.

Pratibha Raiiade, who visited .Afghanistan, her husband being posted there, could trace only one woman

from so many. Raja Dilaram from Jullunder had accompanied Abdali to Herat and Dilaram had brought with

him a woman of the Bhonsle family, from the battle-fields of Panipat. Dilaram had helped Abdali, when the

Sikhs had attacked him at Jullunder. Grateful for that help, Abdali brought Dilaram to Afghanistan and gave hir.i

large estates in Herat and Kandhahar, Saiairaja (Dharmashala) in Kandhahar and Dilararrikliana in Herat are

36
 famous to the present day. Dilaram was a Hindu, his old house and temple ruins still exist. Abdali gave this

woman to Dilaram, who married her and had sons. Dilaram and his family were traders, he gave her a

respectable status of wife and his sons, honour and legal rights .

Mrs. Ranade could only trace one woman and that she belonged to Bhonsle family. 'Ihere was no record
T
of her name, age, nor ha- picture was available. These women did not lack in courage nor in military spirit; but

they knew that evoi if they took revenge and effected their escape, they could not hope to have honourable

position in their own families and society. They had to reconcile themselves to the inevitable.

Men, on the other hand were lucky. Bajaji Nimbalkar was lucky to be reconverted from Islam by Shivaji,

he was also accepted by the society. Shiviiji gave his daughter in marriage, to his son Mahadaji, as a mark of

acceptance.

^ ^ Later, Shahu, while in imprisonment of the Mughuls was in Pune in 1703 A.D, Emperor Aurangzeb

planned to convert Shahu to Islam during the festival of (the first month of a Mohammedan year).

Sliiihazadi Begum was the daughto" of tlie Emperor, who tried to prevent the conversion and llnaily the Emperor

i^reed to, on condition that 2 Kulin (respectable family) Hindus would be converted instead.

Khanderao and Jagjeevanrao Gujar, brothers, were converted and Shahu, out of gratitude, granted them

the De:^Iimukh Vatari of Salgaon afler he w’as coronated as Chatrapati

Madhavrao took over tliechai ge of Peshwaship afler the death of his father on 20^'July 1761 A.D. He
Ihad to face a ver\’ critical stage, bath in his private life (his elder brother Vishwasrao was killed on the battle field
of Paiiipat. Uncle Sadashivrao had disappeared and his fathei' died, unable to survive the loss of the battle) and

in the public life, the loss at Panipat. Although he had experience of administration, under the guidance of his

father, he was only 16 years old and the kingdom was mourning for one whole generation swept off at Panipat.

Nizam of Hyderabad tried to take advantage of the situation by marching towards the Maratha kingdom

i,.id captured Naldurga and Akkalkot Parganas. The Peshwa faced the Nizam bravely and at the time of victory,

1?!is uncle Raghunathrao tried to sign a treaty. Later, at Rakshasbhuvan, tlie Peshwa armies defeated the Nizam on

1 August 1 167 , A.D. and a treaty was signed at Paithan. The Nizam agreed to pay the Peshwa Rs. S2 laklis as
 Battle at Kharda, in 1795 A.D, Prior to the defeat, the Nizam had looted and burnt Pune city. Madhavrao

(21)
constnicted new Pethas and renovated the city

Later, the Peshwa marched and won over five campaigns of Karnataka. By now, all the provinces

belonging Raje Shahaji, father of Shivaji, were included in the Maratha kingdom.

By 1765 A.D., tha-e appeared an impostor of Sadashivraobhau, inquiries were conducted at Parvati Hills

and he was tried, convicted, imprisoned at Fort Nagar. Later he was executed.

The Marathas were successful in restoring Emperor Shah Alam II on the throne of Delhi on 7* March

( 22)
1771 A.D. Till then, Shah Alam was living on the help rendered by the English

Madhavrao suffered from tuberculosis and died a premature death on 18^ November 1772 A.D. at

"Theur, in tlie temple of Ganapati. His wife Ramabai accompanied him to the funeral pyre and died as Sati, at his

request.

After Madhavrao, no Peshwa did ever administer tlie stale nor did personally appeared on the battle-field.

Tlieir campaigns were fought by jtheir noblemen Holkar and Shinde and during the reign of Savai Madhavrao, the

state was administered by Nana Phadnavis.

Mler the death of Madhavrao, when both, the Raja at Satara and the Peshwa were weak, the noblemen at

the bordering provinces revolted and established themselves as independent states. Although these noblemen had

power with them, the administration was yet in the hands of the Brahmin Peshwas. As tlie leadership was with

Uie Brahmin Peshwas, prominence was given to the Brahmins and their culture. New temples were built on the

banks of river Godavari and Krishna, new sacred places^ emerged, there was an increase in the religious rituals,

and charities.

Tlie Peshwas had no military forces of their own. Whenever a campaign was planned, the noblemen

collected soldiers and joined each other, 'fhe forces were maintained on the loot and the crops on the way. The

' nonnal occupations weie seasonal agriculture, Balutedari, trade, and at the most, the service to the Peshwa.

Vocations w« e caste based and hence training of a pailicular vocation was given in tlie family. Poveity was

38
' doniinant, the Peshvvas themselves were always in need of mone)’. There weie no roads or means of

communications for the subjects. The Peshwas arranged the military campaigns, carried them out successfully,

but they did not built any buildings or monuments to exhibit their wealth or those of cultural importance.

A distinct change in the Maratha administration system of the 18^^ century is the place that the Mughul

Emperor occupied in its constitution. In the administration system of Shivaji, the founder of the Maratha

kingdom, tlie Mugliul Emperor even in tlieory does not figure at all. But under Shahu, we find the supremacy of

tlie Mugliul Emperor being openly acknowledged.

Shivaji’s surviving widow Sakwarbai, Shahu’s widowed mother, Yesubai, and ill^itim ate sons of

Sanibhaji, were held as hostages at Delhi when Shahu was released. By the treaty of 1719 A.D. Shahu accqjted a

Muiscib of Rs. 10,000/- from Entneror Fanrukhsiyar and agreed to pay an annual tribute of 10 lakhs rupees to

^ the Emperor. That Shahu was sincere in his professions of loyalty is clear from the protest which he made when

a gate called Delhi Danvaza, built at Pune was facing the north. Shahu maintained that this meant defiance and

insult to the Emperor. Mahadaji Shinde obtained from the Emperor the office of Wakil-i-mutlug for Shahu.

Even Nana Phadnavis, later referred the Emperor as Frithvipati (master of the universe) .

The head of the Maratha empire was the Chatrapati, the Raja of Satara, a lineal descendant of Shivaji. He

made all the appointments. He granted the sanads and bestowed dresses of honour on all high officials.

However, the powers and prestige of the Raja declined from the time the office of the Peshwa became hereditary

^ III the family of Balaji Vishwanatli. Shahu, as long as he was alive, maintained the royal dignity. Shahu’s

successor, Rainraja, became merely a nominal head. By the pro\ .sions of Sangola Agreement of 1750 A.D. the

Peshwa emerged as the real and effective head of the state and the Raja became “ the Mayor o f the Palace". The

fiction o f authority of the Raja was kept up till the Maratha rule lasted in India. Tlie usurpation of the authority

of the Raja was silent and gradual, it neither attracted obser\’ation nor excited surprise. The transition was easy,

natural and progressive. Tlie loss of power by the Raja was so complete under the successors of Shahu that the

^expenses of the Raja’s household were more closely scmtinised by the Peshwa’s secretfiriat tlian any otliei'

dopartiTioi\t o f th e ctate. T h e R a ja d id n o t h a v e tlie o rd in a ry rig lit o f a p p o in tin g a n d diK tfiiscing h is sei'vaiits, and

.. .
llie Raja had even to request the Peshwa for grants for particular purposes.

Chatrapati Shahu died without a son, hence, Tarabai, paternal aunt of Shahu and the widow of Rajaram,

ecommended Ramraja, her grand-son and the great grand-son of Shivaji. Ramraja was adopted by Shahu.

^ e r , Tarabai thought Ramraja was supporting the Peshwa rather than herself So she imprisoned Ramraja and

tarted administrating the state. Her intention was to presen e the sovereign powers in the royal family of

ihonsle and in this, she had to opbose the Peshwa. Peshwa Nanasaheb did not openly opposed her, he submitted

o her as the royal authority.

TTie tactics were rq)eated during the reign ofVithoji or Shahu n, adopted son of Ramraja (1777 to

808 A.D.). In 1798 A.D., during^the rule of the last Peshwa Bajirao H, the royal authority seemed to vanished.

I!hatrapati Shahu II revolted and restored his authority in Satara and its surrounding toritories. At that time, he

lad to face the scarcity of manpower, money , weapons etc. He had the ownership of Satara city and its Fort.

'Jana Phadnavis ruled the rest of the Maratha state in the name of the Peshwa. Later, Nana was imprisoned at

•Jagar Fort as there was a discord between Peshwa Bajirao II and Nana Phadnavis. Shahu II took the opportunity

0 restore his power. The public opinion too, supported the Chatrapati "T}'>

Since the seat of Peshwaship was hereditary, the later Peshwas, (after Panipat) did not recognise the Satara

loyal authority except to receive the clothes and seal of Peshwaship from the Chatrapati in person. This did not

eave any scope for Chatrapati Shahu II nor his son Pratapsingh to exercise the royal power. The royal power

lad no monitory support because all revenue was collected and enjoyed by Nana Phadnavis. Tlie Chatrapati had

10 money or authority, all his estates were in control of the Peshwa. He received a definite, fixed amount as an

illowance. This amount was so meagre and scanty that it was not sufficient even to maintain his family. Even the

:ontrol over the capital city of Satara and Fort Satara was under Nana Phadnavis
\
The Chatrapati without sufficient means had established his power and authority. Peshwa Bajirao was

iware that the Chatrapati in near future, would prove to be strong enemy and hence, released Parshurambhau

^atwardhan from imprisonment and sent him with a large army' to combat. Chatrapati Shahu II was defeated and

40
 spent rest of his life, with his family, in imprisonment at Fort Maholi.

.^andibai alias Maisaheb was the fourth queen of Chatrapati Shahu II. From 1798 to 1808 A.D. she

spent her life in imprisonment at Maholi Fort and was released after the death of her husband, in 1808 A.D. she

^ gave birth to three sons. Pratapsingh was the eldest son and was coronated in 1808 A.D. when he was 15 years
I

old and was the last Chatrapati. After his death, his state was abolished by the British in 1848 AD.

Peshwa Bajirao II took his seal of Peshwaship from her husband, Chatr^ati Shahu II and swore his

loyalty in a letter dated 31 -12-1796 His actual conduct was of opposite extreme. He managed to march

on the Royal Master and had imprisoned him with family till the Master’s death.
1

In 1808 A.D. Chatrapati Shahu II was seriously ill in the imprisonment, and the Peshwa was retuming

from a pilgrimage and stopped over to pay a visit to the Royal Master. Shahu II refused to med: him and sent

Maisaheb and sons instead. The Peshwa was pleased and on his return increased the royal allowance Nana

Phadnavis was no better. He writes in one letter that he would send the necessary itans rather than paying the

cash for than. Nana had transferred the royal stables and animals to Pune, on the excuse that they were excessive

expenses. The revalues collected from the private property were dqjosited in the Peshwa Treasury. Nana

(21)
restricted the members of Rajamandcd (Council of Ministers) to meet the Chatrapati without his permission .
r

. ^ e r the death of Shahu II, Pratap^ ngh was coronated on the 13th day and was given the same name, to

■^continue the seal of his father. Bajirao’s seal of Peshwaship was renewed by the young Chatrapati. Pratapsingh

was married to the daughter of Mohite, Ambikabai. He was coronated without the rite of thread ca'anony being

performed. Maisaheb was not satisfied with the events but remained silent.

She had arranged to marry Pratapsingh for the second time and writes to the Peshwa on l®*Fd)ruary

1809 A.D. informing him that the bride was approved by Trimbakji Dengale, Peshwa’s secretary and that she

intends to confirm the proposal. The jewellery to be wom by the bridal couple was not ready and horses,

palanquins would be needed for the bride to be brought in procession to the pendal, which would need

decoration. All these were to be sent immediately . This letter indicates how the Royal family was financially

<lcpcndont on the Pcahwn.

41
 Rq)orting about this infiiriage in the next letta', she writes that the aiticles sent by the Peshwa weie

received. While in procession, the groom Babasaheb was on the elephant, and she ordered Trimbakji Dengle to

accompany him. When Trimbakji refused on the excuse that he had no prior permission of the Peshwa, hence

(2^)
Khanderao Shirke accompanied the groom . This letter indicates that the royal commands wo-e neglected on
T
the excuse that the Peshwa’s permission had not being taken beforrfiand. Every letter in tlie correspondence

between the Peshwa and the Royal Lady had the details of expenditure.

In one l^ter of 1810 A.D. Bajirao is thanked gratefully for making arrangements for the Lady’s

pilgrimage and in another, she thanks him gratefully for sending Rs. 1000/- for her medical treatment when she

was .11

The Peshwa was originally a member of iheAshta Pradhan or The Council of Eight Ministers of Shivaji;

"*"probably second in rank. Balaji Vishwanath was the seventh Peshwa. It was Balaji Vishwanath who by his ability

and statesmanship made the Peshwaship hereditary in the family and his son Bajirao made it pre-eminent and

even eclipsed the Raja at Satara. Sjhahu’s acceptance of Bajirao’s policy of northward expansion in the opposition

of Praiinidhi and the successes of Bajirao made the Peshwa’s position still stronger. The Raja became a mere

phantom, an idol, worshipped but not always obeyed by his subjects. As the authorised deputy of the Raja, the

Peshwa exercised all the royal prerogatives, took all policy decisions, made all high appointments and acted as

^ (he religious head of the state.

The old aristocracy like Angre, Bhonsale, Gaikwads refused to recognise the Peshwa as anyone but their

equal and obeyed him only as the Raja’s deputy. The *Angre, for exF!mple, on his visit to Pune expected the

Peshw'a to come two miles out of the town to receive him, to dismount on his approach and receive him

on gasha (embroidered cloth). However, the new nobility like the Shinde, Holkar, Raste etc. looked upon

him as their master, the giver of their bread, Awiadata and tJiemselves as his children.

^ Thus, the rise of tJie Peshwa to a position of pre-eminence destroyed the only bond of union, the only check to

selfish individualism and set an ominous example before other chiefs.

42
 The Peshwa’s Secretariat at Pune called the Huzitr Dafiar was the focus of the Maratha administration. It

was a huge establishment having several departments.

Nana Phadnavis introduced many improvements in the working of the Huzur Dafiar, but under Bajirao n, it fell
r
into complete disorder.

THE SOCIAL IN Sim rnO N S OF 18*^ CENTURY MAHARASHTRA

IT ie kind of family organi?ation during the Peshwa period was the Joint Family. It was formed of a

consanguineous patriarchal group recognising the patriarchal descent. It included among its members other

elations such as widowed aunts, sisters and their children, orphans though distantly related and such others who
I

were not necessarily consanguineous. Harbhat Patwardhan had 6 sons and 17 grand-sons, all living together.

Aboul 17/18 men were always on the military campaigns and this continued on for nearly 60 to 70 years

The head of the family was called the Karta, governed the house-hold as did the monarch his subjects. He

was the supreme head whose authority could hardly be challenged. He commanded respect and obedience from

all the members of his family and controlled its finances. Even in matters of lesser importance, such as

bservances of religious rites and ceremonies and personal matters like granting permission to the women of the

i,ouse-hold to go to their parents’ houses or to their husbands’ places, nothing could be done without his consent

and advice. i
i

Most of the menfolk served in the army, militaiy services and the rest remained at home, managing the

landed property and doing farming and other necessary services. Their life was neither secured nor protected. It

was advantageous to live together; in the joint family where expenses and domestic responsibilities were shared

^id thus divided II' a woman died living behind inlants, tiie\' were looked aller by tlie other t'eniale menibeis of

tlie family, if the father died, his widow and children were taken care of by the rest of the family. Men in military

services were away on the campaigns for major part of tlie year and the womaifolk left behind shouldered the
ornestic responsibilities. When Madhavrao was on a militaiy campaign of Karnataka, Gopikabai, his mother,

rrangcd the marriage ofNarayanrao at Sinhagad on 22"'^ April 1769 A.D. Trimbakmama Pethe was the senior

lale relative from the groom’s side

Pai'vatibai, wife of Sadashivraobhau, took the initiative to perform certain customary rites for the widow

f Peshwa Narayanrao, Gangabai. She was then pregnant. As Gangabai was a widow, she was not entitled to any

tes nor ceremonies but Parvatibai perfonned them against the age old custom. When a son, Savai Madhavrao

as bom at Fort Purandar, Parvatibai ordered to release all the prisoners from imprisonment except political

risoners and those who had committed treason.

Radhabai, wife of the first Peshwa, Balaji Vishwanalh, decided certain administrative cases in the absence

i Peshwa Nanasaheb. In one case, Govindbhat Barve, son of Bapubhat, committed a thievish act

Phatkal-karma). The Brahmins decided to excommunicate him but on Radhabai’s orders, the decision to

xcommunicate was cancelled This indicates she was of progressive nature although it was against the

■aditions of the time.

In another case, there were some defects in the water-supply of Pune city. She made changes in the

jpply, modifying it in such a way that it would be provided giving preference to human needs rather than the

nrdens. But tliere were complaints against this decision to Peshwa Nanasaheb in Satara. She detends her

ecision in a letter, saying, since there was little water in the river itself, it was not proper that gardens should be

'atered Uian providing it for drinking purposes. If Nanasaheb did not trust her decision, he should send

jmebody to verify it. If he could no: send such a person, she was prepared to go to Satara

But it seems there were people who complained against her decision and she was well aware of them. She

eeded to defend herself only to the Peshwa.

in the third case, it was disclosed that tliere seemed to be a Bataki or a female slave belonging to the

Litooat, In tlic houac o f Govind Hnri. 'Fhc Brohmina dcoidcd to cxcommunioate the entire family. Nobody would

44
sit them hence Radhabai ordered that the Bralunins perfonn penmce and purify the family but thev' insisted

1 the permission from the Peshwa. She ordered that her permission was same as that of the Peshwa and that

le would bear all the responsibility of the consequences , All these cases indicate that the women, whether

om the Peshwa family or otherwise, had no status in the public matters as they had in the domestic fields,

lere is no record as to whether Nanasaheb took her side.

It was his, the Karta’s duty to see tli,:' tlie members of the family were married and the thread ceremonies

the boys were perl’ormed. Peshwa Narayanrao had personally invited friends and relatives, walking the streets

" Pune, to attend the marriage of Durgabai, daughter of Raghunathrao and Anandibai, to Pandurangrao Naik

ishi Baramatikar, on 10* February 1773 A.D. As Narayanrao had no siblings, being the youngest and had

-I sisto', he loved Durga, as his own sister.

The supreme object of marriage was perpetuation of tiie family and thereby perpetuation of patrimony,

[an iage was regarded as a sacrament, essential for the fulfilment of certain duties enjoined upon an individual

( his religion. Perpetuation of the family was sought with a view of having somebody of one’s own blood to

afoirn the obsequies and ShradM rites. In this way, one was liberated from one’s Pitruritui (debt of one’s

icestors). Hence there was a longing for male children. It had a considerable impact on the position of women

1 the family, as it encouraged the practice of Polygamy and male dominance. A person would enter into

lati imony for the second, third or even fourth time, if he did not get a male issue by the previous marriage.
1

ana Phadnavis married 9 wives to beget a son and in the end died without one. Peshwa Bajirao II married 11

ive? and died without a son.

he family served as an excellent school for training the child in social etiquette like social stratas, politeness,

jedience to and service of eld^s e.g. A note of instmction issued for the guidance of Daryabai (wife of

aghoji Bhonsla UI), is an excellait example of family training. Daryabai was asked to go every morning, as

Kill as her religious duties were over, to pay respects to Aajibai, tlie senior most lady of tlie house, to gieet hei

ders on the an ival in her room by standins ud- to avoid chewiii;; vida Cbetel leaves') or makine use Oi bolsters
 ...id sp iltoon s in tlieir p resaice, lor such w e ie Uie ways ol' siiow ing respect to o n e ’s e ld e r s'

Children were trained not to disrespect the wishes of their elders and not to assert themselves. Radhabai,

motha- of Peshwa Bajirao I and Chimajiappa, was proceeding on a pilgrimage and had expressed her wish to take

^with ho- 5 years old, Sadashivraobhau, son of Chimajiappa. The father does not sait Bhau, thinking so young a

child would trouble the grand-mother on the pilgrimage. Chimajiappa, lata-, writes to her, showing the most

.ifTectionate revo'ence. He regrets that he had disobeyed tiie mother although for a good cause

The mother also would love her children with the same affection and would take care, even though they

WCTe grown up and lead lives of their own. Peshwa Bajirao was always on military campaigns, while

Chimajiappa and Balaji Bajirao, alias Nanasaheb would live at Satara, at the royal court and administer the state

^affairs. The>’ v\ ere taken good care of, but she would be anxious about their well-being and likes and dislikes.

She writes to Appa, to ask whether tlie rice and the rice flakes, (Pofie), sent by her were received or not

It may seem a waste of the expenses to deliver the letter with such an insignificant message, for thoi, the

mode of delivering the letters was on horse back or on camels. This was an example of mother and son

relationship, but living together for a long time created tender feelings betweai women coming from

different families e.g. Gopikabai, wife of Peshwa Nanasaheb, writes to Janakibai, wife of his younger brother

Raghobadada. Peshwa Nanasaheb was on the campaign of Karnataka, and both the ladies had accompanied him.

Vater, Janakibai returned to Pune and did not write to Gopikabai.

Hence the complaint, the tone beine light but taunting, suggesting not to forget the formalities enwrapped

in the conjugal love

These mothers would at times be strict and stem, thus expressing the other side of their love and nature.

Peshwa Madhavrao was only 16 years old when he accepted the responsibility of the seat. Tlie nation was

^.iouming tlie loss of the tetrible defeat at Panipat, in addition, in his private life he had lost the eldest brotha'

V'lshwasrao, who was trained to be tlie Peshwa after tlic fatliei’, Peshwa Nanasfiheb. The news of

46
 idashivTaobhau, the paternal uncle, whose death or disappearance at the battlefield was not survived by the

ther Nanasaheb. Even in such critical conditions, Madhavrao did not tolerate the intaference of his mother

opikabai, especially in political matters ’I He respected Mallharrao Holkar and listen to his advice more than

lat of his mother. In one matter, Gopikabai tried to recommend her brother Anandrao Raste and Madhavrao

jnished the uncle inspite of it. The Peshwa did not excuse a person even if he was a close relative. Being

ubbom and obstinate by nature, Gopikabai did not like this decision of the Peshwa and as a mark of her protest

jtired to Gangapur, never to return to the politics nor to Pune.

\hilyabai Holkar’s son Malerao had a mistress. He suspected she had another lover and killed a tailor

v'ho was innocent in the matter. It seems Ahilyabai, as a strict judge, sentenced him to death, even though he

/as the sole heir to Holkarshahi. There was no opportunity to execute the sentence, Malerao died on

3-3-1767 A.D. in the state of mental d'. ailment. It seems Malerao would see the illusion of the victim

irdering him to death. He did not live longer . There is a legend that Ahilyabai had punished Malerao for

larassing the Brahmins.

Gopikabai was not favourable towards her daughter-in-law, Ramabai. Madhavrao was engaged to be

narried to some other girl but there was some problem about her horoscope and the bethrotal was cancelled and

;e was mairied to Ramabai. Probably Ramabai came from a poorer family than her mother-in-law expected,

here is no record of her family background. Lakshmibai, wife of eldest son Vishwasrao was a gj eat favourite

vith the mother-in-law. However, there was no record of any strained relationship between Gopikabai and

Ramabai. On the other hand, we find .Anandibai treating her daughters-in-law with great understanding and care.

''Jot only did she side with Bhagirathibai, 11 years old wife of Bajirao II, when Anandibai was aware that he was

sexually harassing the wife, but also when she was ill. Anandibai tried all the treatment available but also vowed
r

food to tJie Brahmins and even called a BhagcU as part of the treatment. She was equally good to the wife of

.'\mnitrao, the adopted son of Ragliunatlu ao and .Anandibai. She helped his wife Savitribai to perform Laxnti

Vrain to beget a son. Savitribai gave bii1h to a son, Vinayak Bapusaheb 4 years later in 1787 A.D.
 according to his needs irrespective bf his individual contribution. It gave economic stabiht>’ to its members, for

they were provided for even while they were not earning or were temporarily unemployed. Ilie aged men and

women, widows and orphans wo-e particulai ly benefited by such provisions for their maintenance, because tliere

^vere no insurance or pension schemes in those days.

Women had no right of inheritance to the property of their father, even in the absence of brothers, for

then, the father would adopt a son. An unmarried daughter could, at the most, claim from the patrimony,

expenses required for her mairiage. A daughter was, however, entitled to enjoy whatever was given to hei' by her

] .iher, in his lifetime, in the form of gifts.

Women*s Health:

Information about women’s average life-span was not available, but it can be safely concluded that their

health was well taken care of Ofcourse, tlK records are of women belonging to rich and noble classes only.

Tlie AyTii"vedic medical system was prevalent. Tliese practitioners practised mainly in ttie cities. Tliey

treated the royal and the noble families, tlie physicians treating the royal family were called Rajvaidya and were

paid by the Raja on monthly basis. Usual medicines were very cheap but those which were expaisive were

-^^upplied by the royal treasury and were used in treatment for the royal family and the common people alike.

Tha-e was no regular charges for treatment, the patient on beir% cured would pay, voluntarily, whatevo- he could

afford to. Sometimes he was treated free.

Anandibai, wife of Raghunathrao, needed Bhasm i (powder) made out of pearls as medicine. Pearls were

sent from Pune to Anandvalli, where she was residing and her physician, Ramchandra Vaidya, had made the

lecessary medicine which was sei;! to her. The letter further refers to the expenses of the pearls being

y . 120/-

48
 I V l C U I C i i . p i y U L I t t * <X b U I J I U l U b M U H V V d ^ l J U l I J I L - V U i U l L . I V l t i l .i. 1liuuiviin.il vvvuiu ^ivw imni.-) i/^. . ■v.- t i i w . i c

practitioners on being cured aiid then these w ou ld be, pennanent dependants ol Iheir masters. Ayurvedic

treatment w as ancient m edical system. Later, along w itli tlie M uslim invaders cam e Hakims from Iran, .Arab

^.ountries, Afglianistan, etc. and tliey introduced Lhuini systeui o f m edicine. With tlie European mcrcluint..s, who

"^L-ame from England, France, Portugal, Spain and H olland, Alopafhy system was introduced. All liiree systems

were freely used am ongst the royal fam ih e I'heie was a w id e scope for all to practice w ithout any com petition

Varanasibai, fourth w ife o f Bajirao n , was inoculated by an E nglish D octor, 6 m onths allei hei' marriage

on 18^‘ June 1 8 0 6 A.D. This was a novel experience for the contemporary society. A lthough the w om en did not

observe Fardah, yet a foreigner to treat a Peshw a w ife w as not tliought o f Prior to this, thousands had died

o f sm allp ox or had been permanently disfigured or handicapped, hence, inoculation seem ed a novel cure for

sm allpox and people w e ie ready to pay tliousands o f m p ees lor its tieatment. H ie doctor was paid Rs. 2 0 0 0 /-

.ecords Peshw a Daflar on 2 1 -1 -1 8 0 7 A.D.

Ttie doctor had visited Satara prior visiting Pune and a le t t a rtiencions a person inoculating his family

consisting o f Yam una and four m ale children. For 1 5 /1 6 days tliere w as tension but later on, the patients were

y45)
progressing .

^ A ll tlie glory o f the Maratha Em pire w as vested in Satara till the death o f Chatrapati Shaiiu. A lthougli the

P eshw as lived in and had tlieir capital in P une city, since the tim es o f Bajirao I, there was no physician for their

own freatinent. The P eshw a fam ily w ou ld be treated by w h om soever was available in Pune and its suiroundings.

In em ergency, the royal physician w ou ld be requested to treat tiie patient. Dattajipant was the ph>'sician treating

Q ueen Sagunabai at Satara. Gopikabai, w ife o f Peshw a Nanasaheb, w as sulFering from fever after her deliveiy

at Pune. Tliere w ere no results from the normal treatment, hence, Nanasalieb sent his Karbhnri to Satiira to fetcli

the R oyal Pliysician. Chatrapati Shahu replies to the request that perm ission o f the Q ueen w ou ld be necessary.

I^Further, Raghunathrao, brother o f the Peshwa vvTites to Malhiir 'nikdeo. about her. He says that hrts gone

weak due to lack o f food and it w ou ld be risky to treat her by a new or unknown person in this condition.

49
 imnieri lately

Nanasalieb w as particular about the health o f all the w om en folk in tiie family. Kashibai, his mother,

suffered from som e disease o f the leg. There w as a Kanadi Vaidya in the service o f the Nizan^i at Hyderabad. A

person having inform ation o f her ailnieni, probably tJie P esh w a Vakil in Hyderabad, writes to the Peshwa,

'‘Bharmmanna, the Vaid)'a had prom ised to cure her com pletely”. Further he states that, i f the N izam is requested

to send him , the Vaidya, the writer w ou ld personally bring him along Furtiier, a legend states that it was

cured due to the blessings o f tJie G oddess at Pajvaii Temple. V a iio u s records show am onnts speiii for her

'reatment. A lthough there is no actual record, it w as believed that Nanasaheb built tlie Ternple at Parvati H ills, as

a sign o f gratitude. This seem s relevant. The Tem ple w as bui If in 1 7 4 9 A.D.

Sadashivraobhau letters to Dhondopant Appaji in Purandare Daftars, indicate his anxiety for his pregnant w ife

Umabai. Gopikabai, w ife o f Peshw a Nanasaheb w as also pregnant and Bhau is worried over the condition.

Um abai w as young, inexperienced, her m other w as ready to take her to the natal hom e at Lohagaih. Bhau feels

the clim ate o f Lohagarti w as not s' itable for Um abai in this condition and hence w ishes to let hei' stay in Pune,

w here he cou ld be near to help i f need be. H e further m akes enquiry about the custom , as to when there <ire tw o

w om en from the sam e fam ily being pregnant at the sam e tim e, whether they should m eet or avoid each other.

_ Kashibai (Tai), w id o w o f Bajirao and the elderly lady in the fam ily had made necessary enquiries but o f no

avail

Later, Umabai delivered a son and Radhabai, grand-mother o f Peshw a Nanasaheb, w rites fe w letters about

Um abai and the child. In one l^ ter o f 1 1 -1 0 -1 7 4 6 A .D ., Radhabai inform s the Peshwa that as desired by him, the

services o f an elderly w om an had been procured, so that she w ou ld be helpful to Umabai when she (probably as it

appears from the letter, w ith her new -born) cam e to stay to Pune. Umabai had been weak in the childbirth and

j needed som eon e to look after the baby

50
 Ramaji Vishwanath writes to the Peshwa that he, along with Umabai and Janakibai (probably wife of

La^unathrao) was arriving at Satgra via Jejuri. Umabai’s infant was not well and hence, her mother had vowed

-fioi they would pay a visit to the slirine at Jejuri and it had to be fulfilled

In tJienext letter, Radhabai writes to her grandson Nanasalieb, tiiat as desired by him, it was not advisable

or Umabai with her infant child, to,undertake a journey to Jejuri, the days being very hot. The letter is from ttie

lonth of May

Radhabai, in another letter, info ms the Peshwa that since Umabai had paid a visit to her natal home allcr

long period, it was requested by her natal fainily to penviit her to stay longer.Radliabai agrees lo this request

!id suggests that she be permitted to stay 2 more montlis This letter indicates tliat not only the pliysical

lealth was taken care of

Uiandibai Raghunath was in imprisonment of Nana Phadnavis at Kopcrgaon, with her family consisting of her

idopted son Amrutrao, son Bajirao II and daughters-in-law and Nalakshalas or mistresses of her husband,

lagliunathrao. Anaiidibai took good care of them till her death. Bhagirathibai, first wife o f Bajirao n, suffered

rom fever (Sfieetajwara or Maleria). It was not cured by normal treatment, so Anandibai made a vow to feed the

\ ahmins (BrahminJ>hoJcm). It did not work, so , she called a Bhagat (a worshipper of a Goddess) thinking it

vas a rage of a Goddess. All this was part of the treatment according to contemporary belief Krishnaji

jnnardhan, the clerk, reports to Nana Phadnavis in 1788 A.D. Ganga Vishnu was a famous Vaidya, residing

it Savai Jainagar. He was invited II. treat Peshwa Madhavrao. He had cured Madhavrao successfully. After

Vladhavrao had been on a campaign, the Vaidya stayed in Pune to treat others.

Gopikabai, mother of the Peshwa lived at Gangapur and was not well, her clerk, Ramchandra Narayan

Gore, suggests to the Peshwa, in a letter, of 1767 A.D. that she be treated by the Vaidya Ganga Vishnu

Chatrapati Shahu seems in one letter worried and sad, for his Queen Sagiinabai was not well. He could
 Smallpox was a common disease prevalent; Gopalrao Patwardhan had proposals for marriage. His father,

Govindrao Hari writes, that the girl selected had suffered from smallpox, that the scars were healing and there

no need to worry The thing noted is, the girl is not rejected but her smallpox is considered as a normal
7'
occurrence.

Sadashivraobhau writes to Trimbakrao Pethe, his maternal Uncle {Mama), to meet Kashibai (Tai),

paternal Aunt and widow of Bajirao I and to console her personally. Tai had lost her brother and was in

(59)
moummg .

Gopalrao Patwardhan’s wife died while accompanying him on a military campaign. There was nobody

ifrom the family near him. His father, Govindrao Hari writes to him from Miraj, their family place, sending his

regrets for being alone during this sad time and also for his daughter (Gopalrao’s) Kushi’s sorrow at the loss of

her mother This does not seen^i to be a routine condolence letter.

Gopikabai, wife of PeshwaNanasaheb, writes to Sagunabai, child widow of Nanasaheb’s younger brother

Janardliani ao, who was on the pilgrimage, news about Sagunabai’s natal family

Slavery :
Slavery was a regular feature of tlie social system of the Peshwa period, 'flie condition and the extent of

the practice of slavery during this study period can be seen mainly from the information collected by the British

Officials.

War and subsequent looting, birth and trading were the major sources of slavery. Women and girls of the

vanquished were freely captured by the victorious armies and taken to their country to be sold as slaves. If men

were occasionally captured, it was not with a view to sell them as slaves but to hold them to ransom All

l^iildi en bom of one’s fen^iale slave, whetlier by the master or by some othei' person, became slaves.

Trading in slaves was another important and direct source of slavay. Parents would sell their children and

52
 brothers and sisters as slaves under economic distress. This kind of sale was more acute during lamine ana

political disturbances. A parent or a faiiier, would sell or give his daughter free if she was physically disabled

e.g. Padaji Karka’s d au^ter was blind, so, he gave her as a

Women were enslaved for the crime of adultery, even though it had no connection with the provisions of
T
Ihe Hindu Law. This type of enslavement was not very common or general; only those women who were unable

to pay the fine for the offence committed and who did not belong to respectable families were reduced to slavery

a punishment for adultery

Baiaki and Kunbin were tjie daiominations for a female slave and Gulatn or Porga for the male one.

According to the available records, it appears that slaves, whether male or female, were employed mainly for

doing household work and personal service, as domestic servants and attendants. The baiafds cuid kunbins wa'e

Required to do work such as sweeping the floors and plastering them with cow-dung, cleaning utensils, washing

clotlies, cleaning and cutting vegetables, grinding and pounding com, making beds, etc.

Slave girls interviewed by Broughton, who were in the employment of a relation of Shinde, told him that

they had very easy life; their only employment during the day being to attend on their master’s wives and to rub

the old gentleman’s feet when he laid down to repose. At night they were at liberty to do what they pleased

Slavery practised during this period had special characteristics; men were rarely enslaved, not even the

l^risoners of war. Male children over the age of 10 or so, were not to be sold Although the children bom of

. female slave bccame the slaves of the master, the male ones could be retained into bondage for only one

generation. Children of the male slave were bom free. Therefore the children of the Gulams were very limited.

Slavery was chiefly limited to females, male slaves were rare and were seen with men of some rank and

property, \'ho treated them as tlieir t oiifidential servants.

The second notable feature of the slavery of this period was that it was susceptible to caste

discriminations. As a rule. Brahmins were not to be enslaved. Similarly, the members of the lowest or depressed
y
castes, being considered untouchable, could not be of much use as slaves and hence, were rarely enslaved, lliere

were A£.islim aiid Siddi (Abyssinian) slaves, but never Nkihars, Mangs and the like*^'^^\

53
 Slaves were mainly reciuited from such castes as Frahluis, S(j)uv, Dhanagar, KkvcUha, Kunbi,

2tc. , who were not too high or too low for admitting into the houses of upper classes. A Kiittbin in the household

of Bajirao Moreshwar Bhave was discovered to be of Cfiambhar(Cobh\er) caste, that too after four months ol

seivice. The Bhave family and those who caaie in contact witli the family even remotely, for example, tlieir

1 'ighbour, Narahar Gopal, who shared the water from a coRimon well, were ordered to undergo Frujapatya
/ £Q\

Prayashchitya penance .

i liirdly, the nature of slavery practised was primarily domestic. Labour through the slaves was practically

free once their prices wa"e paid. A Kioibin could be bought at Rs. 50, 75, 90,100/-. There are records of a Dasi

iilong with a male child bought for Rs. 120/- at Pabal, ora Kunbin, a mother of three children bought for

Rs. 150/- Also, prices offei'ed for slaves in the Maratha states varied from Rs. 4 0 /- to Rs. 300 /-.

^ood-looking girls, generally purchased witli a view to put them into prostitution or concubinage, brouglit in

the highest price. Health, youth and caste were some of tlie important factors taken into consideration while

purchasing a slave for domestic labour.

Many times, slave girls were retained by their masters just for sexual pleasures It was a common

practice witli the Princes and the Chiefs to train their slave girls in dancing and singing and put them in

concubinage "S'esu was a beautiful Daasi en^iployed by Peshwa Nanasaheb. She was very good in singing.

the defeat of Panipat, when the Peshwa became mentally derailed, only Yesu could control him. She was

the only person whom he could trust. She bore him three sons and when the Peshwa died, she died as Sati .

In 1762 - 63 A.D. the Peshwa household alone had 197 Kunbins in employment. Most of llicm weie

presented as gifts to tiie Peshwa by the noblemen such as, Govindpant Bundele, Samshersingh, Mujjal'arjang,

Holkar, etc.. Even the Brahmins employed Baiiks in the household.

Sometimes the men could not many' or afford to pay bride price and marry and hence, had to compromise

^vitli having sexual relations with such B Hks. One such Noro Bhanoji Kulkami, had a daughter from hi? Batik

Another Braluiiin groom, Moro Ramchandra Deshpande, who had no knowledge of her mother, man ied tier. On

disclosure, the groom and his close relatives living in Supe and Bararnati pargane, had to undeigo penances, and

54
 ordered to go to W ai for penance and subsequent purification N o tiiin g is know n as to what happened to tlie

girl married to Deshpande or whether she was subsequently accepted by tJie fam ily or deseited for being a

daughter o f a B a tik

- Slaves w ere regarded as the chattel o f the master. H e could sell away his slave like any other article in his

p ossession , to w h om soever he pleased or even m ortgaged her for his debt. In 1 8 2 2 A.D . Ganga Kunbin was

(74)
' Lgagtd by her master, Raglioji bin Dhanji Gadekar to Balajipant Natu for a debt o f Rs. 2 0/-

Or , he could g iv e her away to som e one as a gift as w ell. A Maratha Lady, a w id ow , having died w ithout

- an issue, h ^ property together w itli her fem ale slave was ordered to be given to her husband’s sister’s

's o n , i n l 7 5 2 - 55 A.D .

,After the death o f a father, his Kunbin, D hondi, w as divided into tw o sons. D hondi was priced as o f Rs.

50/- and the son w h o took her had to pay the other, her price o f Rs. 2 5 /- to buy another K u n b in . Fem ale

slaves w ere often given away to the Brahm ins in this manner, on the occasion o f obsequies or to a daughter as

w edding presents.

B y the law o f property and ownership, a run-away slave w ent back to her mastei', even after a long tim e

she was found. It appears that a master had to forsake his ownership over a slave upon her marriage, w hence it

was transferred to the husband. In 17 ,1 - 42 A.D. on application o f Ranoji B honsale, Y esi, residing at

Purandhar, w as brought to the H u zu r and enquiries w ere made. It w as found that Ranoji had married her to

som ebody else and that he could not, therefore, lay claim on her as a slave. Y esi was permitted to live w here she

w ished On marriage, a slave or otherw ise any w om an, got the status o f g a ra ti or a respectable w om an and

as such, no body could put her back to slavery.

According to the inform ation collected and reports furnished by tlie foreign observers, it appeal s tliat the

slaves w ere treated liberally and humanely, 'lliey w ere treated very w ell, clad ajid fed in the sam e way as tlie

members o f the fam ily, except for their eating their m eals separately M asters even bore the expenses o f their

maiTiage and later released them e.g. An extract from Naro A ppaji’s D iaiy in 1774 - 75 A.D. “a fem ale slave

55
.Jain i, Mohammedan by caste, attached to tlie cavalo' under Sakhoji Mule, had a daugtiter. Sakhoji married her to

Mussalnifin. Orders were issued to show her as released " '

In 1762 - 63 A.D. a record shows Rs. 1303 - 1304/- being debited in the account of clothes, as presented

'’•to 197 female slaves of tlie Govenunent on tlie Dasara Festival. Tlie names of these slaves are also given

But it must be also noted that tli se slaves were in anployment in tlie Peshwa household, to conclude that all

_ slaves received tlie same treatment would be dangerous. The conditions of the slaves in the employment of men

in position and property could not be aivvays compared with those in the employment of the ordinary people;

because tJie former were likely to get better and more opportunities of begetting tliemselves by their master’s

_ prosperity’ and consequent liberties.

lliough the slaves were well treated, in general, their life was not without troubles. The master was under

no obligation to maintained them in their old age. He could just release the aged slave, who was too old to sell

^ and therefore economically burdensome, without providing for her maintenance

No donbt they were released from the seirices; sometimes they were also givwi a choice to live

where-eva- they wished to; but it must also be noted that when released, they had to pay a No2 ar (a tax,

voluntarily paid, in cash). An example of Yeshi Kunbin, in 1774 A.D. paid Rs. 150/- for her release, out of

which Rs. 125/- were paid as Nazar A slave had no source of income, how could she raise such an amount,

_ that too in her old age, for her release?

Kunbin and Batiks were no better that <mimals. I'ew wandering tribes like the Vanjaria, Brinjarias, Hede,

Charanas, Gwan'iahs etc. were associated with a kind of slave trade The English tradeis would buy and sell

temale slaves, and Shivaji had levied a tax of 2--3 Pagodas on each slave. Later, his son Sambhaji, increased the

lax trom 2--3 pagodas to 12 Pagodas which helped to increase the government income and controlled the

■ trade<^".
 Tiie Uade was primarily engaged in tiaffic of women find children vvfio were uiiiniaici> lu

proslitution or to serve as domestic labour lliese tradeis generally ciuried oil children and women,

procured during scarcity or by stealing from one p.irt of the country to anotlier; for sale. The nature of their

, operations was local

~ W om en a n d P ublic Life :

There is a curiosity to know ab^ iit the facilities afforded to women to take part in public life and activities. Did

tliey at all come out in public or were they condemned to a secluded life? Were tiiey allowed to move freely in

—society and if they were to do so, what were the spheres in which they used to take an active part?

Though in Hindu society as a whole thei e was nothing like the modem Purda s>'stem in existence, there

were certain restrictions on the m o v i’lents of women.

There seems to be absolutely no traces of any Purda observed witliin tlie family during lius period. 1l wu;

^ tlie regular duty of a daughter-in-law to pay her respects to elderly relatives by bowing at their feet. There is
t

nothing what so ever in our tradition or literature to suggest tliat the iatlier-in-law or the elder brolher-in-l;iw

_ could not see the face of a daugliter-in-law or a younger sister-in-law.

However, tlie ruling and ai'istocratic families adopter' :he purda system. It seems tiiat the ’ iroduction of

this system in Maratha rulers was a symbol to indicate their desire to render themselves as respectable as the

_ M"?lim Kings whom they had earlier served loyally or were in close contact vvitli

Purda was regarded as an essential insignia of respectabilit\'. The royal families tliouglit it desirable tlial

tlieir ladies should be seen only by the selected few. e.g. Chatj-apati Shaliu was man ied to /\mbicabai Jadiiav fuid

Savitr ibai Shinde, when Shahu was ir Mie imprisonment of the Moghul Emperor. Shahu was then 18 years old

- and it was his first marriage. Tlie Emperor expressed his wish to bless tlie newly weds personally. Shahu’s motiier

aiTanged to send the m aid-servaiit Viroobai, sent with tJie Shinde bi ide. Viroobiii took the i^lace ot'llic bruic lr.i

Yesubai, mothei' of Shahu felt it outside tlie decorum tliat tlie Emperor, a stranger and belonging to Islamic t'ailli

5/
be in tlie audience o f the royai brides. She could not offend tlie Emperor by disregai ding his w ish as Y esubai was

in the im prisonm ent not alone but along w ith her family. (8 4 )

W om en o f the peasant and the w orking classes could ufcourse not afford to renrain in seclusion; they had

to m ove ou t for their daily work. The>' used to m ove the lapel o f their saris slightly over their faces w hen a

stranger passed by them.

W om en could visit tem ples and attend the religiou s discourses; i.e. Kirtan, Puran, Bhajan etc. Purda

system was prevalent but it seem s it w as not veiy rigid and vexatious to w om en.

Maluu ani Y esubai, w id ow o f Chati apati Sambhaji w as in the im prisonm ent o f the M ogliul Emperor for

over 28 y e a r s.(1 6 8 9 -1 7 1 8 ). I h e Em peror took her witli his militar>' camp all over Ihe soutJi o f Maharashtra for

the first 17 years.

The w om en belonging to the Maratlia royal and noble fam ilies observed purda as ti adition but the w om en

o f tlie P eshw a and other Brahm in fam ilies did not observe it at all. Sir M ount Stuart E lephinstone once attended

a dinner part>' at the Peshw a household, M aisaheb. w ife if Peshw a Bajirao II received him as his hostess. She

presented the E nglish G uest o f H onour a diam ond r in g ’^^^l

M ajor General Arthur W ellesley, the fam ous E nglish m ilitary comm ander, m et Jiubai, tlie w id o w o f Nana

Phadnavis. On 18th M ay 1 8 0 4 A.D. W ellesley u r ite s to C olonel C lose, the E nglish resident o f Poona, "She is

ver>' frsir and handsom e and we!! deserving to the object o f a treat}'”

Grant D u ff, the fam ous historian described and appreciated the conduct o f Varanasibai, w ife o f tlie iasi

Peshw a, Bajirao II. D u ff had m ade arrangements to send her to Brahainavarta. It seem s that hei' conduct was

wortli appreciating. D u ff furthei' states that these w om en from Maharashtra used to be present on the battle-lields

I 'i
and hence w ou ld not afford to ob sen i' purda '

Bhim abai, daughter o f Yashwantrao Holkar, had on ce told Sir John M alcolm that it was an incumbent

dut\ o f a Maratha Princess to lead hci troops in person, when there w as no husband or son to do so. Bhimabai

had exliibited her military skill during the battle at Mahidpur

Hoi’Uworu tiit' had iloooribod V'ru nnnnibni, w if e o f tlic loat Pcnhwo B ojiroo II, rifJine; her hor.ic tiiTlone^f tbc
 crowded sti'ccts iieai' tlieteinple of Jogesl'.vvtii'i, in the tnidsl ol'Pune city'

M urali. m eans a girl dedicated to Lord Kir<iiidoba. Piu eiits w ho desired to have a child vow ed to dedicate

their first bom to the Lord. If it was a m ale child, he was called Vaf;hya and if it was a fem ale child, she was

^called M urali. Such children w ere num erous and w ere scattered all over the soutli Maharashtra.

Vaghya, on grow in g up w ou ld lead a normal life; be married to a girl o f his father’s caste or a Vaghv'a.

Thei e w ere no restrictions on the m arriages betw een children o f Vaglryas. It w as not necessary to consider their

children as Vaghyas.

M urali, on the other hand w ou ld be married to the idol o f Lord Khandoba at Jejuri. How'ever, she was

expected to be loyal to hei' ston e husband o f her throughout her life. It w as an evil om en for a M urali to many'

another human being.

'Fhe v o w w ou ld be to deaicate the first bom to Khandoba; i f it w as a fem ale child, her life was tied for a

life-tim e. B ut tha-e w ere no such restrictions if w as a m ale child. H e \vould lead a normal life, m any’ and beget

children o f his own. M urali w'ould be dedicated even before she w as bom . It seem s that man did injuslice on a

w om an not only as a husband but even as a father.

Since a M urali could not man;, in her life, m ost o f tliem w ou ld live witli tlieir paients. Otiiers wandered

with Vaghyas, singing songs o f devotion o f Lord Khandoba and collected alms to maintain them selves. Som e

lived permanently at Jejuri, w here the fainous tem ple o f Kliandoba is situated The daily cleanliness, sweq>ing the

ilo o rs o f the tem ple and w ashing the utensils o f the worship etc. w ere the chores in which they kept them selves

, ( 90)
busy

S om etim es a M urali was com p elled to lead a life o f a prostitute for her maintenance. lhi.s immoral

behaviour w as defended on the grounds o f religiou s sei-vices. It w as believed that since M urali dedicated hei’ life

towiu ds tlie service o f Lord Khandoba, her conduct o f prostitution w as not sinful

S om e tried to revolt against Uie tradition and desired a life o f a man ied respectable, G araii w om an .A

record in the Peshw a Daflar records a case Llius; Yamuna M urali got hei' sister, M aina Murali m airied Afler

som e tim e there w as discord amongst tlie husband and w if e 'flie husband deserted Mama. 'ITierefore the

59
residents of Jejuri pacified tlie husband by giving him her jewellery :ind Rs. 400/-. He gave away hi? claim ovei'

her as her husband. Maina was again made a Murali and her husband objected to her being made a Murali. "Hie

(Q2)
Peshwa ordered that protection been given to Maina from her husband .

It seems that not only the first bom was dedicated to Khandoba but also subsequent children were

dedicated to the Lord. In the above case, Yamuna and Maina, two sisters were dedicated as Muralis. .^odier

point noted is Lliat in rare cases the Murali could marry and lead a normal life. If the mairiage proved to be

unsuccessful, she could return to her former life as Murali. The society' did not object to her return and accepted

her as Murali.

Murali was regaided as iiicirried to Lord Khfuidoba. In marrying anothei' human being, did she morally or

ethically d ^ a d e herself? Did she not fear tlie wraUi of her divine husband? Breaking away from her husband

how can she be accepted as Murali, i.e. a wife of Khandoba? These questions remain unanswered. One tiling is

certain, society accepted hiir as Murali.

... XXX —
 Reference List

1. Kelkar Y.N. Kahi .AprasidJm Charitre, p. 35.

2. Bhave V.K. Peshwekal in M aharashtra, (h ereinafter Bhave) p.295.

3. Deshniukh Dr. Sharada, Shivakalin Va Peshwekalin Streejeevan, ( herein after Deshmukh), p .202,

4. Chapekai'N.G. Peshwaichya Sam ilit, p. 167.

5. Wad Raobaliadur G.C. Selected Papers From The Satara Raja ’s M d The P eshw a’s Diaries, Vol. I—IX, Pune,

( herein after P. Dy.) Vol. 6, letter no. 89, p.92.

6. Sardesai M aya M aharashtra Saudarnini, Pune, 1968, p. 137.

7. P. Dy. Vol. 7, letter no. 554, p. 167.

8. Wad Raobahadur G.C., Balaji Bajirao Peshwe Yanchi Rojanishi, Pune, 1906, p.92.

9. Ibid. p. 94.

10. Wad Raobahadur G.C. Thorale M adhavrao Peshwe Yanchi Rojanishi, Part I, p.72.

11. Sardesai G.S. (editor) Selected Papers From The Peshwa Dajiar, Vol. 1—45. Pune, ( herein after P.D.) V ol.22,

p.133.

12. SL'.vacharitra Sahitya Vol. '-3, 1930, v o l.3, letter no. 431, p.44.

13. Rajwade V.K. M arathancya Itihasachi Sadhane, V o l.l--2 5 , ( herein after M .l.S.) Vol. 2., letter no, 461,p.430

14. Ibid Vol. 24, letter no. 110, p.72.

15. Lele M.H. Lele Kula Vritantta, Bombay, letter no. 69.

16. M .l.S. Vol. 24, letter no, 115.

17. Deshmukli. p. 168.

18. Khare V.V. Nana Phadnavisache Charitra, Pune, p. 15.

19. Ranade Pratibha K abul'K andhaharatii Katha, Bombay, last chapter, Panipatche Shevatche Pratra/;.

20. Dongre K.B. .4rya Virangana Baroda, p,27.

21. Oak P.O. Peshwe Gharanyacha ltihas,V\a\'^, ( herein after Oak) p.79.

22. Oak. p. 81.

23. Oak. p. 90.

24 Sardesai G.S. M arathi Riyasat, Uttar Vibhag No. 3, (herein alter Mfiratlii Riyti^ial) Bombay, p.79.
 25.1bid. 25 a Ibid. p.511.

26. Ibid. p. 511.

27. Ibid. p.513.

28. 29 aiid 30. Tlie coirespondence between Maisaiieb aiid Peshwa Bajirao II, regarding the nian iage of
✓

Pratapsingli, is available in M arathi Riyasat, Uttar Vibhag no. 3, p. 520, 521 and 522.

31. M arathi Riyasat.M adhya Vibhag, no. 4 . Bombay, p. 296.

32. Oak. p.89.

33. P.D. Vol. 10. letter no. 330.

34 edi, Sane K.N. K avyaitihas Sangraha, Vol. 2 anka4, p .121.

35. Bhave N eelim a Rajkaranachya Phatitnadhun Peshwekalin Striya, Bombay, ( herein after R.P.P.S.) p.59.

36. Oak. p. 107.

37. Sai'desai G.^. A itih a sik P.atrabodh, letter no. 432.

38. P. D. Vol. 9. letter no. 11, p. 8.

39. Ibid. letter no.24, p .17.

40. Ibid. letter no. 18.

41 Oak. p. 83.

42. C hibav S. M cdhyayugin Chantrakosh, Pune, ( herein after Madliyayugin Chai’ib'akosh) .'\liilyabai Holkar, p.86

43. OakP.G. Durdevi Anaridibai Peshwe, Charitra. p.53.

44. Bhave. p. 128.

4 5 .Oak. p. 136.

46. Bhave. p. 131.

47. ft)id. p. 124.

48. Ibid. p. 127.

49. Kelkar Y.N. Bhutawar Brahman. Pune, p. 72.

50. edited. Purandai'e K.B. I^ra n d a re Daftar. Vol. 1, letter nos, 176. p. 127, and letter no. 177, p, 128.
r
51. P.D. Vol. 18. letter no. 100,p ,59.

52. Ibid. letter no. 101, p.60.

53. Ibid. letter no. 102, p.60.

54. Um(1. letter no. 98, p .56.

55. R.P.P.S. p. 10.

56. Bhave. p. 132.

57. P.D. Vol. 18. letter n o.l 13.

58. R.P.P.S. p.lO.

59. editedPurandare K.B. Purandarc Da/tar Vol.], letterno. 152..

60. R.P.P.S. p. 10.

61. edited Purandare K.B. Purandare Daftar Vol. 1, letterno. 109.

62. P.D. Vol. 32, letters nos. 3 ,1 6 and 17.

63 Bhave. p. 302.

64. P.D. Vol. 32. Letters nos.3, 16 and 17.

Pawai’ Appasaheb, Tarabaikalin Kagad-patre, Vol. 2, KomapiU’, letterno. 134.

65. Major Brougliton T.D. Letters F ro m A M a ra th a Camp, 7S0<London, 1813, p.74-75.

66. P.D. Vol. 32. letter no.3.

67. P. Dy. Vol. Vn. letter no. 743 and letter no.747.

68. Bhave. p. 303.

69. Bhave. p. 301.

70. P. Dy. Vol. \ m letterno. 1118.

71. P.D. Vol. 8. letterno. 33. p. 24.

72. Oak. p. 232.

73. Bhave. p. 303.

74. Chapekai’N.G. Peshwaichya SawrJit, Pune, p. 185.

75. Ibid.

76. P.Dy. Vol. I. letterno. 369. p.213.

77. P.Dy. Vol. Vin. letter no. 1100.

78. P.Dy. Vol. m letter no,743. p. 218.

79. P.D. Vol. 32. letter no.3.

80. ChapekarN.G. Peshwaichya Sawalit, Puiie, p. 184.

81. Goldiale Dr. Kamal, S/:-. ciputra Sdmbhaji, Piu)e, ] 971, p. 377.

82. Debai Sudha Social Life Under The Peshwas, Bombay, p. 56.

83. P.D. Vol. 43. letter no. 45.

84. Sardesai G.S. Sthirbudhi Rajamrn, Puiie, 1936. p. 134-35.

M adhyayugin Charitrakosh, Yesubai aiid Viroobai.

85. Bhave V.L. M arathi Da/tar, Rumai 2. p.61-62.

86. Desliniukli. p. 190.

87. Ibid. D u ff Grant History O f The M arathas, Bombay, Vol. n , p. 8.

88. Deshmukh. p. 191.

89. Ibid. Scottwearing, Rem iniscences In Indian Officials, %9.

90. Dhere R.C. Khandoba, Pune, 1961, p. 83.

91. Joshi G.M. Hindunche,Sam aj-rachana Shastra, Pune, Shake 1856, p. 218.

92. Bharat Itihas Sanshodliaii MandaJ, Grajitlia 79. Lekli no. 59.

64