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Affective Responses and Exposure to

Frightening Films: The Role of Empathy
and Different Types of Content
a
Cynthia Hoffner
a
Department of Communication , Georgia State University ,
Published online: 04 Nov 2009.

To cite this article: Cynthia Hoffner (2009) Affective Responses and Exposure to Frightening Films:
The Role of Empathy and Different Types of Content, Communication Research Reports, 26:4,
285-296, DOI: 10.1080/08824090903293700

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 Communication Research Reports
Vol. 26, No. 4, November 2009, pp. 285–296

Affective Responses and Exposure

to Frightening Films: The Role
of Empathy and Different
Types of Content
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Cynthia Hoffner

Young adults (N ¼ 172) completed questionnaires that measured empathy, affective

responses and exposure to frightening films, and perceptions of how aspects of scary
content (suffering, danger, excitement, and a happy ending) affect enjoyment. Empathic
concern was associated with less enjoyment of suffering, but more enjoyment of danger,
excitement, and happy endings. Enduring negative affect was associated with higher
personal distress and less enjoyment of suffering. Exposure to frightening films was
associated with lower personal distress, more enjoyment of danger, and less enjoyment
of happy endings. Interpretations of the findings are discussed.

Keywords: Empathy; Enjoyment; Frightening Films; Negative Affect; Scary Content

Frightening images and events are popular elements of entertainment, and scholars
have long been interested in why many people apparently enjoy depictions of terror,
violence, and suffering (Hoffner & Levine, 2005; Sparks & Sparks, 2000). This ques-
tion is important because it addresses fundamental aspects of how people respond to
the emotions and experiences of others. A growing body of research examines
the processes that underlie media exposure and enjoyment, but there are still many
unanswered questions (Bryant & Vorderer, 2006). Regarding viewers’ enjoyment of
and selective exposure to frightening media depictions, research and theorizing has

Cynthia Hoffner (PhD, University of Wisconsin–Madison, 1988) is a professor in the Department of Commu-
nication at Georgia State University.Correspondence: Cynthia Hoffner, Department of Communication, Georgia
State University, One Park Place South, P.O. Box 4000, Atlanta, GA 30302-4000; E-mail: joucah@
langate.gsu.edu

ISSN 0882-4096 (print)/ISSN 1746-4099 (online) # 2009 Eastern Communication Association

DOI: 10.1080/08824090903293700
 286 C. Hoffner
emphasized the need to consider both individual differences and content features
(e.g., Oliver, 2002; Weaver & Tamborini, 1996).
Many scholars have noted that emotional responses to narratives are determined,
to a large extent, by reactions to the experiences and expressions of characters (Raney,
2006; Zillmann, 1996). Media presentations frequently show characters experiencing
emotionally significant events, and expressing their emotions facially and verbally.
Empathy with characters’ experiences has been cited by many scholars as a key
determinant of emotional responses to media (Zillmann, 2006). Empathy as a trait
or enduring disposition has been shown to moderate audience responses to media
portrayals of others’ experiences (e.g., Oliver, 1993; Raney, 2002; Scharrer, 2008;
Tamborini, 1996). Although scholars have debated the definition and boundaries
of the concept, there is now near-consensus that dispositional empathy is best con-
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ceptualized as a multidimensional construct that includes both cognitive and affective

responses to others (Batson, 1991; Davis, 1994; Eisenberg, 2000). This study focused
on affective aspects of empathy—specifically, empathic concern, defined as an other-
oriented response of sympathy or concern for the welfare of others; and personal
distress, defined as a self-oriented feeling of anxiety or discomfort in response to
another’s suffering. Empathic concern and personal distress show different patterns
of facial and physiological response and are associated with different personality traits
(Eisenberg, 2000). Evidence also shows that they are differentially related to helping;
empathic concern leads to altruistic efforts to reduce others’ suffering, whereas
personal distress egoistically motivates people to reduce their own negative affect,
often through avoidance or withdrawal (Batson, 1991; Davis, 1994; Eisenberg, 2002).
Tamborini (1991, 1996; Tamborini, Stiff, & Heidel, 1990) proposed a model of the
relationship between empathy and responses to horror films. He argued that viewers
with a greater tendency to respond emotionally to or share the responses of others
should feel more negative affect in response to horror, and should experience less
enjoyment. Consistent with these ideas, Tamborini et al. found that college students
who were more empathic were more likely to engage in coping behaviors (distraction
or looking away) while viewing a horror film clip, and liked the clip less. Tamborini
(1996) argued that an ‘‘individual who is sensitive to the misfortunes of others . . .
might be expected to react more strongly to the pain and suffering displayed in
horror films’’ (p. 111). Non-empathic individuals, in contrast, would not experience
an aversive response to others’ suffering, but may be aroused by other aspects of a
scary presentation and, thus, could enjoy the experience as entertainment.
Few studies have examined the link between empathy and responses to frightening
media, but the limited evidence supports the view that empathy is associated with
more negative affect and less enjoyment. For example, R. J. Harris et al. (2000)
and Hoekstra, Harris, and Helmick (1999) reported that empathy was associated with
more intense fear responses to scary films, and Hoffner (1995) found that personal
distress (but not empathic concern) was negatively related to adolescents’ liking
for frightening films. However, Tamborini’s (1991, 1996) proposed relationship
between empathy and enjoyment initially appears inconsistent with Zillmann’s
(1996, 2006) model of suspense enjoyment, which contends that ‘‘empathic distress’’
 Communication Research Reports 287

should facilitate enjoyment of fright, at least following a satisfying resolution. Based

on his excitation-transfer theory, Zillmann (1996) argued that enjoyment of suspen-
seful drama is a function of both the level of suspense (characterized by subjective
fear or distress, and arousal) and the viewer’s reaction to the resolution. He con-
tended that arousal from suspenseful scenes should carry over and intensify the view-
er’s positive response to a satisfying resolution, thus producing an enjoyable
emotional experience. Conversely, if a resolution produces sadness or disappoint-
ment, residual arousal from suspense should intensify viewers’ dysphoria. A small
body of evidence generally supports this model (Hoffner & Levine, 2005).
Two points may help to clarify the relationship between empathy and enjoyment
of frightening media. First, when horror movies feature terror and victimization and
do not include resolutions that viewers consider satisfying, both models would pre-
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dict that greater empathic response should be associated with less enjoyment. Second,
what Zillmann (1996, 2006) called ‘‘empathic distress’’ refers to an emotional
response to danger and suffering experienced by characters. Perhaps such negative
affect enhances enjoyment of successfully resolved horror primarily for viewers
who focus on the characters’ experiences and do not tend to ‘‘personalize’’ the
depicted events. However, viewers who focus on the personal relevance of the por-
trayals and appraise their own emotions as intensely dysphoric may have difficulty
shifting to a positive state following a successful resolution. This explanation suggests
the need to differentiate between two affective components of empathy when explor-
ing responses to frightening media: empathic concern (other-focused) and personal
distress (self-focused).
Tamborini (1996) contended that empathy interferes with enjoyment primarily by
producing an aversive emotional response to pain and suffering. There is little direct
evidence to support this view, but some findings are consistent with the model. For
example, in a study of adolescents’ motives for viewing horror, Johnston (1995)
reported that emotional empathy was negatively related to a viewing motive labeled
‘‘gore watching.’’ The more empathic respondents were, the less likely they were to
report that they enjoyed film depictions of blood, victimization, and death. In a study
of adolescents’ coping with horror, Hoffner (1995) found that individuals high in
empathic concern tended to cope by focusing on the unreality of the events, whereas
those high in personal distress tended to use cognitive distraction. She argued that
unreality allows other-focused viewers to cope while continuing to monitor the fate
of the characters, whereas coping through distraction is consistent with the self-focus
of personal distress.
If emotionally empathic viewers are prone to experience negative affect while
viewing frightening films, they should be more likely to experience adverse emotional
reactions that endure beyond the viewing situation. The prevalence of enduring emo-
tional reactions to frightening media presentations has been reported by numerous
investigators (e.g., Cantor, 2004; Harrison & Cantor, 1999; Johnson, 1980; Sparks,
1989; Sparks, Spirek, & Hodgson, 1993). Reactions range from nervousness, night-
mares, and sleep disturbances to more prolonged feelings of anxiety and depression.
Cantor (2006) reviewed the research on this topic, and concluded that severe
 288 C. Hoffner
enduring reactions affect a small but substantial minority of susceptible individuals.
Based on evidence reviewed earlier, empathy— especially personal distress—should
play a role in this type of response. Individuals who react with personal fear to scary
media events may later experience a recurrence of that fear based on memories or
environmental triggers (Cantor, 2006). Moreover, enduring negative responses
should contribute to viewers’ dislike of horror films and influence their avoidance
of such fare (Tamborini, 1991, 1996).
This study explored the relationship between empathy and enjoyment of specific
aspects of scary content including suffering, danger, excitement, and a happy ending.
In addition, this study examined how empathy and responses to these types of
content are related to overall enjoyment, enduring negative affect, and exposure to
frightening media. Based on the preceding review, the following hypotheses and
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research questions were proposed:

H1: Empathy will be negatively related to enjoyment of suffering in frightening films.

RQ1: How will empathy be related to enjoyment of other aspects of scary content?

H2: Empathy, especially personal distress, will be associated with (a) less enjoyment,
(b) more enduring negative affect, and (c) less exposure to frightening media.
RQ2: How will the various types of scary content be related to enjoyment, enduring
negative affect, and exposure?

Method
Respondents and Procedures
Participants were 172 young adults (70 men and 102 women), aged 18 to 30 years
(M ¼ 20.90, SD ¼ 2.50), who were enrolled in introductory communication classes
at a large, urban university in the United States. They reported more than 35 different
majors. Over one half of the sample (58.7%) identified themselves as White or
Caucasian, 25.0% as Black or African American, 6.4% as Asian or Pacific Islander,
1.2% as Hispanic or Latino, 1.2% as Native American, 6.4% as ‘‘other’’ or multi-ethnic,
and 1.2% did not respond to this item. Participants completed self-administered
questionnaires at home and returned them to class within one week of distribution.

Measures
Empathy. Trait empathy was assessed with Davis’s (1983) Interpersonal Reactivity
Index. Two 7-item subscales that measured affective components of empathy were of
interest in this study: empathic concern and personal distress. Ratings were made on
7-point Likert scales, ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). Empathic
concern measures the tendency to feel sympathy or compassion for others (e.g., ‘‘I often
have tender, concerned feelings for people less fortunate than me’’) (M ¼ 3.73,
SD ¼ 0.59; a ¼ .76). Personal distress measures the tendency to feel personally anxious
or uneasy in tense situations (e.g., ‘‘when I see someone who badly needs help in an
 Communication Research Reports 289

emergency, I go to pieces’’) (M ¼ 2.65, SD ¼ 0.62; a ¼ .73). This measure is similar to

what has been called ‘‘emotional contagion,’’ but focuses specifically on negative affect.
Empathic concern and personal distress were uncorrelated: r ¼ .12, ns (Davis, 1983).
Scary content that affects enjoyment. A scale was developed to measure the extent to
which various aspects of scary content affect enjoyment of a film. In a pilot test, 47 under-
graduates (who did not participate in the main study) were asked to list the aspects of
content that they liked and disliked in frightening films. These open-ended responses
were informally content analyzed and formed the basis for the items on the self-report
scale used in the main study. Respondents rated each item on a scale that ranged from
1 (makes the film much less enjoyable) to 5 (makes the film much more enjoyable). The
scores were submitted to a principal axis factor analysis with oblique rotation. After
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dropping several items that failed to load on any factor or had high cross-loadings, four
factors emerged. All factor loadings exceeded .50, and there were no cross-loadings over
.25, with the exception of one item with a cross-loading of .35.1 The items on each sub-
scale, and the factor loadings for each, are presented in Table 1. The four types of content
are suffering (8 items; M ¼ 2.78, SD ¼ 1.14; a ¼ .96), danger (6 items; M ¼ 3.76,
SD ¼ 0.89; a ¼ .86), excitement (4 items; M ¼ 4.39, SD ¼ 0.70; a ¼ .81), and happy ending
(3 items; M ¼ 2.99, SD ¼ 0.97; a ¼ .67). Suffering, danger, and excitement were all posi-
tively correlated (rs ranging from .23–.65), and these three variables were all negatively
correlated with enjoyment of a happy ending (rs ranging from
.20 to
.59).
Enjoyment of frightening films. Respondents completed Sparks’s (1986) Enjoyment
of Frightening Films (EFF) scale. The scale includes ten statements about positive or
negative reactions to frightening films (e.g. ‘‘As far as I’m concerned, the scarier a
movie is—the better). Ratings are made on 5-point (1–5) Likert scales. Sparks
(1986) reported high internal consistency and test–retest reliability for the EFF scale.
The scores were averaged after reverse-coding five items, so that higher scores reflect
greater enjoyment (M ¼ 3.74, SD ¼ 0.73; a ¼ .86).
Enduring negative affect. Respondents indicated how often they experience each of
seven negative emotional reactions after viewing scary films (Sparks, 1989; Sparks
et al., 1993). The 5-point rating scale ranged from 1 (never happens) to 5 (happens
very often). The items were (a) I have recurrent thoughts about the frightening events
in the movie; (b) I feel nervous or uneasy being in my house or room alone; (c) I feel
worried or concerned about my own personal safety; (d) I remain frightened of spe-
cific objects, people, or situations from the movie; (e) I avoid specific objects, people,
or situations that frightened me in the movie; (f) I have trouble getting to sleep; and
(g) I have bad dreams or nightmares about the movie. These items were averaged to
form a measure of enduring negative affect (M ¼ 2.17, SD ¼ 0.91; a ¼ .90).
Exposure to frightening films. Respondents were given a list of 70 films released in
the past 10 years, and were asked to check the ones they had seen. Forty films on the
list were classified in the genres of thriller or horror by the Internet Movie Database
(www.imdb.com), were rated R, and were portrayed in their synopses as very fright-
ening (based on the author’s judgment). Exposure to frightening films was calculated
 290 C. Hoffner
Table 1 Types of Content That Affect Enjoyment of Scary Films
Types of scary content Factor loadings

Sufferinga
Watching a character suffer .94
Close-ups of the victim in agony .85
Gruesome death scenes .85
Blood and gore .84
Listening to someone in pain .83
Mutilation of body parts .83
Graphic, bloody violence .81
Characters being tortured .80
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Dangerb
Knowing a killer is about to attack an unsuspecting character .79
Knowing a character is about to walk into a trap .73
Anticipating something scary .70
When a character is unaware of impending danger .63
Music that signals the approach of danger .58
Sounds suggesting danger .56
Excitementc
Thrilling sequences .79
Suspense .77
Action sequences .63
Excitement .58
Happy endingd
A ‘‘happy’’ ending with the threat eliminated .81
When a threatened character escapes harm .51
No ‘‘happy’’ ending—the threat is still out there (R) .51

Note. R ¼ reverse-coded.
a
Eigenvalue ¼ 7.79; percentage of variance ¼ 37.1%.
b
Eigenvalue ¼ 4.34; percentage of variance ¼ 20.6%.
c
Eigenvalue ¼ 1.35; percentage of variance ¼ 6.4%.
d
Eigenvalue ¼ 1.26; percentage of variance ¼ 6.0%.

as the number of these films respondents reported having seen (M ¼ 14.28,

SD ¼ 6.94; range ¼ 0–36). An additional 30 films (drama, comedy, and suspense),
all rated PG-13, appeared on the list as fillers.

Results
Empathy and Enjoyment of Scary Content
To examine H1 and RQ1, which addressed the relationship between empathy and
enjoyment of scary content, partial correlations were computed between the
 Communication Research Reports 291

Table 2 Partial Correlations between Empathy and Enjoyment of Different Types

of Scary Content
Empathy Suffering Danger Excitement Happy ending

Empathic concern .17
.21

.18
.19

Personal distress .06 .07 .02 .04

Note. Partial correlations control for gender and age.

p  .05.

p  .01.

measures of empathy and the four types of content, controlling for gender and age.
Table 2 reports the results.
In partial support of H1, empathic concern (but not personal distress) was
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associated with less enjoyment of suffering. Regarding RQ1, empathic concern was
associated with more enjoyment of danger, excitement, and happy endings, but
personal distress was unrelated to enjoyment of any type of scary content.

Predicting Affective Responses and Exposure to Frightening Films

To address H2 and RQ2, three regression analyses were conducted: predicting
enjoyment of frightening films, enduring negative affect, and exposure to frightening
films. In all analyses, gender and age were entered in the first step of the equation as

Table 3 Summary of Regression Analyses Predicting Enjoyment, Enduring Negative

Affect, and Exposure
Enjoyment of Enduring Exposure to
frightening films negative affect frightening films

Predictor variables b DR2 b DR2 b DR2

Demographics .02 .08


.02

Gender .13 .28 .13
Age .12 .03 .06
Empathy .03 .15


.05

Empathic concern .03 .01 .01
Personal distress .13 .40


.22


Scary content .44


.14


.15



Suffering .35


.21
.14
Danger .29


.15 .18

Excitement .14 .08 .00
Happy ending .18

.11 .22


Adjusted R2 .46 .34 .18
F F(8, 163) ¼ 19.33


F(8, 162) ¼ 12.00


F(8, 163) ¼ 5.76

Note. Beta weights are betas at entry. Gender was coded 0 ¼ male and 1 ¼ female.


p  .05.

p  .01.


p  .001.
 292 C. Hoffner
controls, the measures of empathy were entered in the second step, and the four types
of content were entered in the third step. Table 3 summarizes these analyses. Women
reported significantly more enduring negative affect than did men, but the two
genders did not differ in enjoyment of or exposure to frightening films.
H2 predicted that empathy, especially personal distress, would be related to (a) less
enjoyment, (b) more enduring negative affect, and (c) less exposure to frightening
films. H2a was not supported, as neither measure of empathy was related to enjoy-
ment of frightening films. H2b and H2c were partially supported. Personal distress
was associated with more enduring negative affect and less exposure to frightening
films, but empathic concern was not a significant predictor in either analysis.
RQ2 addressed how the four types of scary content are related to enjoyment,
enduring negative affect, and exposure to frightening films. Enjoyment of frightening
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films was associated with more enjoyment of suffering and danger and less enjoyment
of happy endings. Enduring negative affect was associated with less enjoyment of suf-
fering, but was unrelated to the other types of content. Frightening film exposure was
higher for people who enjoy danger and lower for those who like films with happy
endings.

Discussion
This study found that empathy was differentially related to enjoyment of various
types of scary content. As expected, empathic concern was associated with less enjoy-
ment of depictions in which characters suffer or are severely injured. However,
empathic concern was also associated with more enjoyment of danger, excitement,
and offerings that have a happy ending. Apparently, concern about the welfare of
characters can enhance or reduce enjoyment, depending on the nature of the depic-
tions. Concern for characters may increase viewers’ involvement or transportation
into the narrative. Green, Brock, and Kaufman (2004) contended that transportation
involves ‘‘temporarily leaving one’s reality behind and . . . entering the milieu of the
narrative’’ (p. 315). They argued that enjoyment comes from experiencing an alter-
native reality vicariously, without personal risk. Yet, enjoyment may be disrupted for
people who are high in empathic concern if characters with whom they become
involved suffer extensively or experience negative outcomes (Zillmann, 1996). This
could explain why empathic concern was not associated with greater enjoyment of
frightening films (i.e., the EFF scale).
The findings also confirmed the expectation that empathy, especially personal
distress, would be related to enduring negative reactions to frightening films and
exposure to such fare. Specifically, personal distress, but not empathic concern,
was associated with more enduring negative affect and less exposure to frightening
films. Considering the two components of empathy in relation to Zillmann’s
(1996) model of suspense enjoyment may yield some insight into the underlying pro-
cesses. The self-focused nature of personal distress suggests that this type of empathy
should be associated with less enjoyment of a frightening program, regardless of the
outcome. In other words, people who tend to share the negative emotions of others
 Communication Research Reports 293

should react with distress to any depiction of character suffering or endangerment.

However, if this is the case, personal distress should have been related to less
enjoyment of some types of scary content, especially suffering and danger. Why
was this not the case? First, it may be that those high in personal distress respond with
negative affect to fear cues such as facial expressions, vocal tone, or screams, but
that the relevant cues were not captured well in the short written descriptions on
the questionnaire. These responses may be pre-conscious and not something people
are able to effectively self-report (Zillmann, 2006). Second, it may be that individuals
high in personal distress are not deeply disturbed by the fate of the characters, but
their self-focus leads them to personalize the events and ruminate about their own
lives and safety. In contrast to personal distress, empathic concern reflects an
other-oriented focus of concern and caring for others (Davis, 1994). In accordance
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with Zillmann’s (1996) model, this type of response may not reduce (and may even
enhance) enjoyment of fright and violence, especially if threatened characters escape
harm or triumph. That empathic concern was not related to enduring negative affect
or exposure to frightening films probably reflects the fact that empathic concern
interacts with program content to influence responses. In fact, empathic concern
was associated with greater enjoyment of films with happy endings. Overall, the pat-
tern of findings provides some support for Tamborini’s (1996) contention that the
association between empathy and enjoyment of horror is moderated by responses
to characters’ pain and suffering, but the differential findings for empathic concern
and personal distress suggest that the relationship is complex.
Overall, the less participants enjoyed seeing characters suffer, the more enduring
negative affect they experienced, but this apparently did not reduce their exposure
to frightening fare. People may view scary media for a variety of social, personal,
and aesthetic reasons (Sparks & Sparks, 2000). Frightening film enjoyment and
exposure were higher for those who liked danger and disliked happy endings. This
outcome may reflect, in part, the fact that scary films, in recent decades, typically
conclude with the threat unresolved and evil still lurking (M. Harris, 2004).
This study examined responses to frightening films as a genre, rather than to spe-
cific films. Future research that focuses on particular film narratives should consider
disposition theory (e.g., Zillmann, 1996), which addresses the role of both character
judgments and evaluation of outcomes in emotional responses to drama. Although
disposition theory has been used to explain audiences’ enjoyment of many forms of
entertainment such as humor, sports, and drama, relatively few empirical investiga-
tions have applied this perspective to enjoyment of fright and violence (e.g., Hoffner
& Cantor, 1991; Raney, 2002). Disposition theory can help researchers identify the
elements of narrative structure and character portrayals that are likely to facilitate
or minimize enjoyment of a frightening or violent presentation. The role of empathy
in mediating responses to fright can be productively examined within this theoretical
framework. For example, in a recent study, Raney (2002) found that empathy
(measured as a combination of perspective taking and empathic concern) was posi-
tively related to sympathy for a victim of violence, which, in turn, was associated with
more enjoyment of the film clip that concluded with retribution against the villain.
 294 C. Hoffner
Experimental research is needed to examine how empathy is related to the
specific elements within programs. For example, individuals (who have completed
a multidimensional empathy measure) could view a film sequence that has been
manipulated so that the emotional responses of the victim are either included or
edited out, and a resolution in which the victim escapes from the attacker is either
included or excluded. This type of research would begin to identify the process by
which the different components of empathy interact with various content elements
to influence emotional responses to and enjoyment of frightening presentations.
Some limitations of this study should be acknowledged. First, the research
relied exclusively on retrospective self-reports. Respondents may have had difficulty
reporting on their past reactions, particularly because the questions dealt with
‘‘typical’’ responses rather than with a particular film and viewing situation. Another
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limitation of this study is the use of a convenience sample of undergraduates.

Although the sample was ethnically diverse, the participants were university students
from one region of the United States. Including participants from the general popula-
tion, as well as other geographical regions, would strengthen future research.
Overall, the findings of this research demonstrated that empathy is an important
determinant of emotional reactions and selective exposure to frightening films, and
that the role of empathy varies according to the specific nature of the scary content.
Researchers should continue to examine interactions between empathy and scary
content, using selections from frightening films in a laboratory setting.

Note
[1] This was a reverse-coded item: ‘‘No ‘happy’ ending—the threat is still out there.’’ This item
was retained because of the face-validity of the item, the importance of the ‘‘happy ending’’
scale, and the fact that the alpha for the scale dropped to .58 without it.

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