SL 37 (2007) 73-97

The Hypapante Feast

in Fourth to Eighth Century Jerusalem

by

Nicholas Denysenko*

I. Introduction

Heortology comprises an important field of study for professionals devoted to

theology and church ministry. Church professionals publish essays explaining the
meaning of a feast for a parish or diocesan btrlletin, or a national church newspaper.
Ultimately, the worshiping assembly's understanding of the feast's meaning will
be based upon their experience in participating in its liturgical cycle.
The feast traditionally celebrated on February 2 serves as an example of the
importance of undertaking an investigation into the roots of the study of a feast.
An older parishioner of the Roman Catholic Church may have understood the feast
as the Purification of Mary, Candlemas, or the Presentation of Jesus. Varying
theological emphases accompany the different titles of the feast. The festal occa-
sion might concentrate on the person of Mary, Symeon, penitence, or the blessing
of candles. A parishioner of an Eastern Orthodox parish a few blocks away might
have a similar experience. Attending the festal liturgy, the clergy and servers are
seen wearing blue vestments, and the singers are heard chanting many of the
hymns sung at every Marian feast. A previous pastor may have explained and
celebrated the occasion as a dominical feast, while the new pastor celebrates it as
Marian. While one could argue that such plurality in emphasis contributes to the
richness of the feast, these shifting interpretations of the February 2 feast, a reality
in the history of both churches, reveals confusion instead.
Liturgists who have explored the origins of the feast from both traditions have
pointed to Jerusalem as the original source for the feast. Jerusalem, a popular
center for pilgrimages because of its centrality in the historical life of Jesus,
influenced the liturgy of Rome, and engaged in mutual liturgical exchange with

*Nicholas Denysenko is a Ph.D. candidate in liturgical studies and sacramental theology at The
Catholic University of America in Washington, D.C. His doctoral dissertation will study the history
and theology of the Byzantine rite of the blessing of waters on the Theophany feast. He is also an
ordained deacon of the Orthodox Church in America. He may be contacted at kolja@verizon.net.

73
the capital of the eastern Roman Empire, Constantinople. Investigation of the
development of the February 2 feast in Jerusalem and articulation of the theology
proclaimed by the liturgical sources serves as a point of departure for anyone
wanting to grasp the original sense of the feast's celebration and then investigate
its further development in other places. The predominant name of this feast in
Jerusalem, early in Rome, later in Constantinople, and today throughout most of
the Eastern Orthodox world is Hypapante (Latin Occursus) or meeting of the Lord.
Hypapante will be generally used as the name of the feast throughout this article
for the sake of consistency, unless a particular manuscript or author uses a different
name, in which case that name will be used in association with the source.
Utilizing the liturgical experience of the feast as the hermeneutic, the Hypapante
feast will be presented as described by four important sources of fourth to eighth
century Jerusalemite liturgy, namely the diary of Egeria's travels, the Armenian
lectionary, two homilies of Hesychius, presbyter of Jerusalem, and the Georgian
lectionary. A theological synthesis of the contents of the feast will be developed
from the description of each source, followed by an analysis of any progression
that occurs from one stage to the next. The representation of the liturgical expe-
rience of the worshiping assembly according to the witness of the primary sources
serves as the purpose of this exercise, with reference to corollary factors such as
topography and theological controversy. This study will demonstrate that the
Hypapante feast in fourth to eighth century Jerusalem enjoyed a high rank in the
liturgical year, and functioned as a collection of all the themes celebrated in the
forty-day period inaugurated by the Incarnation feasts, synthesized as the reca-
pitulation of the entire mystery of Christ, the salvation of humanity, with the Cross
at the center of this mystery.

II. The Hypapante Feast in Egeria's Travels

Egeria, the renowned Jerusalem pilgrim who has provided invaluable evidence
on hagiopolite liturgical celebrations including the daily offices, Holy Week,
Pascha, Epiphany, and particular feasts, described the celebration of the "fortieth
day after Epiphany" in her diary. The date of her testimony has been estimated
to be between 381 and 384.1 Given the brevity of Egeria's description of the
Hypapante feast, the full text is presented here:

I For the background of the dating of the manuscript, see Egeria's Travels, 3rd ed., trans. and

ed. John Wilkinson (Warminster: Aris and Phillips, 1999) 169-71.

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Sane quadragesimae de epiphania ualde
cum summo honore hie celebrantur. Nam
eadem die processio est in Anastase, et
omnes procedunt et ordine suo aguntur
omnia cum summa laetitia ac si per pascha.
Predicant etiam omnes presbyteri et sic
episcopus, semper de eo loco tractantes
euangelii ubi quadragesima die tulerunt
Dominum in templo Joseph et Maria et
uiderunt eum Symeon uel Anna prophe-
tissa filia Fanuhel, et de uerbis eorum,
quae dixerunt uiso Domino, uel de obla-
tione ipsa, qua optulerunt parentes. Et post-
modum celebratis omnibus per ordinem,
quae consuetudinis sunt, aguntur sacra-
menta et sic fit missa."
Note that the Fortieth Day after Epiphany
is celebrated here with high honor. On this
day the procession is in the Anastasis. Every-
one gathers, and things are done with ele-
vated solemnity as at the feast of Pascha.
All the presbyters preach first, then the
bishop, and they interpret the passage from
the Gospel about Joseph and Mary taking
the Lord to the Temple on the fortieth day,
and about Symeon and the prophetess Anna,
daughter of Phanuel, seeing the Lord, and
what they said to him, and about the obla-
tion offered by his parents. When all the
rest has been done in the usual way, they
celebrate the sacrament and have their dis-
~ssal?

The following chart gives an outline of the liturgical celebration of this feast as
described by Egeria:
THE FORTIETH DAYAFTER EPIPHANY
Church: Anastasis
Presbyters and bishop preach
Gospel: Luke 2:22-40
Eucharist
Dismissal

Several of the liturgical elements described by Egeria are noteworthy. She

presents the title of the feast as simply "the Fortieth Day after Epiphany." The titles
commonly associated with this feast, namely the Hypapante, Occursus, Purifi-
cation of Mary, and Presentation of the Lord are absent from her description. With
remarkable accuracy, she describes the specific gospel pericope of the feast. She
begins with Luke 2:22, when Joseph and Mary take the Lord to the Temple, the
first line of a new, sequential event in Luke's gospel narrative. She then mentions
Symeon (Luke 2:25), the prophetess Anna (Luke 2:36), and returns to the sacrifice
offered to the Lord by the parents (Luke 2:24, 29). Egeria's presentation of the
reading places the incipit and desinit of the gospel at Luke 2:22-39. 4 Luke 2:40
provides a natural conclusion to the pericope, since a new narrative begins at 2:41.
This gospel pericope does not include any reference to the fortieth day. Luke 2:21

2 The Latin text is from the critical edition, Egerie: Journal de Voyage (Itinerairei, trans. Pierre
Maraval, Sources Chretiennes 296 (Paris: 1982) 26 (Maraval, 255-56).
3 The English translation is based on Egeria's Travels (Wilkinson 147-48).
4 Luke 2:39 fulfills the purpose of the parents' journey: to offer a sacrifice to the Lord.

75
does refer to the circumcision of Jesus on the eighth day, conforming to Mosaic
law in Leviticus 12:3. Leviticus 12:3-8 prescribes a forty-day period of purification
for a mother who bears a male son. Egeria's reference to the fortieth day corre-
sponds to this process prescribed by Mosaic law, which was fulfilled by Joseph,
Mary and Jesus, according to Luke's testimony. Thus Egeria' s description not only
follows the details of the scripture, but also suggests that the Epiphany feast
includes the elements of the celebration of the Lord's birth.
Egeria identifies the location of the procession as the Anastasis church, one of
the key buildings located in the complex of edifices surrounding Golgotha, and inte-
gral to the Jerusalemite system of stational liturgy.5 The Anastasis, a smaller building
enclosing the cave-chapel where the tomb of the Lord was said to have been dis-
covered, served as one of the chief churches in the city's stational liturgy along
with the Martyrium. The most prominent assemblies of the Anastasis included
several portions of Holy Week and Pascha, and the location of the post-baptismal
catecheses during the Paschal octave." The gathering of the procession at the Ana-
stasis indicates a salient celebration. Egeria does not provide any details for the
procession, unlike her descriptions of Epiphany, Pascha, Saturday in the seventh
week (Lazarus Saturday), and the Sunday of Great Week (Palm Sunday)." The
prominence of the celebration and the presidency of the bishop seem to indicate
that the service was stational, despite the absence of additional details." The cele-
bration of the eucharist and the preaching of all the presbyters and the bishop serve
as another sign of prominence." Egeria's report of the events ofthe day as holding
the same solemnity as the feast of Pascha serves as the most interesting aspect of
the feast. Such honorable mention corresponds only to two other feasts included
in her diary, namely Epiphany (25.6-12), and the Days of Encaenia (48.1-49.3).
The contents of her narration of Epiphany are incomplete, but Egeria's portrayal
of the lavish decoration of the Anastasis, Martyrium, and Bethlehem churches reveal
the feast's solemnity. Encaenia, celebrating the dedication of the Martyrium and
Anastasis churches along with the discovery of the Cross, literally holds a similar
rank to Pascha and Epiphany.'?

5 For the background on the Golgotha complex and its centrality in the liturgy of Jerusalem, see
John Baldovin, The Urban Character of Christian Worship: the Origins, Development, and Meaning
of Stational Liturgy, Orientalia Christiana Analecta 228 (Rome: 1987).
6 See Egerie, Journal de Voyage, 37.8,38.2,47.1-2 (Maraval, 288, 290, 312-14). See also Wilkin-
son 34-35, and Baldovin, 48.
7 Egerie, Journal de Voyage, 25.6-12,29.1-6,30.1-31.4 (Maraval, 248-54, 266-70, 270-74).
8 Baldovin, 60, 83.

9 The presbyters and bishop normally preached on Sundays, titled the "Lord's Day" by Egeria.
See Egerie, Journal de Voyage, 25.1 (Maraval, 244-46).
10 Egerie, Journal de Voyage, 49.3 (Maraval, 318): "His ergo diebus enceniarum ipse ornatus

omnium ecclesiarum est, qui et per pascha uel per epiphania, et ita per singulos dies diuersis locis
sanctis proceditur ut per pascha uel epiphania:"

76
 These comparative descriptions clearly reveal the Hypapante of Egeria's time
to be among the primary festal commemorations in Jerusalem's liturgical year. The
feast included a stational service which was led by the bishop, much preaching,
and a eucharistic liturgy. The feast occurs on the fortieth day after Epiphany,
following the prescriptions of Leviticus 12. Nothing in Egeria's description refers
to the theme of hypapante or meeting. While the precise theme of the feast cannot
be determined because of the multiplicity of themes in the long gospel pericope,
the solemnity and ranking of the feast clearly indicate its central position in the
liturgical life of late fourth-century Jerusalem.

III. The Hypapante Feast in the Armenian Lectionary

The Armenian Lectionary (AL) marks the next stage in the history of the liturgy
in Jerusalem.'! AL comprises a typikon, which contains rubrics for the varying
commemorations of the liturgical year.P AL was translated from Greek into
Armenian between 417 and 438,13 and the date of the manuscripts contained in
AL has been established between 417 and 439.!4 Aside from the date, title, and
station of the feast (where applicable), each commemoration includes the canon,
which indicates "the texts necessary for the celebration of different synaxes." 15
Renoux's edition ofALincludes three different manuscripts: Jerusalem 121 will
be designated as J, Paris 44 as P, and Erevan 985 as E.16 The following table pre-
sents the contents of the description and the canon for the Hypapante feast in AL:17

11 Athanase Renoux, Le Codex Armenien Jerusalem 121, vol. 1: Introduction aux origines de 1a
liturgie hierosolymitaine: Lumieres nouvelles, Patrologia Orientalis 35.1 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1969)
1-215, and Le Codex Armenien Jerusalem 121, vol. 2: Edition Comparee du texte et de deux autres
manuscrits, Patrologia Orientalis 36.2 (Turnhout: Brepo1s, 1971) 143-388. Hereafter, the rubrical
contents from the canon of the feast in the Armenian lectionary will be listed as AL. The introduc-
tory material in volume one will be referred to as Renoux, Arm-I, and that of the second volume as
Renoux, Arm-II.
12 Athanase Renoux, "Liturgie armenienne et liturgie hierosolymitaine,' in Liturgie de l'Eglise
particuliere et liturgie de l' Eglise universe lie, Bib1iotheca Ephemerides Liturgicae Subsidia 7 (Rome:
1976) 276-78.
13 Ibid., 277.
14 Renoux, Arm-II, 151.
15 Ibid., 176.
16 See Renoux, Arm-I, 183-88 for the differences between J and P, and idem, Arm-II, 155-66 for
descriptions and an analysis of the relationship of the three manuscripts.
17 AL (Arm-II), XIII (229).

77
XIII - February 14. (Eucharistic Liturgy). Fortieth (day) of the Nativity of our
Lord Jesus Christ, assembled at the Holy Martyrium, in the city, and the canon is
executed:
(JIE): Ps 97(98), antiphon: All the ends of the earth (P): Ps 97(98): All the
have seen the salvation of our God. (Ps 97 [98]:3b) ends of the earth have seen.
(Ps 97[98]:3b)
Lesson of the letter of the Apostle Paul to the Galatians: 39: Thus the law was a teacher
for us in Christ Jesus. . . . (desinit [des.]) You are nevertheless the descendants ofAbra-
ham, heirs according to the promise (Gal 3:24-29)
Alleluia Ps 95(96):
(J): Sing to the Lord a new (P): Announce day after day (E): Sing to the Lord
hymn, sing to the Lord, (Ps. 95[96]:2b) a new hymn, sing to
everyone. the Lord.
Gospel according to Luke: 40: And when the days of their purification were accom-
plished. . . . (des.) and the grace of God was with him. (Luke 2:22-40)

The three manuscripts generally maintain the same canon, as there are no major
discrepancies. The title of the feast provides a specific date, February 14, which
is the fortieth day after the Nativity of the Lord, establishing the date of the latter
at January 6. The lectionary designates the Martyrium as the location of the
celebration, keeping the feast in the center of Jerusalem worship at the Golgotha
complex.
Each manuscript prescribes the same psalm antiphon, namely Psalm 97(98):3b. 18
This initial psalm has the function of announcing the theme of the occasion. 19 The
central theme of the day is the salvation of God, and throughout the psalm the
faithful are exhorted to sing to him, worship him, and praise him for his majesty
and mighty works. The precise manner of the execution of this psalm with its
antiphon is unfortunately unknown. If Psalm 97(98) was chanted in its entirety,
verse 13 would be instructive for this analysis, as the coming of the Lord to judge
the world is announced. This would obviously pertain to the theme of meeting,
otherwise missing in AL, but the absence of information prevents any further elabo-
ration of that possibility.
The epistle reading from Galatians 3:24-29 reflects on the identity of all the
baptized faithful of the church as sons of God through baptism. Christ fulfilled
the law, and by putting on Christ, all previous affiliations are rendered subservient
to the new understanding of being a son and heir of God in the image of Christ,
through faith.

18 The slightly different presentation of the psalm antiphon in P should not be alarming. AL,

functioning as a typikon, provides only the general outline for the celebration of the service. It is not
designed to provide all the details of the contents, a task assigned to other liturgical books. P should
be interpreted as prescribing the same rubric for the psalm antiphon as J and E in this instance.
19 Renoux, Ann-II, 174.

78
 The Alleluia again announces the salvation of God. The divergence between P
and JIE is not significant, as the Alleluia functioned as the antiphon, and the psalm
was probably chanted in its entirety>' Renoux asserts that this psalm was probably
selected for the occasion because of the congruence of verses eight and nine with
the contents of the gospel reading." As a whole, the psalm serves as an exhortation
to worship God for all his glorious works and for the salvation he has wrought.
The gospel reading is Luke 2:22-40, the same pericope presented by Egeria in her
diary.-?
The task of tracing the development of the feast from Egeria to AL faces the
obstacle of the limited rubrical details described by the pilgrim. There are, how-
ever, two notable developments that illuminate the direction in which the thesis
of the feast was moving. The title of the feast includes both consistency and
change. AL retains the fortieth day commemoration, but references the Nativity
instead of Epiphany. The date of the feasts.February 14, falls forty days after
January 6, which is the feast of the Epiphany in AL.23 December 25 does not
commemorate a Nativity feast, but rather saints Jacob and David.>' The Lord's
birth was celebrated with Epiphany on January 6. These elements indicate that the
Nativity had not yet separated from Epiphany in the Jerusalemite liturgy between
417 and 439, and also that the fortieth day, and possibly the counting of a forty
day period following Epiphany/Nativity by inclusion, occupied special signifi-
cance in the city's liturgical year.
The change in the station from the Anastasis in Egeria to the Martyrium in AL
demands clarification. Both testimonies refer to an assembly at the respective
central churches of the holy city. Renoux argues that there is no mention of a
stational location, but only a procession to the Anastasis in Egeria, leaving open
the possibility for the Martyrium to serve as the assembly's location in Egeria,
since it was the normal gathering place for dominical and festal occasions.> This
explanation could reconcile the discrepancy between the two testimonies since
Egeria literally uses the word processio in reference to the gathering at the Ana-
stasis. The absence of a special mention of the Martyrium by Egeria leaves the
issue unresolved. If the location moved to the Martyrium, it could have been
ordered to comply with an evolving ecclesial need, allowing more space for the

20 Ibid., 176.
21 Ibid. Psalm 95(96):8 exhorts the faithful to bring an offering to the Lord, and Psalm 95(96):9
to worship him in holy array.
22 Wilkinson believes that AL can be used to fill lacunae in Egeria's descriptions; see pp. 179-94.
23 For the Epiphany canon of AL, see Arm-II, numbers I-II (212-17). The remainder of the
Epiphany octave is described in numbers ill-IX (217-25).
24 See Renoux, Arm-I, 171-73.

25 Renoux, Arm-II, XIII, 229, n.l.

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assembly to gather.> While the possibilities considered here are speculative, the
stational aspect of the Hypapante liturgical celebrations in both Egeria and AL is
one of the more outstanding features.
The presentation of the Hypapante feast in AL provides textual details that
represent the celebration of the feast between 417 and 439. The opening psalm
and the Alleluia psalm focus on the salvation wrought by God through all of his
mighty works. This salvation corresponds to the new identity of the baptized
faithful as sons and heirs of God, explicated in the epistle reading. No direct links
can be identified between these themes and the multiple motifs of the gospel
reading. AL is limited in its purpose, providing the psalms and texts needed for
the Iiturgy.?? No detailed description for any of the daily offices, processions,
church decoration, or other such items are provided. However, Wilkinson's sug-
gestion that AL fills the lacunae of Egeria's diary can be applied so that the two
testimonies are understood as complementary. Egeria provides the qualitative
details of the feast missing from AL. The two testimonies reveal a theological
thread connected to the Nativity of the Lord and the salvation of God, providing
a foundation for a new point of departure in the evolution of the feast.

IV. Homilies of Hesychius of Jerusalem

Hesychius (+ 451) was a presbyter in Jerusalem, and an active participant in

promoting the orthodox theology of the Council of Ephesus." He was a key
personality in the entourage of Bishop Juvenal of Jerusalem, renowned for his
knowledge and eloquence." The contents of his homilies are marked by Chris-
tology, Mariology, soteriology, and ecclesiology, among other dogmatically-based
topics. Michel Aubineau' s critical edition includes two homilies on the Hypapante
feast attributed to Hesychius. After briefly analyzing the christological terminol-
ogy employed by Hesychius, Aubineau suggests that the first homily was preached
fifteen to twenty years before the Council of Ephesus (431), between the years 411
and 416. 30 Aubineau asserts that both homilies on the feast were preached in the
Holy Martyrium.>'

The growth of the Jerusalemite assembly in a span of twenty to thirty years is plausible.
26
Renoux, Arm-Il, 165.
27

28 Michel Aubineau, ed., Les Homilies festales d'Hesychius de Jerusalem, vol. I: Les Homelies
I-XV, Subsidia Hagiographica 59 (Brussels: 1978) xv (Introduction). Hereafter, references to Aubineau' s
commentary will be referred to as Aubineau, and quotations from Hesychius' s homilies as Hesychius.
29 Aubineau, xv.

30 Ibid., 10: "Voila done son vocabulaire christologique, assez rudimentaire, legerement archaique:
parce qu'a cette date (quinze ans, vingt ans avant Ie concile d'Ephese?) on n'etait pas encore entre
dans la phase i1pres controverses?"
31 Ibid., !xii.

80
 Hesychius reflects on a number of topics in Homily I, titled "'HO"'OXto'O,
1tpeO"~'O"CEpO'O 'IepoO"oA:UllffiV, AOyor; eir; 'CTtV ''01ta1tav'CTtV 'Co'O K'OptO'O '1111rov '1110"01>
XptO"'C01>."32 He establishes his thesis in the opening statement, referring to the
purification as the name of the feast, and in particular highlighting its significance
in the liturgical year:
This feast is called the feast of purifications, but one would not be deceived in
saying that it is the feast of feasts, in calling it the Sabbath of Sabbaths, the
holy feast among holy feasts: it actually recapitulates the entire mystery of the
Incarnation of Christ, it describes the entirety of the presentation of the only-
begotten Son. 33

Hesychius interprets the events of the day through his christological lenses by
stating that "the one who was made a slave for us offered for us to be purified." 34
The purification is for the faithful since Joseph, who was not the father, was not
subject to purification, and neither were Mary nor the newborn child.> Hesychius
argues that Mary has become the antithesis of Eve, by "introducing virginity into
the world," and "containing in her womb the God that creation could not con-
tain."36 A woman was the first to receive Jesus as risen from the dead, the first
to begin to proclaim the resurrection, the first to reveal joy to the disciples.'? Fol-
lowing this seemingly misplaced praise of Mary's elevation of women, Hesychius
ends this section by stating that all of Christ's works, including his circumcision,
baptism, and the purifications in accordance with the law, have been accomplished
for "our" interests." The concluding statement illustrates Christ's liberation of
humanity from captivity by reflecting on the Cross, Christ's enduring spitting, and
delivering Adam from the spitting of malediction.s?
Following a lengthy interpretation of Ezekiel 44:1-2, where Christ permanently
closes the gate of his mother's virginal womb, Hesychius expounds on the gospel
story by elaborating on Syrneon. Hesychius emphasizes Symeon's obedience to
the law and observing of the commandments as a "hearer of God."40 This

32 Hesychius, De Hypapante I, (Aubineau, 24).

33 Ibid., 1-5 (Aubineau, 24).
34 Ibid., 16-18 (Aubineau, 26). See Phil 2:7.
35 Ibid., 2:2-4 (Aubineau, 26).
36 Ibid., 2:16 (Aubineau, 26).
37 Ibid., 2:18-20 (Aubineau, 28).
38 Ibid., 2:25-27 (Aubineau, 28).
39 Ibid., 2:29-31 (Aubineau, 28).
40 Ibid., 4:19-23 (Aubineau, 32).

81
obedience led Symeon to be described as the chair of the master, the throne of
God, the one who held the ruler of all ages in his hands." Hesychius ends this
section with a provocative statement on Symeon's offering Christ, even though
he was not a priest.? Symeon's just and pious qualities made it possible for him
to make this offering, even though he did not hold the priestly liturgical office.
Hesychius offers an absorbing commentary on Symeon's second oracle, the
sword of doubt. He states that the Cross is the sign of contradiction from Luke
2:34,43 and recounts the chronicle of the scene at the Cross, making reference to
those who called for Christ to be crucified, and the faith of the centurion.v' The
different reactions are explained by the mystery of the Cross, which is a scandal
for the Jews and folly for the Greeks.e> The sword that pierces Mary's soul is
one of doubt, in reference to the challenge posed to the community of humans,
of which Mary was still a member.v' He concludes the entire homily by showing
that everyone has been shaken by the mystery of the Cross, including Christ's
own disciples and mother.'?
At first glance, Hesychius's first homily on the Hypapante feast appears to
reveal confusion on the meaning of the feast with his diverse collection of
themes. A brief review of his presentation suggests that the feast had a very
specific meaning and function in Jerusalem's liturgical year. Note that the word
Hypapante only occurs in the title of the homily, and there is no direct implica-
tion of meeting anywhere else. Aubineau suggests that the word reflects the litur-
gical vocabulary of the homilary at the time of its compilation, indicating the
insertion of the name of the feast by the redactors." Hesychius's homily com-
prises a theological statement on the meaning of the day, with no references to
the place, date, or specific liturgical activities. His exegesis rests almost exclu-
sively on Luke 2:24-35, with other references inserted throughout from Mat-
thew, Ezekiel, and the Pauline corpus. The secondary references amplify his
theological theses, with no apparent correspondence to AL.
The contents of the homily emanate from his opening statement. Hesychius
portrays the feast as a special commemoration, a feast of feasts and sabbath of

41 Ibid., 5:5-7 (Aubineau, 34).

42 Ibid., 5:19-25 (Aubineau, 34).
43 Ibid., 8:1 (Aubineau, 40).
44 Ibid., 8:1-7 (Aubineau, 40). Interestingly, Hesychius inserts most of the references from Mat-
thew's Gospel.
45 Ibid., 8:8-10 (Aubineau, 40), quoting 1 Cor 1:23-24.
46 Ibid., 8:14-15 (Aubineau, 40).
47 Ibid., 8:30-32 (Aubineau, 40).
48 Aubineau, 5-6.

82
sabbaths, without providing any particular details on the manner of its celebra-
tion. 49 Everything else in the homily revolves on God's saving work for humani-
ty's benefit. Hesychius's exaltation of Mary and Symeon is secondary to God's
activity. The purpose of Mary's activity was to bring the only-begotten Son of
God into the world to save humanity. Symeon, enabled by the Holy Spirit to
hold God in his hands, through his just and pious character reveals the one who
fashioned the world with his hands. The church needs to be purified, not the
characters of the gospel story. But it is Hesychius's treatment of Symeon's
oracle that comprises the most provocative aspect of the homily. In commenting
on human doubt through several scriptural passages, Hesychius places the mys-
tery of the Cross at the center of the homily. The theme of the Cross fulfills his
opening statement, that the meaning of the feast "recapitulates the entire mys-
tery of the Incarnation of Christ." His homily does not progress in a linear man-
ner, corresponding to the chronological order of the canonical gospels. Instead,
Hesychius clearly has interpreted the mystery of the Incarnation through the
synthetic paschal event, presenting a complete soteriological picture in which
the Incarnation is interpreted through Pascha.
The theological thesis provided by Hesychius's first homily on the Hypapante
could provide a window into the core festal theology of Jerusalem. However, Hesy-
chius's background and preaching style impart potential obstacles. Hesychius, like
most of his contemporaries, preached during an epoch of theological controversy.50
The contents of his homilies include many recurring themes that are not pertinent
to the occasion. 51 One could suggest that Hesychius was imposing his salient Chris-
tology and soteriology on the commemoration of the day, given his pedigree and
the politico-theological climate of the time. The crux of the issue revolves around
whether Hesychius's preaching was formed by the lex orandi of the Church, or
whether he was using the liturgical gathering as a platform for his theological agenda.
This matter can be resolved after all the sources and their contents have been pre-
sented and analyzed in the historical progression of the feast.
Hesychius's second homily on the Hypapante represents many of the same themes
explored in Homily 1.52 Hesychius emphasizes Mariology and the role of the Holy
Spirit here, especially with regards to Symeon and Anna." His treatment of doubt

49 There are no references to processions, special songs, or any special rite.

50 Aubineau shows that Hesychius was a prominent member of Bishop Juvenal's party at the
Council of Ephesus in 431 (Aubineau, introduction, xv). He was also mired in controversy at the
Council in Chalcedon (ibid., xvi-xviii).
51 See Hesychius, De Hypapante I, 2, 3 (Aubineau, 26-30), for his extended commentary on the
ever-virginity of Mary, integral to holding together the mystery of the Incarnation.
52 Homily II appears in Aubineau's edition on pp. 61-75, with an introduction on pp. 44-60.
53 Aubineau,46-49.

83
and the Cross is the same as in the first homily.54 Whereas Symeon was the chair
and throne of God in the first homily, here he has maintained the purity of the
nuptial chamber so that the Spirit could dwell in him, ultimately leading to his
presenting the "Most High" to the human race.v In this homily, Hesychius com-
ments on the role of the prophetess Anna, who has seen the one announced by the
Holy Spirit in Psalm 84(85):1-4, the one who restored the fortunes of Jacob, and
forgave the iniquity of the people and all their sin.56 Anna and Symeon are exalted
for having the proper disposition towards God, and for their thanksgiving in the
gospel story.57
While the contents of this second homily deserve a separate extended analy-
sis, they reveal little new for the purposes of tracing the development of the feast
in Jerusalem. Hesychius's choice of Psalm 84(85) merits attention, as do his
concepts of offering and giving thanks to God in both homilies, manifested here
in his new treatment of Anna. In Homily II, Christ has been presented to the
world through Symeon, and both elders give thanks to God for this knowledge.
The concepts of offering and sacrifice, while not central to Hesychius' s thesis,
might suggest a theological aspect of the feast that merits further development.
Hesychius's preaching priorities make it difficult to mark any sense of develop-
ment from Egeria and AL to his festal homilies. The estimated dating of Homily I
situates him as immediately anterior to AL. However, given the proximity between
AL and Egeria, core elements of the ordo of the feast in AL could date back to the
fourth century. Even so, Hesychius's elucidation of multiple points and exegesis
of numerous scriptural texts lessen the likelihood of the dependence of his homily
on a typikon. Unlike Egeria, he makes no reference to liturgical specifics, such
as processions, fasts, or special blessings. Despite the appearance of Hypapante
in the title of the homily, he offers no reflection on meeting the Lord, nor does he
elucidate the significance of gathering on the fortieth day. Hesychius corresponds
closely to Egeria in his exultation of the significance of the feast as a "feast of
feasts" in his opening statement, evidencing the longevity of its most solemn char-
acteristic. The contents of his homily are based upon the gospel reading from Luke
2:22-35, clearly corresponding to Egeria and AL. Hesychius did not discuss any
of the other readings from the canon in AL.
The most intriguing progression is the emphasis on the soteriological content
of the feast. Hesychius states from the beginning that the feast is a recapitulation

54 Hesychius, De Hypapante II, 10-11 (Aubineau,70).

55 Hesychius, De Hypapante II, 4:2-4 (Aubineau, 64).
56 Hesychius, De Hypapante II, 14:4-8 (Aubineau, 74).
57 Hesychius, De Hypapante II, 15:3 (Aubineau, 74). Hesychius quotes Luke 2:38 in referring to
Anna's action as "'Av9CllIlOAOYEttO t«l ElE«l."

84
of the entire mystery of Christ's Incarnation. The salvation announced by the
psalms in AL's canon strongly resonates with Hesychius's articulation of the
feast's meaning. Hesychius clearly places the Cross and the anamnesis of
Christ's Pascha at the center of the feast, so that all of the day's readings and
events ultimately point to the salvation manifested through that once-and-for-all
event. Egeria and AL do not explicitly reference the theme of the Cross. One
cannot confidently assert that Hesychius fills any of the lacunae of his contem-
poraneous sources, given the charged atmosphere of controversy from which he
emerged. The extent to which he was influenced by the lex orandi surrounding
him is also questionable, since his own use of sources is sporadic. His homily
provides enough points of contact with the other sources to affirm that the Hypa-
pante feast was highly soteriological in nature and enjoyed prominent stature in
the Jerusalemite liturgical year.

v. The Hypapante Feast in the Georgian Lectionary

Michel Tarchnisvili' s critical edition of the Georgian lectionary (GL) comprises

four manuscripts and the fragments of five others, reflecting the liturgy of Jerusa-
lem between the fifth and eighth centuries." Helmut Leeb has demonstrated that
the lectionary was translated from Greek into Georgian, reflecting Jerusalem's
liturgical celebration in the Greek language, and serving as an important source
for the history of liturgical poetry. 59 The lectionary serves as a witness to the
similarity of certain Georgian liturgical terms to the Greek, establishing the pro-
gression of a surviving Greek typikon translated into Armenian to another stage
of the typikon translated into Georgian.w
The four major manuscripts used by Tarchnisvili are defined as P (Georgian
codex 3 of the National Library of Paris), S (Georgian Codex 37 of Sinai), L(Geor-
gian manuscript of Lathal), and Ka (manuscript of Kala)."! P serves as the founda-
tion of the lectionary in its totality, and Tarchnisvili has provided the manuscript
variants in the critical apparatus, most of which occur in L.62

58 Michel Tarchnisvili, Le grand lectionnaire de l'Eglise de Jerusalem V-VIII siecle, Corpus

Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 188, 189,204,205 (Louvain: 1959-1960); and Helmut Leeb,
Die Gesdnge im Gemeindegottesdienst von Jerusalem (Vienna: Herder, 1970) 29.
59 Leeb, 30-31.
60 Ibid., 31. "Weiter deuten in den georgischen Handschriften noch zaltlreiche griechische Lehn-
worter wie 'ibakoy, stik'eroni, kanoni' darauf hin, dass das Lektionar aus einem griechischen Text
tibersetzt wurde."
61 Tarchnisvili, introduction to Le grand lectionnaire, CSCO 189. Ill.
62 Ibid.

85
 GL reveals a new development in the Hypapante feast from the outset by
differentiating the vigil service from the eucharistic liturgy.s> Even earlier, 193-195
contain the rubrics for the commemoration of the prophetess Anna and Father
Ephraim on February 1, with an epistle and gospel reading.v' The following chart
presents the contents of GL for the vigil service.s"

196. February II. The Feast of the Hypapante (Occursus )66

The day before. Troparion (mode) v.. Hail, full ofjoy.
Psalm, mode N: All the ends of the earth. (Ps 97[98]:3)
Verse: The Lord has made known His salvation (the same., 2)
197. Paul to the Corinthians (read Colossians): incipit [inc.] See to it that no one. . . .
2:8-18 6 7
Alleluia, mode VIII: In many-colored robes she is led to him (Ps 44[45]:13-15).68
198. Gospel according to Luke: inc. And when the eight days were completed.... des.
Before he was conceived in his mother's womb. (Luke 2:21)

The celebration of the vigil includes many of the themes already familiar to us.
The title of the liturgical song (troparion) indicates a personal greeting to a particu-
1ar person. This specific greeting is normally reserved for the Mother of God, but
given the core gospel of the feast, it could conceivably be directed to the persons
of Symeon or Anna. The curious appearance of the gospel reading, surprisingly
short, is amplified by the fact that the incipit and desinit of the rubric are truly
included in Luke 2:21. Unfortunately, GL provides no explanation for such a short
selection for the occasion.
The epistle reading provides the most intriguing contents. In Colossians 2:8 (RSV),
the faithful are warned to make sure that they are not deceived by philosophies
in accordance with human tradition instead of Christ. Verse 9 continues, "for in
him (Christ) the whole fullness of deity dwells bodily." Verses 11-14 elucidate the
work God has done in baptism: forgiving the sins of the faithful, and nailing the
bond that had stood against them to the Cross. The significance of this reading,
on the day before the chief festal celebration, strongly resonates with the contents

63 GL, Le grand lectionnaire, CSCO 189, 34-36.

64 GL,34.
65 GL, 34-35.

66 L has an elongated title, with Susceptio in ulnas Simeonis ("The taking in the anus of
Symeon") added.
67 The rubrical instructions state "invenies ab Epiphania VI die," or "found on the sixth day of

Epiphany" (cf. GL, CSCO 189, 27, #131). I have inserted the appropriate reading, but have excluded
the desinit customarily provided, since Tarchnisvili warns that finding the biblical equivalents from
the Georgian rubrics can be difficult (introduction, VI): "Quant 11 !'index biblique que l' on trouvera
11 la fin de notre traduction, nous ferons remarquer que l'identification des texts bibliques n'etait pas
aisee; Ie plus souvent, Ie texte du lectionnaire ne correspond pas au texte georgien imprime et encore
moms au texte qui figure dans les concordances latines or grecques."
68 Both 197 and 198 are omitted in L.

86
of Hesychius's first homily on the feast by recapitulating the entire mystery of
salvation, reinforcing its christological centrality, and placing the Cross at the center
of the feast. The vigil of the feast thus introduces the theme of joy, centered in
a theologically synthetic epistle reading that set the tone for the following day's
liturgy.
The eucharistic liturgy was celebrated the next day, presented by the following
chart: 69
199. At Liturgy. Troparion, mode VIII: Symeon was made like the Nativity.
Psalm, (mode) IV: All the ends of the earth have seen (Ps 97[98]:3).
Verse: The Lord has made known His salvation. (ps 97[98]:2),70
200. First reading, Proverbs. inc. He who loves purity of heart and whose speech is
gracious will have the king as his friend. des. The eyes of the Lord keep watch over
knowledge. (Prov 22:11-18).
201. Second reading, the Wisdom ofSolomon: inc. For old age is not honored for length
of time, nor measured by number of years, but understanding .... des. For the fasci-
nation of wickedness obscures what is good, and roving desire perverts the innocent
mind. (Wis 4:8-12).71
202. Third Reading, Isaiah the prophet: inc. Behold the Lord is riding on a swift cloud
and comes to Egypt, and the idols of Egypt will tremble at his presence.... des. And
I will give over the Egyptians into the hand of a hard master, and a fierce King will rule
over them. (Isa 19:1-4)
203. Fourth Reading, Paul to the Galatians inc. So the law has been our teacher ...
The rest is found on the fourth day of Epiphany. (Gal 3:24-4:7).72 Alleluia, mode viii:
Hear, daughter, consider and incline (Ps 44[45]:11-12.73
204. Gospel according to Luke. inc. And when the time came for the purification
according to the law of Moses.... des. The child Jesus grew and became strong in the
spirit and was filled with wisdom and grace was upon him. (Luke 2:22-40).
205. The washing of the hands, mode IV: Today is ineffable in glory, and today is inef-
fable and invisible.
206. Sanctification (song): Today all praise who.

Like the vigil, the rubrics for the eucharistic liturgy reveal captivating possi-
bilities. The opening song denotes an emphasis on the Nativity and the person of
Symeon. Psalm 97(98) with its verse functions as a repeat from the previous
evening. The readings from Proverbs and the Wisdom of Solomon seem to reflect
on Symeon and Anna with the reference to old age, and also the need to maintain
fidelity to wisdom. This theme fittingly dovetails with the epistle reading from the
vigil.

69 Le grand lectionnaire, CSCO 189, 35-36

70 The verse in L is "Sing to the Lord a new song."
71 This reading is omitted in L.
72 See GL, CSCO 189,26, #125. This reading is prescribed for the eucharistic liturgy on August
15 as well.
73 In 203, MS L uses "Now dismiss your servant, Lord" from Symeon's canticle as the verse.

87
 The Isaiah reading seems misplaced, with the Lord coming on a swift cloud to
deal with those who do not adhere to his name. The reading corresponds to two
previously elaborated points. First, those who are not faithful to the Lord will be
handed over. Second, the unfaithful will meet the Lord, who comes rather sud-
denly.?" The epistle reading, taken from the Epiphany octave, underscores the
finality of God's salvation, since the people are no longer bound to the old law,
but through baptism have been made heirs of God in Christ. This reading, again,
complements the epistle from the vigil. The gospel reading has not changed from
those in the previous sources.
Including the commemoration of the Prophetess Anna on February 1, the cele-
bration of the Hypapante feast has been extended to a three-day commemoration
with a vigil and a eucharistic liturgy. Several additional readings reinforce the
consistent foundation of salvation. The epistle reading from the vigil in particular
reinforces the Christology and soteriology of the Incarnation feast, and the theme
of fidelity to the truth rooted in Christ but contrary to human philosophy contained
in the Old Testament readings and personified by the renewed emphasis on
Symeon and Anna seems to function as an exhortation to remain faithful to the
orthodox teaching of the Incarnation. The reference to the Nativity in the first song
of the liturgy and the connection with the Epiphany octave convey a relationship
between this feast and the Incarnation feasts of the Nativity and Epiphany. Finally,
the appearance of Hypapante in the rubrics and the image of a meeting with the
victorious Lord in the Isaiah reading mark the first explicit appearance of the
meeting theme.
The leading problem in analyzing the contents of the feast in GL emanates from
the nature of Tarchnisvili' s critical edition. GL reflects Jerusalemite liturgy from
the fifth through the eighth centuries, a lengthy time period. The possibility that
any of these critical elements entered into the ordo at different times makes it more
difficult to compare the characterization of GL's canon of the feast to its pre-
sentation in the other sources. Nevertheless, GL's composite elements allow one
to reach two key conclusions on the state of the hagiopolite celebration of the
Hypapante feast between the fifth and eighth centuries. First, GL evidences con-
tinuity with themes previously introduced by the other sources, such as the salience
of the corresponding Incarnation feasts. Second, the striking images of meeting
contained in GL' s readings indicate a new theological development in Jerusalem's
celebration of the feast.
The Hypapante feast displays significant development from Egeria, AL, and
Hesychius to GL. In addition to the core characteristics mentioned above, GL

74 In 202, the Latin incipit includes the word "Ecce."

88
indicates the addition of a vigil on the previous day, which is absent from the other
sources. Renoux's review of the limits of the AL serves as a reminder that its
non-inclusion in the ordo does not necessarily preclude its absence from liturgical
practice. The same principle applies to Egeria's description of the feast. Never-
theless, while a vigil could have been celebrated in the other sources, GL explicitly
confirms its celebration there.
The reference to the fortieth day after an Incarnation feast (Epiphany or Nativ-
ity) is absent in GL. The Hypapante title occurs on February 2, forty days after
the commemoration of the Nativity ofthe Lord on December 25 in GL.75 This new
development provides evidence that the Nativity feast has been permanently
separated from Epiphany in GL, and that the reference to the fortieth day has been
supplanted by Hypapante. While GL does not further elucidate the significance
of these changes, they could suggest that the notion of meeting has replaced the
fortieth day as the central theme of the commemoration. GL does not indicate the
location of the station.?"
Psalm 97(98):3, the opening psalm of the eucharistic liturgy in AL, now func-
tions as the psalm for the vigil service in GL. The epistle reading (Gal 3:24-29)
of AL has been lengthened in GL. Psalm 95(96) before the gospel in AL has been
replaced by Psalm 44(45) of GL, and all of the Old Testament readings in GL are
new. The brief reference to the circumcision from the vigil gospel reading (Luke
2:21) serves as a bridge to the reading of the next day.??
GL indicates the presence of specific songs positioned at various places of the
vigil and liturgy. Each song has a slightly different function, and GL provides a
hint at the thematic content of the song by providing the incipit.t" No parallel
should be made to Egeria's ambiguous multiple references to hymns, since she
may have been referring to the psalm antiphons (provided by AL), or something
completely different. The role of Symeon and the inclusion of the Nativity are the

75 See GL, CSCO 189, 9-14, nos. 2-31.

76 Baldovin believes that either the Anastasis or Martyrium, cited respectively by Egeria and AL,
could be the station in GL (75).
77 See GL, CSCO 189, 17, no. 65 for the commemoration of the Circumcision of the Lord on
January 1.
78 Leeb analyzes the structure and function of each component in Die Gesdnge im Gemeinde-
gottesdienst von Jerusalem. Note that the contemporary definition of troparion should not be
imposed on Tarchnisvili' s Latin translation of the Georgian. He uses troparion as a stock term for
each component, which in reality has its own title and function in Jerusalernite worship. Particularly
pertinent is Leeb's discussion in 157-58 of the origins of the term troparion in Constantinople, its
absence in Jerusalem, and the difference between hypakoi and troparion.

89
only references to concrete thematic ideas. The song at the vigil reveals an atmo-
sphere of joy. While these themes echo and complement the message of the
readings, they do not reveal any particularly new idea or practice.
In summary, the Hypapante feast has evolved into an extended celebration with
the inclusion of a vigil and the commemoration of the Prophetess Anna, a shift
in the emphasis of the title, an enhanced focus on the role of Symeon, and
provocative references to the concept of meeting in the title and the reading from
Isaiah. The following comprehensive comparative chart, which illustrates the
progression of the feast from one source to the next, includes only components
definitively described by each source:"?
Canon Order Titles Egeria AL Hesychios GL Vigil GLLitorgy
Time Period 381-384 417-439 411-416 400-700 400-700
Title Fortieth X
Day after
Epiphany
Fortieth X
Day after
Nativity
Hypapante X X X
Liturgical Vigil X
Offices Eucharistic X X X X
Liturgy
Station Anastasis X
Martyrium X
Psalm/Antiphon X X
97 (98)
Epistle: X
Col 2:8-18
Epistle: X X 80
Gal 3:24-29
Alleluia Ps 95(96) X
Ps 44(45) X
Old Testament X
Readings:
Proverbs,
Wisdom, Isaiah
Gospel: X
Luke 2:21
Gospel: X X X X
Luke 2:22-40
Ecclesiastical X X
Poetry

79 Thus, while ecclesiastical poetry might have been included in the Jerusalemite offices during
the periods of Egeria and AL, they are omitted since the sources do not definitively specify them.

90
VI. Meeting the Lord in Procession

Liturgists who have written about the Hypapante feast have focused on the tradi-
tion of processing with candles to meet the Lord." The feast in Rome, introduced
with processions by Pope Sergius (687-701), includes an elaborate stational pro-
cession with the clergy in dark vestments and all the faithful bearing candles by
the late eighth century.'< In Constantinople, a standard stational procession occurred
between Matins and Liturgy by the tenth century, with more elaboration added by
the fourteenth century.'" The authors attribute the origins of these processions to
Jerusalem and the source of this tradition to the noble woman Ikelia. The monk
Cyril of Scythopolis (+558), writing about the life of Abba Theodosius of Pales-
tine around 530, provides the brief description of Ikelia' s role in establishing this
practice: "UU1:T\ Of 1:61:E "J!UKUptU 'IKEAtu1tucruvEucrEBetm; aMv t~UcrK"crUcrU
KU1:EOEt~EV tv 1tpo)'tOt~ J!E1:U xnpirov ytVEOeat 1:"V u1tumxv1:T\crtV 1:0U crro1:f1po~
"J!cov8£OU."84The year 450 has been established as the approximate date of the
establishment of this practice. Bert Groen has attempted to reconstruct the proces-
sion with candles, describing a journey made by the clergy and faithful of Jerusa-
lem southwards towards Bethlehem, the purpose of the trip "to meet the Lord, an
occursus domini, comparable to the honours given to civilian and ecclesiastical
dignitaries visiting a city." 85 Groen follows the argument presented by Heinzgerd
Brakmann, whose work focuses on the origins and meaning of the procession with
candles. Brakmann analyzes Egeria's descriptions of stational liturgy, with particu-
lar emphasis on the adherence of the entire community, clergy and people, to the
event and its place in Jerusalem.v' In attempting to contextualize the procession
attributed to Ikelia, he looks to New Testament occurrences of u1tumxv1:E/meeting,

80 The GL reading is longer, Gal 3:24-4:7.

81 The following articles have explored the origins of the feast in Jerusalem and its development
in Rome and Constantinople: Bert Groen, "The Festival of the Presentation of the Lord: Its Origin,
Structure, and Theology in the Byzantine and Roman Rites," in ChristianFeastand Festival: the Dynam-
ics afWestern Liturgyand Culture, ed. P. Post, G. Rouwhorst, L. Van Tongeren, and A. Scheer, Liturgia
Condenda 12 (Leuven: Peeters, 2001) 345-82; Kenneth Stevenson, "The Origins and Development
of Candlemas: A Struggle for Identity and Coherence," Ephemerides Liturgicae 102 (1988) 316-46;
Heinzgerd Brakmann, " 'H UIt<XltCtv'tT] 'tou Kuptou: Christi Lichtmess im friihchristlichen Jerusalem,"
in Crossroads of Cultures: StudiesinLiturgyandPatristicsinHonorof GabrieleWinkler, ed. H.-J. Feulner,
Elena Velkovska, and Robert Taft, Orientalia Christiana Analecta 260 (Rome: 2000) 151-72.
82 Baldovin, 122, 138.
83 Stevenson, 327.

84 Hermann Usener, ed., DerHeilige Theodosius: Schriftendes Theodoros und Kyrillos(Hildesheim:

1975) 106.
85 Groen, 350.
86 Brakmann, 155. He emphasizes the amount of stamina required by the assembly to sustain the
journey of each feast.

91
specifically the parable of the young maidens bearing lamps to meet the bride-
groom in Matthew 25:1-13, and the crowds meeting the Lord upon his entrance
into Jerusalem in John 12:12-19. 87 Brakmann then focuses on Egeria' s use of occur-
sus, describing the meetings she had with the holy monks, presbyters, and bishops
recorded in her diary, and the description of the Jerusalemite assembly going out
to meet the Lord in the stational liturgy of Palm Sunday.w Groen finds Brakmann's
presentation of several culturally and ecclesiastically known paradigms of meet-
ing applicable to Ikelia's candle procession.s?
The hypothesis above, if accepted, situates the candle procession as posterior
to Egeria, Hesychius, and the AL, and either anterior or contemporaneous with
the GL. Acceptance of Brakmann's argument poses the possibility that a similar
procession took place in Egeria's and Hesychius's Jerusalem. The cultural and
ecclesial understanding of meeting is central to Brakmann' s argument, and all such
notions are absent from the descriptions of Egeria and Hesychius.?? The connec-
tion to AL can be made only if Psalm 97 (98): 13 is interpreted as an image of
meeting the Lord, but this hypothesis is uncertain at best. The meeting theme is
present in GL in both the title and the Isaiah reading, but its broad date range makes
it difficult to affirm a sure connection. The fifth-century testimony of processions
with candles on this feast covers most of GL' s date range. One can thus assert that
the candle procession was a part of the feast's celebration during the time of GL,
a detail simply not included in the particular rubrics of this typikon. This pro-
cession and its association with the theme of meeting the Lord reflect a later
development in Jerusalemite liturgy.

VII. The Central Theme of the Feast

The comparative chart above shows that the sources agree on only one compo-
nent for the central theme of the Hypapante feast, namely the gospel reading of
Luke 2:22-40. Egeria's and Hesychius' s descriptions in particular provide several
possible themes, two of which were eventually rooted in both western and eastern
churches. These are the Purification of Mary and the Presentation of Jesus.
The Purification of Mary and the association of this feast with Marian themes
began to take root in the West in the seventh century, becoming more firmly

Ibid., 163.
87
Ibid., 164-65.
88
89 Groen, 350.
90 Aubineau convincingly demonstrated that the Hypapante title of Hesychius' s homilies was added
during the period of the homilary's compilation.

92
entrenched by the tenth century,"! While the Byzantine churches have maintained
the theme of meeting in the title of the feast, the liturgical rubrics are also marked
by Marian elements, leading some to argue that the feast is Marian while others
claim it is dominical.v? Groen even provides a summary of the development of
the churching rite of the mother in the Byzantine East, its dependence on elements
ofthe Hypapante feast, and references a contemporary movement to make changes
to the churching rite. 93 This dependence on Luke 2:22-40 reveals a literal historical
following of the chronology and the details of the text, but does not correspond
to the theological emphases of the feast as presented by the hagiopolite sources.
First, a focus on the need for purification compromises the sense of joy and
preeminence all the sources ascribe to the feast. Hesychius also made it clear that
even though the feast was commonly referred to as one of purification, neither
Mary, Joseph, nor the Lord needed to be purified. None of the readings in any of
the sources support the centrality of the purification theme.
The propensity to follow the details of a gospel story and shape the liturgical cele-
bration around a specific theme seems to follow the path of historicism. Brakmann' s
review of the Jerusalemite ecclesial community's adherence to gospel details with
regards to event and location seems to correspond to the observance of the Hypa-
pante feast on the fortieth day after Epiphany/Nativity" The significance of the
fortieth day seems to support a historical mimesis of the event, as the community
follows the pattern set by the gospel story. The interpretation of the purpose of
gathering at the Anastasis is a critical point in the historical function of the feast.
Baldovin states that the Anastasis was understood as the New Temple, so the gathering
there could be a mimesis of the journey of Mary, Joseph, and Jesus to the Temple
as recorded in the gospel reading." The celebration of feasts in the Jerusalem of
Egeria's epoch was not always marked by historical reproduction. The Ascension
feast, clearly corresponding to Acts I, is absent from her diary, as is the celebration
of the Lord's supper in the Upper Room on Holy Thursday." Robert Taft has

91 See Stevenson, 330-41.

92 See summary by Groen, 356-57. The rubrics for the contemporary Byzantine celebration of the
feast are in The Festal Menaion, trans. Mother Mary and Kallistos Ware (South Canaan, Pa.: St.
Tikhon's Seminary Press, 1969, 1990) 406-34. The Prokeimenon for the liturgy, taken from the Magni-
ficat (Luke 1:46-55), is one hint among many of a Marian tendency.
93 Groen, 360-64.
94 Brakmann, 155.
95 John Baldovin, Liturgy in Ancient Jerusalem, AlcuiniGROW Liturgical Study 9; Grove Litur-
gical Study 57 (Nottingham: 1989) 36. Also see Wilkinson, 60-64.
96 Robert Taft, "Historicism Revisited," in his Beyond East and West: Problems in Liturgical Under-
standing, 2nd ed. (Rome: Edizioni Orienta1ia Christiana, Pontifical Oriental Institute, 1997) 24.

93
suggested that interest in the places associated with key events in Christ's life is
normal, especially for pilgrims.?? Baldovin demonstrated that Jerusalemite liturgy
was affected more by the construction of an enormous and impressive building
complex, changing the face of the topography, and creating space that was condu-
cive to a mobile and processional form of worship." From this, one can conclude
that the Hypapante feast was certainly affected by a recently accentuated aware-
ness of the places historically associated with Christ's life, but that other factors
more significantly contribute to the shape and meaning of the feast.
Anton Baumstark elucidated an important principle regarding the development
of feasts, namely that the great feasts of primitive Christianity were not originally
historical commemorations of a particular event or story from the life of Christ,
but were instituted to give expression to great religious ideas. 99 Robert Taft has
summarized the application of this principle to the emergence of the Epiphany and
Nativity feasts in the fourth century:
Analogous forces were at work in the origins and development of the Nativity-
Epiphany cycle and its theology. These feasts were introduced in the fourth cen-
tury for apologetic reasons, and not because of any "historicizing" impulse to
celebrate the anniversary of Jesus's birth and baptism. A scrutiny of the sources
on the origins and meaning of both feasts shows that they were both celebra-
tions of the same thing, the mystery of the appearance of God in Jesus, and not
of historic events. The event was the medium through which the mystery was
manifested, and served as scenario for its liturgical anamnesis.I"?

The chronicle of the church's struggle to articulate her theology in an atmosphere

of christological confusion is particularly acute in the fourth century, in which the
first two "ecumenical" councils occurred, and from which emerged the Nicene-
Constantinopolitan Creed. The career and context of Cyril of Jerusalem (+386)
comprises a key testimony to the controversy. As the ecclesiastical allegiances of
emperors and bishops changed hands (Arian or Orthodox), Cyril was deposed and
restored at least four times, finally finding himself included among the fathers at

97 Ibid.
98 Baldovin, The Urban Character of Christian Worship, 104.
99 Anton Baumstark, Comparative Liturgy, rev. Bernard Botte, Eng. ed. F. L. Cross (Westminster,
Md.: Newman, 1958) 157: "Before going further we must mention a fact of universal occurrence
which will be self-evident to all who study Liturgies from the comparative point of view. It is that the
great feasts of primitive Christianity were by nature not historical commemorations of such and such
an episode in the sacred history, but were instituted rather to give expression to great religious ideas."
100 Taft, "Historicism Revisited," 25.

94
the Council of Constantinople in 381. 10 1 His catechetical lectures to those pre-
paring to be baptized includes polemical condemnation of various heretics, in-
cluding Gnostics, Valentinians, and Marcionists, evidence that he endeavored to
stamp out heretical teachings anterior to Arianism.w- Like many other metropoli-
ses of the time, Jerusalem was a host to multiple christological heresies, and the
leaders of the church utilized their surroundings, including church edifices, arti-
facts, and feasts to amplify orthodox theology.
Susan Roll presents a complex development of the Incarnation feast, with multiple
factors contributing to its emergence and development in different parts of the
Christian world. 103 While she grants that the "real impetus for the institution of this
feast (Christmas) lay in disputes over doctrine," she also guards against the institu-
tion of the feast as an anti-Arian antidote. 104 Roll shows that the Nicene movement
had essentially triumphed by the time the Incarnation feast appeared in the East,
and that the later neo-Arianism of the time would likely have had little interest in
the Incarnation. 105 The Nestorian controversy and the Council of Ephesus in 431
impacted Christmas by leaving "strong Marian overtones" that served as a medium
for defining Christ's divine nature. 106 Roll's overview of the development of Christ-
mas from the perspectives of Christology and inculturation assists in striking a
balance between historicism and the infiltration of Christology into the liturgical
year. This discussion pertains to the Hypapante feast because of its obvious connec-
tion with the Nativity and Epiphany. The feast reflects back on Epiphany and the
Nativity from Egeria (the title) through GL (the repeated readings from the Epiphany
octave, and the references to Nativity in the ecclesiastical poetry).
The origins of the christological concern can be traced to the author of the
gospel reading for the day, Luke the Evangelist. Raymond Brown asserts that the
purification of Mary and presentation of Jesus do not playa prominent role in
the gospel story.l''? These themes are transitory in the story, utilized by Luke to
establish the setting in the Temple for the passage's substance, which occurs in

101 St. Cyril of Jerusalem, Lectures on the Christian Sacraments, ed. F. L. Cross (Crestwood,
N.Y.: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1995) xx-xxi.
102 See TOY EN ArIOn: IIATPO~ HMaN KYPIAAOY IEPO~OA'¥MQN APXIEIII~KOIIOY TA
~nZOMENA, vol. 2, ed. Josephus Rupp (Monad: Sumtibus Librariae Lentnerianae, 1848-1860), KlX'tT\xf1m~
OWOEKlX1:Tt q>W1:t~6I!EVWV XVI.6, 7 (Rupp, 210), for examples: (6) "Oi yap 1tEpt 1taV'tlX UvOOtOO1:lX1:0t
lXipE'ttKot KlXt KlX1:a 1:0\) ayio\) 1tVE'6l!lX1:0~." (7): "MtoEio9woav KlXt MlXPKtWVICJ1:lXL"
103 'This section follows Susan Roll, Toward the Origins of Christmas (Kampen: Kok Pharos,

1995) 27-35, 165-225.

104 Ibid., 32, 174.
105 Ibid., 174.

106 Ibid., 181.

107 Raymond E. Brown, The Birth of the Messiah: A Commentary on the Infancy Narratives in
the Gospels of Matthew and Luke, rev. ed. (New York: Doubleday, 1993) 446.

95
the two oracles of Symeon.t'" Luke portrays Symeon and Anna as faithful
people, fasting and praying in anticipation of the fulfillment which is manifested
in the sanctuary of the Temple.P? Brown shows how Symeon's canticle (Luke
2:28-33) applies to the totality of God's salvific work in Christ's crucifixion and
resurrection, which could reflect the theological proclamation of the passage by
someone in Luke's community.U? The accomplishment of the mystery, posi-
tioned at the center of the gospel story, evidences the priority of theology and
Christology, as opposed to a mimesis of Jewish process of birth, circumcision,
presentation, and purification.111 Brown clearly demonstrates that Luke preceded
the fathers of the fourth century in founding this gospel pericope on Christology.
This assistance recruited from biblical scholarship corresponds to the theol-
ogy revealed by the lex orandi described by Egeria, Hesychius, AL, and GL.
Hesychius in particular defines the feast as the recapitulation of the entire mys-
tery of Christ's Incarnation from the very beginning, and places the mystery of
the Cross at the center of his homily. All of the sources demonstrate the rela-
tionship of the Hypapante with the Nativity and Epiphany feasts. This connec-
tion is not limited to the position of the pericope in the gospel story, but is
actually substantially manifested in the collection of ideas in the feast. The wide
variety of themes, seemingly misplaced at times, begins to make sense if the
fortieth day after the inauguration of the Incarnation feast is understood to func-
tion as the repository of all the theological themes celebrated throughout those
forty days. The breadth of the liturgical proclamation, especially the manifesta-
tion of God in the Psalms, the proclamation of joy, the meeting of a God who
comes to judge, and the affirmation of both his humanity and divinity confirms
the rank of this feast as one of special significance according to Egeria, and a
feast of feasts according to Hesychius. In the Hypapante feast, the fortieth day
holds this unique function of collecting all of these themes and celebrating them
in one synthetic gathering. The Hypapante feast in Jerusalem thus shows how
historicism served as a medium for the communication of the primary theologi-
cal assertion of Christianity, namely the salvation of all humanity manifested in
Christ who was born of a virgin, and who rose from the dead on the third day.
Despite the differences in the details of the contents of the Jerusalemite litur-
gical sources for the Hypapante feast, they are unanimous in agreeing that the
feast enjoyed a high rank in the liturgical year, served as a repository for the
themes of the Incarnation feasts inaugurated forty days earlier, and celebrated

108 Ibid., 448-51.

109 Ibid., 452-53.
110 Ibid., 455.
111 Ibid., 444.

96
the fullness of the mystery of God's salvation of humanity. A participant at any
of the liturgical synaxes of this period would have this message imprinted upon
them through the solemnity of the proceedings, the readings, the homilies, and
the processions. The unique function of the fortieth day in this festal occasion
was opportunistic. The gospel reading, the most consistent element across the
sources, provided the material to sum up everything that had been celebrated the
previous forty days. The shape of the reading itself helps elucidate the role his-
toricism played in Jerusalem's commemoration of this feast. The core theme of
Christ's accomplished mystery is found in the context of Luke's text, and it
seems that the Jerusalemite community was simply following suit and allowing
the text to shape the meaning of the occasion. The uniqueness of the forty days
in the Hypapante feast is directly connected to the organic development of the
Incarnation feasts. Its repository function should not necessarily be imposed on
other time periods of the liturgical year. ll2 ~
The Hypapante feast evolved as it was adopted by the churches of West and
East, and a call to restore its fourth to eighth century shape is not in order. This
study serves the purpose of contributing to a deeper understanding of the shape
and structure of the liturgical year for all Christian communities. The possibili-
ties for a more meaningful celebration of Christ's Incarnation feast are tremen-
dous when the proceedings reveal the entire mystery of his salvation. The
Jerusalemite Hypapante feast reveals the power of anamnesis, the role of the
Holy Spirit in gathering all of the pieces together to form a whole. In the Byzan-
tine liturgy of St. John Chrysostom, the assembly remembers not only the Cross,
the tomb, the rising on the third day, the resurrection and the ascension, but also
the second and glorious coming, an event that is still anticipated.v'" This unique
anamnetic approach, so powerfully manifested in the shape of the Hypapante
feast, can enrich the meaning of the feasts of the entire liturgical year, so that
every gospel story, every liturgical element in some way refers to the fullness of
the mystery that has been accomplished in Christ. As a starting point, the full-
ness of the Hypapante feast in Jerusalem provides an initial possibility to under-
stand the core meaning of the February 2 feast in today's western and eastern
churches, so that the interpretation of the feast results in a clear understanding of
the core meaning instead of confusion.

112 The issue could be explored, especially the similarity of the end of the octave in the Byzantine
rite, the apodosis, or leavetaking of the feast, which appears to have the same function.
113 See The Divine Liturgy according to St. John Chrysostom, 2nd ed. (South Canaan, Pa.: St.
Tikhon's Seminary Press, 1977) 65: "Remembering this saving commandment and all those things
which have come to pass for us: the Cross, the Tomb.... and the second and glorious coming."

97